See

discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at:

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/240432818

Discursive Practices, Genealogies, and

Emotional Rules: A Poststructuralist View
on Emotion and Identity in Teaching

Article in Teaching and Teacher Education November 2005

DOI: 10.1016/j.tate.2005.06.005

CITATIONS READS

132 943

1 author:

Michalinos Zembylas
Open University of Cyprus
239 PUBLICATIONS 3,915 CITATIONS

SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Critical posthumanism, the affective turn and socially just pedagogies in higher education
View project

Revolutionary love in culture of conflict in school View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Michalinos Zembylas on 31 August 2015.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. All in-text references underlined in blue are added to the original document
and are linked to publications on ResearchGate, letting you access and read them immediately.
 ARTICLE IN PRESS

Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948

www.elsevier.com/locate/tate

Discursive practices, genealogies, and emotional rules: A

poststructuralist view on emotion and identity in teaching
Michalinos Zembylas
Intercollege, Cyprus and Michigan State University, 46 Makedonitissas Ave., Nicosia 1700, Cyprus

Abstract

This paper invokes a poststructuralist lensand, in particular, Foucauldian ideasin conceptualizing teacher
emotions as discursive practices. It is also argued that within this theoretical framework, teacher identity is theorized as
constantly becoming in a context embedded in power relations, ideology, and culture. In terms of the methodology used
when studying teacher identity and emotion through this lens, it is shown that long-term ethnographic investigations
offer important advantages. This is shown through an ethnographic study of the emotions of teaching with one teacher
over three years (19971999) and a semester long follow-up study with the same teacher four years later (spring 2003).
The contribution of this study in what is presently known about teacher emotions in educational settings consists in the
following three ideas: rst, that emotional rules in teaching are historically contingent; second, that a teacher plays a
part in her own emotional control; and third, that a teachers identity is constituted in relation to the emotional rules in
the context in which she/he teaches. The contribution of a poststructuralist perspective in research on teacher emotion is
discussed and analyzed.
r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Poststructuralism; Discursive practices; Emotion; Teacher identity; Emotional rules

1. Introduction The construct of teacher identity as coherent,

In recent years questions of teacher identity
have attained a remarkable attention within
education discourses (Connelly & Clandinin,
1999; Danielewicz, 2001; Haywood & Martin,
1997; Miller Marsh, 2002a, b; Moore, Edwards,
Halpin, & George, 2002; Weber & Mitchell, 1995).
Tel.: +357 22357661.
E-mail address: zembylas@mail.msu.edu.
bounded, individualized, intentional, the locus of
thought, action, and belief, the origin of its own
actions, the beneciary of a unique biography
(Rose, 1998, p. 3) has been called into question in
the light of wider social and cultural changes (e.g.
globalization, neoliberalism) as well as theoretical
developments in the human and social sciences
(e.g. poststructuralism, deconstructionism). In
particular, poststructuralist theorizations of iden-
tity (Cornell, 2000; Holstein & Gubrium, 2000;

0742-051X/$ - see front matter r 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.tate.2005.06.005
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
936 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
Nicholson & Seidman, 1995) have contributed to
the deconstruction of many assumptions about
teacher identity by examining the constitutive and
productive power relations of pedagogic interac-
tions and discursive practices. Drawing upon
poststructuralist views, teacher identity has
come to be regarded in some sense as being more
contingent and fragile than previously thought and
thus open for re-construction.
Margolis (1998) argues that this constant
(re)construction of boundaries around the consti-
tution of identity and the self is what emotions are
all about. Emotions are not private reactive
responses to events but are socially organized
and managed through social conventions, com-
munity scrutiny, legal norms, familial obligations
and religious injunctions (Rose, 1990, p. 1).
Therefore, power, agency and resistance are at
the center of exploring the role of emotion and
identity in teaching. Poststructuralist theory ac-
knowledges the constitutive effects of emotions as
discursive practices (Abu-Lughod & Lutz, 1990)
and thus a discursive understanding of emotion in
teaching provides a useful theoretical tool in
analyzing the place of emotion in the constitution
of teacher identity.
This paper examines the ways in which emotion
is interwoven with issues of power, identity and
resistance in teaching. I have previously argued
how much of the current literature on emotion
in education is framed around interpersonal
aspects of emotion and leaves largely unrecognized
the power relations involved and the role of
culture and ideology (Zembylas, 2003a, b). Such
analyses are often reduced to simple dicho-
tomies between private and public, and genuine
or fake emotional expressions. In this paper, I
argue that poststructuralist ideas of identity and
emotion can help educators better analyze the
complexities of emotional rules (Zembylas,
2002b) in teaching and explore the role of
emotional practices through which teacher iden-
tity is constituted.
Based upon an ethnographic study of teacher
emotion (Zembylas, 2004), this paper critically
analyzes the discursive practices that underlie the
place of emotions in how the identity of a
teacherctitiously named Catherine Myers
comes to be constituted and assigned to her
through teaching discourses, practices, and per-
formances. I argue that several key ideas drawn
from Michel Foucault (1977, 1980, 1983a, b, 1988,
1990ac) can contribute to the construction of
genealogies of emotions in teaching, in other words,
accounts of the strategies and tactics that have
taken place in various emotional practices at
different moments in relation to ones teaching.
The contribution of these genealogies of sub-
jectication (Rose, 1998) is an exploration of the
conditions under which teacher emotions are
shaped and performed, to discover how they might
be disciplined, to destabilize and denaturalize
the regime that demands the expression of certain
emotions and the disciplining of others, and to
elucidate the emotional rules that are imposed and
the boundaries entailed by those rules. The place
of emotion in teacher identity formation plays a
central role in the circuits of power that constitute
some teacher-selves while denying others. The
critical understanding of these processes of dis-
cipline and domination in teaching is crucial, if we
are to promote the possibility of creating new
forms of teacher-selves.
The rst part of this paper describes how
poststructuralist views of emotion and identity
inform an ethnographic study of teacher emotion.
In the next part, I analyze the methodological
consequences and/or challenges as a result of
studying teacher identity through a poststructur-
alist view of emotion. The following part makes
concrete these concepts through the representation
of three themes in Catherines teaching practices.
Finally, I discuss how this work informs what is
presently known about teacher emotions in
education.
2. Poststructural views of emotion and identity
Educators have become increasingly interested
about the role of emotion in teaching (see e.g.
Blackmore, 1996; Day & Leitch, 2001; Golby,
1996; Hargreaves, 1998a, b, 2000, 2001; Jeffrey &
Woods, 1996; Lasky, 2000; Little, 1996, 2000;
Nias, 1996; Schmidt, 2000; Schutz & DeCuir,
2002; Sutton & Wheatley, 2003; Winograd, 2003).
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
Several empirical and theoretical studies have
provided detailed accounts of teacher emotions
and the role they play in teachers professional
and personal development. Many of these studies
are inspired by sociological (and psychological)
perspectives on emotions. Most sociological stu-
dies on this subject emphasize how teacher
emotions are socially constructed but assume a
givingness to teacherself and identitythe pro-
cesses of social construction pertain only to how
social situations shape the expression and experi-
ence of teachers emotional states. On the other
hand, poststructuralist studies examine the role of
culture, power, and ideology in creating emotion
discourses and highlight how teachers participate
in this process by adopting or resisting these
discourses (see e.g. Boler, 1999; Zembylas, 2002a);
these studies emphasize the role of language and
social practices and avoid privileging self-con-
sciousness.
In adopting a poststructuralist framework, the
central argument is that emotion is a discursive
practice. By that it is meant that the words used to
describe emotions are not simply names for
emotion entities, preexisting situations with
coherent characteristics; rather, these words are
themselves actions or ideological practices that
serve specic purposes in the process of creating
and negotiating reality (Lutz, 1988). Therefore,
such an approach emphasizes the role language
and culture play in constituting the experience of
emotion. Emotion functions as a discursive
practice in which emotional expression is produc-
tivethat is to say, it makes individuals into
socially and culturally specic persons engaged in
complex webs of power relations.
In other words, power is an integral part of all
discourses about emotions because power rela-
tions determine what can, cannot, or must be said
about self and emotion, what is taken to be true or
false about them, and what only some individuals
can say about them [y]. The real innovation is in
showing how emotion discourses establish, assert,
challenge, or reinforce power or status differences
(Abu-Lughod & Lutz, 1990, p. 14). Abu-Lughod
and Lutz argue that such an understanding of
emotion leads us to a more complex view of the
multiple, shifting, and contested meanings possible
937
in emotional utterances and interchanges, and
from there to a less monolithic concept of
emotion (1990, p. 2).
In general, my conception of emotion in this
paper rests on two important assumptions:
1. Emotions are not private or universal and are
not impulses that simply happen to passive
sufferers (the Aristotelian view). Instead, emo-
tions are constituted through language and
refer to a wider social life. This view challenges
any sharp distinction between the private
domain (the existentialist and the psychoanaly-
tic concern) and the public domain (the
structuralist concern).
2. Power relations are inherent in emotion talk
and shape the expression of emotions by
permitting us to feel some emotions while
prohibiting others (for example, through moral
norms and explicit social values, e.g. efciency,
objectivity, neutrality). Unavoidably, then, re-
sistance is a part and power is productive
(Foucault, 1977).
By using the preceding set of assumptions to
study teacher emotions, we can move beyond
theories that psychologize emotions and treat
them as internalized (such as psychoanalysis) or
structural theories that emphasize how struc-
tures shape the individual (such as Marxism). In
my conception of emotion, teacher emotions are
not private, nor merely the effects of outside
structures, nor simply language-laden, but are
performativethat is, the ways in which teachers
understand, experience, perform, and talk about
emotions are highly related to their sense of
identity. Thus, teacher identity can be studied in
the classroom and other school settings where
teachers are emotionally engaged in how their
selves come to be constituted.
By recognizing the role power relations play in
constructing emotions, my conception of emotion
directs attention to an exploration of the personal,
cultural, political, and historical aspects of teacher
identity formation. For this reason, I term this
work genealogies of emotions in teaching. Follow-
ing Foucaults (1983a, b, 1984) genealogical meth-
od, I argue that constructing genealogies of
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
938 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
emotions in teaching casts light on how emotions
are located and represented in teachers pedagogies
and teachers personal and professional develop-
ment. In particular, genealogies of teacher emo-
tions describe events, objects, persons and their
relationships that are present or absent in the
realization of emotions, and the ways that these
emotions are experienced in relation to the
teacherself (individual reality), the others (social
interactions) and the school politics and culture in
general (sociopolitical context). In particular,
Foucaults ideas help us to situate genealogies of
emotions in teaching and examine their complex-
ities in several ways.
2.1. Problematizing emotion and identity from a
Foucauldian perspective
First, Foucault (1980, 1983b, 1990ac) offers an
understanding of the constitution of self within a
historical framework of how meaning intersects
with experience, regarding others and ourselves as
both objects and subjects of experienceas
simultaneously a subject and subject to. Conse-
quently, the focus of analysis of the self and ones
experiences is on the discourse of experience rather
than on the experience itself. The experience itself
does not constitute self-knowledge. Only by
interrogating the discursive place from which
questions of identity are posed can we trace how
identity is subjected to the social and historical
context of practices and discourses (Bhabha,
1987). For Foucault, discourses do not simply
reect or describe reality, knowledge, experience,
self, social relations, social institutions, and
practices; rather, they play an integral role in
constituting (and being constituted by) them. In
and through these discourses we ascribe to
ourselves bodily feelings, emotions, intentions,
and all the other psychological attributes that
have for so long been attributed to a unied self.
In this sense, subjects do their emotions; emotions
do not just happen to them. This is precisely where
an examination of how and why subjects are
constituted as such opens the possibility of
creating new forms of subjectivity.
Second, Foucault (1977, 1980, 1983a, b) inter-
rogates the discursive and disciplinary places
from which questions of identity are posed and
insists that it is impossible to claim any authen-
tic self that is coherent and unied. He uses
the term subjectivity instead of self-identity
to describe the manifold ways in which indivi-
duals are historically constituted (Rose, 1990).
The concept of subjectivity implies that self-
identity, like society and culture, is fractured,
multiple, contradictory, contextual, and regulated
by social norms. Subjectivity is produced, nego-
tiated, and reshaped through discursive practices
(Rose, 1998). As such, the self is continuously
constituted, never completed, never fully coherent,
never completely centered securely in experience.
Technologies of the self, as Foucault explains,
permit individuals to effect by their own means
or with the help of others a certain number of
operations on their own bodies and souls,
thoughts, conduct, and way of being (1988,
p. 18). Thus, individuals play a large part in their
own control.
Finally, Foucaults (1980, 1983b) conception of
power offers a useful way of conceptualizing
power relations, agency and subjectivity. Power,
according to Foucault, is dispersed, manifest in
discursive practices, and exercised; it is not a
possession, but it is unstable and localized.
Discourses produce power, which in turn con-
tinuously produce and constitute the self (Fou-
cault, 1977, 1983a). This discursive production of
the self is both constraining and liberating; thus,
identity is understood through resistance and
domination. Foucault (1990a) maintained that
where there is power there is resistance (p. 95),
suggesting that power and resistance together
define agency; the notion that self-identity or
agency exists prior to the interplay between power
and resistance is problematic. Attending to the
local manifestations of power allows one to track
resistances, to be critical, and to develop strategies
for (re)constituting ones power relations. The
problem is not changing peoples consciousness
or whats in their headsbut the political,
economic, institutional regime of the production
of truth (Foucault, 1990a, p. 135). In other
words, people choose among various discourses
that are available to them or act to resist those
discourses. From a Foucauldian perspective, no
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
discourse is inherently liberating or oppressive
(Johannesson, 1998). The focus on this notion of
power informs a study of teacher emotion because
it turns our attention toward examining dominant
and/or resistant discourses and teaching practices
and their effect on teachers. A genealogy of
emotions in teaching identies these possibilities
and reminds us of the potential to subvert
normalizing practices.
3. Methodology of studying teacher emotions
In light of the above ideas, the analysis here
examines the following questions:
1. How are emotional rules in teaching historically
contingent?
2. How does Catherine play a part in her own
emotional control?
3. How is Catherines identity constituted in
relation to emotional rules in the context of
the school in which she teaches?
To address these questions, I use data from
previous research (Zembylas, 2004)an ethno-
graphic study of the emotions of teaching with one
teacher over three years (19971999)as well as
data gathered in a semester-long follow-up study
with the same teacher four years later (spring
2003). The purpose of this project was to examine
the emotional practices of a teacher over a long
period of time. I engaged in this research pro-
ject in a multiage classroom of rst and second
graders at a multi-ethnic elementary school of 400
students, located in a medium-size university city
in Illinois. My teacher-participant, Catherine
Myers, was an experienced early childhood and
elementary educator. She had been teaching for 25
years, and had worked with children from the
kindergarten through fth grade. For the last
ten years she had been teaching multiage classes
of kindergarten and rst grade, or rst and
second grade.
Given the discursive understanding of emotion
described in the previous section, it seemed that
the most appropriate methods of data collection
were ethnographic ones (Denzin, 1997; Miles &
939
Huberman, 1994) as opposed to the use of other
methods (e.g. questionnaires and one-shot inter-
views of many participants) that seemed inap-
propriate to capture emotions as discursive
practices. Also, the decision to engage in a case
study (Stake, 1995) of only one teacher was made
to draw attention to the multiple complexities of
what specically could be learned from a single
case about emotion and identity in teaching over a
long period of time. The intention was not to
generalize from this case study to the role of
emotions in teaching for all teachers but to identify
those aspects of teacher emotions that needed
further exploration, before embarking on a large-
scale ethnographic study of a greater number of
teachers.
The data sources from this study were eld
observations, in-depth interviews, and collection
of documents of all kinds. The data consisted
of interview transcripts, eld notes and videotapes
from observations, an Emotion Diary (in which
Catherine wrote how she felt about what happened
during the day), and various documents such
as lesson plans, philosophy statements, childrens
worksheets and school records. I estimated that
during the three years I worked with Catherine,
I spent about 200 h at her classroom observing
her teaching, and approximately 45 h of inter-
views with her. I tape-recorded each interview, and
I videotaped my observations. I kept a careful log
of visits with complete eld notes of what I saw
and heard that I typed soon after a visit to
Catherines classroom or an interview with her.
Following each interview, I presented Catherine
with a written transcript of our discussion. I then
asked her to review the transcript, answering any
further questions I had written, clarifying any
thoughts, and posing further thoughts if she
wished to do so. In the observations, I acted as a
participant-observer (Merriam, 1998). In my
follow-up study three years later, I interviewed
Catherine seven times for a total of 12 h. The
purpose of this follow-up study was to revisit some
ideas from the previous study and trace possible
changes. In particular, I began with themes
identied in the early study and examined how
these had continued or changed in the new data;
these themes were relevant to emotional rules,
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
940 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
emotional control and the constitution of Cathe-
rines identity. In other words, rather than looking
for new themes, I searched the new data for
comments that carried these themes forward. In
general, the follow-up study focused on the issues
of emotional rules, power, control, agency, and
conceptualization of emotional practices in Cathe-
rines teaching.
There are clearly many tensions when studying
teacher identity and emotion through ethno-
graphic methodologies. First, any type of report
based on the data collected implies speaking for
the participant even though I read her words
through poststructuralist lens (Britzman, 1993).
Another tension is relevant to my analysis of
anothers identity and emotions, presenting them
as if they were static at each moment in time.
Admittedly, this is always a problem in ethno-
graphic projects; it is hard to communicate the
qualities of contingency. However, despite these
drawbacks there are several advantages in using
ethnography to explore emotions.
In other disciplines (e.g. anthropology, sociol-
ogy, and cultural studies) ethnographic study of
emotion has ourished in the past 20 years
(Heider, 1991; Kitayama & Markus, 1994; Rosal-
do, 1984). This is partly a result of a broad
reaction against oversimplied views that have
prevailed in strictly cognitive or psychological
schemes (Reddy, 1999, 2001). Similarly, in the
context of education, I want to make two
arguments for the value of ethnography of
emotions in teaching. First, an in-depth under-
standing of the dynamic character of emotional
practices may only be gained through a politically
meaningful (in that it recognizes power relations in
context) ethnography of emotions. Second, unless
one species the grounds of power relations one
cannot have an account of resistance, domination
and change in teaching; ethnographies of emotion
are notable for the refusal to allow any psycholo-
gical or other universal determinant in ones
emotional life (Reddy, 1999). Thus, the need for
in-depth and complex accounts of teacher emo-
tions may be accomplished through ethnographic
work on emotions in teaching, work informed by
the necessity to understand the historicity of
emotional practices.
4. Three themes of teacher emotion
The three themes described in this section are
responses to the questions posed earlier. These
themes have been generated from my attempts to
make sense of the interplay of emotion, power and
identity in teaching over the course of engaging
and reecting on the results of my ethnographic
study with Catherine. These three themes chart
different congurations of power and subjectivity
and the varying aspects of domination and
resistance made possible through emotions. Col-
lectively, these themes constitute a genealogy of
emotions in teaching, because they analyze how
Catherines emotions are inuenced by social and
power relations and values within the school
culture she teaches.
4.1. The historical contingency of emotional rules
The rst question asks How are emotional
rules in teaching historically contingent? The
purpose of exploring this theme is to begin a
discussion on how the emotional rules of teaching
might be constituted and experienced, what their
effects might be, and how they function toward
both dominant and resistant ends, in the forma-
tion and organization of varying teacher identities.
According to Foucault (1988), many things that
we consider universal are the results of historical
changes. An entire genealogy of emotions in
teaching is not a purpose of this article; never-
theless, considering an example related to the
discourse of neutrality in schools will indicate how
emotional rules are historically contingent.
First, it needs to be emphasized that although
we searched carefully, Catherine and I could not
nd any explicit rules (e.g. written school memos
or protocols) that laid out rules of emotional
display and expression for teachers. Also, Cathe-
rine pointed out that she did not participate in any
workshops organized to discuss and exercise
emotion-management practices for teachers. How-
ever, among teachers there was always talking
about appropriate and inappropriate emo-
tions. For example, Catherine discussed in details
that for many yearsand especially at the begin-
ning of her teaching careershe had to strive for
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
neutrality. As she explained, there was a percep-
tion among teachers that showing strong emotions
in school was not considered professional: For
a long time, she said, I prevented myself from
expressing what I really felt, because it was not
considered professional to do that (Interview,
March 24, 1999).
In light of the heavy emotional demands in the
teaching profession, on the one hand, and the lack
of any explicit emotional rules, on the other, it is
not surprising to nd Catherine expressing con-
cerns about the lack of any space to discuss
emotions. For a long time, according to Cathe-
rines descriptions, this professional discourse of
neutrality seemed prevalent in her school. There
was this view among teachers, as Catherine put it,
that doing ones best in teaching required a display
of professionalism, that is, too much affection
or too much anger was considered inappropriate.
Thus, self-control was perceived as the way of
dealing with emotions in teaching. The concept of
self-control was identied with being profes-
sional, just like in several other professions where
social services are provided (see e.g., Yanay &
Shahar, 1998). According to Morris and Feldman
(1996), self-control and neutrality are often per-
ceived to convey a (false) perception of dispas-
sionate authority and status (p. 991). Also,
Putnum and Mumby (1993) use the term scien-
tic management to refer to the scientic
language of neutrality, detachment and control
that workers use to talk about emotional interac-
tions at work.
However, more recently, in our follow-up study,
Catherine revisited these discourses of neutrality
and objectivity and had some interesting new
insights to share. First, she admitted that it is
meaningless to say that emotional behavior is
unprofessional [y] because thoughts cannot be
separated from emotion. She emphasized that
knowledge about emotions is an important part of
becoming and being a professional, especially
being a teacher. Eventually, she acknowledged
that discourses of neutrality earlier in her career
were largely a myth:
Rules about emotional expression are certainly
not written down. They are socially constructed
941
probably in individual reactions but not even as
a collective group, because we have trouble with
collective group rules in terms of conicting
agendas [y] I think its very much a trial and
errory as far as what you can express and not
express and if it will be understood or hurt
someone [y] I also think that this notion about
being objective, neutral and so on is a huge
myth (Interview, April 26, 2003).
Catherine raises two important issues here: rst,
emotional rules are socially (and thus historically)
constructed in processes of trial and error; and
second, discourses of neutrality are a myth and
reect power relations among group interests. For
example, Catherine described several examples of
how emotional rules in teaching were negotiated
among students, teachers, parents and adminis-
trators. The most obvious example of this culture
of negotiation was a recent change in the
emotional culture of her school. As she explained,
Im looking at the particular staff now and I
think a lot of people share their feelings and
emotions, compared to what happened a few
years ago. Ive been in situations where its been
acknowledged that people are responding
emotionally but thats because they are
passionate about what they believe. [y] I think
our school is getting better about letting people
talk about and express their emotions (Inter-
view, March 28, 2003).
For a long time, being unable to control ones
emotions was seen as unprofessional behavior.
Catherine now feels freer to think and talk about
her emotions than was once the case. The taboo of
exchanging how one feels (even crying out openly)
has weakened, as Catherine explains how she has
gained more individual control over the fears and
dangers of expressing emotions openly. Many of
the fears that she had earlier in her career were
about losing status and feeling shame for not being
accepted by others. As a young teacher, she
said, I often felt so much discomfort and shame,
because my ideas were not appreciated. [y] And
this made me feel a tremendous sense of disempo-
werment (Interview, May 10, 1999).
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
942 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
Nowadays, however, things seem to have
changed. Some teachers are not as threatened
by others as they used to be in the past, Catherine
said and added,
As a result we all feel more comfortable sharing
how we feely Maybe its because you are seen
more vulnerable to othersy But all of us have
had to learn how to control our emotionsy So
maybe part of anger management is because we
are not learning how to look at our feelings and
think about them. If one expresses anger too
passionately what happens is that likely nobody
is going to discuss with you again. Theyll avoid
you and nothing is ever going to be dealt with
(Interview, January 23, 2003).
In general, my analysis here provides an
important indication about the historical contin-
gency of emotional rules in teaching. That is,
changes in emotional expressions and ideals reect
changes in the power relations they are rooted in.
Therefore, although the conict between the old
and the new modes of emotional conduct is
probably going on in Catherines schoolwithin
teachers as well as among themthe comparison
of the changes that occurred in the last few years
suggests that a tighter set of emotional rules has
been introduced (all of us have had to learn how
to control our emotions), despite some indica-
tions for the opposite (feeling comfortable shar-
ing how we feel). In other words, the greater the
familiarity, the greater the social constraint
towards mutually expected self-constraint (Wou-
ters, 1987). Looking at the history of the particular
emotional rule of neutrality in this school, and
Catherines experiences in particular, we begin to
see that the orientation of neutrality is not
inherently natural but is historically contingent.
The part that a teacher plays in her own emotional
control is the topic of the next theme.
4.2. Catherines part in her own emotional control
The second question asks How does Catherine
play a part in her own emotional control? Self-
subordination occurs when individuals actively
engage in self-surveillance and subordination of
themselves as a result of job demands (Tracy,
2000). The following incident indicates how
Catherine takes part in her own emotional self-
control and suppresses emotions that are consid-
ered unacceptable or dangerous such as
frustration and anger.
In this particular incident, Catherine described
her emotions of anger and shock at how a parent
treated her with disrespect. In her account, she
emphasized that expressing her anger at this
parent was not a good practice:
A parent (who happens to be a colleague of my
husband) was complaining because he wasnt
seeing enough math homework. As soon as his
wife left to go down and get something he
started yelling at me. And it really shook me
upy I came home and I was shaken up. I was
very angry and deeply hurt but I did not express
my anger. I continued to ask questions and
talked in a calm manner and I listened to what
he said. It did not seem like it was appropriate
or gonna help for me to ask him to leave,
although that was one of the things that I
considered doing based on another situation I
had with a parent a long time ago. [pause] It
didnt seem appropriate to me to say, You are
being very rude and Id like for you to leave
(Interview, February 13, 2003).
Catherine also referred to the emotional labor
(Hochschild, 1983) involved in dealing with this
episode and reected on her decision to suppress
her anger:
I wasnt afraid he was going to physically hurt
me. He was certainly making me feel bad. I
went home and criedy It was probably
partially because he was a friend of my
husband. [pause] What is the best way of
responding when somebody is yelling at you?
How do you deal with your anger and shock in
this situation? Just listen to that person and be
patienty (Interview, March 28, 2003).
This incident illustrates two important issues.
First, it shows the challenges that Catherine faces
in dealing with emotions that are considered
inappropriate to express. The only way Cathe-
rine thought she could avoid further escalation of
the incident was by diffusing her anger and shock,
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
being patient, controlling her emotions, and
rationalizing what happened. Second, Catherine
seemed to internalize the situation, going home
and crying after this incident. The way she dealt
with this incident revealed that Catherine inter-
nalized the emotional rule that negative emotion
was an individual problem and that should be
taken care during ones own private space. In a
sense Catherine contributed to perpetuating the
myth that negative emotion in teaching was a
private and personal issue.
Catherine described another incident in which
she became angry with her principal for disallow-
ing her to continue working with the same group
of students for a second year. Looping was
something that the principal supported and
advertised to parents for years, something that
Catherine practiced for a long time; however, this
time for reasons that were unclear to Catherine,
she was informed that she would not be able to
continue doing this. Catherine explained how she
felt and particularly how she consciously con-
trolled her anger and justied her self-control:
I was devastated! I was so angry and so hurt. I
walked into the principals ofce to have a
discussion and I couldnt even talk. I sat there
and cried half of the time. [y] I was very angry;
it was really a shock to me. I felt that it was a
slap in the face from the principaly I felt
exploited somehow, because the principal took
pride in our multi-age classrooms when parents
came, etc., but when it came to actually support
this she backed off. I didnt say that directly to
her [the principal] but thats how I felt; that was
one of my thoughts at the time I was mad. And
I tried very hard not to have my anger get out of
control. I focused more on that I was hurt
about and so I went closer to what my feelings
were about how this affected me personally. But
I didnt express some of the anger and
frustrationy That seem to me to be pointless
back then; it wasnt gonna help my principal at
that point. The reason I didnt express this
anger is because I felt it didnt serve any
purpose. It seemed to me very childishy But
also kind of All right. Whats constructive
here? What is it thats important to share to my
943
principal to help her to understand how
devastated I am (Interview, February 13,
2003).
In this incident, Catherine reframed the meaning
of anger lessening its signicance and focusing
instead on expressing her feeling of hurt, which
was more acceptable than anger. In other words,
Catherines self-control in this case was rationally
justied on the basis of expressing negative
emotions that were acceptable (i.e. hurt), while
avoiding the expression of unacceptable ones
(i.e. anger) and reframing the inappropriate
emotions in the service of those that were
considered appropriate.
In both of the incidents described above,
Catherine participated in her own emotional self-
control through accepting the emotional rule that
negative (inappropriate) emotions were a pri-
vate issue. Catherine explained that expressing or
hiding a negative emotion had to do with whether
it would help someone or herself move forward
and that it was important to express your
emotions constructively. It is interesting to point
out here how Catherine conformed to what was
considered acceptable expression of emotion,
nding a way to justify this through the discourse
of constructive emotional expression. As I
discuss in the nal part of this article, coping
strategies, power relations and self-control are all
signicant aspects of the constitution of Cathe-
rines identity as a teacher.
4.3. The constitution of Catherines identity in
relation to emotional rules
The third and nal question asked is How is
Catherines identity constituted in relation to
emotional rules in the context of the school in
which she teaches? So far, my analysis has
focused on the ways that Catherine was controlled
by others and by her own self. However, according
to Foucault (1977) wherever there is domination,
there is also resistance. In the previous two themes,
I have shown how Catherine somehow resisted the
neutrality discourse in her school. In this nal
theme, I analyze how Catherine made sense of her
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
944 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
identity largely through resistance to the emo-
tional rules in her school.
As I have already mentioned, feelings of anger
and frustration and the negative impact on
Catherines emotional well-being were core themes
running through Catherines experiences as a
teacher. Throughout her teaching career, a fre-
quent source of such feelings was her conicting
relationships with colleagues and the fact that
many of those colleagues rejected her innovative
teaching approaches. As she commented:
It was obvious to me that most of my colleagues
disliked my emphasis on in-depth integrated
investigations. Their emphasis was on teaching-
to-the-test. They felt that I was paying a
disservice to my students teaching them in such
a different way. [y] This made me feel awful
and for a long time I doubted my own abilities
in what I did (January 22, 1998).
Catherine felt she was dismissed because she was
not teaching the normal waythat is, empha-
sizing teaching-to-the-test, or using textbooks that
had a structured approach just like almost every-
body else did. This feeling of dismissability clearly
inuenced Catherines self-condence and self-
esteem and pushed her to even question her
pedagogy, values and beliefs. Naturally, dealing
with such feelings demanded considerable emo-
tional labor. This constant effort to control,
repress or hide emotions took a serious toll on
Catherine:
I realized at some point that I was forced to use
words and ideas that I didnt really believe iny
such as teach to the test, you have to be
neutral and objective, etc. This marked a
tremendous emotional struggle in my teaching.
Either I was doing something wrong or they
completely misunderstood me. I found myself
ipping back and forth between those two
states, and having real difculty trying to
resolve where that middle ground was and what
were the things that were really my stuff to look
at and what wasnt. And I kept getting confused
again and again. I felt very exposed in terms
Oh gosh, Im totally at fault here. This is all
about me and everything that happens is my
fault. I am a lousy teacher (Interview, Sep-
tember 18, 1998).
This conict of values and ideals was an
emotionally devastating experience for Catherine.
As she shared in another occasion: I constantly
felt like a failure. [y] During those days, I felt like
crying all the time, feeling guilty of what I was
doing. I thought I was a lousy teacher for not
doing what everyone else was doing. I constantly
questioned my approach [y] and I still do. Guilt,
self-blame and lack of self-condence are powerful
emotions in teaching because they are part of
social bonding, and the basis of a teachers self-
identity and self-esteem. Because they are part of
identity building, they are essential to the protec-
tion of self-esteem. Thus, Catherines experiences
of negative emotional labor were a blow to her
self-condence.
However, the self is both constituting and
constituted, motivated by agency yet produced
by power relations (Foucault, 1983a). Catherines
resistance to the above negative emotions was
what sustained her efforts to survive in teaching.
But what was the nature of this resistance? After a
long struggle in which she used to blame herself for
everything, Catherine admitted that she was will-
ing to do the negative emotional labor because of
the gratifying emotional rewards in teaching. For
example, here is how she articulated the role of
feeling excited for teaching: Even when I am
completely exhausted from dealing with all the
emotional challenges of being a teacher, I gain an
enormous sense of personal satisfaction when I see
kids making progress. [y] This feeling of excite-
ment is a powerful way to wash away some of the
negative feelings in teaching (Interview, July 30,
1999). She then concluded that, I dont need
others to validate what I am doing any more. My
students satisfaction and growth and my own
excitement at what we are doing are enough. The
latter statement reects the sense of empowerment
that Catherine has managed to construct over the
years, something which has been established as a
result of her emotional connections with students
(see Zembylas, 2004). Catherine has a keen sense
that although others may not recognize her
contributions, she is important to her students.
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
When we analyze Catherines case in light of the
Foucauldian notion that identity is constituted in
relation to surrounding emotional rules, it makes
sense that after many years of struggle Catherine
managed to nd ways to resist some emotional
rules. For a teacher to establish herself as
legitimate teacher and agent of innovative prac-
tice, she needed to have a constituted sense of
herself as respected and competent individual in
her school community. In Catherines case, her
resistance was to establish and celebrate affective
connections and exciting learning experiences with
her students. Over the years and after considerable
emotional labor, Catherine managed to resist some
of the restraints imposed on her by the particular
emotional regime in her school. It seemed that the
best resistance to the prevalent emotional rules of
the school culture was to create spaces for exciting
emotional connections among students and her-
self. The fact that students responded positively
and ultimately showed satisfactory learning out-
comesbased on the results of mandatory state
testsseemed to empower Catherine and her
pedagogy.1 Also, as a result of constantly accu-
mulating new emotional knowledge about her
teaching, Catherine managed gradually to subvert
feelings of disempowerment and low self-esteem.
5. Discussion and implications
Throughout this paper I have maintained the
poststructuralist notion that teachers are consti-
tuted through, and constitute themselves within,
discursive practices and power relations (for
1
The students were required to take a state-mandated
accountability test. Those who failed this test had to attend
remediation classes and, if necessary, repeat the same grade.
Catherine was well aware of this pressure and the fact that she
was evaluated by her colleagues and the community almost
exclusively in terms of these test scores. Thus over the years she
developed her own system of assessment (both descriptive and
quantitative) that was correlated with the districts educational
goals and values. In this way, she was able to demonstrate that,
despite the absence of drill and practice and teaching-to- concepts of affective elements of consciousness
the-test, the performance of her students in the state-mandated
test did not differ signicantly from the rest of the students, and
in fact, often it was better. As a result, she was able to gain
some friends among her colleagues and administrators.
945
example, teaching-to-the test; neutrality dis-
courses; conicts for the most appropriate peda-
gogical practice) that result in an emotional
knowing about teaching. Catherines case indicates
that neither pedagogy nor identity is an effect of
experience (Britzman, 1993). Ones subjectivity
intervenes and engages with the social world; thus,
we begin to see how the personal is also political
(Boler, 1999). In examining the role of emotion in
teaching, one has to explore the use and meaning
of emotional rules against the backdrop of school
structures and norms. This emphasizes more than
just how a teacher comes to recognize, understand,
or use his or her emotions. Rather, the issue
becomes how a teacher comes to experience, along
with others, school practices and the spaces of
possibility they offer.
In Catherines case study school policies, prac-
tices, and social conventions encoded emotional
rules that regulated how Catherine was supposed
to control her emotions expressing them appro-
priately, as the situation permitted. It was not
appropriate simply to display her emotions as she
felt them at all times, nor was it desirable to
maintain too tight a hold over them. Because
Catherine often had to manage and control how
she felt, power was exercised through imposed self-
interpretation. This emotional control and regula-
tion could range from issues such as her choice of
teaching pedagogies to her feelings of well-being,
and they functioned to produce a particular kind
of teacher identity. In other words, emotional
expression was understood as not exclusively a
consequence of internal emotions (the usual
view), but as constructed from internal emo-
tions and emotional rules (Fiehler, 2002).
Foucauldian ideas reshape and expand the
terms of emotion discourses in education, enabling
different questions to be asked, modifying the
relations of teachers to the rules in the name of
which they govern or are governed. The contribu-
tion of Foucault regarding emotional rules
amounts to an intervention in a much larger
debate about teacher subjectivity, in which our
and relations, school community, and teacher
change are slowly being reexamined. That is why
a focus on the emotion work of teachers through
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
946 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
Foucauldian ideas leads to more recognition of the
social and political character of teacher emotion.
This sociopolitical character of teacher emotion
creates the difference between possible and real
transformation, and it is this difference that
constitutes the power of emotional knowing as a
tool to subvert existing conditions.
Finding out where feelings break down, take a
detour, reverse their content, betray understand-
ing, and hence where affective meanings become
anxious, ambivalent, and aggressive (Britzman,
1998, p. 84) opens possibilities of identifying
particular elements within the school culture that
subvert the social order. Through a Foucauldian
lens, the negative aspects of emotional labor have
less to do with losing the real self and more to
do with having to understand and construct ones
multiple identities in a space wherein disciplinary
forces and emotional rules constrain and produce
these identities: How are our identities (subjectiv-
ities) constructed, and whose interests are served
(and not served) by the privileging of some
constructions over others? (Mumby, 1997, p.
22). Therefore, from a Foucauldian point of view,
teachers come to understand their identity through
acts of resistance and consent to emotional labor.
Resistances function both as defenses against
vulnerability and as assertions of power in the
face of impositions (Boler, 1999). Vulnerability
signals a signicant amount of emotional suffering
associated with resistance and often leads to
teacher isolation (Nias, 1996). However, as Boler
(1999) argues, vulnerability provides the turbulent
ground on which to negotiate truths (e.g. new
emotional rules that are less oppressive) that is a
necessary foundation of transformation.
In general, poststructuralist ideas in general,
and Foucauldian ideas in particular, provide three
major challenges to the current literature on
teacher emotions. First, emotional control and
emotional labor in teaching can be historicized. By
understanding how emotional rules and expecta-
tions are historically contingent, for example,
teachers and educators begin to deconstruct the
power relations that normalize the life of teachers
in schools. When we begin to understand emo-
tional experiences as discursively constituted, the
teacherself becomes more complex. Foucauldian
theory tells us that teacher identity is produced
and constrained through disciplinary power and
local emotional rules.
Second, Foucaults work offers a fresh way of
understanding the relation between emotional
labor and emotional rules in teaching. His focus
on the notion of power as a process and not a
possession forces us to look beyond emotional
control mechanisms and structures as immanent
and uncontested. Emotional control is something
that is continually constructed and reproduced
through interactions of domination and resistance.
The emotional labor literature based on Hochs-
childs (1983) work perpetuates the idea that
teacher identity and emotion are real only
when they are free from emotional rules. However,
from a Foucauldian point of view, there is no
pure freedom from the inuence of emotional
rules; freedom is a call to refuse oppressive
emotional rules, it is an opening up to different
possibilities. The practice of freedom relies upon a
refusal to base ones actions in the ability to
occupy an enlightened place or a xed identity
(Pignatelli, 2002).
Finally, Foucaults contribution with respect to
these issues can also be traced to the fact that he
helps us to explicate problematic assumptions
posed by past research in this area. Using
Foucauldian theory, we can problematize how
ones relation to oneself is marked by self-policing
of emotional conduct. Thus, we may become
suspicious of appeals to emotional well being tied
to rationalizations and instrumental goals of the
teaching profession and the, supposedly, authen-
tic knowledge of the emotional self that they
purportedly provide us with. Such appeals to
emotional well-being tied to rationalizations need
to be identied as technologies of the self that
shape the meaning and drive the direction, goals,
emotional conduct and motivation of teachers.
Consequently, inventing opposing actions in which
oppressive emotional rules are identied entails
breaking with these technologies of power.
This is an exciting time for researchers of
teacher emotion, with many issues still to be raised
and investigated. The study of teacher emotion can
continue to expand in accord with the recognition
that not only is emotion inextricably linked to
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
teaching, but also it greatly impacts teacher
identities. Using poststructuralist ideas of emotion
as both analytic tools and as points of departures
for conducting research on teacher emotion has
the potential of enriching our knowledge about
emotion and its impact on curriculum, teaching
and teachers.
References
Abu-Lughod, L., & Lutz, C. A. (1990). Introduction: Emotion,
discourse, and the politics of everyday life. In C. Lutz, & L.
Abu-Lughod (Eds.), Language and the politics of emotion
(pp. 123). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bhabha, H. (1987). Interrogating identity. In L. Appignaesi
(Ed.), Identity (pp. 511). London: Institute of Contempor-
ary Art.
Blackmore, J. (1996). Doing emotional labour in the Hargreaves, A. (1998a). The emotional practice of teaching.
education market place: Stories from the eld of women
in management. Discourse: Studies in the cultural politics of
education, 17, 337349.
Boler, M. (1999). Feeling power: Emotions and education. New
York: Routledge.
Britzman, D. P. (1993). The terrible problem of knowing
thyself: Toward a poststructuralist account of teacher
identity. Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, 9, 2346.
Britzman, D. (1998). Lost subjects, contested objects: Towards a
psychoanalytic inquiry of learning. New York: SUNY Press.
Connelly, M. F., & Clandinin, D. J. (1999). Shaping a
professional identity: Stories of educational practice. New
York: Teachers College Press.
Cornell, D. (2000). Just cause: Freedom, identity, and rights.
Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littleeld.
Danielewicz, J. (2001). Teaching selvesidentity, pedagogy, and
teacher education. New York: State University of New York
Press.
Day, C., & Leitch, R. (2001). Teachers and teacher educators
lives: The role of emotion. Teaching and Teacher Education,
17, 403415.
Denzin, N. (1997). Interpretive ethnography: Ethnographic
practices for the twenty-first century. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Fiehler, R. (2002). How to do emotions with words: Emotion-
ality in conversations. In S. Fussell (Ed.), The verbal
communication of emotions: Interdisciplinary perspectives
(pp. 79106). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: The birth of the
prison (A.M. Sheridan, Trans.). New York: Pantheon
Books.
Foucault, M. (1980). Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and
other writings 1972 1977 (C. Cordon, L. Marshall, J.
Mepham, & K. Soper, Trans.). New York: Pantheon.
Foucault, M. (1983a). The subject and power. In H. L. Dreyfus,
& P. Rabinow (Eds.), Michel Foucault: Beyond structuralism
947
and hermeneutics (pp. 208226). Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
Foucault, M. (1983b). On the genealogy of ethics: An overview
of work in progress. In H. L. Dreyfus, & P. Rabinow (Eds.),
Michel Foucault: Beyond structuralism and hermeneutics
(pp. 229252). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Foucault, M. (1984). The Foucault reader, In P. Rainbow (Ed.).
New York: Pantheon.
Foucault, M. (1988). Technologies of the self. In L. H.
Martin, H. Gutman, & P. H. Hutton (Eds.), Technologies
of the self (pp. 1649). Amherst: University of Massachu-
setts Press.
Foucault, M. (1990a). The history of sexuality (Vol. 1): An
introduction. New York: Vintage Books.
Foucault, M. (1990b). The history of sexuality (Vol. 2): The use
of pleasure. New York: Vintage Books.
Foucault, M. (1990c). The history of sexuality (Vol. 3): The care
of the self. New York: Vintage Books.
Golby, M. (1996). Teachers emotions: An illustrated discus-
sion. Cambridge Journal of Education, 26, 423434.
Teaching and Teacher Education, 14, 835854.
Hargreaves, A. (1998b). The emotional politics of teaching and
teacher development: With implications for educational
leadership. International Journal of Leadership in Education,
1, 315336.
Hargreaves, A. (2000). Mixed emotions: Teachers perceptions
of their interactions with students. Teaching and Teacher
Education, 16, 811826.
Hargreaves, A. (2001). The emotional geographies of teaching.
Teachers College Record, 103, 10561080.
Haywood, C., & Martin, M. G. (1997). Materialism and
deconstructivism: Education and the epistemology of
identity. Cambridge Journal of Education, 27, 261273.
Heider, K. G. (1991). Landscapes of emotion: Mapping three
cultures of emotion in Indonesia. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Hochschild, A. R. (1983). The managed heart: Commercializa-
tion of human feeling. Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press.
Holstein, J., & Gubrium, J. (2000). The self that we live by:
Narrative identity in the postmodern world. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Jeffrey, B., & Woods, P. (1996). Feeling deprofessionalized:
The social construction of emotions during an OFSTED
inspection. Cambridge Journal of Education, 26, 325343.
Johannesson, I. A. (1998). Genealogy and progressive politics:
Reections on the notion of usefulness. In T. S. Popkewitz,
& M. Brennan (Eds.), Foucaults challenge: Discourse,
knowledge, and power in education (pp. 297315). New
York: Teachers College Press.
Kitayama, S., & Markus, H. R. (Eds.). (1994). Emotion and
culture: Empirical studies of mutual influence. Washington:
American Psychological Association.
Lasky, S. (2000). The cultural and emotional politics of
teacherparent interactions. Teaching and Teacher Educa-
tion, 16, 843860.
 ARTICLE IN PRESS
948 M. Zembylas / Teaching and Teacher Education 21 (2005) 935948
Little, J. W. (1996). The emotional contours and career
trajectories of (disappointed) reform enthusiasts. Cambridge
Journal of Education, 26, 345359.
Little, J. W. (2000). Emotionality and career commitment in the
context of rational reforms. Paper presented at the annual
meeting of the American Educational Research Association,
New Orleans, LA.
Lutz, C. (1988). Unnatural emotions: Everyday sentiments on a
Micronesian atoll and their challenge to Western theory.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Margolis, D. (1998). The fabric of self: A theory of ethics and
emotions. New Haven, London: Yale University Press.
Merriam, S. B. (1998). Qualitative research and case study
applications in education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data
analysis: An expanded sourcebook. Newbury Park, CA:
Sage.
Miller Marsh, M. (2002a). Examining the discourses that shape
our teacher identities. Curriculum Inquiry, 32(4), 453469.
Miller Marsh, M. (2002b). The shaping of Ms. Nicoli: the
discursive fashioning of teacher identities. Qualitative
Studies in Education, 15, 333347.
Moore, A., Edwards, G., Halpin, D., & George, R. (2002).
Compliance, resistance and pragmatism: The (re)construc-
tion of schoolteacher identities in a period of intensive
educational reform. British Educational Research Journal,
28(4), 551565.
Morris, J. A., & Feldman, D. C. (1996). The dimensions,
antecedents, and consequences of emotional labor. Academy
of Management Review, 21, 9861010.
Mumby, D. K. (1997). Modernism, postmodernism, and
communication studies: A rereading of an ongoing debate.
Communication Theory, 7, 128.
Nias, J. (1996). Thinking about feeling: The emotions in
teaching. Cambridge Journal of Education, 26, 293306.
Nicholson, L., & Seidman, S. (Eds.). (1995). Social postmodern-
ism: Beyond identity politics. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press.
Pignatelli, F. (2002). Mapping the terrain of a Foucauldian
ethics: A response to the surveillance of schooling. Studies in
Philosophy and Education, 21, 157180.
Putnum, I. L., & Mumby, D. K. (1993). Organizations, emotion
and the myth of rationality. In S. Fineman (Ed.), Emotion in
organizations (pp. 3657). London: Sage.
Reddy, W. M. (1999). Emotional liberty: Politics and history in
the anthropology of emotions. Cultural Anthropology, 14,
256288.
Reddy, W. M. (2001). The navigation of feeling: A framework
for the history of emotions. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge
University Press.
View publication stats
Rosaldo, M. (1984). Toward an anthropology of self and
feeling. In R. Shweder, & R. Levine (Eds.), Culture theory:
Essays on mind, self, and emotion (pp. 137157). New York:
Cambridge University Press.
Rose, N. (1990). Governing the soul: The shaping of the private
self. London, New York: Routledge.
Rose, N. (1998). Inventing our selves: Psychology, power and
personhood. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Schmidt, M. (2000). Role theory, emotions, and identity in the
department headship of secondary schooling. Teaching and
Teacher Education, 16, 827842.
Schutz, P., & DeCuir, J. T. (2002). Inquiry on emotions in
education. Educational Psychologist, 37, 125134.
Stake, R. E. (1995). The art of case study research. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Sutton, R., & Wheatley, K. (2003). Teachers emotions and
teaching: A review of the literature and directions for future
research. Educational Psychology Review, 15, 327358.
Tracy, S. J. (2000). Becoming a character for commerce:
Emotion labor, self-subordination, and discursive construc-
tion of identity in a total institution. Management Commu-
nication Quarterly, 14, 90128.
Weber, S., & Mitchell, C. (1995). Thats funny, you dont look
like a teacher! Interrogating images and identity in popular
culture. London: The Falmer Press.
Winograd, K. (2003). The functions of teacher emotions: The
good, the bad, and the ugly. Teachers College Record, 105,
16411673.
Wouters, C. (1987). Developments in the behavioral codes
between the sexes: The formalization of informalization in
the Netherlands, 193085. Theory, Culture & Society, 4,
405427.
Yanay, N., & Shahar, G. (1998). Professional feelings as
emotional labor. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 27,
346373.
Zembylas, M. (2002a). Constructing genealogies of teachers
emotions in science teaching. Journal of Research in Science
Teaching, 39, 79103.
Zembylas, M. (2002b). Structures of feeling in curriculum
and teaching: Theorizing the emotional rules. Educational
Theory, 52, 187208.
Zembylas, M. (2003a). Caring for teacher emotion: Reections
on teacher self-development. Studies in Philosophy and
Education, 22, 103125.
Zembylas, M. (2003b). Interrogating teacher identity: Emo-
tion, resistance, and self-formation. Educational Theory, 53,
107127.
Zembylas, M. (2004). The emotional characteristics of teaching:
An ethnographic study of one teacher. Teaching and
Teacher Education, 20, 185201.