The Yale that I attended was overwhelmingly North American and white, as
well as largely Protestant. It was dicult for the admissions oce to identify
Catholics, but applicants with conspicuously Irish, Italian, or Polish names were
at a disadvantage. For Jews, there was a numerus clausus, not even disguised by
the convenient excuse of geographical distribution. And the whole system was
upheld by a signi"cant number of legacies, along with a pervasive air of
privilege and clubbiness. To display too much interest in ones studies or a
concern for grades was distinctly uncool. This was still the era of what was
called the gentlemans C.
I picked all this up within days of arriving in New Haven, but Yale was for me
an unfamiliar country whose customs I knew that I could never master. Neither
of my parents had gone to college. My mother, along with the other girls in her
family, was expected to begin work as a secretary directly after high school.
Though my father practiced law, he had attended law school just after serving
in the First World War, when a liberal-arts degree was not yet a prerequisite. A
good thing, too, since my grandfather, a ragpicker, would have had diculty
mustering the will or the means to pay even the modest tuition fees then
required. My grandparents were not indierent to learning, but they were poor,
and for them any learning that was not vocational was necessarily religious. The
highest status in their cultural world came not from wealth or power but from
the possession of Talmudic knowledge. Theirs was an insular community in
which sexual selectionfor Darwin, a central motor of mammalian evolution
had for centuries favored slender, nearsighted, stoop-shouldered young men
rocking back and forth as they pondered the complex, heavily annotated, often
esoteric tractates of Jewish law.
None of this was part of my upbringing: most of it had been abandoned when
my grandparents $ed tsarist Lithuania, in the late eighteen-eighties, and settled
in Boston. But the heavy Talmudic volumes left a residue, an inherited respect
for textual interpretation thatreshaped into secularized formled people like
me to embrace the humanities, an arena in which the English Department held
pride of place. When I began to take classes at Yale, I could not understand, let
alone emulate, the amused indierence of many of my classmates. I felt within
me what in 1904 Henry James, observing immigrants in New York, reproved as
the waiting spring of intelligence, signalling the immensity of the alien
presence climbing higher and higher. I did not feel alienI was born in this
country, as my parents had been, and I donned my Yale sweatshirt without a
sense of imposturebut I seized upon the opportunity Id been granted to learn
with an energy that seemed slightly foreign.
Greenblatt is a Jewish name, isnt it? the "nancial-aid ocer said. I agreed that
it was. Frankly, he went on, we are sick and tired of the number of Jews who
come into this oce after theyre admitted and try to wheedle money out of
Yale University. I stammered, How can you make such a generalization?
Shortly after my encounter with the "nancial-aid ocer, T. S. Eliot, the greatest
living poet in the English language and a winner of the Nobel Prize, came to
Yale. Catching the excitement of the impending visit, I began to read him with
an avidity that has continued into the present. But that meant that I quickly
encountered the strain of anti-Semitism in Eliots early poetry and prose, a
strain no less ugly for being typical of his conservative milieu. The population
should be homogeneous, Eliot told an audience at the University of Virginia in
1933, the year that Hitler came to power and the prospect arose of a mass
outpouring of refugees seeking protection from the growing menace. Where
two or more cultures exist in the same place they are likely either to be "ercely
self-conscious or both to become adulterate. Perhaps it occurred to him that it
was already far too late to prevent two or more cultures from existing in the
United States. What is still more important is unity of religious background,
he added, and then made his point more explicitly: Reasons of race and
religion combine to make any large number of free-thinking Jews undesirable.
Eliots powerful early poetry had already made this undesirability clear. In
Burbank with a Baedeker: Bleistein with a Cigar, he conjured up the primal
ooze from which he saw those creatures emerging:
On the Rialto once: Eliot did not "nish the thought, but I did. In the course
of that freshman year, I read Shakespeares The Merchant of Venice , with its
echoing question, What news on the Rialto? Encountering the play at the
moment I did, together with T. S. Eliot, seemed only to reinforce my parents
grimmest account of the way things were.
What, exactly, are you applauding and smiling at? How are you supposed to
view the Jewish daughter who robs her father and bestows the money on her
fortune-hunting Christian suitor? Do you join in the raucous laughter of the
Christians who mock and spit on the Jew? Or do you secretly condone
Shylocks vindictive, malignant rage? Where are you, at the end of the
harrowing scene in the courtroom, when Portia asks the man she has
outmaneuvered and ruined whether he agrees to the terms she has dictated,
terms that include the provision that he immediately become a Christian? Art
thou contented, Jew? she prods. What dost thou say? And what do you think
the Jew actually feels when he answers, I am content?
I was determined to understand this birthright, including what was toxic in it,
as completely as possible. Im now an English professor at Harvard, and in
recent years some of my students have seemed acutely anxious when they are
asked to confront the crueller strains of our cultural legacy. In my own life, that
re$ex would have meant closing many of the books I found most fascinating, or
succumbing to the general melancholy of my parents. They could not look out
at a broad meadow from the windows of our car without sighing and talking
about the number of European Jews who could have been saved from
annihilation and settled in that very space. (For my parents, meadows should
have come with what we now call trigger warnings.) I was eager to expand my
horizons, not to retreat into a defensive crouch. Prowling the stacks of Yales
vast library, I sometimes felt giddy with excitement. I had a right to all of it, or,
at least, to as much of it as I could seize and chew upon. And the same was true
of everyone else.
prison. The resourceful Dimo arranges for a boat to transport them, and the 5. The Alt-Right Branding War H
Torn the Movement in Two
girl, slipping away under the cover of darkness, disguises herself as a man, with
By Andrew Marantz
her curly golden hair hidden beneath a sable cap. Eluding the Jewish search
parties, the lovers manage to reach the Christian principality of Walachia,
Our Thirty Most Popular
where, in a solemn procession, Mrkada enters the cathedral and formally
converts:
In this version, as in the Greek source, the wailing Jewish mother is mocked by
a chorus of Christian girls who invite her to imagine her little grandson:
But then something strange happens. The focus shifts to the mothers grief,
which is given remarkably intense expression:
ast year was the "ve-hundredth anniversary of the creation of the Venetian
L ghetto. The Venetians had some uncertainty and disagreement about how
to mark this anniversary, and one could see why. Starting in 1516, Jews, who
had previously lived in the city wherever they chose, were required by law to
reside and to worship in a small, poor area, the site of a former copper foundry.
(The Venetian word for such a foundry was geto.) There they were permitted to
run pawnshops that lent money at interest. They could emerge during the day
to engage in a limited number of occupationsincluding buying and selling
old clothes, laboring on Hebrew books in print workshops, teaching music and
dance, and practicing medicine. But at night they were obliged to scuttle back
to the ghetto, where they were shut in behind locked gates, guarded by men
whose salaries the Jews themselves were required to pay. Jewish physicians were
permitted to go out during the night to attend to their Christian patients; no
one else could leave until morning.
Shakespeare could in principle have heard about it, when he sat down to write
his comedy; the ghetto had been in existence for some eighty years and there
had been many English travellers to Venice. Indeed, there is evidence that the
playwright took pains to gather information. For example, he did not have his
Jewish characters swear by Muhammad, as "fteenth-century English
playwrights did. He clearly grasped not only that Jewish dietary laws prohibited
the eating of pork but also that observant Jews often professed to "nd the very
smell of pork disagreeable. He marvellously imagined the way that a Jewish
moneylender might use the Bible to construct a witty Midrashic justi"cation of
his own pro"t margin. He had learned that the Rialto was the site for news and
for trade, and that Shylock would conduct business there.
But Shakespeare seems not to have understood, or perhaps simply not to have
been interested in, the fact that Venice had a ghetto. In whatever he read or
heard about the city, he appears to have been struck far less by the separation of
Jews and Christians than by the extent of their mutual intercourse. Though
Shylock says that he will not pray with the Christians or eat their nonkosher
food, he enumerates the many ways in which he routinely interacts with them.
I will buy with you, talk with you, walk with you, and so following, he
declares. To audiences in Englanda country that had expelled its entire
Jewish population in the year 1290 and had allowed no Jews to returnthose
everyday interactions were the true novelty.
In The History of Italy (1549), the "rst English book on the subject, William
Thomas went out of his way to remark on what he called a liberty of strangers
particular to Venice:
Although he may not have learned about the ghetto, Shakespeare, too,
participated in the attempt to negotiate with a xenophobic inheritance. At the
level of plot, he pursued the idea of equality before the law. Venice, as a
commercial entrept with wide-ranging trading partners, depended upon the
liberty of strangers. In order to protect property rights and preserve con"dence,
its legal system had to treat contracts as equally binding upon Christians and
others, citizens and aliens. The Jew, as we see in the dispute over the lapsed
bond, has to be formally regarded as someone who possesses full legal standing
in the eyes of the court. When Portia, disguised as the learned judge, enters the
courtroom to adjudicate the case between Antonio and Shylock, she begins by
asking, Which is the merchant here? And which the Jew? Though the line
often elicits laughter, from a legal perspective it insists upon the courts
impartiality.
Shylock drives the point home. You have among you many a purchased slave,
he argues in the trial scene, which you treat like animals simply because you
bought them. This sounds like the beginning of an abolitionist manifesto, and
for a brief moment it seems to teeter at the edge of one:
Why, yes, modern audiences might want to shoutlet it be so. But the point
here is not liberation from bondage:
The legal principle upon which Shylock insists has nothing to do with
tolerance or human rights. It is strictly a defense of property ownership.
Yet that formal resolution has not de"ned the plays actual impactnot now,
not when I "rst read it as a college freshman, and probably not even in
Shakespeares time. As I grasp more fully after a lifetime of immersion in
Shakespeare, the uncomfortable experience I had when I was seventeenthe
troubled identi"cation with the plays villain, even in the midst of my
pleasurable absorption in its comic plotdid not "nally depend on my
particular identity or history. The cunning magic of the play was the
disturbance it arouses in everyone. If Shylock had behaved himself and
remained a mere comic foillike Don John the Bastard, in Much Much Ado
Ado About
About
Nothingthere would have been no disturbance. But Shakespeare conferred
Nothing
too much energy on his Jewish usurer for the boundaries of native and alien, us
and them, to remain intact.
Shakespeare managed to register Shylocks mordant sense of humor, the pain
that shadowed his malevolence, his pride in his intelligence, his little household
economies, his loneliness. We come to know these qualities for ourselves, not as
mere concepts but as elements of our own experience. Theres good reason that
most people think the Venetian merchant in the plays title is the Jew.
The life that sweeps across the stage here includes, as well, sudden glimpses
into parts of an existence that the plot by itself did not demand. When Shylock
learns that his daughter exchanged a turquoise ring for a monkeya turquoise
ring that she stole from him, and that had been a gift from his dead wife, Leah,
his anguish is unmistakable. Thou torturest me, he tells the friend who
brought him the news. It was my turquoise; I had it of Leah when I was a
bachelor. I would not have given it for a wilderness of monkeys. Are such
glimpses enough to do away with hatred of the other? Not at all. But they begin
an unsettling from within. Even now, more than four centuries later, the
unsettling that the play provokes remains a beautiful and disturbing experience.
Shakespeare himself may have found it disturbing. He set out, it seems, to write
a straightforward comedy, borrowed from Giovanni Fiorentinos novella Il
Pecorone (The Big Sheep), only to "nd himself increasingly drawn into the
soul of the despised other. Shylock came perilously close to wrecking the comic
structure of the play, a structure that Shakespeare only barely rescued by making
the moneylender disappear for good at the end of the fourth act.
It wasnt the only time in his work that this excess of life had occurred. The
Romeo and
playwright is said to have remarked that in Romeo and Juliet
Juliet he had to kill
Mercutio before Mercutio killed the play, and he ran a similar risk with
characters like Jack Cade, Aaron the Moor, Malvolio, and Caliban. Indeed, the
ability to enter deeplytoo deeply, for the purposes of the plotinto almost
every character he deployed was a signature. It accounts for the startling
vividness of Adriana, the neglected wife in The Comedy of Errors; Bottom
the Weaver, in A Midsummer Nights Dream; Rosencrantz and Guildenstern,
in Hamlet; Cornwalls brave servant, in King Lear; and many others. It
helps explain the strange illusion that certain of his characters have lives
independent of the play in which they appear. And it contributes to the moral
and aesthetic complexity that characterizes so many of his plays. Consider, for
example, the fact that for centuries critics have debated whether Brutus is the
hero or the villain of Julius Caesar. In Oskar Eustiss controversial production
of the play last month, in Central Park, audiences chortled at a Trump-like
despotbut were then brought up short by the horror of what befalls him, the
carnage born of self-steeling righteousness. What leads to disaster is Brutuss
ideological decision to think of Caesar not as a human being at all but, rather,
as a serpents egg, and therefore to kill him in the shell.
Even after a lifetime of studying Shakespeare, I cannot always tell you precisely
how he achieved this extraordinary life-making. I sometimes picture him
attaching his characters like leeches to his arms and allowing them to suck his
lifeblood. In the case of Shylock, it is wildly unlikely that Shakespeare had ever
encountered a Jewish usurer, but he may have been drawing on his fathers
moneylending and, for that matter, on his own. It is also possible that in his
family there had been a recent, painful, unresolved experience of conversion,
from Catholicism to Protestantism, an experience that would have deepened his
engagement with his characters plight: Art thou contented, Jew? What dost
thou say? I am content.
Such language isnt a substitute for a coherent, secure, and humane international
refugee policy; for that, we need constitutional lawyers and adroit diplomats
and wise, decent leaders. Yet these words do what they can to keep before our
eyes the sight of the wretched strangers, / Their babies at their backs and their
poor luggage, / Plodding to the ports and coasts for transportation. For a long
moment in dramatic time, the distance between natives and strangers collapses;
walls wobble and fall; a ghetto is razed.
This article appears in other versions of the July 10 & 17, 2017, issue, with the
headline If You Prick Us.
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