Baty, Susay M, Sementi shi ASP A Semantic she to btngualsm. American Journal of Pa Envms, Suen Susaw M. Language and TAT content nd Sot BOERNE TALTAT content In Slngul Joule Ab Enum, Suen ST Suma The eet behtes af Fao ‘ape pon the, Tomatoes i. (Doctoral diasoetion Univer Enviv-Tuiry, Susan BM, Ne axe Mi, Navaho. Sot description. In Hymes, Dell ein Mt Lament, Want em eat hile 1965, 47, 114-121. beeing — ue The fect of J | on Het res ofall Pra Gniverty Meri, 1038, Mien Se-agog, MEE") Ano Asbo, notatve judgments: the meta ci 'Bd.), Southwartorn Studies Etsoge haallng lysis of the interact 0, No. 8, Part 2 BETO Now Bart 2 lis. Modern Language fe ‘opie ee Pal ‘A Social Psychology of Bilingualism Wallace E, Lambert ‘McGill Universicy Other contributions sn his series have drawn attention to vot os of bilingualism, each of great importance for behavioral scien- aoe ya have been {troduced to tho prychologat's interest Fie tlingual switching process with its attendant mental and new Jogcl implications, and his interest in the development of bilingual Bt to the Unguist’s interest in the bilingual’s competence with his Fro linguistic systems and the way the sjstems interact; and to the Posrenthropolegsts concer with the socio-cltural settings of bili: nit and the role expectations involved. The purpose of the present psn nd he a ceinn of hee teres by aproech Ei Giinguaiism from a social-psychological perspective, one character snot only by its interest in the reactions of the bilingual as an pesddual but also by the attention given to the social influences th Hert the bilingual’s behavior and to the social repercussions that Fiolow from his behavior. From this perspective, & process such as Hinguage switching takes on a broader significance when its likely arb ed paychological consequences are contemplated, as, for example, hen x language switch brings into play contrasting sets of stereotyped Truges of people who habitually use each of the languages involved nee pitch, sienilarly, the development of bilingual skill very likely ta ee something more than a special set of aptitudes bectuse one reid expect that various social atitudes and motives are intimately weslved in learning a foreign language, Furthermore, the whole proc. sat becoming bilingual can be expected to involve major conflicts of cee tnd allegiances, and bilinguals could make various types of92 W. B, LAMBERT adjustments to the bicultural demands made on them. It is to these ‘matters that I would like to direct attention, Linguistic Style and Intergroup Impressions What are some of the social psychological consequences of lan. guage switching? Certain bilinguals have an amazing capacity to pass smoothly and automatically from one linguistic cominunity to another as they change languages of discourse or as they turn from one con. versational group to another at multilingual gatherings. The capacity is something more than Charles Boyer's ability to switch from Fraso. ‘American speech to Continental-style French when he turn frm tn eyes of a woman to those of a waiter who wants to know if the wine i of the expected vintage. In a sense, Boyer seems to be always almet speaking French, Nor is it the tourist guide's ability to use diferent. languages to explain certain events in different languages. In most cases they are not fuent enough to pass and even when their command is good, their recitals seem to be memorized, Here is an example of what I do mean: a friend of mine, the American linguist, John Marta, is so talented in his command of various regional dialects of Spanish Lam told, that he can foo! most Puerto Ricans into taking hitn for 4 Puerto Rican and most Columbians into taking him fora native of Bogota, His skill can be disturbing to the natives in these diferent settings because he is a potential linguistic spy in the sense that he can get along too well with the intimacies and subtleties of thelr dialect, ‘The social psychologist wants to know how this degree of bilir gual skill is developed, what reactions a man like Martin has as be switches languages, and what social effects the switching initiates, nt only the suspicion or respect generated by an unexpected switch bat also the intricate role adjustments that usually accompany such changes Research has not yet gone far enough to answer satisfactorily all he questions the social psychologist might ask, but a start has been meds, and judging from the general confidence of psycholinguists and socio: linguists, comprehensive answers to such questions can be expected [a a shore time, 1 will draw on work conducted by a rotating group of students and myself at McGill University in Montreal, a fascinating city where two major ethnic-linguistic groups are constantly struggling to maintls thelr separate identities and where bilinguals as skilled as John Matta aze not at all uncommon. Two incidents will provide an approprite introduction to our work. One involves a bus ride where I tas teted behind two English Canadian ladies and in front of two French Came Gian ladies as the bus moved through an English-Canadian region of the city. My attention was suddenly drawn to the conversation fh fost wherein one lady said something like: “If T couldn't speak Engl T certainly wouldn't shout about it™ referring to the French convention SOCIAL PsxcHOLocy 93 {hing on behind them, Her friend replied: “Oh, well, you can’t expect Buch else from them”. Then one of the ladies mentioned that she was bothered when French people laughed among themselves in her because she felt they might be making fun of her. This was flowed by a nat fterchange of pejorative serotypes about French Canadians, the whole discussion prompted, it seemed, by what struck ne as a bumorous conversation of the two attractive, middle class French Canadian women seated behind them. The English ladies soulde't understand the French conversation, nor did they look back to see what the people they seemed to know so much about even ooked like, The second incident involved my daughter when she was about ‘2 years old. She, too, has amazing skill with English and two dialects sf French, the Canadian style and the European style, One day while driving her to school, a lycée run by teachers from Franco, topped to pick up one of her friends and they were immediately favolved in conversation, French-Canadian French style. A block or {wo farther I slowed down to pick up a second girlfriend when my aogier excitedly tld me, in English, to dive om At school 1 ashes whit the trouble was and’she explained that there actually was.no toubl although there might have bean ifthe second gil, who was from France, and who spoke another dialect of French, had got i the ar beeause then my daughter would have been forced to show a lInguisic preference for one girl or the other, Normally she could scape this conflict by interacting with each girl separately, and, inad= ‘tently, I had almost put her on the spot. Incidents of this sort Fpromp:ed us to commence a systematic analysis of the effects of lan- uage and dialect changes on impression formation and social inter. tion, Dialect Variations Elicit Stereotyped Impressions Over the past eight years, we have developed a research technique hat makes use of language and dialect variations to elicit the stereo. ‘yped impressions or biased views which members of one social group tld of representative members of a contrasting group. Briefly, the oeedure involves the reactions of listeners (referred to as judges) to fs aged recordings of # numberof perfechy bilingual speates reas ‘ng a bvo-minute pastage at one time in one of their languages (e.g, French) and, later a translation equivalent of the same passage in thelr ‘eond language (e.g., English). Groups of judges are asked to listen J this series of recordings and evaluate the personality characteristics of each speaker as well as possible, using voice cues only. They are re- ainded of the common tendency to attempt to gauge the personalities of unfumniliar speakers heard over the phone or radio. Thus they are opt unaware that they will actually hear two readings by each ofseveral bilinguals, In our experience no subjects hi . . rience no subjec ave become aws of tis fact ‘The Judges aeehen Frocce tly main the Sohne wit oi setion of Eesenage cops hs Supplied in ‘advance, They usualy Bad ake eae ge teh SEY fy emi ad soe gl done, for example ifthe pros for es ease ers, based on the ratings of friends wi 10 a Tage ee i he Eo a wl is proceduro, refered to as the matched.guise {Eni ede 36 matched guise techn Bier fo reveal Jog more private reaclona to Ee cee ae Gian lect attitude questionnaires do: (see Lambete Mesa ek Yeni-Komsian, 196), but much mor ressech nea Oe so Segoe ice ie eae tee ea samen gl to tts i eal acide eae in the Sent that essentially tho seme probe na at Pamela Bou appr when diferent emer ef ages nts et E rticular subpopulation, are usec Differences between sut popula. oe be ied marked, however, as will become a arent Dee ote bao, tecinigue apparent hag little reliability when mes. belleve this typeof unreliblty is due im lrge sures oS Me ses a petrof gue ingle trait’ Dilerence. scores give notoriguly Tee toe although their use for comparing means is per x pes 1963; and Ferguson, 1950, 285f). veal a satin gules have been conducted since 1058 in greats ique, ap. ada, comprising a majority of English-Canadi, 3 (ete ich cgeeea tc) it ae of Nar rally the matched guises of male bilingu i pegs ta go speakers in oe EC guises as being better looking, taller, more intel gent, more dependable, kinder, more ambitious Sod cc hhaving more who were bllingsat ag among monoligg it We presented the same et of taped vlces to a group of FC students f equivlent age scl! dat eed cession eee SOCIAL PsycHOLocy 95 4s being more intelligent, dependable, keable and as having more dharactert Only on two traits did they rate the FC guises more fevor- ahh namely Kindness and relgiournes, and, considering the whole patem of ratings, t could be that they interpreted too much religion E rquestionable quality, Not ony did the F judges generally down. gale representatives of their own etbnic-linguistie group, they also ited the FC guises much more negatively than the EC judges had, We consider this pattern of results asa reflection of a community-wide stereotype of FCS as being relatively second-rate people, a view ap- puently fully shared by certain subgroups of FCs. Similar tendencies to downgrade one's own group have been reported in research with nisority groups conducted in other parts of North America Extensions of the Basic Study The Follow-up Study. Some of the questions left unanswered in the frst study have been examined recently by Malcolm Preston (Peston, 1963), Using the same basic technique, the following ques tons were asked: (a) Will female and male Judges react similarly to language and accent variations of speakers? (b) Will judges react sirdarly to male and female speakers who change their pronunciation style or the language they speak? (¢) Will there be systematic differ ences in reactions to FC and Continental French (CF) speakers? For this study, 80 English Canadian and 92 French Canadian frst year college age students from Montreal served as judges. The EC Judges in this study were all Catholics since we wanted to determine if EC Catholics would be less biased in their views of FCs than the non- Catholic EC judges had been in the original study. Approximately the same number of males and females from both language groups were teste, making four groups of judges in all: an EC male group, an EC tena a PC male and a FC female group, ‘The 18 personality traits used by the judges for expressing their reastions were grouped, for the purposes of interpretation, into three logcally distinct categories of personality: (a) competence which lnciuded intelligence, ambition, self-confidence, leadership and cour- (b) personal integrity which included dependability, sincerity, acter, conscientiousness and kindness; (e) social attractiveness whch Included sociability, ikesbiity,entrtainingness, senso of humor ané affectionateness. Religiousness, good looks and height were not included in the above categories since they did not logically ft Results: Evaluative Reactions of English-Canadian Listeners. In {general it was found that the EC listeners viewed the female speakers shoe favorably in their French guises while they viewed the male speakers more favorably in their English guises. In particular, the EC men saw the FC lady speakers as more intelligent, ambitious, self confident, dependable, courageous and sincere than their English96 W. E, LAMBERT counterparts. The EC ladies were not quite so gracious although they, too, rated the FC ladies as more intelligent, ambitious, self-confident (but shorter) than the EC women guises. Thus, ECs generally view FC females as more competent and the EC men see them as possessing ‘more integrity and competence. Several notions came to mind at this point, It may be that the Increased attractiveness of the FC woman in the eyes of the EC male is partly a result of her inaccessibility, Perhaps also the EC women are Cognizant of the EC men's letent preterence for FC women and accor ingly are themselves prompted to upgrade the FC female, even to the pat of adopting the FC woman ass model of what woman should However, the thought that another group is better than their own should not be'a comfortable one for members of any group, especially ‘a group of young ladies! The realization, however latent, that men of their own cultural group prefer another type of women might well be a very tender issue for the EC woman, one that could be easily exacer bated, To examine this idea, we carried out a separate experiment, The Ss for the experiment were two groups of EC young women, one group serving as controls the others, an experimental group, Both groupe ‘were asked to give their impressions of the personalities of a group of speakers, some using English, some Canadian style French. They were, of course, actually presented with female bilingual speakers using Canadian French and English guises. Just before they evaluated the speakers, the experimental group was given false information about FC wtomen, information that was designed to upset them, They heard ¢ tape recording of a man reading supposedly authentic statistical infor tition about the increase in taminges between FC women and EC men. They were asked to listen to this loaded passage twice, for prac- tice only, disregarding the content of the message and attending only to the personality of the speaker. We presumed, however, that they would not likely be able to disregard the content since it dealt with a matter that might well bother them—FC women, they were told, were competing for EC men, men who already had a tendency to prefer FC ‘women, a preference that they possibly shared themselves, In contrast, the control group received quite neutral information which would not affect their ratings of FCs in any way. The results supported the predic ton: The experimental Ss judged the FC women to be relisbly more attractive but reliably less dependable and sincere than did the control Ss, That is, the favorable reactions toward FC women found previously were evident in the judgments of the control group, while the experi Tpental $5, who had been given fale Information designed to highlight the threat posed by the presumed greater competence and integrity of FC women, saw the FC women as men stealers—attractive but ur dependable and insincere, These findings support the general hypoth SOCIAL Ps¥cHOLocy or esis we had developed and they serve as a first step in a series of experiments we are now planning to determine how judgments of per- tonalities affect various types of social interaction, let us cetum again fo the rain Investigation, tt was found that FC men were not as favorably received as the women were by their EC judges. EC ladies liked EC ten, rating them as taller, more likeable, Aectionate, sincere, and conscientious, and as possessing more charac- ter and a greater sense of humor then the FC versions of the same speakers. Furthermore, the EC male, judges also favored EC male speakers, rating them as taller, more kind, dependable and entertaining, ‘Thus, FC male speakers are viewed as lacking integrity and as being las socially attractive by both EC female, and, to-a less marked extent, EC male judges. This tendency to downgrade the FC male, already noted in the basic study, may well be the expression of an unfavorable stereotyped and prejudiced attitude toward FCs, but, apparently, this prjutice is selectively directed toward FC males, possibly because they are better known than females as power figures who control local ional governments and who thereby can be viewed as sources of threa: or frustration, (or as the guardians of FC women, keeping them allto themselves ) ‘The reactions to Continental French (CF) speakers are generally more favorable although less marked. The EC ale listeners viewed CF women as slightly more competent and CF men as equivalent to their EC controls except for height and teligiousness, The EC female listeners upgraded CF women on sociability and self-confidence, but dowagraded CF men on height, likeability and sincerity. Thus, EC judges appear to be less concerned about European French people in general than they are about the local French people; the European French are neither downgraded nor taken as potential social models, toany great extent. Evaluative Reactions of French-Canadian Listeners, Summarizing briefly, the FC listeners showed more significant guise differences than did their EC counterparts. FCs generally rated European French guises nore favorably and Canadian French guises less favorably than they id their matched EC guises. One important exception was the FC vvomen who viewed FO men as more competent and as more socially attractive than EC men, ‘The general pattern of evaluations presented by the FC judges, however, indicates that they view thelr own linguistic cultural grou f injerior to both the English Canadien and the European French soups, suggesting that FCs are prone to take either of these other fgoups as models for changes in their own manners of behaving (in- Siig speech) and possibly in baste value, This tendency is more marked among FC men who definitely prefered male and female representatives of the EC and CF groups to those of their own group. The FC women, in contrast, appear to be guardians of FC culture atat 38 we. B canoer soca psvcroLoce %0 least in the sense that they favored’male representatives of their own ealtral group. We presume tis reaction relecs something tern te & preference for PO'marsage partners, FC women ay teen anxious to preserve FC values and to pass these on in theit own fesilcg through language, religion and tradition, Nevertiies’ FC'wornen upucmiy fe a conlct of thls oun ‘a that they favor characterstiosof both CF and BC women Then the FC female may be sefe-guarding the FC culture through a pret erence for FC values seen in FC men, at the same time ‘as she 4s prone to change her own behavior arama in the direction of one of Od foreign cultural models, those that the men in her group apparently favor: 118 of fnterest that BO womeg see snes oe ea conflict since they appear envious of BG women The Developmental Studios. Recently, we have been ooking ino the background of the inferiority reaction among FC youngster, fying to determine at what age it starts and how it ue through the years, Elizabeth Anisfeld and'I (1064) started by studying tree tons ‘of ten year old FC children to the matched gulser of lineal Yyogters of tty own aga reading Eres at eee oe Little Red Riding Hood, once in Canadian style French and once is Handard English In this instanco, half of the edges tere tied English and half were essentially monolingual tea et Eee ; it was found that FC guises were rated significantly more favorsb on nearly all traits. (One exception was height; the BC speakers nes fudged as taller.) However, these favorable evaustions of the FOr, contrast to the EC guises were due almos entirely to the rercing a the monolingual chidzen. The bilingual cher cos very little diffen ence between the two sets of gulsey, that is, on nearly ol tees tee ratings of the FC guises were essentially the same ar Seis rating EC guises. The rests, therefore, made it clear that, unlike ealleg. judges, FC children atthe ten year age level do not have e mene bias against their own group, fe question then arises as to where the bia starts after age ea A recent study (Lambert, Frankel and Tucker, 1088) was eaareeeas solving this puzzle, The Investigation was conucted with S18 FC aay "anging in age from 9 t0 18, who gave thelyevalutions of tees gtk of matched guises, (a) of some gitls about thelr owe sae, (ov oFoae ult women, and (c) of some adult men. Passages iat Geos neat Brlate for each age level were read by the bilingeal speaker oe English and once in Canadian style French, In this study attention we given to the socal class background of the judges (some were chose om private schools, some from publie schools endo thet pcre of Eaglsh (sme wore ilingtal and some monlingul in Freel Te was found that deinite preferences for EC ganee teoeaned ey age twelve and were maintained through the late toe wears oa was, however, a marked diference between the private ata pie ‘too! judges: the upper middle class girls were especially biased ate ie i whereas ta pate fore ene Peay Bed me Pioed and less durable, suggesting that for theme the Yay eee ined and fader out by the late teens. Note that we probably did not TC cotlges om lower class homes in our easier studies wing gle Jine major implication of these findings is that the tendency for das antgtoups of college-age FCs to downgrade represontsthies or their own nic linguistic group, noted in our earlier studies, seme to Bae of eesis, at least with girls, at about age ID, but the ae fie of this attitude depends to a great exiest once see emmte Ely thoes home fom upper middleclass FC homes, tad oo, Gay 22a82, Who have become: bilingual i English, are particularly Uly fo maintain this view, atleast into the young adult year anit Pattern of results of these Aevelopmental studies can also be Bal ery Ore Psychodynamic perspective. If we anune ake th adult female and male speakers in thee Ber read re some tt xieople like their own parents tothe FC adoleeont jg HuBSE feveral possibilities that could be studied tn move deta os i ful te Consistent withthe notion that tec este lar Bychologieal ‘elation with their fathers than with ine atnse that the gisls in the study rated FC female guises manea Sener 2 EC ones, But generally favored or atleast showed aS deavor for the FC guises of male speakers, Considered @o en Tight, ealelass diferences and bilingual skill apparently iain eee Bee thc RNGiR election and cross-sex ientifcation: by the a creat publ schoo! girls, both monolinguals and bilingual see, utally no rejection of either {he BC female or male guises, whereas wrens Shoo! gies, especially the bilinguals, show's seen Set fomale and male EC guises through the lute tere Teo ot Enact Because of their sll in English and they pocigieen, igen! from home, be able to com i associates and therefore may have developed snonncs Taras te be envious of EC mothers and fathers than theeems poe site ers and fathers than the monolingeal mimlatly, the reactions to “sume-age” speakers might refed a iadioy fo aooept or reject one's peer-group or ones Sef eee i RaRelinguali. From this point of view, the Sndings suggest that ede shoe! monolingual are. generally saisied with her net Bas Ree hey favor the FC guises of the sume-age pecker, A 1 yer level. In conta the private school monolinguals may be er. © Ee pa at Zelsetion of themselves in the sense that thoy fac, the BC guises. The lingual, f course, can" theme ng potential or actual m istic. grou, spreented by the guises. Is of interest thectong tee a eee100 W. LAMBERT SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 10 the public and particularly the private school’ bilinguals apparently Although we have concentrated on a Canadian setting in these favor the EC versions of themselves. fon te Investigations, there is really nothing special about the Canadian scene i with regard to the social effects of language or dialect switching. | Equally instructive effects have been noted when the switch involves 4 Sango from standard American English to Jewith accented English (Anisfeld, Bogo and Lambert, 1962); when the switch involves chang- tng from Hebrew to Arabic for Israeli and Arab judges, or when the change is from Sephardic to Ashkenazic style Hebrew for Jewish listen- fxs in Israel (Lambert, Anisfeld and Yeni-Komshian, 1965), Our most recent research, using a modified approach, has been conducted with Apercan Negro spetkers and listeners (Tucker and Lambe, 1957). The same type of social effects are inherent in this instance, too: Southern Negroes have more favorable impressions of people who use what the linguists call Standard Network Style English than they do of thore who speak with their own style, but they are more impressed with th ow style than they are with the speech of educated, Souther whites, or of Negroes who become too “white” in their speech by ex: aggerating the non-Negro features and over-correcting their verbal out pit Two Generalizations This program of research, still far from complete, does permit ws to make two important generalizations, both relevant to the main argument of this paper, First, a technique has been developed that rather effectively Calls out the stereotyped impressions that members of one ethnic-linguistic group hold of another contrasting group. The type and strength of impression depends on characteristics of the speakers—thelr sex, age, the dialect they use, and, very likely, te social-class background as this is revealed in speech style. The im pression also seems to depend on characteristics of the audience of judges—their age, sex, socio-economic background, their bilinguality and their own speech style, The type of reactions and adjustments listeners must make to those who reveal, through thelr speech style their likely ethnic group allegiance is suggested by the traits thit listeners use to indioate their impressions. Thus, EC male and female college students tend to look down on the FC male speaker, seeing Him less intaliget, loss dependable and lee interesting than be would be seon if he had prescated himself in an EC guise, Imagine the types of role adjustment that would follow if the same person were frst seen in the FC guise and then suddenly switched to a perfect EC guise. A group of EC listeners would probably be forced to perk up thelr ears, reconsider their original classification of the person and thes either view him as becoming too intimate in “theit” language or decide otherwise and be pleasantly amazed that one of their own could men- age the other group's language so well. Furthermore, since these comparative impressions are widespread throughout certain strata of each ethnic-linguistic community, they will probably have an enormous impact on young people who are either forced to learn the other grou's language or who choose to do so. ‘The research findings outlined here have a second smportast message about the reactions of the bilingual who fs able to convincingiy Switch languages of dialects, The bilingual can study the reactions of his audiences as he adopts one guise in certain settings and another in. {lornt settings and recelve& good deal of social feedback, permiting him to realize that he ean be perceived in quite different ways, depend- tng on how he presents himself. It could well be that his own sek concept takes two distinctive forms in the light of such feedback. He may also observe, with amusement or alarm, the role adjustments that follow when he suddenly switches guises with the same group of interlocutors, However, research is needed to document and examine these likely consequences of language or dialect switching from the ‘perspective of the bilingual making the switches. Social-Psychological Aspects of Second-Language Learning How might these intergroup impressions and feelings affect young pernle ving in tho Montiel tren who are expected by educators 0 Jeam the other group's language? One would expect that both French- Canadian youngsters and their parents would be more willing, for purely soclal psychological reasons, to learn English than ECs to learn Flch, Although we havent snvestgated the French-Canadians’ attic tudes toward the learning of English, still it is very apparent that bilingualism in Canada and in Quebeo has long been a one-way affair, with FCs much more likely to lear English than the converse, Typi- cally, this trend to English {s explained on economic grounds and on the attraction of the United States, but I would like to suggest another posible reason for equally serious consideration. FCs may be drawn vay from Canadian style French to English, or to bilingualism, or to Ewopean style French, as a psychological reaction to the contrast in stereotyped smages which English and French Canadians have of-one nether. On the other hand, we would expect EC students and their pants in Quebec, at least, to be drawn away from French for the fame basic teasons. It is, of course, short-sighted to talk about groups in this way because there are certain to be wide individual differences of reaction, as was the case in the impression studies, and as will be apparent in the research to be discussed, but one fact turned up in an unpublished study Robert Gardner and’ conducted that looks like a griup-wide difference, Several samples of Montreal EC, high school102, W. &, LAMBERT students who had studied French for periods of up to seven yeas scored no better on standard tests of French achievement than did Connecticut high schoolers who had only two or three years of French training, Instrumental and Integrative Motivation When viewed from a social-paychological perspective, of learning second language itl leo takes ca focal From this viewpoint, one would expect that if the student is successful in his attempts to learn another social group's language be ‘must be both able and willing to adopt various aspects of Behavion including verbal behavior, which characterize memivers of the othe, Unguistie-cultural group, The learner's ethnocentric tendencies and is attitudes toward the other group are belioved to deteroine Me wee, Jn Ieaming the new language. His motivation to eatm ie eooghtic ks determined by both his attitudes and by the type of orientation he has toward learning a second language, The orientation is instrumental in form if, for example, the purposes of language study reflect the more utilitarian value of linguistic achievement, stich as getting ahead f one's occupation, and is integrative il, for example theese a grlented to learn more about the other cultural community, as if be desired to become a potential member of the other group, It ls ale argued that some may be anxious to learn another Tenguage as « mee of being accepted in another cultural group because of dissatisfaction: experienced in their own culture while other individuals may be w uch interested in another culture as they are in their own, Ip cites case, the more proficient one becomes in a second language the men he may find that his place in his original membership group is modiged at the same time as the other linguistic-cultural group becomes sone thing more than a reference group for him. It may, in fact, beosme ¢ second membership group for him. Depending upen the compaiby pf the two cultures, he may experience feelings of chagrin or egret he loses ties in one group, mixed with the fearful anticipation of eter BE s, relatively new group. The concept of anomie Sst proposed by Durkhelm (1897) end more recently extended by Srole (1081) and Williams (1952), refers to such feelings of social uncertalntly or div satisfaction, My studies with Gardner (1959) were carried out with English speaking Montreal high school students Studying French who wer evaluated for thelr language learning aptitude and verbal inteligencs 1 process cance, to be as well as thelr attitudes and stereotypes toward members of the French community, and the intensity of their motivation to learn French, Ow measure of motivation is conceptually similar to Jones’ (1949 and 1950) index of interest in learning a language which he found tote Important for successful learning’ among lsh students, A factor SOCIAL PsvcHoLocy 103 aailyis of scores on these various measures indicated that aptitude t24 intelligence formed a common factor which was independent of seed one comprising indices of motivation, type of orlentation towerd language and social attitudes toward FCs, Furthermore, a measure of {ctievement in French taken at the end of a year's study was reflected quilly prominently in both factors. This statistical pattern meant thet French achievement was dependent upon both aptitude and verbal intligenco as well a a sympathetic orientation toward the other group. ‘This orlentation was much less common among these student they ‘was the instrumental one, as would be expected from the results of the matched-guise experiments. However, when sympathetic orientation was present it apparently sustained a strong motivation to leans the other group's language. Furthermore, it was'clear that students with tn integrative orientation were more successful in learning French than were those with instrumental orientations, A follow-up study (Gardner, 1960) confirmed and extended these findings. Using a larger sample of EC students and incorporating vars lous measures of French achievement, the same two indepesdent factors were revealed, and again both were related to French achieve, sen, But whereas aptitude and achievement were especially importast fer those French skills stressed n schoo! training, such as grammar the development of such skills, skills that call for the active too af tke language in communicational settings, such as pronunciation accuracy sadauditory comprehension, was detetmined in major part by meaner, of an integrative motivation to learn French. The aptitude vorisbleg Were insignificant in this case, Further evidence from the inteceneae, tions indicated that this integrative motive was the convene of ay sutoritarian ideological syndrome, opening the possibility that basic ge oad the other group are developed within the family, That the minerity of students with an integrative disposition to leva Frown hd parents who also were integrative and syinpathetic to the French community. However, students’ orientations were not related to parents {illo French nor to the number of French aequaintances the parents bud indicating thatthe integrative motive is not due to having sare frpecence with French at home, Instead the integrative catok ee ely stems from a family-wide attitudinal disposition Language Learning and Anomie ‘Another feature of the language learning process came to light in s imesigation of college and porgraduats Haden coe ‘ntens've course in advanced French at McGill's French Sere104 W. & LAMBERT School. We were interested here, among other matters, in changes in attitudes and feelings that might take place during the six-week study period (Lambert, Gardner, Barik and Tunstall, 1861). The majority of the students were Americans who oriented themselves mainly to the European-French rather then the American-French community We adjusted our attitude scales to make them appropriate for thor learning European French, Certain reslts were of special interest Ae the students progressed in French skill to the point that they said they “thought” in French, and even dreamed in French, their feelings of anomie also increased markedly. At the same time, they began to seek ut occasions to use English even though they hed solemnly pledged to use only French for the six-week period. This pattern of results sug gests to us that these already advanced students experienced a song lose of anomie when they commenced to really master a second las wage. That is, when advanced students became so skilled that they een to think and feel like Frenchmen, they then became so annoyed wath feelings of anomie that they were prompted to develop strates {© minimize or contol the annoyance, Reverting to Englise could be such a strategy. It should be emphasized however, that the chain of events just listed needs to be much more carefully explored. Elizabeth Anisfeld and I took another look at this problem, exper menting with 10-year old monolingual and bilingual students (Peal and Lambert, 1962). We found that the bilingual children (atten French schools in Montreal) were markedly more favorable towar the “other” language group (i.e, the ECs) than the monolingual child: ren were, Furthermore, the bilingual children reported that theit par- ents held the same strongly sympathetic attitudes toward ECs, in contrast to the pro-FC attitudes reported for the parents of the mono- ogual children, Apparently, then, he development of second angus skill to the point of balanced bilingualism is conditioned by family. shared attitudes toward the other linguistic-cultural group. ‘These findings are consistent and reliable enough to be of genenl interest, For example methods of language training could possibly be modified and strengthened by giving consideration to the social sychological implications of language learning. Because of the poss le practical as well as theoretical significance of this approach, it seemed appropriate to test ts applicability in cultural sting ote than the bicultural Quebec scene, With measures of attitude snd mo. tivation modified for American students learning French, a large scale study, very similar in nature to those conducted in Montreal, was carried out in various settings in the United States with very similar general outcomes (Lambert & Gardner, 1962) One further investigation indicated that these suggested sola pychologio) principles are not rerticted to English and, Fresh speakers in Canada, Moshe Anisfeld and I (1961) extended the same experimental procedure to samples of Jewish high school studen SOCIAL PSvcHOLOGY 105 stucying Hebrew at various parochial schools in different sectors of Moves They were questioned about thir orientations toward learn- ing Hebrew and their attitudes toward the Jewish culture and com- unity, and tested fr thelr verbal intelligence, language apstude and achievement in the Hebrew language at the end of the school year, The tents support the generalization that both intellectual capacity and Eiudina ‘orientation affect success in learning Hebrew. However, whireas intelligence and linguistic aptitude were relatively stable editors of success, the attitudinal measures varied from one Jewish fommunity to another. For instance, the measure of a Jewish student's desre to become more acculturated in the Jewish tradition and culture was a sensitive indicator of progress in Hebrew for children from particular district of Montreal, one where members of the Jewish sub- fommunity were actually concerned with problems of integrating into the Jewish culture, In another’ district, made up mainly of Jews who reoantly arrived from central Europe and who were clearly of a lower foco-economic level, the measure of desire for Jewish acculturation id not correlate with achievement in Hebrew, whereas measures of proSemitic attitudes or pride in being Jewish did, Bilingual Adjustments to Conflicting Demands ‘The final issue I want to discuss concerns the socio-cultural tugs ‘nd pulls that the bilingual or potential bilingual encounters and how eabjusts to these often condicting demands made on him. We have seea how particular social atmospheres can affect the bilingual. For example, the French-English bilingual in the Montreal setting may be led Coward greater use of English, and yet be urged by cetun ‘thers in the FC community not to move too far in that direction, just ts EC's may be discouraged from moving toward the French com- munity: [In a similar fashion, dialects would be expected to change beaiuse of the social consequences they engender, so that Jewish a certed speech should drop away, especially with those of the younger generation in American settings, as should Sephardic forms of Hebrew Inlsael or certain forms of Negro speech in America,] In other words, te bingual encounters socal prestue of various set: he cin enoy the fun of linguistic spying but must pay the price of suspicion from thse who don't want him to enter too intimately into their cleural domains and from others who don't want him to leave his “own” do- rain, He also comes to realize that most people are suspicious of a eon who i in any sense ewe faced, If he is progresing toward b- jgualism, he encounters similar pressures that may affect his self corcept, his sense of belonging and his relations to two culturalling- tite groups the one he i lowly leaving, and the ane he is entering The conflct exists because so many of us think in terms of in-groups sal outgroups, of of the need of showing an allegiance to one group or108 =. LAMBERT and cnrerat frm fuch as own language, others language, long nal entering one cultural group for another seem to be aporoeeatt even natural desripive ches, Bilinguals and Ethnocenttism Although this type of thought may characterize most people in our word Eis novels cnet ZY azatrne mot pe hoe centrism, and in time it may be challenged by bllinguals wis, Toa are, in an excellent position to develop a totally new outlook ca ay social world, My argument is that bilinguals, especially those with be cultural experiences, enjoy certain fundamental advantages which i Gepltalized on, can easly offset the annoying social tugs and pulls th fee normally prone to, Let me mention one of these advantages that feel is a tremendous asset.* Recently, Otto Klineberg and T coadhived found groups, or about own groups in contrast to foreigners, starte duse the pre-school period when children are tying Geren conception of themselves and their place in the world. Parents and other secigheoc, attempt fo help the child at this stage by highlighting diferences and Contrasts among groups, thereby making his own group as distinct ARrseble. This tendency, incidentally, was noted mong. paren om various parts of the World. Rather than helping, however they Tay actually be setting the stage for ethnocentrism with pennant Gpokeauences. The more contrasts are stressed, the more deep weted Engually and biculturally will be less likely to have good Ser ioi Contrasts impressed on him when he stars worteviae goore himself, is own group and others, Instead he will probably bo taught some thing more truthful, although more compler: that aifercncee ‘amon; ational or cultural groups of peoples alo astunlly sot ere ef fhit baste similarities among peoples are more prowcinen ani itd ferences. The bilingual child in other worde may well start life with the enormous advantage of having a more open, Teceptive mind about himself and other people, Furthermore, as he matures, the bilingual has many opportunities to learn, from observing changes in other peo- 1 For resent purport, dcuslon ts lined to 4 socated uh bg io er intalctual end ene Sha blngeas Datrao been dicased ars ei (298). opaate to been dcuied en's eal {oon tonclngual groups becete of Rarnscaes an # HU sible mean! Aiderees cheracteriing each ofthe languages iaveled, sce Lennon sf eek (29665 SOCIAL PsycHOLocy 107 Pet reactions to him, how two-faced and ethnocentric others can be, ut is, he is likely to become especially sensitive to and leery cf f edinocentrism. Bilinguals. and Social Conflicts ‘This is not to say that bilinguals have an casy time of it, In fect, tie nal investigation T want to present demonstrates the socisl com, ‘ts bilinguals typically face, but, and this is the major point, it also denonstrates one particular type’ of adjustment that is particularly cemraging. In 1048, Irving Child (1943) investigated a matter that disturbed By Rion generation Talane ving tn New England what were they, Halian or American? Through early experiences they had learved tat their relations with eertain other youngsters in their community wae strained ‘whenever they displayed signs of thelr Italian beck geund, that is, whenever they behaved as their parents wanted thon {o.ln contrast, if they rejected their Italian background, they realized thy could be deprived of many satisfactions stemming from belonging to in Italian family and an Italian community, Child uncovered thes fSttrasting modes of adjusting to these pressures, One subgroup re- beled against their Italian background, making themselves s Ano Sg Bostble, Another subgroup rebelled the other way, resting things American as much as possible while proudly associating theme sehes with things Ttalian, The third form of adjustment was en apes thetic withdrawal and a refusal to think of themselver in ethnic terns ata, This group tried, unsuccessfully, to escape the conflet by avoid- {og situations where the matter of cultural background might come up. Stated in other termé, some tried to belong to one of their own Boxps ox the other, and some, because of strong pulls from both sider ‘were unable to belong to either. Chiles study illustrates nicely the diffculties faced by people with dual allegiances, but there is no evidence presented of sacend-geners, tan Tallane who actually feel themselves as belonging to both groups, When in 1962, Robert Gardner and I (1962) studied another ethic ninority group in New England, the French-Americans, we observed the same types of reactions as Child had noted among Italian Amert fans But in our study there was an important difference We used a series of attitude scales to assess the allegiances of French-American adolescents to both their French and Ameen hese {ages Their relative degree of skill in French and in English were rood $5; index oftheir mode of adjustment to the bicultsral conic they fied, In their homes, schools and community, they all hed ample pportunites to learn both languages well, but subgroups tured up ho had quite diferent pattems of linguistic stil, and each patter, ‘as consonant with each subgroup's allegiances, Those who expressed108 Ww, LAMBERT a definite preference for the American over the French culture and ‘who negated the value of knowing French were.more proficient English than French, They also expressed anxiety about how well they actuclly knew English, This subgroup, characterized by a general fection of thelr French background, resembles in many respects the Keel reaction noted by Child. A second subgroup expressed # strong esire to be identified as French, and they showed a greater sil it French than English, especially in comprehension ‘of spoken French ‘Athird group apparently faced a conflict of cultural allegiances since they were ambivalent about their identity, favoring certain features of the French and other features of the American culture. Presumably hecause they had not resolved the conflict, they were retarded in the oecate i eF oth languages when compared to the other groups. Tat Selntively unsuccessful mode of adjustment is very similar to the apt- thetic reaction noted in one subgroup or Italian-Americans. ‘A fourth subgroup is of special interest, French-American young: sters who have an open-minded, nonethnocentric view of people in general, coupled with strong aptitude for language lamin Se he Bees who profited fully from their language Tearing opportunities Ong became skilled in both languages. These young people had sp. parently circumvented the conflicts and developed means of becoming Piombers of both cultural groups. They had, in other terms, achiew ‘comfortable bicultural identity Child's study. There could, for example, be important differences inthe Social pressures encountered by second-generation Italians and French in New England. My guess, however, is that the difference in Snding Fedects a new social movement that has started in America in interval between 1943 and 1962, a movement which the American ling Ulst Charles Hockett humorously refers to as a “reduction of the heat Linder the American melting pot”. I believe that bicultural bilingual Will be particularly helpful in perpetuating this movement, They sel (heir children are also the ones most likely to work out @ new, nox Sthnocentrie mode of social intercourse which could be of univeral significance, ie REFERENCES Asusrevo, Euzasert. 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