Alcestis Resurrected?

: A Contemporary Analysis and

Summary of the Evidence from Ancient Sources

Timothy Gordon
June 23, 2012
 CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...............................................................................................................1

The Poet Euripides ......................................................................................................1

The Story of Alcestis ...................................................................................................2

The Greek Origin and Concept of Immortality ...........................................................3

ALCESTIS RESURRECTED?............................................................................................5

The Death and Postmortem Appearance of Alcestis ...................................................5

Brief Prolegomena of Ancient Sources on Alcestis ....................................................7

Euripides The Alcestis ........................................................................................7

Aeschylus The Eumenides .................................................................................7

Platos Symposium ..............................................................................................8

Virgils Culex ......................................................................................................8

Juvenals Satire VI ..............................................................................................8

Contemporary Analysis by Scholars ...........................................................................8

Alcestis and Jesus Compared and Contrasted .............................................................9

CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................................11

Similarities between the Alcestis and Jesus Resurrection Accounts .........................11

Differences between the Alcestis and Jesus Resurrection Accounts .........................11

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..............................................................................................................13

NOTES ...............................................................................................................................15

ii
 INTRODUCTION

This paper is titled, Alcestis Resurrected?: A Contemporary Analysis and Summary of the
Evidence from Ancient Sources. The theme examined the ancient mythical story of Alcestis using the
source documents from Euripides and others. The hypothesis is that the account of the supposed
resurrection of Alcestis does not qualitatively compare to the resurrection accounts of Jesus in a number
of important categories. In this paper, the poet Euripides, the story of Alcestis, and the Greek origin and
concept of immortality are introduced to provide some context for the background and setting. In the
main body, the death and postmortem appearance of Alcestis is analyzed using the ancient source
documents. A brief prolegomena of these ancient sources on Alcestis is provided. Some analysis by
several contemporary resurrection scholars is examined. A table of the accounts of Alcestis and Jesus is
displayed in a comparison-contrast format that is broken out by various categories. Finally, some
conclusions are made that show relative similarities and differences between the Alcestis and Jesus
resurrection accounts.

Gilbert Murray argues that The Alcestis would hardly confirm its author's right to be acclaimed
"the most tragic of the poets." He doubts whether anyone can call it a tragedy at all. In spite of that
analysis, the play remains one of the most characteristic and delightful of Euripidean dramas, and,
according to Murray, the most easily actable.1

N. T. Wright notes that the myth of Alcestis was known in various versions. Euripides version is
the best known. It shares some of its features with Shakespeares A Winters Tale, and has recently been
cited as the main evidence that a tradition of resurrection existed in the Greek world. Aeschylus alludes
to it at one point in The Eumenides, and it is discussed briefly in Platos Symposium, where it is coupled
with the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. It appears in art through to the Roman period, with Hercules
pictured as leading a hooded Alcestis out of the tomb.2

The Poet Euripides

Euripides was born in 484 BC (some say 480), possibly on

Salamis and died in Macedonia about 406. Euripides was one of three
ancient writers of Greek tragedy, along with Sophocles and
Aeschylus. Many think he was more at home writing comedy than
tragedy. In fact, he sees to have had a significant influence on the
development of later Greek New Comedy. Euripides wrote about
well-known women and mythological themes like Medea and Helen
of Troy. Alcestis is the earliest of Euripides extant tragedies and
dates to 438 BC.3

In his works, Euripides portrays women sensitively but had a

reputation as a woman-hater. Murray discusses the notion that
Euripides had his own reasons for not making Admetus an ideal
Figure 1 - Bust of Euripides from
a 4th century Greek original.

1
 2

husband. There are reports that Euripides had an unhappy married family life. He divorced his first wife
Melito for adultery. With his second wife Chaerila, it was not much better. Having endured envy and
enmity among his fellow-citizens, as well as the infidelity and domestic troubles at home, Euripides
accepted the invitation of self-exile to Macedonia with Archelaus.4

The Story of Alcestis

In this story Admetus, King of Pherae

(Thessaly), tricks the Fates to get a reprieve
from his death if he can find a substitute to die
in his place. He is helped in this endeavor by
Apollo. When the day of his death arrives,
there is no one left except his wife Alcestis
who agrees to be his substitute. Euripides
begins the play on the day of his death. The
distraught Admetus agrees to allow Alcestis to
die. On this same day, Heracles (Hercules)
makes his appearance to visit Admetus. He is
told there is a death in the palace but is not told
that it is Alcestis. Heracles and his group
strangely begin to party and get drunk. A
servant confronts Heracles who then replies,
Figure 2 - Death of Alcestis, by Angelika Maria Kauffmann
Death is a debt all mortals must pay, and no (1741-1807).
man knows for certain whether he will still be
living on the morrow. When the servant tells Heracles it is Alcestis who has died, he is shamed. Heracles
declares that he must save the woman who has just died and show his gratitude to Admetus by restoring
Alcestis back to life. His plan is to ambush Death (Thnatos), who is the Greek minor deity of death (the
Grim Reaper of classical mythology), and force him to give Alcestis to him. If he fails, he will go to
Hades himself and ask to bring Alcestis back up to Admetus. He accomplishes his task and meets
Admetus returning from the funeral with a veiled woman. When Heracles tries to give her back, he is
denied by Admetus while confessing his love for her. When Admetus sees Alcestis, she is only a faint
resemblance to his wife. Admetus proclaims that it is not possible for the dead to come back to the light.
Not to be denied, Heracles insists that he take Alcestis, which he does. When Heracles takes off the veil,
Admetus is shocked and demands to know how he brought Alcestis back to the light. Heracles explains
that he fought with Death to get her back, but cautions Admetus that Alcestis is not allowed to speak for
three days until she is purified in the sight of the nether gods.5

Figure 3 - Alcestis beside Hercules and Ceberius.

Wall painting in Christian Catacomb of the Via Latina, 4th century.
 3

Another way in which the story of Alcestis is told is through artwork on paintings and vases. In
1955 a new catacomb in the Via Latina of Rome was discovered and the results of the art were published
by Father Antonio Ferrua.6 Ferrua suggests that a pagan painting (Figure 3) in the catacomb shows
Alcestis offering her life to the dying Admetus, while in an opposing scene, Hercules is holding Cerberus
with one hand while apparently bringing Alcestis back to Admetus. Another scene depicts Hercules
killing the hydra, getting the apples of Hesperides, killing an unidentified adversary, and shaking hands
with Athena beside the scene of his restoring Alcestis. Apparently some have seen in these scenes a
parallel of Hercules to Christ. They show human love and the savior (Hercules) who banishes evil and is
an ally of Wisdom, Athena, and also conquers death, in a way that expresses one's hope of resurrection
and immortality.

The Greek Origin and Concept of Immortality

It is helpful at this point to provide some historical background on the Greek origin and concept
of the immortality of the soul before examining the issue of Alcestis supposed resurrection. Werner
Jaeger claims, The Immortality of Man was one of the fundamental creeds of the philosophical religion
of Platonism that was in part adopted by the Christian church and that thus became one of the foundations
of the Christian civilization of the Eastern and Western world.7 In his recent third edition of his work on
conditional immortality and the doctrine of final punishment8, Edward Fudge argues that Christians have
been taught since at least the fourth century that every human being will live forever. According to Fudge,
this Platonic view of immortality crept into the early church despite the efforts of most church fathers
who tried to make the qualitative distinction from pagan views that human immortality is derived from
God and not inherent.

The Greek concept of immortality of the soul begins with Plato. Jaeger notes there is no evidence
in Homers epics, the Iliad and the Odyssey, for any view promoting traditional immortality. During this
period in Greek religion, there begins a nontraditional view of immortality as poetry in the form of praise,
as explicitly told by Homer, Hesiod, and other poets. Indeed, the immortality of praise may be the
strongest motive for the greatest heroic effort of an individual that makes him survive in song and be
known to future generations.9 Hans Jonas elaborates a bit more on this nuanced view as the oldest and
most empirical concept of immortality: survival by immortal fame. This was most prized in antiquity and
considered not only the just reward of noble deeds but a prime incentive to them. The deeds must be
visible, that is, public, to be noted and remembered as great. The dimension of this living-on is the
dimension itself in which it is earned: the body politic. Immortal fame is thus public honor in perpetuity,
as the body politic is human life in perpetuity.10

Jaeger argues that Platos view of the immortality of the soul was not received by his mentor
Socrates, but rather by the 6th century BC mythical person Orpheus. The Orphic religion was a bios or
way of life to keep the soul pure and immaculate during its habitation in the body, so that it could return
to its divine home after death.11

Wright argues that the concepts resurrection and immortality are not in themselves
antithetical.12 He does make a strong distinction between Platonism and resurrection, however. Platonic
immortality is when a pre-existent immortal soul comes to live in a mortal body and then is happily
released at death but it is not the only meaning of the word. Wright reiterates that immortality simply
means a state in which is not possible, but by itself, it is not limited to disembodied states. Wright
defines resurrection as a form or type of immortality as Paul uses it in 1 Corinthians 15.53-4. Here Paul is
not combining these two different beliefs, but rather, is describing resurrection as a new bodily life in
which there can be no more death.
 4

Wright makes the point clearly that when the ancient classical world spoke of (and denied)
resurrection, there was no controversy about what the word and its cognates referred to: it was distinctly
the kind of life that humans presently experience. Rather than describing death itself, Resurrection was
a way of describing what everyone knew did not happen: the undoing or reversal of death, working
backwards.13
 5

ALCESTIS RESURRECTED?

As noted by Michael Licona, the topic of resurrected deities in non-Christian religions has
interested scholars for some time. There is almost unanimous consensus among specialists that these do
not provide significant parallels to the resurrection of Jesus. Licona states that more work needs to be
done to investigate the specific accounts, such as Alcestis.14 Of the list of resurrected people that Licona
provides, only Aristeas, Alcestis, and Protesilaus died and appeared later in a physical body.15

The Death and Postmortem Appearance of Alcestis

Murray argues that to understand Heracles in this scene, one must first remember the traditional
connexion of Satyrs (and therefore of satyric heroes) with the re-awakening of the dead Earth in spring
and the return of human souls to their tribe. Dionysus was, of all the various Kouroi, the one most widely
connected with resurrection ideas, and the Satyrs are his attendant daemons, who dance magic dances at
the return to life of Semele or Persephone. And Heracles himself, in certain of his ritual aspects, has
similar functions. This tradition explains, to start with, what Heraclesand this view of the partying
Heracleshas to do in a resurrection scene. Heracles bringing back the dead is a datum of the saga. There
remain then the more purely dramatic questions about our poet's treatment of the datum.16

Platos Symposium has four references to Alcestis (through the character of Phaedrus) that are
worthy of discussion, with relevant excerpts (emphasis added).17

Love will make men dare to die for their belovedlove alone; and women as well as men. Of
this, Alcestis, the daughter of Pelias, is a monument to all Hellas; for she was willing to lay down
her life on behalf of her husband, when no one else would, although he had a father and mother;
but the tenderness of her love so far exceeded theirs, that she made them seem to be strangers in
blood to their own son, and in name only related to him; and so noble did this action of hers
appear to the gods, as well as to men, that among the many who have done virtuously she is one
of the very few to whom, in admiration of her noble action, they have granted the privilege of
returning alive to earth; such exceeding honour is paid by the gods to the devotion and virtue of
love. But Orpheus, the son of Oeagrus, the harper, they sent empty away, and presented to him an
apparition only of her whom he sought, but herself they would not give up, because he showed no
spirit; he was only a harp-player, and did not dare like Alcestis to die for love, but was contriving
how he might enter Hades alive; moreover, they afterwards caused him to suffer death at the hands
of women, as the punishment of his cowardliness. . . . Now Achilles was quite aware, for he had
been told by his mother, that he might avoid death and return home, and live to a good old age, if
he abstained from slaying Hector. Nevertheless he gave his life to revenge his friend, and dared to
die, not only in his defence, but after he was dead. Wherefore the gods honoured him even
above Alcestis, and sent him to the Islands of the Blest. . . . Do you imagine that Alcestis
would have died to save Admetus, or Achilles to avenge Patroclus, or your own Codrus in order
to preserve the kingdom for his sons, if they had not imagined that the memory of their virtues,
which still survives among us, would be immortal? Nay,' she said, 'I am persuaded that all men
 6

do all things, and the better they are the more they do them, in hope of the glorious fame of
immortal virtue; for they desire the immortal.

These passages in Symposium are noteworthy in that they reveal the prevailing views in Greek thought on
immortality, at least from Plato onward. Plato seems to confirm what has already been previously noted
about the type of immortality the Greeks really covetedthat of immortal fame and memory of their
virtuesrather than hoping for and desiring to simply be a disembodied spirit inhabiting Hades.

It is also significant to note that Plato considered there to be degrees of honor bestowed by the
gods upon those who demonstrated devotion and love. In these passages it seems clear that Alcestis
received a higher honor from the gods than did Orpheus because he was more cowardly and she was
nobler. At the same time, the gods honored Achilles above Alcestis with an eternal vacation to the Islands
of the Blest because of his slaying of Hector to avenge Patroclus.

Wright cites the only reference to Alcestis in the Roman poet Virgils corpus (probably spurious)
as Culex 262-4, where Alcestis is dead for the second time in the underworld and is free from all care as a
reward for her great deed. Juvenals only reference (Satire VI, 6.652-654) is the satirical comment that the
wives of his own day would cheerfully sacrifice their husbands over their lap-dog.18

Note Wrights summary of his analysis for The Alcestis.

The Alcestis story is fascinating, but scarcely provides evidence of an actual belief in
resurrection. Alcestis does indeed return from the dead to bodily life. She will
presumably die again, like Lazarus in Johns gospel, but even so her return is remarkable
enough, being the only such tale we have from the entire ancient world. However, as we
have seen, intelligent pagans contemporary with early Christianity knew about such
stories, and dismissed them as mythic fictions. Celsus knew the old myths of returning
from the Underworld, but he was perfectly capable of distinguishing these from the actual
resurrection in the body. A fifth-century Athenian audience would not have thought of
the story as in any way realistic. A tale in which Apollo and Death appear on stage as
speaking characters, in which Hercules arrives as a guest and displays his extraordinary
powers, is hardly good evidence for what ordinary people believed happened in everyday
life. One might as well invoke the Ring cycle as evidence of marital and family customs
among the nineteenth-century German bourgeoisie. No burial customs invoke Alcestis as
a patron or model. No prayers are offered that Hercules may do for others what he did for
her. No further stories are told which build on or develop the theme; the closest near-
parallel seems to be the legend that Hercules had rescued Theseus after the latter (who
had modelled himself on Hercules) had been imprisoned in the underworld during an
(unsuccessful) expedition to rescue Persephone. Alcestis may have come back (in the
ancient legend), but she was the exception in the light of which the prevailing rule stands
out the more clearly. Thus, though the story, and similar tales of heroes and legendary
figures from long ago, continued to be known throughout the classical period, they never
became popular reference points as did the great Homeric scenes of Achilles and
Odysseus. No tombstones suggest that maybe this corpse will be one of the lucky ones
(would they, in any case, have thought coming back such a lucky thing?). One Alcestis,
with a small scatter of subsequent allusions, scarcely makes a tradition. It certainly
made no dent in the ruling assumption from Homer to Hadrian and beyond. Life after
death, yes; various possibilities open to souls in Hades and beyond, yes; actual
resurrection, no.19
 7

Wright concludes his overview of the stories of resurrection in pagan societies by noting that the
road to the underworld ran only one way. Like someone who occasionally drives the wrong way on a one-
way street, one hears of a Protesilaus, an Alcestis or a Nero redivivus, once or twice in a thousand years.20

Brief Prolegomena of Ancient Sources on Alcestis

Euripides The Alcestis

Donald J. Mastronarde is working on a web-based project, compiling copies and records of the
ancient sources on Euripides. There is two extant MSS of Euripidess The Alcestis.21

1. At the Paris, Biblothque Nationale there is an 11th century or even perhaps late 10th century MS of
scolia including Hecuba, Orestes, Phoenissae, Hippolytus, Medea, Alcestis, and Andromache. This
would make the MS 1400-1500 years after the proposed writing of The Alcestis (438 BC).

2. In the Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, gr. 909, MS dates to about 1250-1280. There are
scholia on nine select plays: Hecuba, Orestes, Phoenissae, Hippolytus, Medea, Alcestis,
Andromache, Troades, and Rhesus. This dating of this MS is 1600-1700 years after The Alcestis.

Aeschylus The Eumenides

There are two groups of MSS that contain copies of The Eumenides, the Medicean Group and the
Venetian Group. 22

1. Medicean Group

a. The M or Medician, is the oldest and most important MS in the Laurentian library at
Florence, written on parchment, dates to the 10th or 11th century. In 1453 it was brought from
Constantinople by Giovanni Aurispa, an Italian historian and erudite who is remembered in
particular as a promoter of the revival of the study of Greek in Italy. It is the only real MS
authority for The Eumenides as it is believed the other extant copies are derived from it. Even
so, this MS is still 1400-1500 years after the 458 BC date of the original play.
b. The G or Guelferbytanus, at Wolfenbuttel, dating to the 15th century and written on paper. It
is a poor copy of M.
c. The Ma or Marcianus, also written on paper and dating to the 15th century. It is also a copy of
M.
d. The P or Parisiensis, in the Paris library, also dates to the 15th century and is very much like
M.
e. The A or Augustanus, in the library of Munich, dates to the 16th century. It is an incomplete
copy of M.

2. Venetian Group

a. The V or Venetus, in the library of S. Mark at Venice, is written on parchment and dates to
the 13th century. It is incomplete.
b. The Fl or Florentinus, in the Laurentian library at Florence, dates to the 14th century.
c. The Fa or Farnesianus, now in the Naples library, is written on paper and dates to the 14th
century.
 8

Platos Symposium

The oldest extant MS (MS. E. D. Clarke 39) of Platos Symposium is located in the Bodleian
Library of the University of Oxford. This MS contains Tetralogies 1-6, comprising 24 dialogues (about
half of Platos dialogues). It was written in Constantinople in AD 895 and acquired by Oxford in 1809.2324
If the Symposium is dated ca. 380-360 BC, a gap of 1255-1275 years exists between the proposed writing
and earliest extant MS.

Virgils Culex

Lisa St. Louis knows of at least 98 manuscripts of this short poem of 414 lines that is spuriously
attributed to Virgil. Her research shows that it can best be traced to the first century during the reign of
Tiberius (Virgil died in AD 19).25

Juvenals Satire VI

The manuscript tradition of Juvenal is unusual and complex which contributed to corruption over
the years. Only P (Codex Pithoeanus Montepessulanus), a 9th-century manuscript based on an edition
prepared in the 4th century by a pupil of Servius Honoratus, the grammarian, is reasonably reliable.26 It is
known as MS 125 and was written at Lorsch in Germany and now is located at Montpellier in southern
France. There is no complete list of extant manuscripts of Juvenal, but considerably more than 500
medieval copies are known to exist.27

Contemporary Analysis by Scholars

Porter questions whether the Alcestis story is really to be seen as a bodily resurrection.28 Though
Alcestis was revived, she would die again at a future time, according to the myth. Plato later referred to
the Alcestis story through Phaedrus in illustrating the discussion of the power of love. Many scholars
muse that the gods admired the devotion of Alcestis enough to send her soul back from the dead. Echoing
Jaeger, Phaedrus also cites parallels in the stories of Orpheus and Eurydice. Porter assumes that Plato has
taken the story of Alcestis as a soul being resurrected bodily. A second reference to Alcestis in Greek
literature is found in Aeschylus, The Eumenides (the final play in The Oresteia tragedian trilogy), where
Apollos role of tricking the Fates to buy Admetus more time before his appointed death is discussed. In
his book on Paul, F.F. Bruce also refers to the Eumenides (647-648) text and cites the statement by
Apollo, When the dust has soaked up a mans blood, Once he is dead, there is no resurrection.29 It
seems clear that during this time in Greek history when the tragedy was in its heyday and prior to Plato,
the concepts of immortality of the soul and, especially, bodily resurrection were not viable beliefs. As
Bruce noted, the word used for resurrection is anastasis which is the same word used by Paul. In his
discussion of Pauls speech in Acts 17:22-31, Bruce argues that Pauls use of the words resurrection of
the dead were absurd to the Athenians, but if he had spoken of the immortality of the soul, he would
have commanded the assent of most of his hearers, aside from the Epicureans.

Porter questions Bruces argument about what the Athenians supposedly knew between
resurrection and immortality.30 Porter claims that, while there is little Jewish evidence regarding physical
or bodily resurrection, the same cannot be said for what is found in Greek and Roman religion, where
there is a shockingly strong tradition of contemplation of the souls destiny in the afterlife, along with
examples of bodily resurrection.
 9

Wright, in turn, questions Porters view on what both Greeks and Jews understood about
resurrection.31 Wright argues that the conclusion is clearly seen that Christianitys central claim was
believed to be false (in the context of a Greek first century culture and the predominance of Platonism).
Many believed that the dead were non-existent; outside Judaism, nobody believed in a physical
resurrection of the body. Wright adds that the remarkable story of Alcestis rescue by Heracles can hardly
be said to constitute Porters claim of a tradition of resurrection, indicating a uniform and universal
tradition within which resurrection is known not to happen, except in Euripides one dreamlike moment
of poetic imagination. Wright ends his analysis by noting that most of Porters article undeniably
demonstrates that there was a large tradition of varied speculation about life after death. The Alcestis
legend (already clearly part of the Heracles legend) is his one example of actual return to bodily life,
going against the grain of all other classical literature.32 Celsus would have mentioned Alcestis had there
been a tradition about her.33

Alcestis and Jesus Compared and Contrasted

Table 1- Alcestis and Jesus Compared and Contrasted
Category Alcestis Jesus
5,805 Greek NT MSS, over
Extant Source 15,000 Syriac, Latin, Coptic,
2 MSS
Documents? Armenian, Gothic, Georgian, Ethiopic
34
NT MSS, 2,453 NT lectionary MSS
Elapsed Time from 1 MS 1400-1500 Years,
Within 100-150 years
Event? 1 MS 1600-1700 Years
No. of Eyewitness
At least two (Admetus, Heracles) At least 515-520
Accounts?
Matthew 12:38-40; 16:1-4,21;
Resurrection Heracles predicts he can rescue 17:23; 20:19; Mark 8:31- 32; 9:31;
Predictions Alcestis from Death or Hades 10:33; Luke 9:22; John 2:18-21. Cf.
Mark 14:58; Luke 11:29-30.
1. To Mary Magdalene: Mark
16:9-11; John 20:11-18
2. To the Galilean women:
Matt 28:9-10
3. To Peter: Luke 24:34; I Cor
Post-Resurrection Admetus (mythical), Heracles 15:5
Appearances? (mythical) 4. To the Two from Emmaus:
Luke 24:13-35
5. To the eleven apostles and
a group of His
followers: Luke 24:33-43; John 20:19-
25
Historical Character? No Yes
NT: Matthew, Mark, Luke,
John, Paul, Hebrews, James, Peter,
Jude
Early Church: Clement of
Romes letter to the church in Corinth;
Multiple Attestations 2 Clement whose author is unknown;
None
within 150 Years? the seven letters of Ignatius; Polycarp's
letter to the Philippians; The Martyrdom
of Polycarp; Didache; the letter of
Barnabas; The Shepherd of Hermas;
Fragments of Papias; the letter of
Diognetus; the Apocalypse of Peter
 10

(not to be confused with the Nag

Hammadi text of similar name); the
Gospel of Peter; the Epistula
Apostolorum; and the works of Justin
Martyr, Aristides, Athenagoras,
Theophilus of Antioch, Quadratus,
Aristo of Pella, and Melito of Sardis.
Heretical: Gnostic Gospel of
Thomas, Gospel of Truth, Apocryphon
of John, and Treatise on Resurrection
Secular: Josephus, Tacitus,
Pliny the Younger, Phlegon, Lucian,
Celsus, Suetonius, Thallus, Mara Bar-
35
Serapion.
Distinct Historical
None; mythical character 42
References?
Memories; glorious fame of immortal
View of Immortality Body and soul (eternal)
virtues (temporal)
Heracles physically forcing Death to
Resurrection Power Supernatural power of God
give her up
Faint resemblance to the living
Properties of
Alcestis (standing still); cannot speak Can speak, eat, vanish, appear
Resurrected Body
for three days
nd
Experienced a 2
Yes No
Death/Resurrection?
 11

CONCLUSION

In summary, the hypothesis of the writer is that there are some superficial similarities between the
supposed resurrection of Alcestis and the bodily resurrection of Jesus. However, in the final analysis, the
differences appear to be stark and substantial. Much more could be said, but due to time and space
considerations in this paper, five similarities and five differences are noted below.

Similarities between the Alcestis and Jesus Resurrection Accounts

First, the similarities will be analyzed. It was a noble thing for Alcestis to voluntarily give her life
to save Admetus. Here is a comparison to the substitutionary atonement of Christ for all sinners. He freely
gave His life for those who were undeserving, as did Alcestis for Admetus. A second similarity might be
that Heracles, as the rescuer of Alcestis from Death (Hades) could be compared to God rescuing Jesus
from Death (Hades). A third similarity is that they were both brought back to those who loved them
(Alcestis to Admetus and Jesus to his disciples). A fourth one is that both were resurrected from the dead
bodily but this is a very superficial similarity. A fifth and final one is that both Alcestis and Jesus were
praised throughout history for their sacrificial act, although in Alcestis case, this is on a much smaller
scale.

Differences between the Alcestis and Jesus Resurrection Accounts

The differences between these two accounts are striking. First, there is no real evidence from the
story of Alcestis that she actually died. A skeptic could argue for the swoon theory since Death had not
carried out his task to completion before he was intercepted by Hercules. By contrast, Jesus died on the
cross by crucifixion and this was confirmed as such by the Roman soldiers and he was placed in a tomb
for three days. Later, the empty tomb proved that His once dead body was raised. Second, as noted Table
1, there is overwhelming manuscript evidence to support the death, burial, and resurrection story of Jesus
(many within 150 years of the events). In the case of Alcestis, there are two extant MSS of Euripides
account that are dated 1400-1700 after the writing. A third difference also noted in Table 1, is the multiple
independent human attestations (42) of within 150 years of the events of Jesus resurrection. Regarding
Alcestis, there are no independent attestations closer than 1400 years to the original writing. The few that
exist do not discuss the resurrection as a current reality. A fourth major difference is the qualitative
difference between Alcestis and Jesus. Alcestis died and was raised to die a second time. Jesus was raised
bodily and never experienced death again. A fifth major difference shows that the resurrection body itself
was different between Alcestis and Jesus. The resurrected Alcestis bore a faint resemblance to her former
self. She also could not speak for three days. This is not the picture of a resurrected living state that is
better than the previous living state. In contrast, the resurrected Jesus can speak, eat, appear, and vanish.
This is a living state that is qualitatively better than the previous human state before he died.

The theme of this paper examined the mythical story of Euripides The Alcestis in order to
determine if the character Alcestis did indeed experience a bodily resurrection. In so doing, some analysis
 12

by contemporary scholars and examination of the manuscript evidence from the ancient sources was
accomplished. The introduction briefly profiled the life of the poet Euripides, told the Euripides version
of story of Alcestis, and a brief look at the Greek origin and concept of immortality. In the main part of
the paper, the hypothesis of the resurrection of Alcestis was examined. In this section, the textual sources
for the death and postmortem appearance of Alcestis were provided. A brief prolegomena of the ancient
sources was summarized including, 1) Euripides The Alcestis; 2) Aeschylus The Eumenides; 3) Platos
Symposium; 4) Virgils Culux; and 5) Juvenals Satire VI. The last part of this section was a summary of
the analysis by some contemporary scholars about the resurrection of Alcestis. Finally, a table with
Alcestis and Jesus was displayed to show a comparison-contrast using a number of categories.
 13

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 14

Pearse, Roger. "Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Preface To The Online Edition." Early Church Fathers -
Additional Texts. Accessed June 23, 2012.
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 NOTES

1
Euripides, The Alcestis of Euripides [Alcestis], trans. Gilbert Murray (1915; Project Gutenberg, 2003),
Kindle edition, location 6.

2
N. T. Wright, Christian Origins and the Question of God, vol. 3, The Resurrection of the Son of God,
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003), Kindle edition, location 1491-1495.

3
Stanley E. Porter, Resurrection, the Greek and the New Testament, ed. Stanley E. Porter, Michael A.
Hayes, and David Tombs (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999a), 77-81.

4
"Euripides and His Tragedies," TheaterHistory.com, June 10, 2012 January 01, 2002, http://
www.theatrehistory.com/ancient/euripides001.html. This document was originally published in The Drama: Its
History, Literature and Influence on Civilization, vol. 1. ed. Alfred Bates. London: Historical Publishing Company,
1906. pp. 158-166.

5
Porter, 79. See also Euripides, location 137-617.

6
Erwin R. Goodenough, "Catacomb Art," Journal of Biblical Literature 81, no. 2 (June 1, 1962): 113, 126,
ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed June 23, 2012).

7
Werner Jaeger, "The Greek Ideas of Immortality," Harvard Theological Review 52, no. 3 (July 1, 1959):
135, ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed June 4, 2012).
8
Edward W. Fudge, The Fire that Consumes: A Biblical and Historical Study of the Doctrine of Final
Punishment, third ed (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2011), 19-22.

9
Jaeger, 136-137.

10
Hans Jonas, "Immortality and the Modern Temper," Harvard Theological Review 55, no. 1 (1962,
January 1): 2, ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost (accessed June 2, 2012).
11
Jaeger, 139-140.

12
Wright, 3350-3356.

13
Ibid., 878-881.

14
Michael R. Licona, The Resurrection of Jesus: A New Historiographical Approach (Downers Grove, IL:
IVP Academic, 2010), Kindle edition, 621-622.

15
 16

15
Ibid., 149.

16
Murray, 50.

17
Plato, Symposium, trans. Benjamin Jowett (Salt Lake City: Project Gutenberg, 2008), Kindle edition,
location 557-575, 1039.

18
Wright, 19285-19287.

19
Ibid., 1497-1517.

20
Ibid., 1781.

21
Donald J. Mastronarde, "Manuscripts Used In This Edition," Beta Version 1, Euripides Scholia, accessed
June 10, 2012, http://euripidesscholia.org/EurSchMSS.html. See also Alexander Turyn, The Byzantine Manuscript
Tradition of the Tragedies of Euripides [Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, 43] Urbana 1957; Kjeld
Matthiessen, Studien zur Textberlieferung der Hekabe des Euripides [Bibliothek der klassischen
Altertumswissenschaften, n.F., 2. Reihe, 52]. Heidelberg 1974; Donald J. Mastronarde & Jan Maarten Bremer, The
Textual Tradition of Euripides Phoinissai [UC Publications: Classical Studies, vol. 27, 1982]; and James Diggle,
The Textual Tradition of Euripides Orestes. Oxford 1991.

22
Aeschylus, Clarendon Press Series, 2nd ed, ed. Arthur Sidgwick, , Eumenides, (Harvard University:
Clarendon Press, 1895), 7, 25-27. Digitized Jan 12, 2009. See also AllExperts.com. "Translations of Ancient Greek
Plays." Accessed June 10, 2012. http://en.allexperts.com/q/Greek-2004/2009/9/Translations-Ancient-Greek-
Plays.htm.

23
Bodleian Philosophy Faculty Library, "Manuscripts and Rare Books," University of Oxford, accessed
June 17, 2012, http://www.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/philosophy/collections/manuscripts.

24
Twenty-four Dialogues, with marginal scholia (also known as 'The Clarke Plato'), 895, manuscript,
Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, MS. E. D. Clarke 39, Bodleian Library, Oxford. http://
bodley30.bodley.ox.ac.uk:8180/luna/servlet/detail/ODLodl~1~1~44484~123208: Twenty-four-Dialogues,-with-
margina.

25
Lisa St. Louis, "Laying the Foundation for a New Work on the Pseudo-Virgilian Culex," CLCWEB:
Comparative Literature and Culture 8, no. 1 (2006, January 01): 2-4, accessed June 23, 2012, http://
docs.lib.purdue.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1294&context=clcweb. This article contains material derived from
the author's Ph.D. dissertation, Lisa St. Louis, Prolegomenon to an Edition of the Pseudo-Virgilian Culex. Ph.D.
Diss. Ottawa: U of Ottawa, 2001.

26
Wikipedia contributors, "Satires (Juvenal)," Wikipedia, The Free
Encyclopedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Satires_(Juvenal)&oldid=484714346(accessed June 23,
2012).

27
Roger Pearse, "Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Preface to the Online Edition," Early Church Fathers -
Additional Texts, accessed June 23, 2012, http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/juvenal_satires_00_eintro.htm.

28
Porter, 79.
 17

29
F. F. Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977), 246-247.
30
Porter, 69.

31
Wright, 904-915.

32
Ibid., 19254-19256.

33
Ibid., 19276-19277.

34
Daniel Yen, "Greek New Testament Dot Net Project," Greek New Testament Dot Net, accessed June 22,
2012, http://greeknewtestament.net/.

35
Gary R. Habermas and Michael R. Licona, The Case for the Resurrection of Jesus (Grand Rapids: Kregel
Publications, 2004), 233.