2017v25n1p269
Introduction 1
Esta obra est sob licena Creative August 12, 1955 was marked by an episode that stirred
Commons. a national commotion. The body of Carmen Miranda arrived
1
Translated by Jeffrey Hoff. This in Rio de Janeiro from Los Angeles and was taken by the fire
article presents results of my department to the old city council building for viewing.
dissertation which was funded by Thousands of people in the procession paid homage when
CNPq and CAPES (PDSE/Process
number 8112/12-6). the coffin wrapped in a Brazilian flag was removed from the
vehicle and taken for public viewing for a day. The crowd in
front of the city council indicated the populations desire to
see the face of their idol up close for the last time. On the next
day, the firemen took the body to the cemetery of So Joo
Batista, accompanied by thousands of people. According
to biographer Abel Cardoso Junior, at the wake, from 1 pm
on that day, until 1 pm on Aug, 13, more than 60,000 people
passed before the body (1978, p. 30). More impressively, her
burial was accompanied by between 500,000 and one
million people it was the most widely attended in the history
and clubs and others that were more accessible to the middle
and lower classes, such as movies and bars. Whiteness thus
expressed an affinity with the modern world in its material
and symbolic dimensions that selectively define who has
access to certain products, spaces and behaviors that
promoted mechanisms of social distinction. The possession
of radio, the incorporation of Hollywood fashions, a presence
at fancy balls or casinos were some of the elements that
linked individuals to modernity. In contrast, various expressions
of popular and Afro-Brazilian culture continued to be criticized
in the press as barbaric.
Although aspects of social class and life styles were
central, the racial aspect appeared to be tied to them as a
mechanism of social distinction. For example, although black
musicians and composers gained certain recognition, they
did not attain the status of the radio stars, earning lower
salaries and not achieving the same prestige. In contrast,
the radio stars established a type of Brazilian star system, with
notable presence in advertising, in illustrated magazines and
in the emerging national cinema, and were closely followed
by the Brazilian public. This racial frontier coexisted with a
paradoxical valorization of miscegenation and of Afro-
Brazilian scenarios and rhythms that became part of the
national identity.
Carmen Miranda is representative of this period. She
had close contact with popular composers and musicians,
but achieved success that was unimaginable to her musical
companions. She was able to enter spaces for the elite, gain
a presence in advertising, magazines and in the emerging
national cinema, and after her consecration, and the
internationalization of her career, she was already conceived
as an artistic representative of the nation. Carmen Mirandas
whiteness was key to her broad acceptance. At the peak of
her career she incorporated the personality of the Baiana [a
woman from Bahia] to the film Banana da Terra, filmed in
late 1938. In this film, she appears in a musical number
interpreting the song O que que a baiana tem? [What is
it about Bahian Women] by Dorival Caymmi, dressed like a
typical Baiana who sold goods on the street.
The character of the Baiana refers both to an authentic
Brazil, from Salvador which was the first capital of colonial
Brazil, and is a reference to the popular black women who
sold typical foods on the streets of Rio de Janeiro. They were
religious leaders and had an important presence in ludic
and religious spaces of samba, before being commercially
promoted. Since the late nineteenth century the Baiana was
also a character in theatrical revues, associated to the role of
the sensual mulata, in the process of becoming transformed
into a national symbol.
13
The Brazilian press at times performances, 13 although she continued to attract
criticized Carmen for becoming considerable interest and worship from the Brazilian public.
Americanized and at times
blamed the directors of her films Carmen Mirandas success also stimulated the reverberation
for problems in the interpretation of her Baiana costume in elite contexts. Many women,
of Brazilians, despite her great box stimulated by advertising and the market for carnival costumes,
office success. Supposedly, it was incorporated Carmens Baiana, inspired by the idea of a
no longer the issue of Carmen
Brazilian femininity, given prestige by Hollywood films.
Miranda, but of a Latin American
caricature or of an artist inebria- Even at the Municipal dance, the most selective of all
ted by the perfume of American that were held in Rio de Janeiro (...) there was a clear
money. Journalists and letters
majority of bahianas. This truly curious factor is
from readers criticized Carmen for
singing sambas that smelled like presented in these pages, where we see the most
rhumbas, contrary to what the beautiful Baiana who danced at the party in our largest
Ambassador of Samba promised theater. (O Cruzeiro, February 17, 1940, Archives of
when she left Rio de Janeiro for the Biblioteca Nacional).
New York (Archive of the Biblioteca
Jenny Klabin Segall). The article As bahianas invadiram o Theatro
Municipal [Baianas Invade the Municipal Theater], in the O
Cruzeiro magazine, registered the dissemination of a costume
that had previously been rejected in the gala Carnival dances
of Rio de Janeiro. This is indicated by the text remarking on
this truly curious aspect. The specificity of this incorporation
in the Brazilian context raises the question of racial boundaries,
given that the Baiana was related to a black image. In this
sense, the incorporation of the personality of the Baiana was
selective and temporary, according to Tania Garcia: if in the
United States the Baiana wardrobe is on the mannequins in
the store windows of New York, influencing fashion and women
there, in Brazil the clothing was only a costume to be used
during the four days of carnival (2004, p. 118).
The influence of U.S. fashion based on the impact of
Carmen Miranda did not change in daily exchanges the
racialization of clothing and all the meanings and values
attributed to it: The Baiana outfit, after carnival, continued
among us to be found only on blacks who earned their living
selling food and fruits on the streets of the capital of the
Republic (GARCIA, 2004, p. 118). In other terms, the turbans
and adornments that had so much impact on clothing sales
in the United States did not have the same success in Brazil,
due to the symbolic universe to which they were related.
Even if limited, the acceptance of the Baiana costume
at the elite carnival dances was made concrete through a
series of negotiations, involving the stratified market of cultural
and entertainment products of the time: from illustrated
magazines to clothing stores, carnival decorations and
costumes, to the theaters and clubs that offered carnival
dances. The racial tensions in the consumption of the Baiana
are perceptible in an ad that appeared on the back cover
of the magazine O Cruzeiro. The advertisement, for the
magazine A Cigarra, had a design that contrasted a black
15
This does not involve something Brazilian and Latin American iconography, with the figure of
spatially limited, but something the exported Baiana.
widely found. In particular, one
spectacle that had surprising In her dialogs with various audiences, a curious form of
success, This is the Army, and reading of Carmen Miranda appeared in the unique
became immensely popular in the appropriation of her persona in the armed forces. At male bases
United States, was presented on and camps without women, men not only conducted services
Broadway for nearly two months
considered to be those for women, but also played women on
and with imitations in other fields,
even outside of the country. stages.15 The predominant reception in the media and in the
Between October 1942 to August armed forces, within a mainstream perspective, interpreted
1943 the spectacle toured the these spectacles as comedy, part of a strategy to promote
United States, highlighted by a entertainment, raise morale and the integration needed
presentation to President Franklin
Delano Roosevelt, who declared among soldiers (BRUB, 1990). Accidentally, Carmen wound
his pleasure to see a soldier up producing a temporary refuge where they could let their
personifying Gypsy Rose Lee, in a hair down to entertain their fellows (BRUB, 1990, p. 67-68).
strip-tease (BRUB, 1990, p. 78). The relations between actors and spectators produced
16
One homosexual entertainer said
readings as drag performances, and suggested homosexual
[...] He could enjoy seeing or
being the real man in the dress meanings to the narratives.16
kissing, dancing with, or singing Brub (1990) pointed to the existence of a publication
love songs to other men and then called Blueprint Special from 1944 about the show Hi
enjoy the subsequent wealth of Hank! which included five pages that presented male
usually unintended double enten-
dres, transforming every aspect of characters of Carmen Miranda. According Brube, in April
the performance into a homose- 1941 a writer from Theather Arts Magazine even reported
xual subplot. When he knew there that armed forces personnel were tired of male interpretations
were other gay men in the cast or of Carmen Miranda and desperately declared the need
audience, with a wink or a knowing
for greater variety (BRUB, 1990, p. 89). More than a specific
glance he could share his secret
enjoyment with them, expanding addendum, the tie between Carmen Miranda and this public
his solitary appreciation into a reveals an interesting facet that helps us understand crucial
group experience. In this way drag aspects of the agencying of Carmen Miranda and of the
performances, wherever they were multiple and dissonant dynamic of the mass cultural products.
held, inadvertently opened up a
social space in which gay men It involves an important aspect whose consequences can
expanded their own secret culture. be perceived until today, with Carmen Miranda still conceived
The joke was on the unaware of as a gay icon especially among older generations.
members of the audience a Among the various parodies of Carmen, I highlight
subplot about homosexuality was
that made by a soldier who performed in theaters and military
being created right before their
eyes and they didnt even know it camps during World War II, Sasha Brastoff. Brastoff s
(BRUB,1990, p. 72). interpretation (which I discovered in a series of photos in a
17
The first personification of Carmen file in the One Lesbian and Gay Archive of Los Angeles, and
in the movies was made by Mickey in which he performed various characters as a drag queen)
Rooney in Babies on Broadway
(1941), a Busby Berkeley film became so famous that it was presented in a 1946 film about
made by MGM. Rooneys personi- the armed forces, Winged Victory. Brastoff did not parody
fication was preceded by other Carmen by emphasizing a Latin American image with her
parodies of Carmen in theater hats of tropical fruits, as did most of the parodies of her in the
and many others followed in the
movies.17 Brastoff explored one of her characteristic artistic
movies, characterizing in a comic
way some elements sedimented elements: stylization. The artist maintained Carmens style of
in Carmens performances such as dress, but his costume substituted the fruits with silverware
the use of turbans, her exoticism and a U.S. army uniform, even accentuating the exaggerated
and tropicality. platform shoes used by Carmen. This shrewdly placed Carmen
Miranda into the U.S. army in a drag interpretation.
Final considerations
By analyzing consumption as a fundamental aspect
of Carmen Mirandas trajectory, my intention was to focus on
how mass culture and the grasping of its meanings are marked
by ambiguities and dissonances. More than emphasizing the
relationship between Carmen Miranda and the
representations of Brazilianess or the stereotype of the Latin
American woman, I sought to analyze how the interpretation
of her meanings is more diverse and depends on their
reception. To consider the publics as a constituent part of the
construction of the media image means understanding that
they can select from the complexity of the image, the
meanings and sentiments, the variations, inflections and
contradictions that work for it (DYER, 2004, p. 4).
The semiotic construction of a movie star has a logic
specific to the workings of the film industry within a capitalist
economy, although it is not restricted to economic
problematics. Carmen handled her trajectory from Brazil with
elements marked first in Brazilian and then in continental
representations, characterized by an intersection between
categories of gender, race and sexuality. From the Baiana to
its overlapping by the Latin American woman, with the
repetition of symbolic elements with a specific history, Carmen
wound up shifting them and giving them new meanings. Her
reception by the female public and by the male homosexual
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[Recebido em 12/05/2016
e aceito para publicao em 21/09/2016]