Bell - Luxor Temple and The Cult of The Royal Ka

Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka
Author(s): Lanny Bell

Source: Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Oct., 1985), pp. 251-294
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/544764
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LUXOR TEMPLE AND THE CULT OF THE ROYAL KA*
LA NN Y BELL, Uni'versiti' of Chicago
Dedicated to the ka
of Lahih Hahachi
BECAUSE of its unique subject matter, Luxor Temple (fig. la-b) is perhaps the
least known major monument in the Theban area. Excavations begun there in 1885
were carried out sporadically until 1960, when the north face of the Pylon, the north-
east corner of the Court of Ramesses 11, and the south end of the Avenue of Sphinxes
were revealed in their present state.
In 1966, Eberhard Otto wrote:
The original cult of the [temple] is unknown ... [and] little is known about the special cult
form [of the Amon] of this temple or even about the meaning of the Luxor festival itself .... The
high point of the religious life of Thebes was the Luxor [Opet] festival . . . [where] the connec-
tion between king and god experienced an impressive demonstration. Very often the king himself
took part in the procession, and several kings were elected [by the god Amon-Re] during this
occasion: among others Hatshepsut and Horemheb . . . [The] representation[s] of the festival
procession . . . give a general idea of the festival's progress, [but] they reveal very little about its
meaning.... [W]hat exactly took place in the temple of Luxor? The Egyptians remain silent.
The attempted explanations of modern scholars may all be right in parts. It remains doubtful,
however, whether any one of them has got to the bottom of the matter.'
Otto concludes in desperation that ". . . we must consider the possibility that the
Egyptians themselves lost the true understanding of the festival in the course of time,"
and this is where the situation has remained down to the present day.
Progress in understanding the full significance of this temple has been seriously
hampered by the general lack of reliably published documentation on most of its
reliefs and inscriptions. Up to now, knowledge of Luxor Temple at first hand has been
necessary to gain any appreciable insight into its inner workings. It is only after the
nine years that the Epigraphic Survey team has been working in Luxor Temple that
we are finally in a position to be able to present a completely new interpretation of
Luxor and its great annual festival, the Feast of Opet. We can now describe Luxor as
the temple dedicated to the divine Egyptian ruler or, more precisely, to the cult of the
* Wherever possible I have used the standard article titles; thereafter articles are cited by journal,
abbreviations found in Wolfgang Helck, Eberhardvolume, and year only. I would like to express my
sincere appreciation here for the tireless efforts of
Otto, and Wolfhart Westendorf, eds., Lexikon tder
Agyptologie (LA) (Wiesbaden, 1975- ), vol. 4,Martha R. Bell and Katherine Rosich in the prepara-
pp. ix-xxx. Initial citations of journal articles include
tion of the typescript of this article on the IBM 3081 D
mainframe at the University of Chicago Computing
Center using TREATISE/SCRIPT text formatter.
[JNES 44 no. 4 (1985)] I Otto, Osiris und A n7un: Kult und heilige Stiiten
?) 1985 The University of Chicago. (Munich, 1966), trans. Kate Bosse-Griffiths, Iylptian
All rights reserved. Art and the Cults of Osiris and Amnon (hereafter
0022-2968 / 85/4404-0001 $1.00. Osiris and Anion) (London, 1968), pp. 97-98, 100.
251
252 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
* * * *
*** ****?
IL~I 0*** * **
** **
** **
0* 0
0* 0
0 o
oo o
000
ID a
O o
00 0 00
FIG. I.--a) Sketch-plan of Luxor Temple, drawn by W. Raymond J

and Moss, Topographical Bibliography.
royal ka. Although much work remains to be done in

that it represents a major breakthrough in our under
king, even the very nature of kingship in the New Ki
LUXOR TEMPLE AND THE CULT OF THE ROYAL KA 253
x l Ic l/1I
xn
"I I i? Urii I""

vI *
FIG. .--b) Sketch-plan of Luxor Temple, drawn by W. Raymond Johnson: detail of rooms south of the
Eighteenth-Dynasty Portico, after Nelson, Key Plans Showing Locations of Theban Temple
Decorations.
In an attempt to better understand the details of the reliefs which the Epi
Survey had recorded in the Tutankhamun Colonnade, and to put them into
proper perspective, we began to examine the possible meaning of the Opet Fe
the context of Luxor Temple as a whole. In 1980-81 we were contacted by W
Helck, who invited us to contribute to the Lexikon der Ag'yptologie on the su
the "Opetfest," the "Luxor" entry already having been written by Paul Bar
William Murnane, who had been with the Luxor project from the beginning,
was also preparing his Penguin Guide to Ancient Egypt at the time, ag
undertake this task. The result was encouraging and provided the first real f
our researches.: Murnane then turned his attention to the reliefs of the Birth Room at
the south of the temple. He has now made hand-copies of the inscriptions in the Birth
Suite, Barque Vestibule, and Barque Sanctuary (Rooms XIII/XIV, VIII, and XI/XII),
and has described their decoration in considerable detail.
2 LA 1ll, 1103-7.
3 LA* IV, 574-79.
During one of the many journeys which I made through the tem
season, my eye was attracted to an inscription on an architrave
Amenhotep III just to the south of the Colonnade. Its text had lon
but no great significance had ever been attached to it.4 Here Amenhot
he was "one who made monuments in Luxor (1Ipt) for the on
describing Luxor Temple as
his5 place of justification (ni ct),6 in which he becomes young again (hwn-f), the palace ( /.h)
from which he goes
transformations forth) being
(hprwf/ in joyinatevery
the (proper)
face (i.e.,time of to
visible hiseveryone),
appearancethe
(asLord
king)of(hI.
thef),7
Twohis
Lands Nebmaatre (i.e., Amenhotep III).
By the end of the Epigraphic Survey's 1981-82 season, I had begun trying to associate
several distinctive features of the decoration of Luxor Temple. These include the
location in the First Court of named colossi of the deified Ramesses II (otherwise
known for this ruler in the Luxor area only at his mortuary temple); the fact that
Alexander the Great, who was considered a son of Zeus-Ammon,9 rebuilt the barque
4 Urk. IV, 1683.1-4. For the economy of writingKing Haremhab," JEA 39 (1953): 23; Donald B.
evident in the spelling ms(i sw), and in hr (nh) nh Redford, Eighteenth D 'n., pp. 3-27.
t'w)', see Gardiner, EG, p. 52 (62); Wh 11, 138.18. 8 Labib Habachi, Features of the Deification of
5 1 take this suffix to refer throughout to the king,Ramnesses II (hereafter Features), ADAIK 5 (Gltick-
although William Murnane is equally convinced thatstadt, 1969), pp. 24-25.
it pertains to Amun. An inscription of Seti I on an 9 Franqois Daumas, LA I1, 474; Helck, LA* 1, 132.
architrave of the Luxor Colonnade which calls For differing views on this question in Hellenistic
Luxor Temple Amun's "august chapel of justifica- history, see D. G. Hogarth, "Alexander in Egypt and
Some Consequences," JEA 2 (1915): 57-59 (this
tion," hwit:f .p.s(y't) n(yt) w'n-mn c<t> (cf. Wh,
Belegst. 1, 310.9), would seem to support his view.kindly called to my attention by Martha R.
reference
However, the justification involved is surely Bell); the
Edwyn Bevan, The House of Ptolemy: A
king's as much as the god's. For Amenhotep II111
Historl' <f Egyi'pt undier the Ptolemaic Dynasty
described at Luxor Temple as hpr mnww r wn-m'D (reprint ',ed., Chicago, 1968), pp. 12-14 (this refer-
see UrLk. IV, 1700.3; cf. 1698.17. Given the ence close
kindly called to my attention by Richard
association of king and god at Luxor, a clear Jasnow); Robin Lane Fox, Alexander the Great
distinction between them may not be possible, the (London, 1973), pp. 200-18; A. B. Bosworth in
god's renewal being achieved through the rebirth of K. H. Kinzl, ed., Greece andt the Eastern Medi-
the kingship during the coronation, jubilee, and Opet
terranean in Ancient History and PrehistorY: Studies
festivals; cf. below, n. 154. For the merging of king
Presented to Fritz Schacherme'rr on the Occasion
of his Eightieth Birthdayl (Berlin and New York,
and god, see Dieter Arnold, Der Temlpel des Kilnigs
1977), pp. 51-75 (this reference kindly called to
Mentuhotelp von Deir el-Bahari, vol. 1, Architektur
my attention by Martha R. Bell); J. Grafton Milne,
und Deutung, vol. 2, Die Wandreliefs des Sanktuares,
AV 8 and II (Mainz am Rhein, 1974), vol. 1, p. 73; Misc. Gregoriana, pp. 145-49; G. T. Griffith, ed.,
vol. 2, pp. 32-33; see further L. Bell, Melanges Alexander the Great: The Main Prohlemns (hereafter
Mokhtar (hereafter Me1. Mokhtar; BdE, forth- Alexander the Great (New York, 1966), pp. 151-58,
coming). 166 (W. W. Tarn); pp. 179-87 (J. P. V. D. Balsdon);
6 Jaroslav Cern?, Commlunit ', p. 35, quotes this p. 240 (J. R. Hamilton); pp. 288-89 (E. Badian); this
passage in his discussion of the term St-ni n t, citing anthology kindly called to my attention by Martha R.
as parallels a hymn to the Aten in which Akhetaten is Bell. For the Alexander Romance, see Otto, Osiris
referred to as Akhenaten's St-migct (in a context and Anion, p. 98; Helck, LA 1, 132; Assmann in Jan
involving the Hwt-Bnhn) and an inscription on the Assmann, Walter Burkert, and Fritz Stolz, Funk-
west face of the eastern obelisk at Luxor extolling tionen und Leistungen des Muthos: Drei altoriental-
Ramesses II as "one who makes benefactions for his ische Beispiele, OBO 48 (Gdttingen, 1962), pp. 31-33
father Amun in the St-DiCt" (see K. A. Kitchen, (this reference kindly called to my attention by
Rain. Inscr. 11, 599.6). For the Hwt-hnhn, see furtherHelen Jacquet); Hogarth, JEA 2 (1915): 56-57;
n. 100 below.
Bevan, House of Ptolenmy, p. 3; Tarn in Griffith, ed.,
7 For the range of this word's associations withAlexander
the the Great, p. [158]. For an analysis of the
king, see Alan H. Gardiner, "The Coronation description
of of the Siwa oracle itself, see Cerny' in
chapel at Luxor,"' leaving to his successors the renewal of the corresponding structur
at Karnak; and the fact that the cult place of the divine Roman emperors was situate
in the first vestibule (Room V) south of the Portico (the so-called hypostyle) of the
original temple.
During the course of our 1982-83 season, William Murnane and I and our chief
artist, W. Raymond Johnson, had the opportunity to discuss our work in a series of
informal seminars, held in Luxor Temple, with colleagues who included Klaus Baer,
Edward F. Wente, and Charles Van Siclen of the University of Chicago; Janus
Karkowski, Jadwiga Lipifiska, and several other members of the Polish-Egyptian
Archaeological Missions at Deir el-Bahari; Erik Hornung of the Basel Egyptological
Institute; Ricardo Caminos and Juirgen Osing of the Egypt Exploration Society's
Wadi Shatt el-Rigal Project; Gerhard Haeny of the Swiss Institute; and Frangoise
Traunecker of the Franco-Egyptian Center at Karnak. The preparation and presenta
tion of our material before such professional audiences helped us to refocus our idea
and made us think very logically about all the possible implications of our discoverie
we benefited tremendously from the critical comments, searching questions, encourage-
ment, and suggestions of our listeners.
W. Murnane now relates the events depicted in the part of the temple studied by
him to the myth surrounding the succession of Horus (i.e., the king) to the place of his
father. He organizes the motifs and themes of the decoration as follows: (1) concep-
tion and birth of the divine king; (2) his acknowledgment by Amun and nurturing by
various goddesses; (3) his coronation; (4) his public recognition by the Ennead; (5) th
subsequent renewal of his powers by the celebration of his jubilee festival. He calls
attention to the prominence here of the goddesses who suckle the young king, and o
the lunnmutef-priest who acts as intermediary before the Ennead. He further points out
the unity in the decoration of this part of the temple, and the reciprocal nature of the
offering ritual," whereby the gods grant honors to the king in return for the offerings
which he presents to them.
Concentrating my efforts in the 1982-83 season on the northern part of the temple,
I began my own investigation of the theological orientation of Luxor Temple by
pursuing the question of the role played by the deified king throughout the temple
But it was only after the end of our season, when my wife Martha and I remained in
Luxor (gradually closing down Chicago House through most of the month of May),
while I was preparing my annual report for the Egyptian Antiquities Organization,
that the hypothesis presented here was developed fully. The theoretical framework
derived from my study proved to be a perfect complement to Murnane's work in
the inner parts of the temple. The key to finding a pattern behind all our separate
observations was finally provided by my attempt to answer the nagging question o
(Mainz am Rhein, 1984).

Richard A. Parker, A Saite Oracle Pap)yrus from
Thebes in the Brooklin Museum (hereafter Saite I I See pHier. BM (Gardiner), 104; cf. Jean-Claude
Oracle Papiyrus) (Providence, Rhode Island, 1962),
Goyon in Richard Parker, Jean Leclant, and Jean-
p. 47.
Claude Goyon, The Ed/iice of/ Tahaqa hby the
1( Recently published by Mahmud Abd el-Raziq, Sacred l Iake o Karnak (hereafter Edifice lf Taharqa)
l)ie )arste//ungen ad tlTexte de.s Sanktuiiarv Alex- (Providence and London, 1979), p. 84.
ander. des Gro.vs-en im, TeTmew/ 'on Luxur. AV 16
the exact nature of the manifestations of the king's divinity i

turns out that the king's ka is the thread which ties all the loo
concept of the ka in Egyptian religion is a complicated one, bu
for the moment, as the divine aspect of the king, linking him bot
with all his royal predecessors.'2
In the theory of Egyptian kingship, the king derives his legitim
his association with two gods: (I) Horus the son of Osiris, and
creator, hence two names in his full five-fold titulary represe
incarnation of Horus and as successor to Re. R. T. Rundle Clark has described the
Egyptian kingship in the following terms:
The kingship of Egypt, like all forms of property, consisted of a duality-it was based on a
relationship between the living and the dead. The king exercised the supreme power in the
world. He was the intermediary whereby the divine energies of the universe were made availab
for men. This power he derived from his ancestors, in particular from his father who for this
reason was considered as himself divine. The deceased father in his tomb was the source of the
power, called by the Egyptians the Ka. 13
This formulation explains the ka-statues found standing against the blocking of the
entrance to the burial chamber of the tomb of Tutankhamun, as though emerging
from it. An inscription on one of them describes the deceased Tutankhamun as kV
(ny-)swvt n(v,) Hr-shti W4str n(.i')-swI' nh t~wv' Nh-hhprVw'-Rc mcn7-hrw:14 as Osiris, he is

the royal ka of his living successor'5 (through whom he, as a royal ancestor, now lives
on), here designated Horakhty, "Horus of the Horizon," 16 Horus resurgens, 16a newly
come onto the throne. In practice, the Egyptian kingship was normally hereditary,
12 Peter Kaplony, IA 111, 275-82; Helmuth the reins of world government: in his role as the
sun god Re, Horus is 'tomorrow', whereas Osiris is
Jlacobsohn, I. 111, 309; Die dogmatische Sel/ung
(de.. Kiinig.s in ter Tlheologie tder aleli Agvl',,per 'yesterday'.. . . '
(hereafter Dogmati.sche Sie/lung), AF 8 (Gltickstadt, 16 Gardiner, "The Delta Residence of the Rames-
1939), p. 57. sides," JEA 5 (1918): 183-96, lists the occurrences of
13 R. T. Rundle Clark, Mth a(11nd Sl'nhol/ in the deified Ramessesll as p' k) CD(,) n(,) p/
Anc'1ient L ( London, 1959), p. 107. R'-HI r- htjy (sometimes shortened to pi R') in the
14IPersonal hand-copy made in Cairo Museum, full name of Piramesse; to these add Habachi,
1984. For translations of this unpublished text, "Khatfi na-Qantir: Importance," Annales dui Service
see Christiane D)esroches-Noblecourt, ed., Touianikh-l des Antiquites le /IEgi'pte (hereafter ASAE) 52
anton e s.on temi)ps. Exhibition Catalogue: Petit (1954): 510-11 (ref. Mahmud Hamza, "Excavations
Palais (Paris, 1967), p. 134; Kamal El Mallakh and of the Department of Antiquities at Qantir [Faqfis
Arnold C. Brackman, The' Gold of Tutankhamiten District] [Season, May 21 st-July 7th, 1928]," A SA E
(New York, 1978), p. 237. 30 [1930]: 43-45): Mohamed Gamal el-Din Mokhtar,
15 Cf. Ursula Schweitzer, Das Wesen des Ka in Ihnas.v a el- Medina (Herakleopolis Magna): Its
Diesseits und Jenseits der A/ten Agypter (hereafter
Impiortance and Its Role in Pharaonic History, Bd E
Wesen des Ka), AF 19 (Gltickstadt, 1956), p. 43;
40 (Cairo, 1983), p. 109 and n. 5 (ref. Sednient II,
H. W. Fairman in S. H. Hooke, ed., Myth, Ritual,pls. 71.2, 72.3); Alan R. Schulman, "A Cult of
and Kingship (Oxford, 1958), pp. 98-99. The Old Ramesses III at Memphis,"JNES 22 (1963): 178 and
Kingdom texts are found in Pvr. 586a-b, 1609a-b:pl. 7 (x + 3). For discussions of the meaning of this
epithet, see Gardiner, JEA 5 (1918): 136-37, 269;
hD W.ir NN/pw . v4(r) kw n Hr ... twt k-f/'and Wlr
NN... ncdn kw Hr hpr-ti (i)mn k :0 For this con-Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Times
cept in the Coffin Texts, see Erik Hornung, Concep-
of Ramesses II, King of Egypt (hereafter Pharaoh
tions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the Triumphant) (Warminster, 1982), pp. 177-78.
Many, trans. John Baines (hereafter The One and 16a Cyril Aldred, "The 'New Year' Gifts to the
the Many) (Ithaca, New York, 1982), p. 154: Pharaoh," JEA 55 (1969): 75.
. Osiris is buried but his son Horus takes over
although dynastic succession could sometimes be a real problem, to be sorted ou

after the death of one of the rival claimants. In each and every reign, to be su
especially when the legitimacy of a particular ruler might be open to doubt, the hi
authority which could be invoked to clarify the monarch's status is the device
royal ka: all genuine kings possess it; no pretenders do.
In a recent commentary on Egyptian royal propaganda, 0. D. Berlev has shed
light on the means used to justify cases of extraordinary accession:
The norm is in the order of things and therefore void of any interest as a phenomenon
another matter is an exception . . . [l]t is doubtlessly the exceptions that counted w
Egyptians.... The exceptions are of two kinds: either the divine marriage takes place i
King's family, but the child conceived is female, or the Sun blesses with his choice the fa
a commoner or even a foreigner.... The God's will, as if dormant in the ordinary ca
suddenly awakes and makes itself felt. In the case of 'Supreme Being, female'... the bre
the routine must have been calculated, aimed at solving the problems which are beyon
power of the ordinary (male) Supreme Beings. In the case of a Supreme Being born out
royal family expectations are still greater: such a deviation from the norm is only the
ceivable when it has some overwhelming achievement, something bordering on a miracle,
end."7
So the reigns of Hatshepsut and Horemheb are rationalized and the miraculous events
attributed to them explained."
However, it should not be forgotten that all reports of oracular nomination to office
or divine conception and birth were recorded only after they had manifested themselves
undeniably:19 succession to the throne was normally de facto proof of legitimacy. On
the other hand, Thutmose III could nullify the legitimacy of Hatshepsut by denying
that the royal ka had, in fact, descended upon her2) (he was most vehement in smashing
her figures in the Birth Portico at Deir el-Bahari), and so the Nineteenth Dynasty
could simply ignore Akhenaten, Smenkhkare, Tutankhamun, and Eye, claiming the ka
had really fallen to Horemheb upon the death of Amenhotep 111 and counting the
17 Dwight W. Young, ed., Studies Presented to "Deux cryptogrammes de Senenmout," ASAE 38

Hans Jakob Polotski' (East Gloucester, Massachu-
(1938): 239; Ludwig Borchardt, Beitriige B f 2, 1938,
setts, 1981), pp. 364-65. p. 47, fig. 14 (this refernce kindly called to my
18 For the use of royal propaganda to justify the attention by Charles Van Siclen). For a similar frieze
"anomalous" reigns of Hatshepsut and Horemheb, writing the early form of the prenomen of
see also John Van Seters, In Search of* Histori': Thutmose III, Mn-hprt-k?-Rc, see Herbert Ricke,
Historiography in the A ncient World and the Origins Beitriige B,: 3.1, 1939, pl. lb; cf. p. 34 (3); Ali
of Biblical History (New Haven and London, 1983), Radwan, "Der Kdnigsname: Epigraphisches zum
pp. 174-76. g6ttlichen K6nigtum im Alten Agypten," Studien zur
19 Hornung, The One and the Many, p. 142 and
n. 19; cf. Jean Leclant, "Sur un contrepoids de altiig.f)tischen
(Dok. Kultur
44); for the name (hereafter
Mn-hpr-k ?-Rc, see SA K) 2
Bertrand (1975): 231
Menat au nom de Taharqa: Allaitement et 'appari- Jaeger, Evsai de classification et datation des
tion'royale," MWl. Mar., BdE 32 (Cairo, 1961), p. 264. scara/hes Menkhlplerrl (Fribourg and Gottingen,
20 For his defacement of the ka-element in the 1982), p. 129; Jirgen von Beckerath, Handhuch der
rebus of her name Maatkare, see U. H61scher, iggy'tischen Kiinigsnamen, MAS 20 (Munich and
Medinet Habu II, p. 13 (fig. 1); R. A. Schwaller de Berlin, 1984), p. 226. For the frieze writing the
Lubicz, Les Temples de Karnak (Paris, 1982), vol. 2, prenomen of Amenhotep III in Luxor Temple, see
pl. 106; Deir el-Bahari I, pls. 10-11; II, pls. 33-37, now Hellmut Brunner, Die sitldichen Riiume des
40, 44-45; Ill, pls. 56, 64, 85; IV, pl. 106; Kurt Lange Tempels von Luxor (hereafter Luxor), AV 18
and Max Hirmer, AgyptIen: Architektur Plastik (Mainz am Rhein, 1977), p. 18 and pls. 2-3, 9-16,
18-19, 22.
Malerei in drei Jahrtausenden, 5th ed. (Munich,
1975), color pl. 16 (opp. fig. 127); Etienne Drioton,
years of his reign accordingly:2 to the victor the spoils and to the
common definition of "usurper," then, does not apply in the Egyp
The king's ka is born with him, or rather it is created when he i
from the very beginning, flesh of god, and fully divine. For
depicted as his double22 throughout the episodes23 of the divin
panies him to the grave, as we see in the tombs of Amenhotep
and Eye.26 The representation of this ka is intended as proof of h
sufficient evidence that he was predestined to rule. But he act
only when he becomes one28 with the royal ka, when his human f
this immortal element, which flows through his whole being
happens at the climax of the coronation ceremony,29 when he
place on the "Horus-throne of the living." According to this form
represents the "dignity" or office of kingship,30 while the individ
link in the chain of divine kingship which stretches back int
Egyptian history. As an incarnation of the royal ka, each king
but the dual nature of the king is clear: embodiment of divinit
his own mortality inexorably overtakes him.
The transmission of the ka was achieved through the agency of K
progenitor par excellence.32 Whereas the nature of Amun-Re
veiled naos during processions of his barque, even the body of Kam
21 Cf. Edward F. Wente and Charles C. Van

shade, see Bell, MWI. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
Siclen III, "A Chronology of the New Kingdom,"
Anotherinmeans of specifying that the king is acting in
Janet H. Johnson and Edward F. Wente, eds., his ka-aspect is found on stelae showing the Vizier
Studies in Honor of* George R. Hughes (Januari 12,
Paser following Ramesses I I carrying the standard of
1977) (hereafter Fs Hughes), SAOC 39 (Chicago,
the royal ka: Mario Tosi and Alessandro Roccati,
1976), pp. 23 1-32. Stele e altre epigrafi( di Deir el Medina n.50001-
22 Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, p. 63; Jacobsohn,
n.50262: Catalogo del Museo Egizio di Torino
Dogmatische Stellung, pp. 57-58. (hereafter Stele), Serie seconda-Collezioni, vol. 1
23 Deir el-Bahari II, pls. 46-55; III, pl. 56;
(Turin, 1972),
Brunner, Gehurt des Gottkinigs, pls. 1-15. (1935-1940) p. 304 (50095); Deir el M'dineh
II, pls. 10 (foll. p. 78), 37 (foll. p. 183);
24 LD III, 78e; Friedrich Abitz, Kiinig und Gott,
BM Ste/lae 9, pl. 40.1 (328).
AA 40 (Wiesbaden, 1984), p. 43, fig. 17. 29 Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, p. 58; Hornung, The
25 Alexandre Piankoff, Shrines, pl. 7; Treasures of'
Tutankhanmun. Exhibition Catalogue, MMA One and the Many, p. 142; Hans Goedicke, L'Eg7up-
(New
tologie en 1979: A xes p)rioritaires de recherches
York, 1976), p. 31; Abitz, Klinig und Gott. (hereafter
p. 84, L 'Egyptologie en 1979), Colloques interna-
fig. 35. tionaux du Centre Nationale de la Recherche
26 Piankoff, "Les Peintures dans la tombe du roi Scientifique, no. 595 (Paris, 1982), vol. 2, p. 126.
Ai'," MDAIK 16 (1958): pl. 24; Abitz, Kiinig und 30 Gardiner, "The Baptism of Pharaoh," JEA 36
Gott, p. 88, fig. 38. (1950): 7 and n. 2; R. O. Faulkner, review of
27 Hermann Kees, Oplertanz, p. 123. L. Greven, Der Ka in Theologie und Kiinigskult der
28 Cf. Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, pp. 25, 52. An Ag'gypter des Alten Reiches (Gliickstadt, 1952), JEA
unusual iconographic device used to indicate the 41 (1955): 141. Herman te Velde suggests describing
king's possession of the royal ka is found in LD III, the ka as "the personification of kingship" (personal
121a = Walter Wreszinski, Atlas II, pl. 162; Heinrich communication, 1984).
Schifer and Walter Andrae, Die Kunst des Alten 31 See, for example, Hornung, The One and the
Orients (Berlin, 1925), p. 372, where the inscription Many. p. 142; most recently Kitchen, Pharaoh
k : n( y)-swt nh t:Ivy hnt(y) dh (t) appears beside an Triumphant, pp. 174-75, 178; cf. Arthur Darby
open fan held above Horemheb carried in procession. Nock, ZYNNAOZ OEOZ, Harvard Studies in
Classical Philology 41 (Cambridge, Mass., 1930),
Kees,does
label Op.ertanz, p. 235,
not describe n. bearer
the fan 98, points out the
following that this pp. 9, 14; Tarn in Griffith, ed., Alexander the Great,
king's portable throne; Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka. p. 154.
p. 62, is troubled by the absence of a representation 32 Jacobsohn, LA" III, 308-9; idem, Dogmatische
of the ka here. For this fan as a symbol of the divine Stellung, pp. 57-58.
during the procession of his portable cult statue during the Min Festival. He is the
manifestation of Amun as the Theban Min, the phiysical creator of the gods (at
Medinet Habu) and of the king and his ka (at Luxor); in him are united both Amun-R
of Karnak and the Amun of Luxor.33 He is a self-generating fertility god, representing
both father and son at the same time, mysteriously reborn of a union with his wif
who is thus really his own mother. This powerful imagery in Egyptian thought repre-
sents the concept of eternity, or immortality, as evidenced in the regeneration of the
royal ka, shared by every ruler ever to sit upon the throne of Egypt.34 In effect, the
creator god constitutes the king's ka.35 Upon leaving Karnak at the beginning of th
Opet Festival, the procession first visited the shrine of Kamutef, situated just outsid
the Mut Precinct south of the Tenth Pylon.36
The association of the word kD with another word, that for "bull," also kD, would
have been a natural one for the Egyptians who loved word-play. From the earliest
times the king is depicted as a "mighty bull," an epithet used in every New King-
dom ruler's Horus name-which is equivalent to his ka-name7--from the time of
Thutmose I on" (with the exception of Hatshepsut).39 The bull is further associated
with the ka in the very being of Kamutef himself, whose name means "Bull of his
Mother." The etymological relationship between the words ka and "bull" becomes
clear if ka is understood as "generative power,"40 consistent with the "reproductive" or
"regenerative" connotations of their common root.41
The king's ka assumes a position of extraordinary prominence throughout Luxor
Temple. The colossal seated figures of the deified Ramesses II before the Pylon and at
the entrance to the Colonnade are clearly ka-statues, cult statues of the king as
embodiment of the royal ka. We must here acknowledge Labib Habachi's pioneer-
ing work42 in understanding the significance of these statues. It should be noted that
the colossus to the left of the entrance into the Colonnade provides a link with the
architrave inscription translated above; for it speaks of the king43 as "living, renewed
33 Idem, Dogmatische Stellung, pp. 58, 16: LA III, 60.

Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, pp. 71-72; Ricke, Beitrdge 38 Jacobsohn, I)ogmatische Stellung, p. 58; Frank-
Bf/ 3.2, 1954, p. 39; cf. pHier. BM (Gardiner), fort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 72; Schweitzer,
89. The main sanctuary of the Amun of Luxor Wesen des Ka, p. 72; Kaplony, LA III, 276.
is the Opet-shrine (the harim or "Secluded Apart- 39 Note that some of the more unusual ritual
ments") located behind the Barque Sanctuary: nowHorus names attested for other New Kingdom rulers
published in Brunner, Luxor. In the New Kingdom, likewise do not contain the K'-nht element; see
this area was accessible through the Birth Vestibulefurther below.
(Room XIV), but the nature and extent of this god's 40 Jacobsohn, Dogmatische Stellung, p. 58.
involvement in the Opet Festival is not yet clear. 41 With k -, "bull," written with the phallus,
34 In the text of the Min Festival procession, ascompare the feminine k t, "vulva" or "vagina";
preserved in Medlinet Hahu IV, pl. 203, immediatelycf. Schwetizer, Wesen des Ka, p. 20 and n. 3.
after the god has been extolled, the reigning monarch 42 Habachi, Features, pp. 17-20, 42. Cf. Jacob-
is glorified as the "living royal ka" at the head of hissohn, Dogmatische Stel//ung, pp. 57, n. 3; 60.
royal predecessors, the Kings of Upper Egypt and the 43 Schwaller de Lubicz, Le Temple de I'Hoimme:
Kings of Lower Egypt. Ap)etr duI Sud/ I.ouqsor (hereafter Templel de
35 Henri Frankfort, Kingship and/ the Gods (Chi-I'Homime) (Paris, 1957), vol. 2, pl. 46c. For the
cago, 1948), pp. 77-78; Goyon in Parker et al., deified Seti 1 addressed by his son and successor as
Edifice of Taharqa, pp. 72 and n. 36; 78, 85; cf. 77,nltit m7 w -ti rnp1'. ti during purification rites con-
n. 62. See further Bell, MWl. Mokhtar (forthcoming).ducted before a statue of him, see Harold Hayden
36 For the Kamutef shrine and way station, seeNelson and William J. Murnane, The Great H*po-
Ricke, Beitriige BN' 3.2. style Hall at Karnak, vol. 1, pt. I, The Wall Reliefs
37 Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, pp. 25, 52, 55; Jacob-
(hereafter Nelson-Murnane, Hvpo.style Hall//), OIP
sohn, Dogmatische Ste//lhg, pp. 55-56; Kaplony,106 (Chicago, 1981), pl. 48. For the Eye of Re
(mnwy-.t), and rejuvenated

right of the entrance (rnpyti)."
to the Colonnade refersThe inscription44
to "the living royal on
ka" the base
under the of the statue to the
name
of "Re-of-the-Rulers. "45 Today, these and two other colossi at Luxor Temple still
have the original representations of Iunmutef-priests46 on the front of their bases;
unfortunately the surfaces of several others have long since flaked off, so it is now
impossible to determine whether they were originally so decorated or not. Ka-statues47
and Iunmutef-priests are characteristic of royal mortuary temples, where the ka of the
deceased king was worshiped. The lunmutef in this context was a form of sem-priest,
usually thought of as a mortuary priest responsible for the cult of the royal ka;
symbolizing the eldest son and successor of the king, he is represented wearing a
leopard skin and having the side-lock of youth.48
The king's barque itself is a familiar feature in the royal mortuary temples of
Dynasties XIX-XX, those of Seti I and Ramesses II and III being the best known.49
On two occasions the barque of Ramesses III is shown in procession during the
lifetime of the king.5o In both cases it is a sem-priest5 who attends the king's barque as
1920), pl. 80.4; Jean Capart and Marcelle Werbrouck,

described as Cnh-ti mnDwiwt rnptiti nn RC rC nb in the
spell for presenting red cloth, see Alexandre Moret, Thebes: The Glory olfa Great Past (Brussels, 1926);
Barguet, Temple d'Amon-RW, pl. 34(B). For a
Le Rituel du culte divin journalier en Egypte d 'apres
suppliant kneeling before a seated royal statue
les papy rus lde Berlin et les textes du Temple de S'ti
I"r i Ab 'dos (hereafter Rituel du culte divin
journalier), Annales du Musee Guimet 14 (Paris, adoring
BM Stelaethe
10, ka of (64641;
pl. 61 Ramesses II Dyn
temp. as Rc-(nj'-).7hkw,
XIX). see
1902), pp. 185-86; Auguste Mariette, Abhdos I 46 For a fragment of the base of a colossal statue of
(Paris, 1869), p. 52. Amenhotep III on which the king is addressed as the
44 Kazimierz Michatowski, Louqsor (Paris, 1973), royal ka by a lunmutef see Alexandre Varille,
fig. 34; Charles F. Nims, Thebes of the Pharaohs "Nouvelles listes ge6graphiques d'Am6nophis IIIl
(London and Toronto, 1965), p. 142 (fig. 69); Karnak," ASAE 36 (1936): 206-7 and pl. 3 (IA),
Habachi, Features, pp. 42, 19. found reused northeast of the Mut Temple at
45 Inscriptions on the base of the colossal statue ofKarnak, this fragment was moved there from Amen-
the deified Amenhotep III south of the Tenth Pylonhotep III's mortuary temple at Kom el-Heitan: see
at Karnak refer to the royal ka of this king by theGerhard Haeny, Beitriige Blf 11, 1981, p. 87. Note
name "M ontu-of-the-Rulers." lunmiutef-priests arethat setn-priests designated as "H orus-lunmutef" are
represented before the personified Horus name ofalso represented on the front of the bases of the
Amenhotep III on the front of the base. See Pierreseated colossi of Ramesses II at the Great Temple of
Clbre et al., "Le Socle du colosse oriental dress6Abu Simbel; see Silvio Curto, Nubia: storia di una
devant le Xe pyl6ne de Karnak," Karnak V. 1970-1972
civilta
(Cairo, 1975), figs. 6-9 (foll. p. 166). For the namefigs. f.avolosa
193-94, (hereafter
180-81, Nubia)
184; Habachi, (Novara,
Features, p. 31965),
Montu-of-the-Rulers preserved on a fragment of the(fig. 2); Centre de Documentation et cd'Etudes sur
colossus which once stood on this base, see Habachi,
I'Histoire le I'Art et cde la Civilisation dle I 'Eg1te
Features, p. 48; Schwaller de Lubicz, Temples cldeAncienne (Bulletin d'information publi6 par la
Karnak, vol. 1, p. 209 (fig. 135); Redford in ManfredD6l6gation Permanente de la R.A.U. auprbs de
Girg, ed., Fontes atque Pontes: Eine Festgahe fuiirI'U.N.E.S.C.O., 1959). pp. 6, 8-9; PMVII, 100
Hellnut Brunner, Agypten und Altes Testament 5(24-27).
(Wiesbaden, 1983), pl. I lb; cf. p. 368, n. 15. The 47 Schweitzer, Wes.en des Ka, pp. 86-90.
location of this statue would put it at the northern 48 Herman te Velde, LA' III, 212-13. Specifically,
end of the Processional Way linking Luxor andthe lunmutef'attends to "ceremonies of purification
Karnak. Except at his mortuary temple (see Habachi, and coronation, cult of the ka images of the living
Features, p. 48), no other named colossi of and dead king, ritual of opening the mouth etc." In
Amenhotep III are known in the Luxor area. For short, the lunmutefis present officiating in affairs of
Horemheb described as the royal ka on the base the of
ka.
the companion (western) colossus at the Tenth 49 Nelson, "The Identity of Amon-Re of United-
Pylon, see Gustave Jequier, L'Architecture et lawith-Eternity," JNES 1 (1942): 141-49; see further
decoration clans I'ancienne EgIvpte: Les templesBell, MWl. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
lmemplhites et thihains des origines aI la xviii" 50 Nelson, JNES 1 (1942): 147, 150.
/dvnastie (hereafter L'Architecture, vol. 1) (Paris, 51 So specifically identified at Medinet Habu; the
spokesman or interpreter for the cult image inside it, in precisely the position occu
by the Prophets of the gods' barques in whose company it is represented. It
unreasonable to suppose that the royal barque contains a cult statue of the king
and the sem-priest here acts as the lunmutef does at Luxor, officiating on beh
the king's ka as his intermediary. When the barque of Tutankhamun appears in
Temple,52 a full complement of four Prophets walks beside it, completely ind
guishable from the four who accompany each of the barques of the Theban T
This is not surprising since the cult of the reigning king's ka during the celebration
the Opet Festival was an extremely elaborate affair. In this connection it shou
noted that at least two Prophets were attached to the cult of the deified Tutankham
at Faras in Nubia53 and that this king also had a barque there.54
The reliefs in the Colonnade preserve for us the earliest known representations of
royal barque contemporary with the reign of the king whose ka-image it contained.
Architectural considerations (to be presented below) make it probable that the
Amenhotep III likewise appeared in its own barque at the Opet Festival. The ear
textual reference to such a barque, however, is a mention of the "House of Nebm
(i.e., Amenhotep III)-in-the-Barque" at Amarna.56 Amenhotep III was worship
priest beside the royal barque at Karnak wears theduring Dynasty XIX, when their use was
proper
s'h-collar, which is associated elsewhere with the extended to the mortuary cults of these rulers.
garb of the sem-priest. For this evidence, see Bosse- Excluding here those associated with the well-
Griffiths, "The Memphite Stela of Merptah and known cults of Amenhotep I and Ahmose-Nefertari,
Ptahmosi," JEA 41 (1955): 59-63; to the Theban the references are as follows: Georges Legrain,
examples add Medinet Hahu IV, pl. 224 (a sin-priest "Un Miracle d'Ahmbs le"' ~ Abydos sous la regne de
accompanying the standard of Nefertem during the Ramses II," ASAE 16 (1916): 161-70 and pl. foll.
Sokar Festival procession), and James Edward p. 272 (Ahmose); Davies, Two Ramesside Tombs,
Quibell and Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Ramessveum,, pl. 16 (Thutmose I); Georges Foucart, Tomhes
pl. 23.2-3, cf. p. 18 (38); the title sm n(v) Skr occurs thihaines: NWcropole de Dird~ Ahbi~n-Naga: Le
on one of the associated fragments (pl. 23.4). tomheau d /Amonmos (tombeau n* 19), MIIFAO 57
52 Walther Wolf, Das schilne Fest von Oper: Die (Cairo, 1932). pl. 13 (Thutmose III). Charles Van
Fest:ugsdarstellung im grossen Sdulengange des Siclen has very kindly pointed out to me two
Tempels yon Luksor (hereafter Schiine Fest von references to representations of the barque of
Opet), Sieglin Exp. 5 (Leipzig, 1931), pls. 1-2. Amenhotep II: PM V, 174; 112, 428. The Elkab
53 Nina de Garis Davies and Alan H. Gardiner, temple of Amenhotep II was enlarged by Ramesses I I,
Hui, p. 18 and pls. 14-15. who may well have constructed a barque for the cult
54 Janusz Karkowski, Faras V: The Pharaonic of his predecessor there. The Theban stele apparently
Inscriptions from Faras (hereafter Faras V) (Warsaw, commemorates an oracular pronouncement of the
1981), pp. 115-16 (58). Ramesside period. The text given by Arthur E. P.
55 The prototype of the royal barque is that Weigall, "A Report on the Excavation of the Funeral
associated with the cult of the deified Sesostris III Temple of Thoutmosis III at Gurneh," ASAE 7
at Semna and Uronarti in Nubia, dating from
the time of Thutmose III: LD III, 48b-49a, 49b, 50b, (1906): 132 (15), can be reconstructed as nh Irwy
C 3(l)-hprw- R , 3 C- rw hr hnn [r] dcld [ny slm-] [.I: Im
51a-b; Dows Dunham and Jozef M. A. Janssen,
St-] mint Hwy[[... min 3- rw]; cf. Wh. Belegst. II,
Semna-Kumma, pls. 17, 19, 22, 24; Van Siclen, The 495.7; Legrain, ASAE 16 (1916): 162; for the
Chapel of Sesostris III at Uronarti (San Antonio, unexpectedness of the form hnn, cf. ('ern"'s com-
Texas, 1982), figs. 13-14 (foll. p. 30); this latter mentary in Parker, Saite Oracle Papyrus. p. 44 and
reference kindly called to my attention by C. Van n. 1.
Siclen. The form of this portable barque is derived 56 Fairman in CoA 11i, 200 (c) and pl. 85 (16). To
directly from that of the contemporary royal river the parallels cited by Dietrich Wildung, "Gittlich-
barge, depicted in Deir el-Bahari V, pls. 122, 125; keitsstufen des Pharao," OLZ 68 (1973): 555, n. 3,
cf. VI, pl. 155 (boat standard); Pierre Lacau and add Derr. p. 81; Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. 11, 749.13-15;
Henri Chevrier, Hatshepsout, pl. 9 (171). The barques Nelson, JNES 1 (1942): 137 (fig. 22), 148-49.
of Dynasty XVIII kings were represented in Egypt
his temple at Soleb57 and at Sesebi,58 where he probably had his own
When Tutankhamun (at Kawa and Faras)59 and later Ramesses II
es-Sebua, ed-Derr, and Abu Simbel)60 were deified in Nubia durin
both had barques there.
Proceeding to the back of the Portico at the south of the Court
we find the three chapels where the divine barques rested within
prior to the culmination of the rites in the Sanctuary. While it is
explain fully the major structural and functional modifications un
these chapels (those intended for Amun and Khonsu) subsequent
Amenhotep III, the original deployment of the barques was the f
(Khonsu) and II (Mut) on the east side are separated from Room
west. The asymmetry is striking and surely deliberate. But this arran
without a place for the sacred barque of Tutankhamun (or rather
assuming that he did indeed employ one for the transport of his k
Opet Festival). Had it been intended to lodge the king's barque her
the Amun chapel (Room IV: occupied only by a staircase to the r
have been designated for this purpose. But such a union with Amu
premature at this time. W. Murnane had previously noted the dis
king's barque from the reliefs representing Luxor Temple at th
Colonnade6' and its complete absence from the procession depict
Vestibule (Room VIII).62 Even assuming, however, that the royal
dropped out of the procession before reaching this point, we w
room in which to stow it until it rejoined the procession for the retu
the temple back to Karnak at the conclusion of the Opet Festival.
A quick examination of the ground plan of Luxor Temple revea
suitable candidate for this shrine anywhere to the north of the E
Portico. Immediately behind the Mut and Khonsu chapels, howeve
chapel similar to them in size and design (Room VI) opening off t
(Room V). This room would have served admirably to house the
possibility strengthened by an examination of the decorative program
the Roman Vestibule itself (see below). Unfortunately, since the w
chapel were rebuilt anciently and are undecorated, we can gain no fur
from it, apart from what we are able to deduce from its location.63 A
with the Mut and Khonsu chapels, it was at some time connecte
57 LD III, 84c, 85a, 87b-c, 110k. 60 See, in general, Habachi, Features, pp. 1-16,
43-44.
58 A. M. Blackman, "Preliminary Report on the
Excavations at Sesebi, Northern Province, Anglo-
61 Wolf, Schiine Fest von Opet, pls. 1-2.
Egyptian Sudan, 1936-37," JEA 23 (1937): 148-49;de Lubicz, Temple cle iHomme.
62 Schwaller
vol. 2,aspl.
for the correct reading of the king's name 31. see
god,
PM VII, 173. 63 I am unaware of any evidence for the former
59 Kawa I, 3-4 and pl. 4; II, pl. 72c; Karkowski,
existence of a staircase in this room: ibid., pls. 12-14.
Faras V, pp. 28-29, 89-90, 115-16, 130-31. On theIt does not appear in the plans of either Borchardt or
cults of Egyptian kings in Nubia and their deification
Nelson; see Borchardt, "Zur Geschichte des Luqsor-
as aspects of the royal ka, see further Bell, M/l.
tempels," ZA'S 34 (1896): pl. 7 (foll. p. 138); Nelson,
Mokhtar (forthcoming). Keyl Plans Showing Locations of Theban Temlple
Decorations, OIP 56 (Chicago, 1941), pl. 23.
Khonsu chapel by the opening of a communicating doorway between them.6

we recall that both Khonsu and the king were the sons of Amun-Re, the associati
their cult places at Luxor would hardly be surprising. In the Greco-Roman m
the personae of the king and the offspring of the divine family resident in each
are inextricably intertwined, with the god-child dominant, being represente
place where the young king is found in the Birth Room at Luxor.65 With a slight
in emphasis, Luxor Temple could easily have served as the mammisi of Kar
Temple. At Luxor, however, the position of the king completely overshadows
Khonsu;66 and the absolute domination of the king's ka seems to have rem
unchallenged there down into the Roman period.
The position of this chapel adjacent to the Birth Room (Room XIII) lying
the south is highly suggestive. The association of chapels I and VI with the Birth
(Rooms XIII-XIV) would give us an arrangement whereby most of the areas d
primarily to the king were placed on the left of the main axis. Exactly oppo
entrance to Chapel VI, and apparently oriented toward it, on the west side
Roman Vestibule, directly behind the Amun chapel, is a smaller chamber (Ro
Likewise of unknown function, and with none of the original decoration preserve
may be proposed with a fair degree of confidence that this was the chapel of the
ka-statue. In this way we may account for the evident disappearance of th
barque before the end of the Opet ritual.
The barques of Mut and Khonsu are depicted on the east wall of the vesti
(Room VIII) before the Barque Sanctuary,67 evidently accompanying the ba
Amun as far as the entrance to the Barque Sanctuary. Because there is but
shrine in the Sanctuary, on each side of which only the barque of Amun is d
we may be reasonably sure that the barque of Amun alone proceeded beyon
Barque Vestibule. The barques of Mut and Khonsu must have withdrawn to
southern chapels, staying there near the king's barque during the concluding
of the liturgy. It must have been the king's ka-statue rather than his barque whi
ushered from the Roman Vestibule into the presence of Amun-Re, escorted
Iunmutef-priest. The royal ka-figure follows the king in many scenes here; b
inside the entrance to the Barque Vestibule is the representation of an enshrined
of Amenhotep III, followed by his ka with offerings presented before him (f
There would seem to be little doubt that this is the actual ka-statue of the king o
way toward its meeting with Amun-Re in the Barque Sanctuary.
To return to the decoration of the Roman Vestibule, at the very top of t
above the entrance to the room here described as the chapel of the king's bar
64 Presumably when the Khonsu barque had

stones, in the thickness of the doorway to this chapel.
already been relocated in the old Amun chapel
65 Franqois Daumas, L' 1II, 465, 472-73.
(Room Ill) by Ramesses II; cf. Charles F. 66
Nims,
Ibid., 466.
"Places about Thebes,"JNES 14 (1955): 118; Kitchen,
67 Schwaller de Lubicz, Temple de I'Homme, vol. 2,
Ram. Insu'r. II, 628.1-7. The original entrance
pl. 31. into
the old Khonsu chapel (Room I) is now completely68 Gayet, Temple (lde Louxor, pl. 34; cf. Arnold,
blocked up, but it remained in use at least Wand/relief,
into the p. 52. For two seated statues of Amen-
reign of Ramesses IV, as is indicated by a study
hotep Ill of
sharing offerings with Mut, see Gayet,
the pattern of the placement of his cartouches on the
Temple de Louxor, pls. 25-26 (Mut Barque Chapel,
columns of the Portico and the discovery ofRoomoneII),of70 (Birth Room, Room XIII).
his cartouches, partially visible behind the blocking
iiiiiiii-i~i-i-:':- :-:0
IVI
..... ------- AMI
FIG. 2.-Statue of Amenhotep III followed by

restored) in the Barque Vestibule. Chic
courtesy of the Oriental Institute, Univer
FIG. 3.-Goddess suckling young Amenhotep III (Roman Vestibule). Photograph by
the remains of a representation of the barque of Amun on a stand.69

this barque is to be interpreted as resting in its chapel at the south o
Were the scene preserved in its entirety, I expect that the barques of Mu
as well as that of the king, would have been shown as present also, e
in its own nearby chapel. The Eighteenth Dynasty decoration in thi
badly preserved, and has never been described in detail.70 A prelimina
of the remaining reliefs reveals that their subject matter pertains almost
the king. We can recognize him being greeted by his courtiers as he
the palace; riding in his ceremonial chair at the time of the Min Pr
scene anticipating many of the elements of the elaborate Medinet Habu re
of the festival);" fishing and fowling72 in the marshes with the god
his dominion over his kingdom, and his defense of it against all enem
being suckled by a goddess;73 baptized, introduced into the presenc
and kneeling repeatedly (nine times are sure; two more can be dedu
reign of Hatshepsut, see Deir el-Bahari VI, pl. 16

69 Arnold, WandreliefI p. 100; cf. p. 121.
70 See PM 112, 320-21. The king is described as a fowler and fisherman
71 Medinet Hahu IV, pl. 196A-B. Dynasty XVIII texts; see Wolfgang Decker, Quellen
72 The traces of a series of interconnected knots,
texte zu Sport und Kiirperkultur irm alten Agi.pte
(Sankton
resembling the stringing of a net, still survive Augustin,
the 1975), pp. 38-44 (ref. Ricardo
Caminos,
west wall of this room; their interpretation Lit. Frag., 28-29, for parallels; see Urk. I
is highly
1588.4, for
tentative. The first certain royal representation ofthe Thutmose IV example).
this motif dates to Ramesses 11: Waltraud 73Gugliemi,
Arnold, Wandrelief; p. 100.
LA IV, 465; for a fragmentary netting scene in the
i.~. r .. ....
.............
/ :
FIG. 4.-Head of
pattern of th
the king's var
his nostrils. T
youth but rep
the texts on
above.76
In one of th
axis),77 as Am
hands,78 the
74
Ibid. the Gods, p. 74; Brunner, Gehurt dles Gottkiinigs,
75 For pp. 132-33;
thisGardiner, JEA 36 (1950): 7 and mo pl. 2.
Chevrier,For other texts relating suckling
Hatsh or milk to
51 (1951):
rejuvenation, see Daumas, 210-1
Mammisis (Paris, 1958),
(141, 71;
pp. 174-206; Maria Munster,cf. Untersuchungen zur p.
Giittin Isis, MAS II (Berlin, 1968), pp. 67-69; Erika
pr-ldw'(t), directl
see Lacau-Chevr
Feucht, "Verjtingung und Wiedergeburt," SAlK 11
hnw-crown(1984): 402-4. The connection with the numerous po
"horned,"representations of Isis nursing
cf. the infant Horus Wh is
76 For obvious;the
see Brunner, Gehurt cles Gottkiinigs,
wor p. 132.
ciated One specifica
should note also in regard to associations with
LD ill,the ka, 122b
the usage of the word k 3 w meaning "nourish-
(te
this ment, sustenance"; see Schweitzer, Wesen
genre, seecles Ka,
Osorkon,pp. 58, 68-71. AnOr
formula also occurs at the entrance to the Colonnade 77 Gayet, Temple de Louxor, pl. 19. For the
at Luxor Temple, in an inscription to be published symbolism of this scene, see Schweitzer, Wesen cles
by the Epigraphic Survey. For the relationship of the Ka, pp. 57-61.
suckling motif to the coronation, see Leclant, MIl. 78 Gardiner, JEA 36 (1950): 7; Schweitzer, Wesen
Mar.. pp. 263-65, 256, n. 2; Frankfort, Kingship and dles Ka, p. 58; cf. Kaplony, L.f Ill, 276-77.
gffii::-:
s~;~,~m~8as pdi: ~i-M-w
Ra w O:__-:::m
ikk: :?::
Wei:
:-:::::e::
~i-i~~~, -8ii~iii- --: WOR:;::
z-~:::W
rom:-~~~rl
FIG. 5.-Head of Ramesses II with the horn of A

First Court). Photograph by Lanny Bell.
with his usual cartouches. But the st

Horus name here is not the individual
tion of Horus, in his case "The Mighty
his name on this occasion is "Foremo
which all manifestations of the royal
ruler involved. At this very instan
acceptance of his succession to the Hor
ka-nay becomes a living ka. He is a g
human ruler into an immortal ka.80
79 Kaplony, LA Ill, 281, n. 23.

strictly limited by the end
80 For the dead king interpreted
One and the as Many*,
vivified by
p
royal ka in the New Kingdom, see ibid., 276
reference kindly called to m
"immortality" defined
Velde). as repeated regener
In the scene just described, the crown worn by the king has b
as pointed out to me by W. Raymond Johnson. The king now h
Upper and Lower Egypt, but this replaces an elaborate atef-lik
with twisted horns, uraei, and sun discs, with the addition o
around the king's ear and onto his cheek (fig. 4). Here we hav
corrected; for the erased crown, with the added horn of Amun, is
to the scene immediately above, where this special crown is f
rendered."' A form of this crown, with or without the optional ra
the aegis82 of every royal barque, where it is associated with
Ramesses II: Friedrich Wilhelm von Bissing, Denk-

XI Mariette, Voyage clans la haute-Eg.ipte, avec
miller c'
quatre-v ingt-trois \ues p)hotograp)hies (Munich,
aprres1914),
les vol. 2, pl. 91A (Court of
Luxor
monuments antiques compris entre leTemple);
Caire Ramesses
et la II: Meclinet Hahu IV,
pl. 238A;
premiere cataracte. 2d ed. (Paris, 1893), vol.VIII, pl. 612;
1, pl. 38; Hornung, Tal cler Kinige:
Die Ruhestaitte cler Pharaonen (Zurich and Munich,
Michatowski, Louqsor, fig. 49; Wildung, Eg.p/ian
Saints: Deification in Pharaonic EgIpt
1982), p.(hereafter
26 (pl. 7); by King Herihor in two small-
scale representations on cabins of the royal barge in
Egy.rptian Saints) (New York, 1977), fig. 3.
82 With the version of this crown on the aegis
The Epigraphic Survey, The Tenmple of Khonsu I,
of the barque of TutankhamunOIP (Wolf, Schone
100 (Chicago, 1979), pl. 20 (this reference kindly
Fest lon Opet, pls. 1-2), cf. the called
crown to my attention
worn by by W. Raymond Johnson); by
this king on the gilt wooden throne from his
Sheshonq tomb:
1: Feucht, 'Relief Scheschonqs I. beim
PM I1, pp. 576-77; Piankoff, Shrines, p. 15,
Erschlagen derfig.
Feinde2; aus el-Hibe," SA K 9 (1981):
Desroches-Noblecourt, Tutankhamun: pl. 2; cf. p.Life
106 (a);and
and by luput I: idem, SA K 11
Death of a Pharaoh (London and New York, 1963),
(1984):
pl. 6 (opp. p. 31). Tutankhamun wears this410-11
crown and fig. 10 = Aldred, The yI'ptians
(London, 1961), pl. in
72 (represented as the sun god
three scenes in the Luxor Colonnade, on columns 1
reborn: see Hermann Schl6gl, Der Sonnengott aul'
and 2, and on the interior north wall opposite the
eastern column (no. 1); the scene oncler Bliite: Eine
column
Reiches, AH15 is
iig.ptische
now
[Basel
Kosmogonie dces Neuen
and Geneva, 1977], pp. 44-45
published on p. 6 of the Oriental [B.b3];
Institute
cf. pp.Annual
45-50). For dead and deified kings,
Report for 1983-84 (Chicago, 1984). variousThis is the
gods and sacred animals depicted with the
hmhm-crown, known from the time of Akhenaten
onwards: see Abd el Monem Abubakr, Kronen, hnmhmh-crown, see Nelson-Murnane,
pl. 36 (with the addition of the double Hp*ostyle
Amun- Hall,
pp. 63-65. For Amenhotep III represented wear- plumes); The Epigraphic Survey, Reliefs and Inscrip-
ing the hrmhm-crown on the right half of the facade tions at Karnak I (hereafter RIK I), OIP 25
of his temple at Elephantine, see Description, (Chicago, 1936), pl. 44 (also with the Amun-plumes);
Antiquites, vol. 1, pls. 35.2, 36.2. (Prisse d'Avennes,
Ouadci es-Sehouc, pls. 26B/30A (= LD III, 179b),
Histoire cle I'art igyptien [Paris, 1878], vol. 1 [pl. 11:],
24B, 42A; Keith C. Seele, The Tombh of Tianefer at
"Architecture," also projects this crown onto the left Thebes, OIP 86 (Chicago, 1959), pl. 25; Meclinet
half of the facade and onto one of the peripteral
Hahu VIII, pl. 599; William C. Hayes, Scepter 11,
pillars as well; since the temple was destroyed p.
in 421, fig. 267; cf. pp. 418-19; Otto Koefoed-
1822, however, no weight can be attached to these
Petersen, Catalogue cles sarcophages et cercueils
independent additions of his.) This crown is actually
gjlptiens, Publications de la Glyptothbque Ny Carls-
found rather commonly during the reignberg, of no. 4 (Copenhagen, 1951), pls. 36-37; cf. p. 21;
Akhenaten: see Redford in Ray Winfield Smith CG 61030, 61031, 61034; Rudolf Anthes, "Die
and Donald B. Redford, The Akhenaten Temple deutschen Grabungen auf der Westseite von Theben
Project I: Initial Discoveries (hereafter A TP
inI)den Jahren 1911 und 1913," MDAIK 12 (1943):
(Warminster, 1976), p. 77 and n. 4; H. S. Smith, The
pls. 10-11; Pieter Adriaan Aart Boeser, Leiden (The
Fortress of Buhen: The Inscri/nions, EM 48 (London,Hague, 1905-32), vol. 8, pl. 6; vol. 10, pl. 10;
1976), pl. 28.4-5 (1609-10) and p. 130. Smith prefers
Valdemar Schmidt, Sarkofager, Muniekister, og
a date in the pre-Amarna period, on stylistic
grounds; for independent evidence of Akhenaten's Mumiehylstre i cdet Ganmle Aegipten: Tvpologisk
Atlas (Copenhagen, 1919), pp. 140, 147-48, figs. 708
(= Boeser, Leiden, vol. 11, pl. 1), 742 = 743, 744 =
activity at this site, see pl. 29 (1595/ A/ B); cf. pl. 28.2
(1588): prenomen of Amenhotep II substituted 745, for 761 (= Koefoed-Petersen, Catalogue, pl. 48; cf.
his nomen during the reign of Akhenaten to suppress p. 25); Werner and Bedfich Forman and Milada
the writing of the name of Amun (Smith, p. 124,
concludes that the cartouche was usurped Vilimkova, by Guilmant,
F6lix
Egiyptian Art (London, 1962), fig. 106;
Le Tomheau c/e Rams@s IX, MI FAO
Amenhotep III). This crown is also worn by 15 (Cairo, 1907), pl. 85).
ka-force.83 Likewise the ram's horn curving across his cheek is often found
representations of deified kings,84 and may also be taken generally to signify
ka-aspect.85
This ram's horn takes us back to the Court of Ramesses II. At the rear of the Am
chapel in the triple barque shrine, there are two niches, one recessed into each
wall. They have representations of Ramesses II on their walls, as well as lunm
83 Cf. Barguet, ASA E51 (1951): 211. Aldred,Atlas JEA II, pl. 180 = Louis-A. Christophe, Ahou-
55 (1969): 75 and n. 5, in discussing the representa-
Simhel et l epop)e de sa decouverte (Brussels, 1965),
tion of Thutmose 111 seated in a kiosk in the tombpl. foll.
ofp. 208; 4a-b; Wreszinski, Atlas II, pl. 179;
Rekhmire, presents evidence that the atef-crown LD 111,is 191h. The aegis of the barque of Seti 1, as
here associated with Re, rather than Osiris: ref. represented by Ramesses 11 in the Hall of Barques
(Room Z) of the Seti Temple at Abydos, also
Ulrk. IV, 1277.17, 1286.13, for the atef called the
displays this ram's horn: unnumbered Chicago House
3t!fi-RC; cf. Aldred, Akhenaten and Ne fertiti (Lon-
print of an unpublished Calverley photograph;
don, 1973), p. 100 (no. 14); this reference kindly called
to my attention by Martha R. Bell. For the atef-crown cf. A. R. David, A Guide to Religious Ritual at
associated with Re in the context of the coronation
Ahl'dos (Warminster, 1981), p. 152 (East Wall). For
or the celebration of jubilees, see Lacau and Chevrier,Amenhotep Ill apparently wearing the ram's horn in
Hatshepsout, pl. 11 (178) and p. 249; Medinet Hahuhis destroyed temple on Elephantine, see Description,
V, pl. 291; VI, pl. 460; Chic. Or. Inst. photo 5283Antiquiths, vol. 1, pl. 36.2-3; this reference called to
(north face of the west wing of Pylon VIII at Karnak,my attention by W. Raymond Johnson. Note,
temp. Ramesses 111). The near identity of this solarhowever, that this detail is not shown in Vivant
atef-crown and the hmhm-crown is indicated in
Denon, Voyage dans la Basse et la Haute L,ilprte
Medinet Hahu VIII, pl. 612, where the hmhm-crown(Paris, 1802), pl. 128.4; nor in Thomas Young,
shown worn by Ramesses IIl is referred to in line 13 Hieroghlyphics (London, 1823-28), pl. 60.
of the accompanying text with a hieroglyph in the 85 In Theban Tomb 131 (Amenuser), Thutmose I1I
form of the solar atef* For a writing of theis represented seated in a kiosk, wearing both
denominative verb 'f' determined with the hmhm- the solar atef-crown and the ram's horns of Amun,
crown (temp. Ramesses 11), see Abubakr, Kronen,accompanied by the royal ka: Davies, "The Egyptian
p. 15(k) and n. 1: ref. Mariette, Ahvdos I, p. 52.29). Expedition 1925-1926," BMMA 21 (1926): pt. 2
84 To the examples cited by Wildung, OLZ 68for December 1926, p. 7, fig. 3 = MMA photo
(1973): 551-52, and idem, Egyptian Saints, pp. 2-11,
T.1273. The presence of the royal ka when the
add Howard Carter and Percy E. Newberry, Theking appears in a kiosk is also specified elsewhere:
Tomb ofl Thoutrnmsis IV (Westminster, 1904), pl. 9Siave-Soderbergh, Four Eikhteenth Dynasty Tombs,
(1); Karol Myiliwiec, Studien zum Gott Atum, PTT I (Oxford, 1957), pl. I (Hatshepsut); Davies,
vol. 1, Die heiligen Tiere des Atum, HAB 5 Rekh-mi-RP(, pl. 13 (T Ill); Theban Tomb 85
(Hildesheim, 1978), pl. 52 (fig. 121); Torgny Sdive-
(Amenemhab) - MMA photo T.2575 (T I11) +
Siderbergh, Four Eighteenth Dynasty Tombs, PTT Radwan, Darstellung des regierenden Kijnigs, MAS
I (Oxford, 1957), pl. 31; Blackman, JEA 23 (1937):21 (Berlin, 1969), pl. 6 (A II) (this reference called to
149, n. I (describing the deified Amenhotep III atmy attention by Peter Der Manuelian); Davies,
Sesebi as depicted in the same way he is at Soleb);
Tombnhs of 7Two Officials, pl. 1 I (T IV); Theban Tomb
Amice M. Calverley and Alan H. Gardiner, 63 (Sebkhotp) = MMA photo T.2767 (T IV);
Ahvdos IV, pl. 78; Prisse d'Avennes, Monuments Radwan, Darstellung. pls. 11-12; see also MMA
photo T. 2816 (T IV); LD III, 55a-b (Thutmose III
eg.vptiens: Bas-relief[v, peintures, inscriptions, etc.,
daprbs les dessins executes sur les lieux (Paris, 1847),
offering before the deified Sesostris II111). Aldred,
pl. 30 = J. Gardner Wilkinson, The Manners and JEA 55 (1969): 73, referring to representations of the
Customs of'the Ancient Egyptians, ed. Samuel Birch enshrined Amenhotep III in the tombs of Khaemhet,
(London, 1878), vol. 3, pl. 64 (foll. p. 370) - LD IIIKheruef, and Amenemhet-Surero, says that "there is
132n (detail). For Ramesses II in the Great Temple at little doubt that the event in question was a state
Abu Simbel, see Habachi, Features, pls. 2a = Curto, appearance of the Pharaoh during ceremonies that
Nubia, 313 (fig. 232) = Christian Leblanc, "Le Culte marked his various jubilees, when he received his
rendu aux colosses 'osiriaques' durant le Nouvelofficials in audience." There seems to be no doubt
Empire," BIFA O 82 (1982): pl. 56a (foll. p. 311) that
= the intent of this motif was to represent the full
S. Donadoni, H. el-Achirie, C. Leblanc (vol. 1), and
measure of the king's divinity as a manifestation of
Fouad Abdel Hamid (vol. 2), Grand Temple d'Ahou the royal ka. For the significance of one of the
Simbel: Les Salles du tresor sud, CS, Centre d'Etudes
gestures of the courtiers in scenes of this type, the
et de Documentation sur I'Ancienne Egypte (Paris,
pointing of the hwi-fan, see Bell, MIl. Mokhtar
1975), vol. 1, pls. 14, 59; vol. 2, pl. 6; 3 = Wreszinski,
(forthcoming).
priests."" Undoubtedly the king's ka was adored here,87 with small

ruler placed in the niches.8" At the back of the left niche Rames
(fig. 5) wearing the curved ram's horn.'9 The head of a statue of a H
god) wearing a crown with this distinctive ram's horn is to be fo
Museum."o The wearing of the curved ram's horn, depicted commo
adopted in the Hellenistic world as a token of the divinity of Alexander
his conquest of Egypt.9' These horns have long been correctly associ
Amun,2 but their symbolism as a sign of possession of the royal k
traced back to its origin.93 Alexander's activities in Luxor undoub
awareness that his legitimacy as an Egyptian ruler depended on his
there by Amun-Re during the Opet Festival. The ka-statues of Ra
niches of the Triple Shrine at Luxor function as intermediaries in
subjects' pleas to Amun;94 inscriptions in the Triple Shrine speak o
86 Donadoni, "Le Petit Temple ramesside de no. 12; Bengt Julius Peterson,
tion (Oxford, 1958),
"Agyptische Stelen und Stelenfragmente aus Stock-
Louqsor," Bulletin de la Socieht d'Egyptologie,
Geneve (hereafter BSEG) 7 (1982): 13-14. holmer Sammlungen," Opuscula A theniensia, vol. 9,
87 In the corresponding structure builtSkrifter
by Seti utgivna
II at av Svenska Institutet i Athen, 4',
Karnak, one of the statues is addressed by the
vol. 15 (Lund, 1969), p. 110, fig. 18; oDeM 2596; BM
lunmutef as the living royal ka of this Stelaeruler;
7, pl. 27 see
(279); unpublished representation in
Chevrier and Drioton, Le Temple reposoir deHypostyle
the Outer Seti II of the Seti Temple at Abydos,
ii Karnak (Cairo, 1940), p. 33 and fig. west3; Kitchen,
wall, between the chapels of Amun-Re and Re-
Ranm. Inscr. IV, 256, 15-16. Horakhty (personal observation, 1983). The ram's
88 Donadoni, BSEG 7 (1982): 14. horn is also attested of Thoth and Osiris: Gutnther
89 Wildung, Egyptian Saints, p. 8. Roeder, Hernopolis, pl. 64 (this reference kindly
90 CG 693; cited in Inge Hofmann, Studien zuum called to my attention by W. Raymond Johnson);
meroitischen Kiinigtum (Brussels, 1971), p. 47. See Anthes, MDAIK 12 (1943): pls. 10-11 (died-pillar);
further Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten von MMA photo T.1712 (Th.T.65: Imiseba).
Kbnigen und Privatleuten, pt. 3 (Berlin, 1930), p. 37.93 Hofmann, Studien zumn meroitischen Kiinig-
A parallel is to be found in CG 38021 (temp. Dynastyturn, pp. 46-47, assumes that the Kushite rulers of
XXX or early Ptolemaic), uninscribed, and likewise Dynasty XXV served as Alexander's models in the
representing either Amun-Re or a king as Amun-Re); matter of wearing the ram's horn.
see Bodil Hornemann, Tlpes of Ancient EgKpitian 94 Surely at times other than when the barque of
Statuary, vol. I (Copenhagen, 1951), pl. 165. Amun was resident there during festivals. For the
91 Margarete Bieber, "The Portraits of Alexanderroyal ka, personified in Ramesses II and Merneptah,
the Great," Proceedings of the American Philo- acting as intermediary between an official and a god
so)phical Society (PA PS) 93 (1949): 388-90, 397 at Gebel es-Silsila, see Rosellini, Monunmenti del
(fig. 12), 405-8 (figs. 34-37, 41, 45): this reference
culto, pl. 32.4 (for the epithet of Ptah, read nh
kindly called to my attention by Martha R. Bell; mn C(t): Kitchen, Ranm. Inscr. 111, 48.6, reads nh pt;
Bevan, House of Ptolemy, pp. 7, xxii; Alfred R.
Bellinger, Evsays on the Coinage of Alexander the Schweitzer, Wesen
understanding this goddes Ka, royal
as the p. 72,kareads nh n( II;
of Ramesses y),
Great, The American Numismatic Society, Numis- cf. below, n. 216 (for a variant of this genre of scene,
matic Studies no. II (New York, 1963), pp. 86-87 in which the same Vizier [Nftr-rnpt]also adores Ptah
and pl. 2.4,5 (this reference kindly called to my through the intermediary of the royal ka, see
attention by Robert M. Whiting); The Search for Catherine Chadefaud, Les Statues porte-enseignes
Alexander: An Exhibition, Exhibition Catalogue: de l'Eg plte ancienne[1580-1085 avant J. C.]: Signifi-
National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (Boston, cation et insertion dans le culte du Ka royal
1980), pp. 107-8 (nos. 17-18); Hogarth, JEA [hereafter
2 Statues porte-enseignes] [Paris, 1982],
(1915): 58. Tarn in Griffith, ed., Alexander the Great,
pp. 121 [PE M.3], 144); LD III, 200a, c; Jean-
p. 175, interprets the fact that Alexander "never putFrangois Champollion, Mon. II, pl. 114 = Rosellini,
his own head on his coinage" as signifying that he didMonumenti storici, pl. 120.1 (for the texts framing
not regard himself as a god; cf. Milne, Misc. this scene see Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. IV, 73.5-11);
Gregoriana, pp. 147-48; Fv Griffith, pp. 13-14. Farouk Gomaai, Chaenmwese: Sohn Ramses' II. und
92 See Nelson-Murnane, H7ipost yle Hall, pl. 36 = Hoherpiriester von Memphis (hereafter Chaemw~nese),
RIK II, pl. 80c; Tosi and Roccati, Stele, p. 302 AA 27 (Wiesbaden, 1973), p. 130 (fig. 30a). W. Mur-
(50092); Cerni. Egyptian Stelae in the Bankes Collec- nane has now called attention to the ram-headed
making supplication and of hearing petitions,'95 indicating that the people were some-
times allowed to approach the chapels with appeals to the gods." The colossal ka-
statues of Ramesses 11 served the same way;97 and the portable barques, including that
of the king, could also be approached during festival processions for submitting ques-
tions to them for oracular responses.9"
populace gained access to the court during festivals;

standards
door at the (mdw
rear of.nps.v')
the Amundepicted flanking
chapel in the false-
the Triple see further below, n. 128); Helck, Die Ritualdar-
Shrine of Ramesses II at Luxor Temple, pointing out stellungen dles Ramesseums, vol. 1 (hereafter Ritual-
their role as intermediaries in forwarding petitions to dlarstellungen), AA 25 (Wiesbaden, 1972), p. 153;
Amun: Murnane, M'l. Mokhtar (forthcoming). The this reference kindly called to my attention by
double false-door found here and in other Ramesside Edward F. Wente; see Chic. Or. Inst. photo 5180,
barque sanctuaries signals the presence of both king collated by me, 1983 (marginal text beneath a
and god in these shrines, stressing their unity: Haeny,
representation of a barque procession: read Fstl snnlh
Beitriige B/: 9, 1970, p. 91, n. 55; LA* V, 570; and the s(1Vm sprwt [n(yw't)] ntrw Frmttl).: Wh, Belegst. IV,
standard itself is associated with the royal ka, espe- 104.15 = 166.4 (inscription in Staircase V in the
cially its transmission-- Helmut Satzinger, "Der Abydos Temple of Ramesses II, collated by me,
heilige Stab als Kraftquelle des Konigs: Versuch einer 1983; for a reference to the cult image of Ramesses I I
Funktionsbestimmung der igyptischen Stabtriger- in his barque in the continuation of this text, cf. Wh,
Statuen," Jahrhuch lder Kunsthistorische Samm- Belegst. 111, 14.15; however, the aegis at both the
lungen in Wien, vol. 77 (Vienna, 1981), pp. 9-43 (this prow and stern of this barque is clearly human-
reference called to my attention by Christian Loeben); headed and wears the solar atef-crown: collated by
Chadefaud, Statues p)orte-enseignes; cf. ibid., LA* V, me, 1983); Medinet Habu II11, pl. 181A; this reference
1224-32--apparently here specifying Amun-Re as kindly called to my attention by Edward F. Wente
constituting the king's ka. The mdw .Vpsi' of (n'y) (marginal inscription on the western exterior wall:
Ramesses Ill at Medinet Habu received an extra
portion of offerings on the day of the coronation read st snonh shdm sprw[t n(ywt)] Fntrvwl [rntt]);
Claude Traunecker, Franqoise Le Saout, and Olivier
feast: Nelson in Work in Western Thebes 1931-33, Masson, La Chapelle dA choris ai Karnak. Memoires
OIC 18 (Chicago, 1934), pp. 48-50; Medinet Habhu du Centre Franco-Egyptien d'Etude des temples de
IIf, pls. 150.530, 152.591. Clearly related to this is the Karnak 2 (Paris, 1981), vol. 2, p. 110 (fig. 12.3),
rite of presenting the ram-headed standard before p. 115 (i) (inscription of Akoris on one of the
the enthroned Osorkon II during the coronation polygonal columns erected around the Barque
ceremonies at his jubilee, along with a sphinx Sanctuary of the Small Temple at Medinet Habu).
representing Atum as the royal ka: Naville, Festival- 97 Wildung, OLZ 68 (1973): 553, 564; idem,
Hall, pls. 1-2; Barguet, ASAE 51 (1951): 213; cf. 210,
fig. 7 and n. 1; on the king in his ka-aspect visualized Egyptian Saints, pp. 13, 28. It is interesting to note
that the largest statues found in Egypt (at Abu
as a sphinx, see Bell, MWI. Mokhtar (forthcoming). Simbel, the Ramesseum, and the Colossi of Memnon)
For the mdvw'-staff interpreted as the ka in parallel are of deified kings, rather than nonhuman divinities,
texts from Dynasty XX, see Parker et al., Edilice of as though their function is to convey to the viewer
Taharqa. pl. 35 (A52/ B40), and p. 44 with n. 40. the impression that the union of king and godhead
95 Cf. Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. I1, 616.3,16; 617.1. had created a superdeity on earth. Schweitzer, Wesen
These texts complement one another and are both to des Ka, p. 53, notes that the colossus of Amen-
be reconstructed as st snmh sdm sprwt n(ywit) ntrw hotep III south of the Tenth Pylon at Karnak (for
rmtt. The traces following snn7h in 616.3 fit svdmj the references, see n. 45 above) is described as an
perfectly (personal collation, 1983); cf. Mahmud "image" or "likeness" (twvt) of Amun-Re. For twt
Abd el-Razik, "The Dedicatory and Building Texts specifying the king as the "(exact) likeness" of the sun
of Ramesses 11 in Luxor Temple, 11: Interpretation," god as his earthly representative, see Hornung, "Der
JEA 61 (1975): 134. Mensch als 'Bild Gottes' in Agypten," in Oswald
96 Nims in Proceedings of the Twent y- Third Inter-
Loretz, ed., Die Gottebenbildlichkeit dees Menschen
national Congress of Orientalists, Cambridge 21st- (Munich, 1967), pp. 144-45, 152; Wildung, "Ramses,
28th August, 1954 (London, 1956), p. 80; this refer- die grofe Sonne Agyptens," ZA'S 99 (1972-73): 39.
ence kindly called to my attention by Edward F. The Colossi of Memnon are each referred to as a twt
Wente. For this formula in other public areas of 9(): Habachi, Beitriige B/ 11, 1981, p. 44, fig. 7; so
temples, or associated with divine barques, see also the named colossus of Ramesses II before the
Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. 11, 607.14-15 (inscription adja- Luxor Pylon: Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. 11, 629.7.
cent to the "People's Gate" on the east of the Court
98 iCern' in Parker, Saite Oracle Papyvrus, pp. 36,
of Ramesses 11 at Luxor Temple, whereby the 40, 42-43.
The text accompanying the suckling scene in the Roman Vestibul

king "Horus" and refers to his having been nurtured (rnn) "in t
the presence of Amun, your father." Apparently never before noticed
now provides us with a basis for understanding the mythologic
Murnane has recognized in the themes of the decoration in and
Sanctuary. The Hw't-sr(w'), "Chamber of the Magistracy,""99 is the sc
tions of the divine tribunal whose judges (explicitly, the Ennead)
hear the case involving the dispute between the deceased Osiris an
the one side, and Seth on the other. In their precedent-making decisio
Osiris and proclaimed Horus his rightful heir. In the New Kingdom th
is even said to have been "begotten in the Magistrates' Chamber in ord
over the Two Lands."'$00 In the retelling of this old story in Luxor, t
ship to Amun naturally relegates the role of Osiris to the shadow
of the trial, the Ennead witness the coronation and rejoice at the
Amenhotep III describes himself publicly, in the socle inscriptio
west wall at the south of Luxor Temple,122 as "the excellent egg
Amun, who was nurtured (the word determined here with a pict
child-king standing before a seated goddess who suckles him) in
Chamber [in the presence of his father Amun]." The decoration
Coronation Suite103 adjacent to the Barque Sanctuary at Luxor Te
sents the events enacted in the mythic Magistrates' Chamber.104
W. Murnane has observed that the coronation scenes in the Roman Vestibule differ
in one significant detail from those found in the interior of the temple. Inside, the king
kneels facing Amun while a goddess adjusts the back of his crown,'0s whereas in the
Roman Vestibule he faces outward toward a goddess, who usually touches his brow or
the front of his crown and extends the sign of life to his nostrils. Murnane would
relate this different orientation to a later stage in the proceedings, which have begun
most privately in the mysterious chambers deep inside the temple, as the final prepara-
tions are made for a public appearance of the king at the conclusion of the Opet
ceremonies. The god's embrace of the king from behind, before sending him forth on
his own, does, in any case, represent the kind of protective gesture which is implied in
the motif of the ka-arms themselves.1'6
99 Kaplony, LA II, 35 1-56. Amun-Re announces to the assembled Heliopolitan

100 Brunner, Luxor, pl. 143 (XIX/ 135); cf. idem, Ennead, augmented by Horus, Hathor, and Montu,
Gehurt d1es Gottkonigs, p. 26. In idem, Luxor,that a new king of Egypt will be born; Schweitzer,
pl. 60.19-21, Amun-Re says to the king "You are my Wesen desN Ka, p. 62; cf. Brunner, Gehurt desN
son, of my living creation (shprw), whom I engen-Gottkiinigs, pp. 18-19.
dered in the Magistrates' Chamber and begot in the 102 Urk. IV, 1709.4-5.
Hw t-Bnhn, you appearing as King of Upper and 103 So called by William Murnane after his initial
Lower Egypt." For the meaning of shprw, of whichstudy of this area.
this is the earliest known occurrence, see Gardiner, 104 This term does occur in the texts accompanying
"A Pharaonic Encomium (11)," JEA 42 (1956): 17;the birth scenes at Luxor: Brunner, Gehurt (des
pHier. BM (Edwards), 9, n. 13. For the rising of the Gottkinigs, p. 24 and pl. 2.
sun at the Hw t-Bnhn, as the site of the primeval hill 105 Cf. the example in Gayet, Temple de Louxor,
of creation, see Otto, LA' 1, 694-95. pl. 74.
101 Brunner, LA* IV, 476-77. The birth scenes at 106 Schweitzer, Wesen tdes Ka, p. 58; Leclant, MO/l.
Deir el-Bahari are preceded by a prologue in whichMar., p. 262; cf. Gardiner, EG, p. 453 (D 28).
. . ..... ...:: :::: ::-~i:: ...
'10 <$
:::,,-iii,~ii gg.Mk
#, /
-, : '"For
FIG. 6.-Goddess nurt

Photograph by Lanny
We know that the

Ch, the term also u
during the Opet Fe
lioness goddess We
the lords of Per-Ne
of Upper Egypt an
tion seems to allud
Sanctuary. Gardin
House' that Amun
end, and when it
their new soverei
inscription, we rec
public. We cannot b
temple for the fir
when the ceremon
temple inscriptions
of the king's earth
which the king's r
107 Gardiner,
11I JEA
For 39
an ch
108 Cf. ibid., p. 25
Lacau-Chevrier an
109 Isis
Gardiner, in
JEAthe39 S(
Ilo Ibid., Their
p. 25. Theol
applied at Luxor generally to the Eighteenth Dynasty temple from t

Barque Sanctuary"12 or, more narrowly, to the First Vestibule itself, w
barque and ka-statue probably resided.
In 1965 Charles F. Nims described the cult place of the divine Rom
Luxor Temple"3 as follows:
The central doorway [from the Portico of the temple proper] gave access to
hall, with another wide doorway in the opposite wall. When the Roman
Temple the centre of a castrum, the southern doorway was blocked with a
was a canopy resting on four pillars, two of which still remain: under this ca
statue of the emperor. Painted on the walls of the apse were the figures of t
the two Caesars of the end of the third century A.D., parts of which are still
the sanctuary of the imperial cult and the sacel//um for the standards of the
heroes were shown on the painted plaster surface covering the pharaonic r
very sanctuary that Diocletian and Maximin Daia commanded Christians to
the divine emperor.14
The real nature of this unique monument has been obscured by its comm
fication as a Coptic Church, an error unfortunately perpetuated eve
Topographical Bibliography of Porter and Moss."5 The Romans' selec
of the temple for the worship of the divine emperors was surely delibe
by awareness of the 1500-year-long tradition of its association wit
divine king."16 That the Romans cut off direct access to the Amun
however, signifies that the source of the emperors' divinity was no
that of the Egyptian king."'
The socle upon which the whole of Luxor Temple rests south
Amenhotep III delineates the earliest phase of the construction of A
(1983): 130, n. 101; 132; for the 'h at aKarnak as the

kheker-frieze at the top of the walls of both rooms
place where the king is born to Mut or ofWerLhekau,
the Coronation Suite (Rooms XIII-XIV), sug-
and nurtured by them, see Otto, Topographie,
gesting that this decoration served to designate this
pp. 25-26; cf. Michel Gitton, "Le Palais deofKarnak,"
part the temple specifically as the "Palace": cf.
BIFA 0 74 (1974): 63; this last referenceGardiner,
kindly EG, called
pp. 494 (O 1), 543 (Aa 30), for the
to my attention by Labib Habachi. For further
hieroglyph used in writing the word ' h. However, he
relevant examples, see Kitchen, Ram. Inscr.
has since 1, frieze in the Portico, and I have
noted this
220.6-7 (ref. Karnak); 11, 616.1.15also
(containing
found it in Room XXII: see Brunner, Luxor,
references to an 'h at Luxor). An p.unpublished
19 and pl. 31; cf. pl. 30 (reconstruction).
architrave inscription in the Colonnade of Luxor
113 Barguet, LA I 111, 1104.
Temple describes Seti I as "one whom Werthekau 114 Nims, Thebes of the Pharaohs, p. 128. For the
nurtured (rnn) in the Palace (Ch) of Karnak." In original publication of this material, see U. Monneret
Brunner, Gehurt des Gottkinigs, pl. 14, the child- de Villard, "The Temple of the Imperial Cult at
king is acknowledged by Amun-Re at Luxor, saying, Luxor," Archaeologia or Miscellaneous Tracts Re-
"My son of my body, my beloved, Nebmaatre, whom lating to Antiquity 95 (Oxford, 1953), pp. 85-105.
I have made of my (own) flesh, one together with me 115 PM 112, 320.
in the midst of the Palace (Ch) 1I have given to you all 116 Cf. Daumas, LA I 11, 474.
life and dominion, you appearing as King of Upper 117 Nevertheless, the construction of a secondary
and Lower Egypt upon the throne of Horus. May entrance giving access to the south end of the temple
you be in joy with your ka, like Re." Brunner, p. 26, from the east indicates the continuance of some
n. 5, considers the possible identity of this Palace Amun rituals here. For the architectural modifica-
with the Magistrates' Chamber. tions to Luxor Temple during the Roman period, see
112 After my initial research into this question, Jean-Claude Golvin and Michel Redd6, MIFAO
William Murnane pointed out to me the existence of (forthcoming).
marks the limits of the sacred precinct."18 Thus the approach of the king's
would have been restricted to the area north of the Portico, where Amenhotep III
constructed his Court. If this is the Maru, "Viewing Place,""l9 which Amenh
speaks of in his great building inscription,120 then he depicts this court121 as a "
receiving the revenues of all countries and the delivery ... of the dues of all
picturing himself in the midst of it as "Re of the Nine Bows"'22 (putting him
into a relationship with foreigners).123 The Maru seems to be a place where th
king's power is made manifest. In fact, Amenhotep III describes a great publ
tacle, a sort of royal review at which even foreign representatives vie with each o
the splendor of their offerings of silver, gold, semi-precious stones, cattle, flowe
wine. One is reminded of the representations of the Opet Festival procession
Court of Ramesses 11124 and the procession of the mineral regions bringing their
to the temple,125 as well as the sacrifices depicted at small kiosks as the bar
carried in and out of the temple in the reliefs of the Colonnade.126 Inscriptions o
pilasters projecting slightly into the Court at the east127 and west corners of the
boast that "all lands and all countries are at the feet of this perfect god (th
whom all the gods love and all the rekhyet (the king's subjects) adore, that they m
live." The occurrence of this rekhyet formula here tends to confirm the adm
the populace to this place.128
"referring
I I Georges Daressy, Notice explicativee des ruines to international relations," see David
Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International
du Temple cde Luxor (Cairo, 1893), p. 51; Barguet,
LA I', 1103; Schwaller de Lubicz, Temple de
Relations in Egyptian Texts through Din. XVIII
I'Homme, vol. 2, pl. 13; Haeny, Beitrige Bf. (Baltimore
9, 1970,and London, 1974), p. 9. Additional
p. 19. references include Champollion, Mon. IV, pl. 302 =
119 Alexander Badawy, "Maru-Aten: Pleasure Rosellini, Monumnenti storici, pl. 59= The Epi-
Resort or Temple?," JEA 42 (1956): 58-64: cf. graphic Survey, The Battle Reliefv of King SetI' 1,
Helck, LA II, 378-80. See now Beatrix Gessler- OIP 107 (Chicago, forthcoming); Medinet Hahu 1,
Llihr, Die heiligen Seen igjyptischer Tempel,pl.H11.A11;BII, pls. 105.6, 120A.5, 120B.3; V, pl. 316.21;
21 (Hildesheim, 1983), pp. 187-89. At Amarna, VI, pl. 365.9; VII, pl. 557.6; VIII, pl. 606.13; RIK II,
the Sw(y)t-Rc is associated with the Mtrw- OIP I-tn: 35 (Chicago, 1936), pl. 120.4. See Gomad,
Chaemnwese,
Fairman in CoA Ill, 201 (c-e); for the significance of p. 130 (fig. 30a) for the deified Mer-
the "Sunshade of Re," see Bell, MWI. Mokhtar
neptah, operating in his ka-aspect, called "The
(forthcoming). Mighty Bull, Re of the Nine Bows."
120 Urk. IV, 1651.7-1652.9. 123 For the representation of foreigners associated
121 See Rainer Stadelmann, "Tempel und Tempel-
with the use of this epithet, see Davies-Gardiner,
namen in Theben-Ost und -West," MDAIK 34 Hu*.i, pl. 27; Schwaller de Lubicz, Temples de
(1978): 179. The most recent discussions of the Karnak, vol. 2, pl. 407; LD Ill, 120-21; Champol-
Maru's location have relied on the implications lion, Mon. IV, pl. 302 = Rosellini, Monumenti
storici, pl. 59; Medinet Hahu I, pl. 11(.11); 11, pls.
of the
for sense
placing this of the compound
structure outside Luxorpreposition
toward the hfit-hr-n(.v) 105(.6), 120A(.5), 120B(.3); VIII, pl. 606(.13); RIK
north: Lise Manniche in L'Eg)7ptologie en 1979, II, pl. 120(.4). In Medinet Hahu VI, pl. 365.9,
vol. 2, pp. 271-73; this reference kindly called to my Ramesses III is addressed this way with reference to
attention by Richard Fazzini; Christiane Wallet- foreign lands bowing in submission through fear of
Lebrun, "H/i-hr dans les textes de construction," him. (In Medinet HahuV, pl. 316.21, he is so
GM 58 (1982): 75-94. addressed by Thoth as Amun crowns him with the
122 Cf. Hornung, The One and the Maniy, p. 140, solar atef.)
n. 108: the present example (Urk. IV, 1652.8), one 124 Leclant, "La 'Mascarade' des boeufs gras et le
from the reign of Thutmose IV (Urk. IV, 1013.11 = triomphe de l'Egypte," MDAIK 14 (1956): figs. 7-8.
Annelies and Artur Brack, Das Grab des Tianuni. 125 Kitchen, Ramn. Inscr. 11, 617.7-621.14.
Thehen Nr. 74, AV 19 [Mainz am Rhein, 1977], 126 Wolf, Schbine Fest v'on Opet, pls. 1-2.
pp. 39, 83 and pls. 28a + 29a), and another dating 127 Cf. Gayet, Temple de Louxor, p. 41.
from the time of Tutankhamun (Urk. IV, 2071.4) all 128 Nims in Proceedings of the Twenty-Third
antedate the examples cited there. For this epithet International Congress of Orientalists, p. 80; idem,
If we leave the crowds outside and withdraw to the vestibule

Sanctuary, we can follow the king's transformations as he draws nea
god. In the uppermost register (below the "frieze") on the west w
we find a very revealing sequence of reliefs.129 First the king, a
figure, runs before Amun-Min--by this ritual exercise130 the st
enhanced or intensified. Next the king, his ka-power renewed, presen
Amun-Re--the measure of his near unity with the royal ka now i
that the first three names of his titulary, his Horus, Two Ladies
are all the ka-name; the king goes on to erect the shnt-pole befo
described as "in a joyful state together with his ka." Finally he kn
Amun-Re to receive the khepresh (blue) crown (the only crown m
by Horemheb in his coronation text),'131 while the Iunnutef-pries
Colonnade
Thebes ofthe Pharaohs, 108. This rekhvet of Hatshepsut's
formula is Temple at Deir el-
Bahri," JEAbarques
found elsewhere in association with portable 66 (1980): 57 (fig. 2), 64 (fig. 7), 66-67
(fig. 8);
and other-appearances or manifestations ofLeszek D4browski, "The Main Hypostyle
the king
or a god. At Luxor it is repeated three
Hallplaces: (1) onof Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri,"
of the Temple
the base of the second column from theJEA west (at pl.
56 (1970): the50.3 (foll. p. 102). The oldest
left of the entrance to the Amun example
chapel) on formula
of the the is found associated with a
portico of the Triple Shrine: cf. J. Vercoutter, "Les
figure of the enthroned Nebhepetre Mentuhotep
from the Sanctuary of the Eleventh Dynasty Temple
Haou-Nebout (TZ) (suite)," BIFAO 48 (1949):
at Deir el-Bahari: Arnold, Der Temnpel des Kinigs
Mentuhotep
137; (2) on several fragments from the von Deir el-Bahari II, AV 11 (Mainz
sixth (south-
ernmost) way station for the barque of Amun1974),
am Rhein, which
p. 6 (color photo) and pls. 10, 12,
Hatshepsut erected along the Processional Way 58a. Ramesses II also uses the formula at the
linking Karnak and Luxor, reused by Ramesses II in Ramesseum and in his Abydos Temple: cf. Helck,
the construction of the Triple Shrine, and identified Ritualdarstell//ungen, vol. 1, pp. 71, 80 (collated by
by me in April of 1983 (friezes of adoring rhiyt-birds me, 1983): Abd el-Hamid Zayed, "Miscellaneous
alternate with kneeling male figures, probably to be Notes I.: Some Variations of the rh/j.t Symbol,"
identified as p't, in association with the motifs of the ASA E 57 (1962): 1 15-18 (collated by me, 1983). For
union of the two lands, smni-twvi, and the submis- other occurrences, see LD III, 49a-b, 50b-51a;
sion of the Nine Bows): cf. F. W. von Bissing, "Uber Caminos, The New-Kingdom Temples of Buhen II,
die Kapelle im Hof Ramesses II im Tempel von ASE 34 (London, 1974), pl. 57; Urk. IV, 1358.12;
Luxor," Acta Orientalia 8 (1930): 147; and (3) in the Vercoutter, BIFA048 (1949): 131, XIV iE (= pl. 2.1,
decoration of the "People's Gate" on the east of the foll. p. 196), gS; George A. Reisner, "The Barkal
Court of Ramesses II: cf. Abd el-Razik, "The Dedi- Temples in 1916," JEA 5 (1918): 102 (fig. 1) =
catory and Building Texts of Ramesses II in LuxorDunham, The Barkal Temples (Boston, 1970),
Temple, I: The Texts," JEA 60 (1974): 149 (5B); for
pp. 17(2), 19 (fig. 5); Legrain, "Au pyl6ne d'Harm-
habi a' Karnak (Xe pyl6ne)," ASAE 14 (1914):
the name of this doorway, cf. Nims, JNES 14 (1955):
117 and n. 74. (In the unpublished decoration of the
42 = Vercoutter, BIFA O 48 (1949): 138 (collated by
me, 1983); Medinet Hahu I, pl. 43.28; Edouard
exterior of this doorway, the kneeling male figures
Naville, Festival-Hall, pl. 6.
are identified as rhyit [S] and pct [N]: personal
observation, 1983.) When the Court of Amenhotep129 Gayet, Temple de Louxor, pls. 53-54; the
III was enclosed by the construction of the Colon-sequence of the individual scenes from north to south
nade, access to it was restricted, and the Court ofis not clear from Gayet's presentation: they actually
Ramesses II, incorporating the old Hatshepsut barque
run in order from fig. 102 through fig. 98.
station, became the public area of the temple. 130 Dietrich Wiedemann, LA* III, 939-40.
Hatshepsut also employs this formula at Karnak and 131 Gardiner, JEA 39 (1953): 27-28. For the
Deir el-Bahari: Lacau-Chevrier, Hatshepsout, p. 44khepresh-crown associated with the coronation, see
(fig. 10), pp. 265-67 and pls. 13 + 17, 23, 24; Deir
Leclant, Mdl. Mar., 266-67, n. 11; W. V. Davies,
el-Bahari III, pl. 85; IV, pl. 110 = Battiscombe "The Origin of the Blue Crown," JEA 68 (1982):
Gunn, "Inscriptions from the Step Pyramid Site,"
75-76.
ASAE 26 (1926): 187 = AEO I, 102*; V, pl. 129; 132 Gardiner, JEA 39 (1953): 26-27; Schweitzer,
Karkowski, Deir el-Bahari 1968-1972 (Warsaw, Wesen des Ka, p. 58. Cf. Lacau-Chevrier, Hatshep-
1979), p. 36; cf. Z. Wysocki, "The Upper Courtsout, pl. 11.
fit
III lit:
~~71
Si
i~~~~~f~fj~,-"pgg6
K A~ I4 A
FIG. 7.-Amenhotep III entering the

Chicago Oriental Institute photog
University of Chicago.
the souls of Pe and Nekhen,'33 who jubilate at his having arisen

the Living Kas."
So full of ka-energy, he proceeds into the Barque Sanctuary its
the right as we pass through the doorway into this room, we see the
had entered just ahead of us (fig. 7). The text accompanying him
now in the "Great Chamber," apparently a designation for the haikal
is followed once more by his ka-figure. But as we look at the t
immediately that their names seem to be wrong: the king has th
his usual Horus name (along with his prenomen and nomen wr
before him), and the ka bears the king's Horus name. The king
merged that they can switch names with no appreciable difference.
this exchange of names is intended to convey to us the unity of the
separately.'35
But the king's journey is not yet over. We next find him
the Barque Sanctuary'36 holding his offering-scepter, in the ac
large pile of choice cuts of meat before the barque shrine (fig. 8). No
panies him. His two usual cartouches appear over his head (the sp
extremely cramped: the titles King of Upper and Lower Egypt
been omitted above the cartouches; even so, an extra "Son of Re"
cartouche). In front of him we find his full five-fold titulary, but a
identical: he is "Foremost of All the Living Kas" in every one of
as king (King of Upper and Lower Egypt and Son of Re'37 a
king is absolutely overflowing with ka; clearly, he is in full po
and it in full possession of him. He has been elevated to this
of the god, as a reciprocal gesture in return for his magnificen
too great an event to be kept secret, so Amenhotep III again mak
inscription on the exterior wall, this time at the back of the te
his union with the royal ka. Proceeding from the center of th
west, his usual titulary is written out fully; on the eastern side o
every one of his names is the ka-name: the King of Upper and
Son of Re names are once more combined,139 and when the usu
nomen follow in cartouches, an extra Son of Re title also accomp
On the western half of the wall then (nearer the setting sun, op
temple),140 Amenhotep III appears as a mortal king; on the easte
133 Cf. Deir el-Bahari Ill, pls. 59-60; Lacau-

136 Cf. Schwaller de Lubicz, Temple de liHomme,
Chevrier, Hatshepsout, pls. 2-3; Alan W.
vol. 2, Shorter,
pl. 101.
"Reliefs Showing the Coronation of Ramesses 11,"
137 This latter epithet was overlooked by Schweitzer,
JEA 20 (1934): 18-19 and pl. 3 (3). Wesen des Kau, p. 58, n. 35.
134 For the Hwt-c(li)t as a place of 138face-to-face
Urk. IV, 1710.11-1712.6.
confrontation with the god, see Shorter, ibid.,
139 The beginning of Urk. IV, 1711.15, is to be
pl. 3 (2). restored accordingly; Helck's suggestion of [ntr nfr]
'35 For a discussion of the general theory under- is to be rejected.
lying this type of iconographic device, see Ernst H. 140 For the association of Ramesses 11 with the
Kantorowicz, "The Quinity of Winchester," The Art rising and setting sun on the eastern and western
Bulletin 29 (New York, 1947), pp. 81-82. For the Luxor obelisks, respectively, see Habachi, The
literary devices, cf. Henri Frankfort, Kingship and Obelisks of Egypt: Ski.scrapers of the Past, ed.
the Gods, pp. 75-76. Charles C. Van Siclen III (hereafter Obelisks) (New
-::: ;3 ? ;iiiii,~ii?l:--~iOlt
L :IA
464i :: :::-$:::?-:?
-- Al
-:jgN?
gg, g- :- K
Aw~i
FIG. 8.-Amenhotep Ill embued

Nims, courtesy of the Orient
rising sun, on the same side as the Birth Suite), as the living
instructive to note that the ka-name following the titles King
Egypt and Son of Re is never written in a cartouche.141 Thi
particularize or personalize the representation.142 But it is not
particular king's reign which is intended here; the temple can fun
for any and all kings.
The representations of the divine conception and birth of Hatsh
and Ramesses II are most unusual documents in their rarity.
found in every royal mortuary temple? And why are they f
Temple, which is not a funerary temple?"44 The answer to both t
that the scenes at Luxor, which were an integral part of Ame
the temple of the living ka, were indeed felt to depict the transm
in such generic terms as to serve for nearly every king ever to co
Egypt. In any case, to be acknowledged as the legitimate royal
and later Ramesses II, could only have enhanced the position
illustrious successors. Luxor Temple thus seems to have been
theological power base of the reigning monarch from the New Kin
The enduring success of Luxor Temple as a cult place of the li
the fact that individual identity is suppressed in its ritual: the mo
unique ka which is shared by all the kings of Egypt and has been
to ruler since the creation of the universe. In contrast, the ka of
manifested in its own special temple.146
York, 1977), p. 11. For a related arrangement 143 For the of general
thetreatment of this genre, see
king's names in the corresponding dedication Brunner, Gehurt des Gottkiinigs; for the reliefs of
inscrip-
tion on the south of the exterior wall of the Montu Ramesses II, see further G. A. Gaballa, "New Evi-
Temple at Karnak North, see Karnak I, pls. 30-34: dence on the Birth of Pharaoh," Or. n.s. 36 (1967):
cf. Urk. IV, 1669.6-1670.14. Here we find the ordi- 299-304 and pls. 63-65; Habachi, "La Reine Touy,
nary full titulary of Amenhotep III (west side) Femme de Sethi I, et ses proches parents inconnus,"
opposed to an unusual titulary (east side) containing RdE21 (1969): 28-39.
names which are elsewhere unattested for this king. 144 Despite the recent suggestion of Donadoni,
The significance of these variant names will be BSEG 7 (1982): 14-15.
discussed below. 145 Adored as an aspect of Amun-Re; see Bell,
141 For examples of throne names, however,
MWI. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
written in cartouches and placed on ka-standards,146 The practical question here is where was the
see Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, p. 60; Radwan, living king's barque normally lodged? For it could
"Amenophis III., dargestellt und angerufen als Osiris
have been kept in Luxor Temple during the king's
(wnn-nfrw)," MDA IK 29 (1973): 71, n. 5 and pl. 27b.reign and moved to the king's mortuary temple only
142 For the original usage of the cartouche to write
upon his death, or it could have resided normally in
the king's profane birth name (nomen), see Peter the royal mortuary temple, visiting the east bank
Kaplony, LA* Ill, 610; for the antithesis of the ka-only to join the barques of Amun, Mut, and Khonsu
name and the monarch's individuality, cf. LA, for
Ill, festival processions. The celebration of the cult of
276-77: Nock, Harvard Studies 41, pp. 9, 14. For the
the living monarch in his mortuary temple has been
names of deified kings not written in cartouches, dealt
see with by Nelson, JNES 1 (1942): 145-46, 150,
Hermann Grapow, Wie die alten Ag.ipter sich
151. Nelson's difficulty with the identification of the
anredeten, wie sie sich griissten und w'ie sie mit- cult image in the king's barque now seems illusory:
einander sprachen, pt. 2, APAW, Jahrgang 1940, the status of the king apropos of his manifestation in
phil.-hist. KI., no. 12 (Berlin, 1940), pp. 53-56; see
the barque is not materially affected by whether he is
further Bell, MWI. Mokhtar (forthcoming): to the alive or dead but is determined by the fact that he is
references cited there, add Calverley-Gardiner, there, and always shall be, an aspect of the eternal
Ahbdos III, pl. 13. royal ka. The need to change the cult image inside
But the king still has one more astonishing transformation yet to undergo, wh
are privileged to witness. At the south end of the west wall of the Barque Sanctu
he stands before the open doors of the shrine of the barque of Amun, exten
hand inside for the presentation of incense and elaborate floral bouquets (fig
the king comes directly into the presence of the god, whose glory is instantly re
back onto him. This time he is endowed with a full titulary containing thre
names. He has become the Horus: Mighty Bull, Monumental (i.e., "aboundin
monuments") and Divine (Mnwi' Ntri'); Two Ladies: Great of Monuments and D
of Appearances; Golden One: Fashioner of the Shrines of Amun, Who Prov
their Offering Tables. At some point the Horus name seems to have been ca
erased, but it is obvious that the king has taken on a whole new and distinct
here in his intimate relationship to Amun.
But just what has happened to him? At the climax of the offering ritual, the g
diverted the benefit of the offerings onto the king; the many pious and benefic
which the king has performed for the sake of the god are reflected in each
new names. The choice of the particular offerings which are the immediate instr
of the king's apotheosis has hardly been left to chance. The opposite wall s
the king in the prior episode of the cult,148 hailing (ncj-hr) the god by pour
pure water in front of him: thus he himself has presumably become purifie
the god. But the culmination of the ritual on the west wall is celebrated with "in
(sntr)
in and"being
his turn: "(fresh)
made flowers" (rnp.i'i).149
a god" (sntrt), By paronomasia,"'5
as well as "becoming this
young (again)" (rnpI') is what the king receives
and enjoying many more "years" (rnpv'i)."' Thus the epithet "divine" (ntfr') figures
the barque after the mortal ruler's death should not offering ritual is perhaps that of the presentation
have arisen, any more than it would have seemed of green cloth found most fully in pBerlin 1, 3055
necessary to take down his colossal ka-statues at(Amun) XXIX.2-5 = Moret, Rituel cdu culte divin
Luxor, Karnak, or in Nubia; cf. Habachi, Beitriigejournalier, p. 184; Calverley-Gardiner, A hvdos II,
BJN 11, 1981, p. 48. See further Alexander M. pls. 12, 19, 27; cf. Mariette, Ahvdos I, p. 53. The
Badawy, "Aberrations about Akhenaten," ZA"S 99 phonetic and semantic combinations and permuta-
(1973): 66: "The worship of royal statues during the tions developed here are truly phenomenal.
lifetime of the king they represented does not imply a 151 Above the stern of the divine barque, behind
worship of the king himself. Indeed some of the kings the naos, we read clf. . . irit hhw' mn rnpwt hr st Hr
as Amenhotep III at Soleb or Ramses II at Thebes
htlit on
worship their own images. These statues were there-9418; I (n.v-)swt-hit
the opposite mi R: associated
wall, see Chic. Or.
withInst.
the photo
water
fore sacred entities with divine attributes superior to
those of the king. One can perhaps think of the statue rite performed before the barque, we read drIn(.-) n k
as embodying the deified concept of kingship." hh.w mi
Lubicz, rnpwt
Temple de (behind
I'Homme,the
vol.naos): Schwaller
2, pl. 101. For thede
147 Cf. Jequier, L'Architecture I, pl. 69. presentation of millions of years linked to becoming
148 Schwaller de Lubicz, Temple dle IHomme, young again, cf. Urk. IV, 1753.18-20; Gayet, Temple
vol. 2, pls. 68-69; cf. pls. 100-101. In Room V of the de Louxor, pl. 10 (fig. 59); see also Bengt Birkstam in
Seti I Qurna Temple, the king hailing Amun-Re with Sture Brunnsaker and Hans-Ake Nordstrim, From
pure water (E), alternates with the Iunmutefofferingthe Gustavianum Collections in Uppsala, 1974, Acta
sntr before Seti I (W): see Christophe, "La Salle V du Universitatis Upsaliensis, Boreas, Uppsala Studies in
temple de Sethi ler a Gournah," BIFAO 49 (1950): Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civiliza-
121-30. tions 6 (hereafter Boreas 6) (Uppsala, 1974),
149 In the Qurna Temple, Ramesses II is shownpp. 19-24. For the presentation of fresh flowers
offering both incense and fresh flowers before the
linked to the achievement of millions of years,
barque of Amun-Re carried in procession: LDcf. Ill,Brunner, Luxor, pl. 59 (XV11/25c.2-4); Gayet,
150a.
Tenmple cte Louxor, pls. 3-6 (figs. 11, 14-15, 19, 23,
150 See pHier. BM(Gardiner), 82, 92. The most
26, 28-32, 39).
elaborate example of a New Kingdom paronomastic
j 30
list.
Air~
A A.Xi~
'74iii
1; 7 7iii-;i :iii::- - _- :i:

?J-a: (~iii--
I ............
ZZ
-
?J--iii~
r?
:: ::-::-::;?:-::::: -fi-i:: JIM -i

v o r ? iii?iiiii '"-~Pi-' -: ii:effiii
iMil
:n~iB: _-?:FE _ .:-:
~--RIX*W
FIG. 9.-Amenhotep III transfigured w

Oriental Institute photograph by
Chicago.
prominently in the king's special names,'52 while the theme of rejuvenation,'15 now
familiar in the texts of the architrave and ka-statue considered earlier, as well as the
intent of the divine suckling ritual, is carried forward. This scene is followed immedi-
ately by the coronation, with the white crown affixed (east side) then the red crown
(west side).154
This scene clearly refers to Episode 18 of the Ritual of Amenhotep 1,155 which
is equivalent to Section 21 of the Berlin service-book,'56 the incense rite.'57 Inasmuch
as the intent of the Ritual is to identify the reigning monarch with his divine ances-
tors,'s1 an allusion to it at Luxor Temple is hardly surprising.1'9 The earliest version
of the text of the incense rite known to me occurs on an offering table inscribed
for Amenhotep Ill,6() but its origins lie in Spell 200 of the Pyramid Texts.'6' The
152 For Amenhotep III given the epithets nlor indicates that the coronation, his assumption of
royalty, is like a rebirth of kingly power and, at the
nmnwv in the Opet-shrine, see Brunner, Luxor,
pl. 77.14; for this king described as nlr-r h t1W, see same time, a rebirth of the goddess ('when thou art
Haeny, Beitriie Bf: I1, 1981, p. 84 (fig. 13, Dn).
153 For queens from Hatshepsut through Mut- new and young')"--(i)m~(wi).it (i)rntpwti (for the
verbal forms, see Elmar Edel, AIiig. Gramin.. 1,
Tuya described as rejuvenated, rnpin, see Deir el- p. 279 [581]).
Bahari IV, pl. 115; Brunner, Gehurt des Gottkiini?s, 155 Nelson, "Certain Reliefs at Karnak and
pl. 7; The Epigraphic Survey, The Tombnh ol'f Kheruef: Medinet Habu and the Ritual of Amenophis I,"
Theban Tomb 192 (hereafter Kheruef), OIP 102 JNES8 (1949): 201-6, 221, 343-45; David, Religious
(Chicago, 1979), pls. 9, 49, 56; Geoffrey Thorndike Ritual at Ahldos (c. 1300 B.C.) (Warminster, 1973),
Martin, The Royal Tom7h at El- Amarna, vol. 1, pp. 146-50, 230-33.
ASE 35 (London, 1974), p. 88, fig. 7D; Davies, 156 Temp. Ramesses IX; pBerlin 1, 3055 (Amun)
Ramose, pl. 33; Amarna VI, pl. 27.1, 13; U. Bouriant, VII.9-VIII.5; 3014 + 3053 (Mut) VI.3-8; Moret,
G. Legrain, and G. Jequier, Monuments pour servir Rituel du ?ulte diiin journalier, pp. 77-78.
SI ~'tude d u cu/ite d Atonou en Egj'pte, vol. 1, Les 157 The following text has been reconstructed by
Tomhest de Khouitatonou. MIFAO 8 (Cairo, 1903), comparison of the extant versions of this rite: irit
pl. I; Aldred, Akhenaten and Nefertiti (London,
1973), p. 102 (no. 16)= Maj Sandman, Texts from sn.r: ii snir sp-sn ii stl-nir ii sr "s ir" k st ' llt- Hir ir k
sto Nhht i-k pr it Nhh i i-s It shkr-s t iri.s st-s
the Time of Akhenaten. BAe 8 (Brussels, 1938), tp- wlkl mdin-hr k sntr inmd-hrk sntr (var. 111-r)
p. 156.6; Smith and Redford, A TP I, pl. 3.2; mind-thr k min-wr inii' wt irt-Hr pd n(.i) Iw m Irn-k
Treasures of Tutankhamen (New York, 1976), pl. 7pl' n( ') )p d n( Y) sntir snLrin(- t) 1w m rn-k pA ' f'n( )
(no. 9); El Mallakh and Brackman, 7he Gold of"snlir 1i1(i) n-k trt-Hr ii st i.s irk st irt-Hr ir k. For the
Tutankhamun. pl. 140; Howard Carter, Tut-ankh. god's aroma as an indication of the divine presence,
Amen. vol. 3 (London, 1933), pl. 79A (collated by see Hornung, Thce One and the Man.', pp. 133-34.
me in the Cairo Museum, 1985); Habachi, RdE 21 For min-wr, see Faulkner, Prr., 36 and n. 2; idem,
(1969): 36 (fig. 7). The eldest daughter of King The Ancient E glptian Coffin Texts II (Warminster,
Herihor, shown following her mother Nodjmet in the 1977), p. 153, n. 5 (ref. CT VI, 122c); cf. Wh II,
performance of a rite before the goddess Mut, is also 79.6-8. The significant variant nLr in place of sltr
designated nh-ti rnpiti- snh-t: Khonsu 1, pl. 28. For occurs in C3,11. Excerpts from this rite occur
the deified Ahmose-Nefertari called cnh-ti rnpi.ti, see elsewhere in the Ritual of Amenhotep 1: pHier. BM
RIK 1, pl. 51B: Deir el Me.dineh (1927), p. 17, (Gardiner). pl. 53 (Rt. 7.5); Ernesta Bacchi, l rituale
fig. 12 = Cerny, "Le Culte d'Am6nophis I"r chez les di Amenhotpe i, Pubblicazioni egittologiche del R.
ouvriers de la n6cropole th6baine," BIFAO 27 Museo di Torino 6 (Turin, 1942), XII, 4-5.
(1927): pl. 6.1 (foll. p. 203); LD I11l, 199 e (Th. T. 23); 158 See Bell, Mdl. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
Bernadette Letellier, La Vie quotidienne chez /es 159 Cf. David, Religious Ritual at Ahvdos, p. 147;
artisan.s de Pharaon, Exhibition Catalogue, Mus6esp)Hier. BM (Gardiner), 86 and n. 4.
de Metz (1978), p. 92 (no. 126 = Louvre N 470); for 160 Mrs. L. Murray Thriepland in CoA Ill, 233-35
the deified Queen Ahhotep II, wife of Amenhotep 1, and pls. 107.11, 108.
see Rosellini, Mon. storici, pl. 29.1 = Champollion, 161 Nelson, JNES 8 (1949): 221, n. 51. The
Mon., vol. 2, pl. 153.3 (Th. T. A. 18). beginning of this spell (Pfr. I16a) reads: ind-hr-k
154 Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 107, .?ntr md-thr-k .n-ntr ind-hr k mn-wr ini 'vt Hr. The
calls attention to the hymn to the red crown ofword play of this text, where nitr is balanced by
Lower Egypt personified as the goddess Werthekau .n-nir. "god's brother," is extremely helpful in
in connection with the coronation described in elucidating the meaning of its New Kingdom descend-
Plr. 195c: ". . . one phrase spoken by the king
ant. This spell occurs in the context of the Opening
text normally occurs in conjunction with the depiction of an ince

first real insight into this rite is gained from the only instance i
absent,162 where Ramesses III is shown pouring out water be
In the chapel of the deified Seti I in the Osiris Complex at Ab
out water over the king, in a gesture linked by the accompa
the Opening of the Mouth ceremony. No incense is involved
above Horus declares "Pure is King Menmaatre, given life, fo
deified (snlri-nf)16' him (i.e., Seti 1) with his own eye; pure is his
his image."'67 Thus it is the Eye of Horus itself which deifies the
but not necessarily restricted to the particular agency of the ince
The deification of Seti I through the incense rite of the Ri
is also depicted in his chapel in the Osiris Complex at Abydos'l
Hall at Karnak.l 69The rite is repeated three times at Abydos befo
as well as in connection with the sacred emblem of Osiris.'71
these gods and the holiness of this standard were not in questi
tions, the effect of the rite here must be to summon the rele
temporary residence in particular cult statues or fetishes. The per
before the king would therefore designate him a divine manifesta
the Great Temple at Abu Simbel, where it is repeated four times'7
of Ramesses II deified as Amun-Re and Re-Horakhty."73 In the
of Amenhotep I, it is precisely between the performance of
following offering list that an abrupt transition occurs, which pe
The first seven sections into which I have divided the text are pre
six of them read for all the world like a ritual composed on behalf
Amenophis I. Except in one single passage (CI, 2) the god Amuin is
seventh section (C4, 1-12) there is a puzzling change. Throughout the
the banquet the recipient addressed is not Djeserkar~e, but Amuin.... A
of the Mouth Ritual, with the Horus eye here

my attention by Edward F. Wente.
associated with an offering of sntr. "incense." For the
corresponding text in the New Kingdom 166Taking *ntrt as an error
of for n/rl or nLrr," for the
form with versions
gemination, see Gardiner, EG, p. 352, n. 13
the Opening of the Mouth Ritual,(439);seecf.Otto,
also Urk. Mund-
IV, 340.5 (ntrr-s) = 141.4 (ntrif).
iif;/ungsritual 1, 111-17; II, 108-10 (Scentp 47=61).
167 For s,~mw, "cult image," see further Bell, M'l.
In Scene 6c-d we find word play between snLr(w).k
Mokhtar (forthcoming).
and snw-k ntrw: ibid., 1, 16-17; II, 49-50.
168 Calverley-Gardiner, Ahlbdos III, pl. 40.
162 Medlinet Hahu IV, pl. 242A. 169 See now Nelson-Murnane, HIpostYile Hall 1,
163 Nelson, JNES 8 (1949): 221, commenting
pl. 42. that
this scene "shows Ramesses III pouring a libation,
170 Calverley-Gardiner, Ablhvdlos IV, pls. 47 (Re-
not burning incense," declares that it is "typical
Horakhty, as in the Medinet of Habu example), 48
the carelessness in detail with which(twice:
temple reliefs
Osiris and Amun-Re).in
this later period were sometimes composed."
171 Ibid., I, pls. 10-11.
164 Calverley-Gardiner, Ahl'dos IllI,172 pl. 35. Features, pp. 4-6, figs. 3-5 (this refer-
Habachi,
165 Wh IV, 180.3, knows sntri, "to deify,"
ence kindly calledused of
to my attention by Labib Habachi)
the king only at Edfu Temple. However,= 'erny and Edel,Wh IV, Salles interieures,
Ahou-Simhbel:
180.5, cites its use in regard to sacred
textesanimals in the
hieroglvphiques, CS, Centre de Documenta-
time of Ramesses 11: see now Kitchen, Ram. Inscr.
tion Egyptologique (Paris,II,
1959), H27, H31, M5;
370.6-7; this reference obtained from M3 =Meeks,
LD, Text V, Annie
141.
lexicographique, vol. 3, p. 260; for173 this text,
See Bell, see
Ml. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
Siegfried Morenz, "Zur Vergattlichung 174 in Agypten,"
PHier. BM (Gardiner), 101-2.
ZA S 84 (1959): 134 (8); this reference kindly called to
from Djeserkarec to Amuin in the offering-list'of C4, 1-12 is well-nigh inexplicable

hypothesis that in the first six sections the name Djeserkare- has been substituted f
of Amuin in one or more of his forms.
In the end, Gardiner is forced to consider the possibility "that Ame

Djeserkarec could have been blended into a single personage in the
imagination.... ,, 75 In fact, the transformation of the king into a god
through the agency of the incense rite: Amenhotep 1/ Ramesses II goes
ceremony and Amun-Re comes out at the end of it. Likewise at Luxor T
Amenhotep Ill emerges deified from the Barque Sanctuary after an incense rit
Amenhotep III's adoption of new names after his union with Amun-Re d
Opet Festival has parallels elsewhere. Some unusual variants of royal nam
significance in connection with the celebration of jubilee festivals: this is t
only for Thutmose 111176 and Ramesses 11,177 but for Amenhotep 1117" as w
occasion of his first jubilee,'79 Amenhotep III took the special names Horu
Bull, Who Proclaims"" (wh'hm) Jubilees, and Two Ladies: Who Appears in
Crown and Assumes (wls) the Red Crown; on his third jubilee" we also f
Mighty Bull, Who Assumes Jubilees. On a white faience box lid from K
associated with the celebration of one of his jubilees, this king becom
175 Ibid., 102. Bull). Most of these names consist of nothing other
176 Urk. IV, 598.9-600.15. than elements of the full versions of the usual Horus,
177 Marianne Eaton-Krauss, LA V, II11, Twon. Ladies,
2; seeand Golden names of Seti I. Likewise,
also von Beckerath, LA Ill, 551. seven Horus names of Seti I are found in his Qurna
178 The most recent collection of theTemple, nameswritten
of in the thicknesses of the doorway of
Amenhotep III is that published by von Beckerath,
the Amun/ Ramesses I barque chapel: Chic. Or. Inst.
Handhuch cder igipti.schen Kiinigsnamen,photos
229-30.
8224(S), 8223(N: mostly destroyed). For three
pp. 85-86,
different Horus names of Ramesses II1 in the thick-
179 Kheruelf pl. 26. Note that his usual Horus
nesses of the doorways of chapels in his Abydos
name also appears twice in the texts of the jubilee
Temple, see Mariette, Ahb'dos II, pl. 20a-d =
kiosk.
Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. 11, 546.9-548.6; for Ramesses II
180 More likely than "Who Repeats Jubilees" with three Horus names at Karnak, see Nelson-
(unless in anticipation of the repetition), since this is
a name associated with the first jubilee. For this Murnane, Hypost.vle Hall I, pl. 7 (this reference
kindly called to my attention by William Murnane),
problem, see Aldred, JEA 55 (1969): 73, n. 7. for nine and five Horus names of this king on two
181 Kheruef: pl. 49. Here we find the three Horus statues from Heracleopolis, see Kitchen, Ram.
names of Amenhotep II in the kiosk. Reference
Inscr. II, 501.3-11; Philippus Miller, "A Statue of
should be made here to the accumulation of HorusRamesses 11 in the University Museum, Philadel-
names attested for Seti I at his Abydos Temple. Forphia," JEA 25 (1939): pl. 3 (foll. p. 4). At Luxor
this king appearing with eight separate Horus namesTemple itself, the dorsal pillar of the head of the
written simultaneously, see Calverley-Gardiner, colossus of Ramesses II now set up before the east
Abhldo.s II, pl. 35; cf. pl. 32 = Mariette, Ahbldoswing
1, of the Pylon contains two parallel Horus
pl. 33 (the king's barque chapel). See further names: Muhammad Abdul-Qader Muhammad, "Pre-
Calverley-Gardiner, Ahl'dos, IV, pls. 53-55 (six liminary Report on the Excavations Carried Out in
Horus names in the thicknesses of the entrances into
the Temple of Luxor, Seasons 1958-1959 and
the Second Hypostyle Hall, on the axes of the seven1959-1960," ASAE 60 (1968): pl. 53 (foll. p. 279).
barque chapels located at the back of this hall);For
I, Merneptah with two Horus names on a lintel
pl. 36; II, pls. 40-41 (five separate Horus namesfrom
on his palace at Mitrahina, see C. C. Edgar, "A
each side of the thicknesses of the doorways of the
Building of Merenptah at Mit Rahineh," ASAE 15
seven barque chapels); Ill, pl. 18 (five different
(1915): 102 = Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. IV, 54.16-55.1.
Horus names in the thicknesses of the doorway 182 Urk. IV, 1748.17-1749.1.
between the Osiris Chapel and the Inner Osiris Hall;183 Cf. Hayes, "Minor Art and Family History in
Mariette, Ahl'dos 1, pls. 42 (six Horus namesthe in Reign of Amun-Hotpe II," BMMA 6 (1948):
Corridor X, the Gallery of the Lists), 49b-c (five
276. The word "jubilees" is plural in both its
Horus names in Stairway Y, the Corridor of the
occurrences on this piece, and the sign taken as tp'.
Image of Re, Pre-eminent One of the Two Lands; Two Ladies: Radiant'8
ances and Great of Majesty; Golden One: Flourishing of Kas, Goodly o
of Jubilees. In the surviving inscriptions on the back of a fragmentary
senting Amenhotep III with his daughter Isis, the king is called Horus:
Who Appears with Jubilees.184a The names of Amenhotep Ill otherwi
unusual range of variation: in his tomb'18 his ka is named Horus: Rep
Appearances; at Soleb186 he is worshiped as Horus: Mighty Bull, Imposing of
(shm.f'w);'87 Horus: Abounding

Enduring of Years, Who Assumes the White
in Festivals; Crown,
Two Beloved
Ladies: of Helio
Who Establish
Unites the Two Lands; Golden One: Radiant of Transformations (hpriw
Miracles; Golden One: (Celebrating) Hundreds-of-Thousands of Festivals
Re; on a ram found at Gebel Barkal"' (originally from the temple of So
also called Golden One: Protector of the Gods, Who Fashions their Maje
Leningrad sphinxes''9 (originally from his mortuary temple),!92 he is ex
Ladies: Great of Terror in Every Foreign Land; Golden One: Who T
Tribesmen and Seizes their Land; Golden One: Who Smites the (eastern)
Subdues the Libyans; Golden One: Bull of the Kings, Who Subdues the
on a statue discovered at Armant,93 originally from his mortuary tem
found as Two Ladies: Who Establishes Laws"'9 and Effects Plans; Golde
of Monuments and Great of Miracles in the House of Amun on the West of
the Montu Temple"96 he appears as Horus: [Mighty Bull,] Beloved of [Am
Ladies: Who Unites the Two Lands and Sustains Hearts, Golden One: Son
Who is Satisfied (only) with Truth. This catalogue of name forms wo
complete without reference to the Colossi of Memnon. Both statues197
"Nebmaatre (Amenhotep Ill)-is-the-Ruler-of-Rulers"; and the complete
the southern colossus'"9 preserves for us the names Horus: Mighty Bull,
Rulers; Two Ladies: Great of Monuments Owing to his Strength, Who
by both Hayes and Helck (Urk. IV, 1749.4) is sealings from Malqata.
certainly h.si: see the photograph published by Hayes.189 Urk. IV, 1751.13.
Thus the label accompanying this particular titulary 190 Reisner, ZA'S 66 (1931): 81 (6-10).
announces "the appearance of the king with jubilees,191 E. V. Tcherezov, Vestnik drevnei istorii 1949.1
the favored one, the likeness of Re when he arises." [27] (Moscow, 1949), pp. 94-98; M. Mat'e and
For Amenhotep IIl as "lord of the jubilee, great of V. Pavlov, Pamiatniki iskusstva (Irevnego Egipta
favors" on document sealings from Malqata, see v mnuzeiakh Sovetskogo Soiuzu (Moscow, 1958),
Hayes, "Inscriptions from the Palace of Amen- figs. 44-45; cf. LR II, 322. The hand-copies pub-
hotep III,".INES 10 (1951): 174, fig. 31 (S.25-26). lished in Urk. IV, 1747.4-17, are incomplete.
184 For radiance as a sign of the presence of a 192 PM 112, 453-54.
deity, see Hornung, The One and the Many, p. 134. 193 Urk. IV, 1758.5-6.
184a B. van de Walle, "La Princesse Isis, fille et 194 Spiegelberg, RecTrayi 20, 1898, p. 49.
epouse d'Am6nophis Ill," CdE43 (1968): 43, fig. 2. 195 Spiegelberg's copy indicates that the damaged
185 LD 111, 78e. text given at the beginning of Urk. IV, 1758.5,
186 LD 111, 83a (1, 4-7). originally contained nothing other than the usual
187 So also von Beckerath, L1 I11l, 550; for the Two Ladies name of Amenhotep 111, Snmn-hpw: the
pattern of this construction, see Wh 1, 575.8-11. The hand copy in Urk. IV is misleading in this regard.
Two Ladies name of Amenhotep II begins Wsr-/f~w 196 Urk. IV, 1669.8-10.
(so von Beckerath, LA Ill, 550; Hornung, LA I, 203, 197 Habachi, Beitriige Bf 11, 1981, p. 47; idem,
reads Wsr:f- ~ w). Features, p. 48.
188 See Hayes, JNES 10 (1951): 175, fig. 32 (S.72), 198 Idem, Beitriige Bf 11, 1981, p. 44, fig. 7.
for Amenhotep II with this epithet on document
Lower Egyptian Heliopolis to the Upper Egyptian Heliopolis (i.e., Thebes); Gol
One: Who Magnifies his Mansion of Eternity.
But the architraves of the Eighteenth Dynasty Portico at Luxor Temple'99 pr
to us by far the greatest variety of names of Amenhotep Ill. Most are derived
the normal titulary200 by the addition of various epithets, but some are genu
unique. Here we encounter Horus: Mighty Bull, Sharp of Horns, Whose Arm is
Opposed in Any Land; Horus: Mighty Bull, Who Appears in Truth, King Radian
Transformations like the One Who Created Him; Horus: Mighty Bull, Who App
in Truth, Abounding in Monuments, Who Effects Monuments to (his) Justific
( 'n-1mID )201 (var.: Who Effects Monuments in Karnak); Two Ladies: Beloved
Amun-Re; Two Ladies: Who Establishes Laws like the Lord of Thebes; Two Ladies
Who Establishes Laws and Pacifies the Two Lands, Radiant of Transformations
When he Appears (h cf) as the Horizon Dweller (var.: Radiant of Transformations in

All Lands; Who Performs Great Miracles in Luxor); Golden One: Great of Strength,
Great of Monuments and Miracles in the House of his Father Amun-Re; Golden One:
Great of Strength, Who Smites the Asiatics, Radiant202 and Beloved like Amun (var.:
Archer Mighty of Arms like the Lord of Thebes).
A remarkable private monument contains another eccentric Horus name of
Amenhotep Ill, once more clearly opposed to the usual form of his Horus name.203 A
sandstone lintel from Theban Tomb 139204 shows symmetrically arranged figures of
the owner of the tomb, Pairi, adoring a centrally located pair of cartouches of
Amenhotep 111. Flanking the cartouches on either side, two different Horus names
appear: on the left we find Mighty Bull, Who Appears in Thebes; on the right,
however, is the singular Mighty Bull, Majestic One of the Two Lands. As noted by the
editor, H. R. Hall,2s5 though not explained by him, Pairi wears a wig and is dressed in
secular garb before Amenhotep's common Horus name; before the unique name, his
head is shorn, and he wears the leopard skin of the Iunmlutef or sem-priest.206
The distribution of these distinctive names in both funerary and nonfunerary con-
texts, and the fact that the funerary examples include the king's ka in his tomb
and at least one of the colossal ka-statues in his mortuary temple, taken together
with the Luxor evidence, indicate that we are to understand these names as all applied
199The copies published in Urk. IV, 1696.1- 203 For other monuments containing similarly
1705.12, were collated by Richard Jasnow for the disposed double titularies, see Deir el Mclineh
Epigraphic Survey in 1981-82, while I made a XXI, pl. 9.2 (lintel of Ramesses II; for the restora-
complete photographic record of the architrave texts tion of the damaged name, cf. LD Ill, 194, where
themselves.
He Who Curbs the Foreign Lands occurs as
200 Care has been taken to present only the names
Ramesses II's ka-name in a triumphal scene of
which are unquestionably included in part of the
smiting prisoners before Ptah-Tatenen at Abu
Simbel; Habachi, "Sethos I's Devotion to Seth and
formal titulary, excluding the many other epithets
which are also applied to the king here. Avaris," ZA'S 100 (1974): 97 (fig. 2), 98 (barque stand
201 I.e., who achieves justification through (his)
of Seti 1); Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. I, 235.3-7 (altar of
monuments.
Seti I; cited by Habachi, ZA'S 100: 99-100).
202 Cf. Urk. IV, 1699.1, 1700.7; Helck's restoration
204 BM Stelae 7, pl. 7 (1182). In the facing text, the
of [hprw] in each of these cases is to be king
rejected. The as "great of majesty in all lands."
is described
gaps which now exist at this point in the205 architrave
Ibid., p. 6.
inscriptions containing this name are largely the
206 Even if it were here intended primarily to show
result of the shifting of the columns supporting these
Pairi in two different guises, the coordination with
architraves (personal observation, 1984);the
thetwogaps areof Amenhotep III is nevertheless
names
now filled with modern concrete. surely deliberate.
to manifestations of the royal ka. Indeed, we know that the king

creator god, could possess a plurality of kas.207 Each unique nam
express a special relationship between him and the god; each must rep
aspect of the royal ka; and most, if not all, must have been associ
ka-statues. Several of the names of Amenhotep III at Soleb are lin
one or another statue (hnty )208 of his there. Before leaving this sub
to add that Tutankhamun is given at least a unique Golden nam
inscription on the back of a group statue found at his cult plac
Assumes the Crowns of his Father Re (as opposed to the usual W
Crowns and Satisfies the Gods);21" the damaged Two Ladies nam
could be restored21' as something like [Splendid Egg of] the Universal
place at Kawa212 he is called Golden One: Ruler of Truth, Who Sa
the inscriptions of some fragmentary reliefs found reused at Heliopo
One: Who Assumes the Crowns and Unites the Two Lands [in Hel
a ceremonial cubit rod from Ghurob213 calls him Two Ladies: Gre
(ch) (in) the House of Amun.
It is fortunate that so many major elements of the theological system of Luxor
Temple are preserved to us intact, allowing us a rare insight into the functioning of an
ancient Egyptian temple. The temple dates basically to a single period (from the end of
Dynasty XVIII through early Dynasty XIX), and its rites seem to be largely mono-
207 Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 74-75; object to the mortuary temple, see PM 112, 452. Note
Helmer Ringgren, Word and Wisdom: Studies in the that in the speech of Amun-Re to Amenhotep III on
Hipostatization of Divine Qualities and Functions the great stele behind the Colossi of Memnon, the
in the Ancient Near East (Lund, 1947), pp. 38-44; god tells the king "You are my son.., .who came
Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, pp. 29-30, 73-78 (for forth from my limbs, my image (hnt'. i) whom I
Ramesses III offering before six of the kas of Re, see placed upon earth": Haeny, Beitriige Bf/ I1, 1981,
now Medinet Hahu VI, pls. 418-20); Kaplony, LA' folding plate 5b (19); cf. Urk. IV, 1676.1-2. The
Ill, 276; John A. Wilson in Comparative Studies in inscription on the dorsal pillar of the named colossal
SocietyI and Historiy, vol. 1 (1958-59) (The Hague,statue of Ramesses II in his court at Luxor Temple
1959), p. 396; this last reference kindly called to my describes it as a hnti' wr. Habachi, Features, p. 19,
attention by William Murnane. For references to the fig. 13 = Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. II, 630.13. For this
kas of Hatshepsut in the texts of her Birth Portico, word used in reference to the cult statue of the deified
see Deir el-Bahari II, pls. 47, 53 (= Urk. IV, 230.15); Ramesses II at es-Sebua and Aksha (Serra West), see
cf. also Urk. IV, 255.14. For a mention of the
Kitchen, Ranm. Inscr. II, 738.5-11; 774.8-11; LD Ill,
plurality of the kas of Amenhotep Ill in the 191m Birth
+ Henri de Contenson, Aksha I: La hasilique
Room at Luxor, see Brunner, Gehurt des Gottkonigs, chrhtienne (Paris, 1966), pl. 3.5 (this latter reference
pl. 5: k :(w):/'nhw. kindly called to my attention by Charles Van Siclen);
208 LD III, 85a, 87a; Urk. IV, 1748.8-9, 1750.5. cf. Vercoutter, "Preliminary Report on the Excava-
For hntyi specifying the king as a physical manifesta-tions at Aksha by the Franco-Argentine Archaeologi-
tion or image of (his father) the sun god, see cal Expedition," Kush 10(1962), pl. 32a (foll. p. 112);
Hornung in Loretz, ed., Die Gottehenhildlichkeit des Habachi, Features, p. 16.
Menschen, pp. 134-35, 152; cf. Wildung, ZAS 99 209 Urk. IV, 2044.12.
(1972-73): 39. In a ka-chapel called "United-with- 210 Von Beckerath, LA' III, 550, reads this name as
Ptah" at Memphis, a named statue of Amenhotep 111,
though it were Rnpt-h~rcw: Shtip-ntrw; now corrected:
presumably representing the king as Ptah, is desig- see idem, Handhuch cler igiptischen Kiinigsnamen,
nated as a hnt(iy): Urk. IV, 1793.13-1801.5; for the p. 88, n. 12.
211 Karkowski, Faras V, 128 (x + 4).
hwvt n(y)t h..hw
L Eg'ptologie m nrnpwt
en 1979, as 111-16.
vol. 1, pp. a ka-chapel, seea Haeny,
Cf. also 212 M. F. Laming Macadam, Kawa II, 33 (fig. 5).
statuette from this king's mortuary temple: Samuel 212a Daressy, "La Tombe d'un Mn6vis de Ramses
Birch, Catalogue olf the Collection of* Egyptian 11," ASA E 18 (1919): 205. This reference called to my
Antiquities at Alnwick Castle (London, 1880), p. 57 attention by Marianne Eaton-Krauss.
(496) = Urk. IV, 1960.3-4; for the attribution of this 213 Illahun, Kahun and Guroh, pl. 24.12.
thematic. The progression of the representations is consistent throughout the

and the explicit statements of the accompanying texts explain many detail
only alluded to or found in isolation elsewhere. To summarize our findi
Temple was the premier national shrine dedicated to the cult of the living, div
when the king approaches the god reverentially performing the rituals o
Festival, his ka is renewed or restored, and his right to rule is reconfirm
symbolizes the legitimacy of his inheritance; and during the festival, evidence
possesses the royal ka and that it resides in him-that he is the living ro
displayed in the symbolic re-enactment of his divine conception and birth, hi
edgment by Amun-Re and recognition by the Ennead, his coronation, and
lamation of his ka-name.
The occurrence of special names in conjunction with both the royal jubilee214 and
the renewal of the king's ka during the Opet Festival brings us to the close interrela-
tionship of the two celebrations. Luxor Temple was the site of the great annual royal
renewal, whereas the hebh-sed, or 30-year jubilee (usually performed at Memphis but
held by Amenhotep 111 at Thebes) marks the inauguration of a new era' or cycle in
the king's reign. Both celebrations center around the monarch's possession of the royal
ka, and both signal his achievement of a new ritual status, expressed in part by his
214 A great proliferation of royal names frequently

preserved half of a rose granite pillar, which probably
occurs on obelisks, normally erected in associa- came originally from Heliopolis: CG 17025 =
tion with the celebration of jubilee festivals Kitchen,
as Ram. Inscr. IV, 31.1-13. The shape of this
symbols of the union of the king with the object sun tells us that it is not an obelisk, and its
god; cf. Habachi, Obelisks, pp. 9-11 (with special
inscriptions call it specifically a "pillar" (win). The
reference to the Luxor obelisks of Ramesses II); Karl lwn-pillar is a variant of the obelisk, a solar emblem,
Martin, LA IV, 542; Christiane M. Zivie, "Les Rites symbolizing regeneration, often erected in connec-
d'erection de l'obelisque et du pilier loun," Hom- tion with the celebration of a jubilee: Zivie in
mages la memoire de Serge Sauneron 1927-1976, Hommages Serge Sauneron, pp. 488-97. Zivie points
vol. I (hereafter Hommages Serge Sauneron), BdE out that whereas the obelisk is associated with Re or
81 (Paris, 1979), pp. 494-95. For the multiplicity of Re-Horakhty, the twn-pillar is associated with Atum.
names of individual kings found on single obelisks She has determined that the earliest reference to, and
and pairs of obelisks, see Urk. IV, 92.13-94.8 representation of, the erection of the twn-pillar dates
(Thutmose I; for a tabular presentation of the textsto the reign of Ramesses II, but she says that there
on this obelisk, see Rolf Gundlach in Manfred Gorgare no known examples of actual twn-pillars
and Edgar Pusch, eds., Festschrifi Elniar Edel,
preserved. In addition to the Merneptah pillar,
Agypten und Altes Testament I [Bamberg, 1979],however, one might question whether the Abgig
p. 221 [pl. 1]); 583.12-585.17, 586.1-587.16, 589.16-
"obelisk" of Sesostris I (LD II, 119) is not really
592.3, 592.4-594.2, 641.14-643.1 (Thutmose Ill); another iwn-pillar.
Orazio Marucchi, Gli obelischi egiziani di Roma 215 Aldred, JEA 55 (1969): 75.
(Rome, 1898), pls. 3-4 = Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. I, 216 For Ramesses II invoked as a royal ka, along
118.1-120.10 (Seti I); II, 408.5-428.5 (Ramesses II
with the gods Sobek, Ptah-Tatenen, and Ptah "the
at Pi-Ramesse), 476.1-484.4 (Ramesses II at Helio-
Great Nun," probably on the occasion of his fourth
polis), 598.1-605.1 (Ramesses II at Luxor); V, jubilee, see Gomaa, Chaemwese, p. 128 (fig. 28);
287.13-16 (Ramesses III; cf. James F. Romano in Kitchen, Ram. Inscr. II, 392.5-16. Both Barguet,
Catalogue, Exhibition Catalogue: The Luxor Mu-ASA E 51 (1951): 212, and Schweitzer, Wesen des
seum of Ancient Egyptian Art [Cairo, 1979], p. 158 Ka, p. 72, n. 24, understand these gods as consti-
[242]; this object kindly called to my attention by tuting the royal ka of Ramesses II, rather than
William Murnane); VI, 31.9-32.15 (Ramesses IV stressing Ramesses Il's own divinity in his union
surcharges on the obelisk of Thutmose I). For "thewith the royal ka; see now also Schl6gl, Der Gort
apotheosis of the king identifying him with the sun- Tatenen, OBO 29 (Fribourg and Gottingen, 1980),
god" as the "culminating point in the traditional Sed- pp. 62-63. For the jubilee as the renewal of the
festival," see Wente and Van Siclen in Fs Hughes, coronation, with the divine king's rebirth accom-
p. 221; cf. Birkstam, Boreas 6, p. 22. Four different plished through the celebration of the jubilee festival,
Horus names of Merneptah are also found on the see Schweitzer, Wesen cldes Ka, p. 57; Wente, Fs
taking a new name,217 and hence a new identity, as yet another as

But the renewal of the divine kingship is only one aspect of
Luxor Temple was first and foremost a creation site and as such ha
play in the grand drama of the cyclical regeneration of Amun-
rejuvenation was achieved through his return to the very place, ev
of creation at Luxor;217' and the triumph over chaos represented b
of the kingship ensured Amun's own re-creation. The two mir
intertwined in the celebration of the Opet Festival.
Although the design of the temple and its decoration were
Amenhotep III, it may actually be to Hatshepsut that we owe
much of the theological system of Luxor. She was, after all, t
miracle of her divine conception and birth as ruler designate, she w
the role of the goddess Mut in the Theban Triad,218 and hers is th
tion of the Opet Festival procession.219 She seems to have emp
generally, having embellished the Processional Way between K
no fewer than six way stations for the barque of Amun.220 She un
the celebration of the festival during her reign. One may vent
Osiride figures of the deified22' queen (all bearing the name Hatshe
of-Amun)222 which are shown standing outside the way stations22
Her Horus name, Powerful of Kas, is extraordinary, in that s
Kingdom ruler to include a direct reference to the ka224 in thi
Wilson, pp. 90-91; Birkstam, Boreas 6,in

(twice pp.
the 19-24,
Colonnade, temp. Sety I; to be
28-29. William Murnane has also called my
published atten-
by The Epigraphic Survey), and st:'Fn(yt)
tion to an inscription of Ramesses IIsp1
on[tpy]
the faCade
(Court of
of Amenhotep Ill, Nelson number G
the Colonnade at Luxor Temple, published 126; copy by by him:Jasnow). For Ramesses II's
Richard
see "The Sed Festival: A Problem in Historical constructions at Luxor Temple described as situated
Method," MDAIK 37 (1981): 375, in which Amun- "on the proper ground, (in) the precinct of the
Re says to the king: trw k hhw-scl whmnk hhrwl-sd primordial event," see Abd el-Razik, JEA 60 (1974):
rnpfik 'Ic'h (collated by me, 1984); rnpt is written
with only the sign A 17. For Ramesses VI rejuve- 147 (3 Te
218 B): Velde,
hr sI twLA'
,mt h3k
IV, '(t) n(y t) sp tp( ~).
246-48.
nated, wearing the lunar disk and crescent, while 219 Lacau-Chevrier, Hatshepsout, ol. 7.
receiving "the jubilees of Re," see Abdel-Aziz Saleh, 220 Nims, JNES 14 (1955): 114.
Excavations at Heliopolis: Ancient Egyptian Oun?i, 221 Haeny, L 'Eg?ptologie en 1979, vol. 1, p. 115;
vol. 2 (Cairo, 1983), p. 79 (fig. 27) and pl. 64A. For Leblanc, BIFA 0 82 (1982): 303-4. See also Kitchen,
the lunar disk and crescent linked to the motif of the Ranm. Inscr. II, 607.12 (marginal text in the Court of
jubilee, cf. Vivi Laurent-Tdckholm, Faraos hlomnsterRamesses II at Luxor Temple), where an Osiride
(Stockholm, 1951), p. 14 (ceremonial shield from the statue is one of the determinatives used in writing the
tomb of Tutankhamun). plural of the word hnt '.
217 See Birkstam, Boreas 6, p. 20; cf. Daressy, 222 A ruler described as beloved of a god becomes
"L'Obelisque de Qaha," ASA E 19 (1920): 131-34. a form of that god: see Bell, MWI. Mokhtar (forth-
217a For the sun's rebirth by returning to the sp coming).
tpl, the "first occasion," see Hornung, The One and 223 Lacau-Chevrier, Hatshepsout, pl. 7; Leblanc,
the Mani', pp. 161-62. For Luxor Temple as "the BIFA O 82 (1982): pls. 50-53 (foll. p. 311). One of
precise location of the primordial event" (Wente'sthe actual Osiride statues of the queen from the
translation in Khonsu 1, p. 28 [ref. pl. 53.6-7]), Luxor way station has recently been identified by
referred to in connection with Amun-Re's visit to Leblanc, ibid., pp. 301-2 and pls. 53A, 55.
Luxor during the Opet Festival, see Urk. IV, 1709.13 224 Schweitzer, Wesen des Ka, p. 55; Kaplony,
(Luxor socle inscription, temp. Amenhotep LA' 11I);
Ill, 276. Perhaps this means was devised to avoid
2040.14 (Luxor Colonnade, temp. Tutankhamun);
RIK II, pl. 90.4,10-11; Khonsu 1, pl. 21.18-19. the logical absurdity of calling the queen a kA ntt.,
"mighty
is one ofbull."
Three unpublished architrave inscriptions at Luxor Note, however,
the special that K'-nht
Horus names of Seti Wsr-k w
I in the
also refer to this temple as st: mt(iyt) n(l't) sp tpj of the Horus barque chapel at Abydos:
doorway
by this particular choice she seems to be making a statement about her posse
of the royal ka in more than one manifestation. Given the unusual circumsta
of her accession to the throne, it is understandable that the proof of her legitim
afforded by the celebration of the Opet Festival, would have been one of the priorit
of her reign.
We have also begun to pursue the implications of our discoveries at Luxor for the
development of the Amarna heresy. Not only did Akhenaten elevate the Aten to the
position of chief deity, but he actively suppressed the worship of all other gods (except
Re and Atum, whom he saw as manifestations of the Aten).225 At the same time, he
elevated the role of the living king to that of sole intermediary with the god. He
insisted on exclusivity not only for the god but also for himself as the god's representa-
tive on earth. In his iconoclasm, he restricted the avenues of access to the god prac-
tically to his own person.226 The god has no Prophet (hm-ntr) except the king,227
whereas the living king now has his own Prophet.228 It is difficult to tell when the Aten
is acting and when the king is acting; the two merge into one another to an astonishing
degree.229 Although all this can be understood against the background of the trends we
have already seen in the reign of Amenhotep III, Akhenaten seems to have pushed the
idea of the unity of king and god too far. The success of the king's cult at Luxor, we
have said, may have been due to its generalization in regard to the identity of the
reigning monarch (he is the temporal manifestation of the divine ka); the cult of
Akhenaten and the Aten may have been too specific and particular.
Charles F. Nims23( has already observed that the figures of the royal ka at Luxor
Temple were hacked out by Akhenaten's agents.231 Given the divine nature of the ka,
its erasure appears perfectly normal.232 In nearly every instance when the ka-figure is
represented,233 it has been hacked out, leaving only the symbolic arms supporting the
Calverley-Gardiner, Ah.dos .1, pl. 36. Nevertheless, (1980): 25-26; cf. Aldred, Akhenaten: Pharaoh of
this statement is still valid in regard to the usual
("secular") Horus names of the rulers of the New E-,ipt-A New Study (London, 1968), p. 185; idem
Kingdom (those assumed at the time of their in Schmandt-Besserat,
Cf., ed., Imnmortal
in general, Nock, Harvard Studies Eg.ipt,
41, p. 12:p. 57.
coronation, as opposed to subsequent "ceremonial"
"... the close association of the king in official belief
names). with the gods, and the frequent identifications of him
225 For Atum, see Myiliwiec, L'Egiptologie en and his ancestors with particular deities, make it
1979, vol. 2, pp. 285-89; see also Brunner, Luxor,impossible to know sometimes whether he and the
pl. 188a-b. god in question were treated as separate entities." See
226 Hornung, The One and the Many, p. 248;further Bell, MWI. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
Badawy, ZAS 99 (1973): 67-68; Assmann, Saeculunm: 230 Nims, Thebes of the Pharaohs, p. 128.
Jahrhuch fiir Univ'ersalgeschichte 23 (Freiburg and 231 For Akhenaten's defacements at Luxor Temple
Munich, 1972), p. 123 (this reference kindly called to
in general, see Brunner, Luxor, pp. 20-22.
my attention by William Murnane); see also Steffen 232 Noticing some variation in the extent to which
Wenig, LA' I, 216. For the role of the other members the defacement of the royal ka was carried out by
of the royal family as intermediaries in the cult of the
Akhenaten's agents at Luxor Temple, however,
Aten, see Aldred, "Tradition and Revolution in the W. Raymond Johnson encouraged me to undertake
Art of the XVlllth Dynasty," in Denise Schmandt- a survey of the problem.
Besserat, ed., Immortal Egypt (Malibu, California, 233 A few examples seem to have escaped the chisel
1978), p. 58. altogether: noteworthy is the fact that the figures of
227 Ramadan Saad in A TP I. p. 73; Redford, "The the royal ka represented as an infant in the divine
Sun-Disc in Akhenaten's Program: Its Worship and birth reliefs are not mutilated. In some other cases,
Antecedents, II," JA RCE 17 (1980): 28. the ka-figure, ka-arms, and ka-name are all erased
228 Sayed Tawfik in A TP I, p. 97; Wenig, LA I, (cf. fig. 2 above), presumably by error, since Akhen-
217.
aten certainly would not have wished to deprive his
229 Birkstam, Boreas 6, p. 27; Redford, JA RCE 17 father of the royal ka.
ka-name on its head. Consistent with this, when the abstract ka-a
sented on a standard, these are untouched.234 Thus Akhenaten's
simply have been to deny any separation between the royal ka an
king. In fact, the ka is not represented at Amarna; in the fully d
Akhenaten, it seems that the king himself is the royal ka,235 rather
temporarily united with it. Since the very existence of Amun-Re
denied, and his physical role was not appropriate to the immater
basic reinterpretation of the mechanism of transmission of the roya
Having excluded every other possibility, we are left with only the k
Aten incarnate, to be the agent for the transmission of legitimacy.2
is correct, we have in this doctrine one of the fundamental innov
and we can well appreciate that it would have been rejected later as o
237
many excesses.
One final controversial topic on which our findings seem to impinge is the qu
tion of Akhenaten's Theban jubilee. On the surface, the preparations for this jub
seem fairly standard: its ceremonies probably included the erection of an obelisk
Karnak; 38 and even fundamental changes in the ruler's names on the occasion o
jubilee seem to be normal.239 What is still striking, however, is Akhenaten's timing o
the event. Since we now have two plausible explanations for Hatshepsut's celebra
of a jubilee in year 16 of her joint reign with Thutmose III,24 the most glaring
exception remaining to the 30-year principle is Akhenaten's own celebration arou
his fourth regnal year.241 One should not be completely surprised at the radic
proposal which comes to mind: if (1) the royal jubilee is defined as the thirtiet
anniversary of the appearance of the god-king on earth;242 (2) "it is probable t
Amenhotep IV's Karnak Sed-festival was a joint festival of the king and the god";
234 For this motif in the reign of Amenhotep IV, (fig. 132), is reversed (checked by me at the
p. 207
see Kherue/, pl. 9. site, 1984); see Barguet, Tenmple d'Anon- Re, pl. 35B.
239 Cf. Assmann, LA* I, 527; on Akhenaten's
235 This statement is not intended to deny the tenet
that the creator Aten now constituted the king's ka. jubilee, see further Redford, JARCE 17
Karnak
(1980): 31, n. 206.
See further Bell, Me,/. Mokhtar (forthcoming).
236 Had Akhenaten had a male child as heir to the240 Wente and Van Siclen in Fs Hughes, pp. 220-
throne, instead of only daughters, the short-term 21, 225-27; cf. Wente in James E. Harris and
chances for the success of his new theology might Edward F. Wente, An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal
have been somewhat greater.
Mummies (hereafter X-Ra' Atlas) (Chicago and
237 Redford, JA RCE 17 (1980): 26, rightly points London, 1980), pp. 248-49.
out that the mortal monarch's assumption of his 241 ownWente and Van Siclen, Fv Hughes. p. 220. For
personal godhood would have been self-defeating: criticism of this date, see Redford, "Studies on
"To aver that one is deity is an ultimate and Akhenaten at Thebes, 11: A Report on the Work of
impossible step: there is nothing left to imagine, thethe Akhenaten Temple Project of the University
door is closed to speculation. It places the embodi- Museum, The University of Pennsylvania, for the
ment of the ideal before men's eyes, where its Year 1973-4," JA RCE 12 (1975): 13, n. 9.
imperfections are plain to see." 242 A status normally achieved through the efficacy
238 Cf. Jean Lauffray, "La Colonnade-propyl6e of the coronation rites. I have been greatly assisted
occidentale de Karnak dite 'Kiosque de Taharqa' et by the suggestions of Martha R. Bell in the formula-
ses abords," KEfmi 20 (1970): 117, 118 (fig. 6);tion of this definition.
Ramadaan Sacad and Claude Traunecker, "Textes et 243 Wente and Van Siclen, Es Hughes. p. 221;
reliefs mis au jour dans la grande cour du temple decf. Redford, JARCE 17 (1980): 25: "The first sd-
Karnak (1969)," ibid., pp. 171-72; Redford in A TP I, festival . .. was not only the jubilee of the king, but
pl. 34.3; cf. p. 79. The photograph published inof the Disc as well"; Assmann, Saeculum1111 23, p. f19
Schwaller de Lubicz, Temples de Karnak. vol. 1, and n. 41.
LUXOR TEMPLE AND THE CULT OF THE ROYAL K4 293
and (3) "the similarity of the monarch's birth to the daily birth of the Disc is
upon,"244 is it not logical, within the framework of Akhenaton's though
celebration marked his own thirtieth birthday?244a A reign of 17 years,
two-year coregency with Amenhotep 111,245 gives a result completely compat
Wente's estimates of Akhenaten's age at death as 46-x years maximum, or
at the time of his jubilee.246
We have been reminded repeatedly throughout this study that the role of t
the Egyptian kingship is an extremely complex one, with many obscure f
we can readily understand how such an eminent scholar as John A. Wilso
first professor in Egyptology at the University of Chicago, could have writte
Egyptian king that
the ka was not his political or immortal or mystical body, as over against his natura
ka of each individual king was born with him, and when he died he went to join
realm of the dead. Thus the ka was no perpetual and continuous Presence, which
being for Ramses 1, 11, and 111.247
In this statement, which he penned in his review of Ernst H. Kantorowicz

Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, 1957), I
Wilson clearly has been shown wrong. Nevertheless, it is to his great cre
indication of the scope of his scholarship, that he is the only Egyptologist, to
of my knowledge, ever to have commented on this book at all.
I "discovered" the work of Kantorowicz while I was preparing a lecture on th
ka for presentation at the Oriental Institute in July 1983; at that time it occu
that the system of Egyptian kingship which I was describing seemed to bear a
resemblance to many elements of an old European doctrine regarding t
status of the reigning monarch. Searching through the University of Chic
and the several bookstores on or near the campus, I came upon The
Bodies.
Ever mindful of Wilson's precaution that "the analogy from the ancient Orient
is still valuable, in contrast rather than congruity, as a warning rather than an
illuminant,"248 I immediately found case after case in which the Europeans had
grappled with the same problems which the Egyptians had also faced more than three
millennia earlier. This fact should not be particularly surprising; there are certain
common issues associated with the various theories of monarchical government and
some basic questions which naturally recur concerning the person of the monarch and
his abilities to perform the superhuman tasks which so often confront him. If we in the
relatively young field of Egyptology can be assisted in our attempt to understand the
Egyptian tradition of kingship, and the doctrine of the royal ka, by familiarity with the
analytical techniques evolved in the long-established discipline of European political
244 Redford, JA RCE 17 (1980): 25; cf. Assmann, coregency, see Kitchen's review of Es Hughes in
ibid., p. 123.
244a This same idea has now also been expressed by Serapis: The American Journal of* EgIptology 4
(1977-78): 71.
J. D. Ray: review of Donald B. Redford, Akhenaten: 246 Harris and Wente, X-Ra'r Atlas, pp. 255-56.
The Heretic King (Princeton, 1984), GM 86 (1985): 247 Wilson, Comparative Studies in Society and
86-87.
History'. vol. 1 (1958-59), p. 396.
245 Wente and Van Siclen, Fs Hughes, p. 230. For
248 Ibid., p. 395.
criticism of this proposed maximum length for the
philosophy, we ought to be open to such influence. This is

go into these matters in any detail, but let me end this paper
relevant quotations.
For the king has in him two Bodies, viz., a Body natural and a Bo
(if it be considered in itself) is a Body mortal, subject to all Infirmi
Accident, to the Imbecility of Infancy or old Age, and other natu
which the Body natural is subject to. ....249
As to the Body politic,
. the King never dies, and his natural Death is not called in ou
King, but the Demise of the King, not signifying by the Word (Dem
the King is dead, but that there is a Separation of the two Bodies,
transferred and conveyed over from the Body natural now dead
Dignity royal, to another Body natural. So that it signifies a Remov
King of this Realm from one Body natural to another." This migrat
the immortal part of kingship, from one incarnation to another as
the king's demise is certainly one of the essentials of the whol
Bodies.>)
Interesting, however, is the fact that this "incarnation" of the body politic in a king of fles
only does away with the human imperfections of the body natural, but conveys "immortalit
the individual king as King, that is, with regard to his superbody.25'
Such are, in Shakespeare's play, the meditations of King Henry V on the godhead and manh
of a king. The king is "twin-born" not only with greatness but also with human nature,
"subject to the breath of every fool." It was the humanly tragic aspect of royal "gemina
which Shakespeare outlined and not the legal capacities which English lawyers assembled in
fiction of the King's Two Bodies.
249 Kantorowicz, The King:v Two Bodies, p. 7.251 Ibid.

250 Ibid., p. 13. 252 Ibid., p. 24.

Bell - Luxor Temple and The Cult of The Royal Ka

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Bell - Luxor Temple and The Cult of The Royal Ka

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Luxor Temple and the Cult of the Royal Ka

Author(s): Lanny Bell

LA NN Y BELL, Uni'versiti' of Chicago

FIG. I.--a) Sketch-plan of Luxor Temple, drawn by W. Raymond J

royal ka. Although much work remains to be done in

"I I i? Urii I""

(Mainz am Rhein, 1984).

the exact nature of the manifestations of the king's divinity i

(ny-)swvt n(v,) Hr-shti W4str n(.i')-swI' nh t~wv' Nh-hhprVw'-Rc mcn7-hrw:14 as Osiris, he is

although dynastic succession could sometimes be a real problem, to be sorted ou

17 Dwight W. Young, ed., Studies Presented to "Deux cryptogrammes de Senenmout," ASAE 38

21 Cf. Edward F. Wente and Charles C. Van

33 Idem, Dogmatische Stellung, pp. 58, 16: LA III, 60.

(mnwy-.t), and rejuvenated

1920), pl. 80.4; Jean Capart and Marcelle Werbrouck,

Khonsu chapel by the opening of a communicating doorway between them.6

64 Presumably when the Khonsu barque had

..... ------- AMI

FIG. 2.-Statue of Amenhotep III followed by

FIG. 3.-Goddess suckling young Amenhotep III (Roman Vestibule). Photograph by

the remains of a representation of the barque of Amun on a stand.69

reign of Hatshepsut, see Deir el-Bahari VI, pl. 16

s~;~,~m~8as pdi: ~i-M-w

~i-i~~~, -8ii~iii- --: WOR:;::

FIG. 5.-Head of Ramesses II with the horn of A

with his usual cartouches. But the st

79 Kaplony, LA Ill, 281, n. 23.

Ramesses II: Friedrich Wilhelm von Bissing, Denk-

priests."" Undoubtedly the king's ka was adored here,87 with small

populace gained access to the court during festivals;

The text accompanying the suckling scene in the Roman Vestibul

99 Kaplony, LA II, 35 1-56. Amun-Re announces to the assembled Heliopolitan

. . ..... ...:: :::: ::-~i:: ...

FIG. 6.-Goddess nurt

We know that the

applied at Luxor generally to the Eighteenth Dynasty temple from t

(1983): 130, n. 101; 132; for the 'h at aKarnak as the

If we leave the crowds outside and withdraw to the vestibule

FIG. 7.-Amenhotep III entering the

the souls of Pe and Nekhen,'33 who jubilate at his having arisen

133 Cf. Deir el-Bahari Ill, pls. 59-60; Lacau-

FIG. 8.-Amenhotep Ill embued

1; 7 7iii-;i :iii::- - _- :i:

:: ::-::-::;?:-::::: -fi-i:: JIM -i

FIG. 9.-Amenhotep III transfigured w

text normally occurs in conjunction with the depiction of an ince

of the Mouth Ritual, with the Horus eye here

from Djeserkarec to Amuin in the offering-list'of C4, 1-12 is well-nigh inexplicable

In the end, Gardiner is forced to consider the possibility "that Ame

(shm.f'w);'87 Horus: Abounding

When he Appears (h cf) as the Horizon Dweller (var.: Radiant of Transformations in

to manifestations of the royal ka. Indeed, we know that the king

thematic. The progression of the representations is consistent throughout the

214 A great proliferation of royal names frequently

taking a new name,217 and hence a new identity, as yet another as

Wilson, pp. 90-91; Birkstam, Boreas 6,in

In this statement, which he penned in his review of Ernst H. Kantorowicz

philosophy, we ought to be open to such influence. This is

As to the Body politic,

249 Kantorowicz, The King:v Two Bodies, p. 7.251 Ibid.

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