Alfred Gell. The Gods at Play

The Gods at Play: Vertigo and Possession in Muria Religion
Author(s): Alfred Gell

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Jun., 1980), pp. 219-248
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2801669 .
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THE GODS AT PLAY: VERTIGO AND
POSSESSION IN MURIA RELIGION*
ALFRED GELL
AustralianNational University
Vertigo is a mostsignificantelementin the religiouspracticesof theMuria, a tribalpeople

of Central India. This paper triesto account for the pursuitof religiousvertigo in dance,
swinging,and possessiontrance,as a means of achieving a state of 'deautomatised'or dis-
embedded sensori-motorintegration,and altered state of consciousnesswhich is also, by
implication,the Muria divinities'own. First,the articleprovidessome backgroundon ritual
swinging in India, before moving on to an ethnographicaccount of 'the assault on the
equilibriumsense'in Muria ritualpractices.Riding and swingingemergeas characteristically
divine activities.The articleconcludes with an account of possessiontranceand proposesa
'vestibular'theoryof tranceinduction.Finally,some comparativesuggestionsare advanced
concerningMuria trancebehaviour and similarbehaviour seen in cases of severechildhood
autism.It is argued thatboth may be relatedto the disruptionof vestibularmodulation of
input-outputrelationsin the centralnervoussystem.
On a swingatAlor
Introduction:
VerrierElwin's The Muria and their ghotulis embellishedwitha plateshowing
theSiraha'sswing at Alor (I 947: P1. 35). From two elegantlycarved,inwards
leaningposts,is suspendeda wooden seat,intowhich are seta numberofsharp
nails,as ifit were a bed of nailsin miniature.Studyingthisarrestingimage,we
are struckby the coincidenceof oppositesit seemsto embody,sincethe Alor
swing would appear to serve as an instrumentof pleasure and torture
simultaneously, evoking boththeasceticpracticeof self-mortification, and the
secularenjoymentof a universalchildishpastime.We are able to inferthatthe
swingis employedin a ritualcontext,despitethefactthatno further reference
is made to theswingin Elwin'sbook, becausewe have beentold thattheSiraha
is a medium who prophesiesat festivals.But despitethe esotericcontextand
sheerdecorativenessof the Alor swing,it is,and remains,a swing,and clearly
cognate with the stark,clanking,functionaliron swings which indulgent
municipalitiesthe world over erectforthegreaterdelightof schoolchildren.
What is a swing doing in the forecourtof a village temple? How can a
swing become a means to religiousawareness?This mightseem an unduly
narrow topic for a lengthyessay,but I believe it has ramificationswhich
extend deep into anthropologicallyunknown territory,to the point of
enablingus to sketchout what may be the neuropsychological foundationsof
verywidespreadreligiouspractices.Such biological considerations, however,
may be reserveduntila much laterstage,sincethereis a greatdeal to be said
within a more narrowly ethnographic framework,concerning Muria
'swinging'and allied ritualtechniques,includingpossessiontrances.And it is
* The Curl Prize Essayfor 1978.
Man (N.S.) 15, 219-48.

220 ALFRED GELL
of considerableinterestto describethesetechniquessince they are part and
parcelof a traditionin Indianreligionwhich is bothancientand widespread.'
The separatenessof the Muria as a 'tribal'group, from the mainstreamof
Hindu culture,has not preventedthem from absorbingmany elementsof
Hindu tradition;in the next sectionI will situatethe Alor swing in its pan-
Indian context.My prime objective,however,is not so much to arriveat a
better understandingof ritual swinging as an isolated institution,but to
interpretit as a particularcase of what may be a farmore generalmode of
religiousawareness.In thefollowingsectionI takeup thethemeofequilibrium
play in Muria religion, togetherwith an abbreviated account of secular
vertigo.2The finalsectionproposesa possibleneuropsychological mechanism
underlyingpossessionand allied behaviour.
TheswingintheHindutradition
In India,the ritualuse of swingsis by no meansconfinedto BastarDistrict
(Madhya Pradesh)wheretheMuria live. They arepartofan ancienttradition.
Keith (I970: 35 i) describesthevedic ritualof Mahavrata,wherebythepriest,
swingingto and fro,strengthened thesun at the seasonof the wintersolstice.
In a play dating fromC.A.D. 900 we finda clear referenceto the festivalsat
which the Gods are ritually'swung' which have persistedto the presentday
(Lanman I90i). In a survey dating originally from I927 Bose dealt
comprehensivelywith ancient and modern swing-festivals in India, where
theycommonlyoccur as partof theSpringFestival(Holi) (Bose I967: ch. 5).
He is of the opinion thatalthoughnow associatedwith thefigureof Krishna,
theseceremoniesare not of Brahminicalorigin.I lack the space to reproduce
any detailsof recentaccountsof swing-festivals, but theymay be said to fall
intotwo classeswhichcorrespondto thetwo apparentlycontradictory 'aspects'
of the Alor swing with which I began,i.e. pleasureand self-mortification.
'Pleasurable' swingingis oftenassociatedwith Krishna,and is not different
from purely secular swingingexcept that it is performed(by women and
children) on ritual occasions. An excellent example of this kind of ritual
swingingis the tij festivaldescribedby 0. Lewis (I958: 205) for the Delhi
region.This spring-time swingingfromtheboughsoftreesis implicitlyerotic,
and itsreligioussignificance, in so faras it has any,is confinedto permittinga
temporaryrelaxationof the normal constraintson young women making
merry in public, i.e. the celebration of feminine (fertile)disorder. Very
different, and coming fromquite the otherend of the religiousspectrum,are
the kinds of 'mortificatory'swingingpractised,for instance,in honour of
Shiva during the Bengal festivalof Carak (ChattopadhyayaI96I: 5 I sqq.).
Adult male devoteesswingover a fierypit,and are subsequentlyswunground
a tall pole fromwhich theyare suspendedby hooks,nowadaysinsertedinto a
belttheywear,but which ancientlyusedto piercetheirflesh.Photographsand
descriptionsof 'hook-swinging'in southIndia and Ceylon are to be foundin
Hocart (I927) and Thurston(I906: ch. io).
Hook-swinging is comparable, in most respects,with other forms of

ALFRED GELL 221
such as flagellationwith chains,piercingthe body

religiousself-mortification
withskewers,fire-walking and so on. But it alwaysinvolves,I believe,a strong
elementof identificationwith the God, who is also conceptualisedas a being
who 'swings' and who is oftenswung,in effigy, in thecourseof therites.Bose
gives accountsof theseGod-swingingritualsfrommanypartsof India,and it
would be reasonableto assumethattheactivitiesof theswingingdevoteesare
modelled on thoseof the divinitiesthemselves.This is certainlyborne out in
the case of the Muria as we shall see (Bose I967: 59 sqq. and for further
referencesWalker I968, FrazerI923 and fora magnificent parallelfromSiam,
QuarichWales I93 I).
Despite the divergentformswhich ritual swinging takes,whether as a
devotional ordeal,a semi-secularsportforyoung girls,or a formof homage
paid to the idols of the Gods, I thinkwe can perceivea threadof continuity
runningthroughthe surfacetextureof diversity.All swingingrelatesto the
experienceofvertiginousplay,and hasto do withthepervasiverelationwhich
existsbetweenbodily equilibriumand disequilibriumand statesof conscious-
ness.In all swinging,thereis an elementofself-surrender to a lossofindividual
equilibrium,and the contextsin which ritualswingingis found,despitetheir
overtdisparity,are all suchas to make one suspectthatthisloss of equilibrium
is capable of beinginvestedwithreligioussignificance. Gentlerockingsinduce
ease and peacefulrepose,recallingthe rockingsof the baby's cradle (which
incidentallyis calledjhula in Hindi, thesame word as for'swing') while more
vigorous motions of the swing induce exhilaration,terror,or ecstasy.In
confrontingthe problem of ritual swinging,we should recognisethat the
swing is an artefactwhose use is the modificationof mentalstates.In what
followsI will attemptto enlargeour understanding of ritualswingingnot by
concentrating narrowlyon swingingas such,but by pursuingthethemeofthe
'techniques du corps'(Mauss I950) associatedwiththepursuitof vertigoin their
totalculturalcontext.For,despitethewidespreadoccurrenceofritualswinging
in India, the institutionneverattainsto such a degreeof elaborationwhere it
mightbe profitableto seekto explainitas a thingin itself.The neglecttheAlor
swing receivesin Elwin's text is not, perhaps,so unjustifiedin termsof its
intrinsicimportance.But the Alor swing has, nonetheless,great value as an
indicatorof a certainstyleof religiousawareness,which mustbe understood
in generaltermsifit is to be understoodat all. Where theMuria are concerned,
it is.immediatelyapparentthatthe use of the swing by possessedmediumsis
but one ofa largeclassoflinkedritualinstitutions, all ofwhich seemto involve
an assault,in some way, on theequilibriumsense.The finalsignificanceof the
Alor swing is thatit pointsus in thedirectionof vertigo.
Vertigoin Muria religion

(i) Generalities
The Muria recognisethreemain classesof divinity,each of whose cult is in
thehandsofa different classofspecialist.(i) The cultofthedivinityyayalmutte
is associatedwith the Bastar 'state' Goddess DanteshwariMata, the localised

222 ALFRED GELL
'refraction'ofwhom is worshippedin theguddior temple.The officiants ofthe
Goddess cult are known as pujari and may be drawn fromamong the local
'caste' Hindus, or from among the Muria (Gond) population. The visible
'vehicles' representing theGoddessand heroffspring taketheformof lat,long
bamboo poles with flagsattached,as well as permanentwooden images,peg-
like in form,setintothefloorofthetemple.The Goddessand relateddivinities
can also reveal themselvesby possessingindividualsand speakingthrough
them. Such a medium (siraha)is not necessarilya pujari. Ritual swingingis
confinedto mediumswho are possessedby yayalmutte as I will describe.
(2) The large class of purelyMuria village-cum-clan divinitiesare known
as pen and are lodged in separate temples known as rawr. The human
intermediariesof the village divinitiesare mediums (lesk). The hereditary
village medium associatedwith a pre-eminentvillage God is the murleskor
vadder, but he is likelyto be only one of a numberof men who will be subject
to possessionby an assortmentof divinitieson a more contingentbasis.Such
a medium may performcuringceremonieswhich involve possessionas well
as becoming possessedin the course of religiousfestivals.Other mediums-
generallyyoungermen-will only become possessedduringfestivals.
The 'vehicles' of thevillage divinitiestaketwo forms,distinguishable from
those of the state Goddess refractions. These are (a) kolang-short wooden
poles decorated with plumes and bells, and (b) the anga or 'log-god'
constructions which I will describein detailbelow.
(3) The cult of tallurmutte,theearthGoddessis in thehandsof thegaita,the
hereditaryMuria village priest.The Earth Goddess has no temple and no
movable vehicles,being associatedwith stonecairnsin the forest.Possession
behaviour plays no part in the cult of tallurmutte. In what follows I am
exclusivelyconcernedwith the cult of thepen and yayalmutte and no more
need be said about tallurmutte in thisconnexion.
(ii) Festivals
There is no need to go into further
detailsregardingMuria theologyat this
point. Sufficeto say that the divinitiesare thoughtto be supernatural,but
otherwisegenerallysimilarto humanbeingsand to go throughessentiallythe
same life-experiences as human beingsdo. The pen is born to certainparents,
grows up, marries,reproduces (sometimesout of wedlock in the case of
susceptibleyoung goddesses) and may eventually die. Divinities are not
morallyperfect,and theirbehaviourinspiresindignationas well as awe. The
motivesof thedivinitiesin sendingmisfortunes or demandingextrasacrifices
are theessentiallyhumanones of jealousy or caprice.And thedivinitieslike to
enjoy themselvesand participatein social occasionsherein the middle world,
called by the Muria manjapur'the place of laughter'or fun-land.The essential
humanityand sociabilityof thedivinitiesis perfectlybroughtout by thename
given to themajorMuria religiousfestivalwhich occursduringthedryseason
(May-June). The festivalis called pen karsana'the divine games' (literally:
'God-playing').The divinitiescome to visitthe village,animatingtheimages
and vehiclesin the village temples,and inspiringthe mediums.

ALFRED GELL 223
The festivallastsfourteendaysin all and duringthisperiodno work may be

done in the fields.The Muria are not withouta work ethicof theirown, but
at this time they devote their energies totally to dancing, drinking and
travellingfromplace to place forthepurposesofenjoyment.Nightly,thereare
dancesheld at theghotul(thevillagedormitoryfortheyoungof both sexes)at
which the whole village will be presentas well as visitorsfromelsewhere-
and also thedivinitieswho dance along withthepopulace.Such a nightdance,
ifthe occasionis a big one, may be attendedby fivehundredor more dancers,
magnificently decked out, some of whom may have walked forconsiderable
distancesin orderto attend.
The atmosphereof the night dance and the subsequentday of 'Divine
Games' is extremelyimpressive,not to say magical. In what follows,I will
abstractonlycertainelementsfordetaileddiscussion-in particular,thedances
with the log-god or anga,and the behaviourof the possessedmediums-but
it must be stressedthat thesetake place only againsta backgroundof total
communalparticipationin theritualoccasion.The verynotionof 'possession'
as it appliesto religiousvirtuosi,the mediumsinto whom the divinityenters
and throughwhom thedivinityspeaks,is onlya heightenedand individualised
formof the transformation thataffects the communityas a whole duringthe
festivaltime.This is particularlyapparentin connexion with Muria singing
and dancing,which never featuresolos, but which draw on the combined
resourcesof massedbodies of performers actingas faras possiblein complete
unanimity.Not onlyis theindividualityofthedanceror singerde-emphasised,
but the long drawn-out,hypnoticcharacterof the dance seemsintentionally
designedto take theperformers to a pointat which a combinationof fatigue,
over-breathing and auditorystressmustcause themto experiencethemselves
and their situation in non-normal ways. The form of the dance is also
significant. Muria generallydance line abreast,or in a large circle,and very
frequently with linkedhandsand armsaroundthewaistor shoulder.The line
ofdancersis a singleunitwhich hasto thinkand move as one. There is no need
to dwell at lengthon thepossibleeffects of thisdance styleon thebody image
of the individual dancer in the line. Anyone with experienceof the more
antiquatedstyleof westernballroom dancingwill be quite familiarwith the
sensationof a subtleshiftin theline of 'inside' and 'outside'. What is,I think,
characteristic of Muria dancing is the emphasisit places on symmetricalas
opposedto complementarymovementsbetweenpartnersin thedance,and the
absence of expressiveor solo elements.And this reflects, I would argue,the
instrumental role of the dance in Muria cultureas a device forinducingnon-
normal psychologicalstatesin the performers,ratherthan as a means for
communicatingsymbolicstatements mimetically.
Muria religionis,of course,much more thana technologyof 'alteredstates
of consciousness'.It is a beliefsystem,a theodicy,and at the same time the
intricategenealogicaland alliance relationshipsbetweenthe variousclan and
village divinitiesare both a charterfor practicalsocial relationshipsand a
compendiumof indigenoushistoricaltraditions.Withoutwishingto denyfor
a momentthatMuria religionis in the highestdegreesociologicallyrelevant,
thepresentessayis devotedto examiningit froma psychologicaland aesthetic

224 ALFRED GELL
perspective,ratherthanpursuingthecorrespondences betweenit and itssocial
milieu. Muria religionis not,in fact,particularlyrichin 'symbolic' elements,
mirroringso faithfullyas it does, the streamof events in 'manjapur' (the
everydayworld), and would not appear conducive to the kind of 'crypto-
analytic'approachwhich I have been temptedto employ elsewhere(cf.Gell
I975). Though I shallhave somethingto say about certainsymbolicelements
in Muria ritual (e.g., horses), the primary objective of this essay is the
understanding of statesof mind,or modes of religiousawareness,ratherthan
thedecodingofcovertsymbols.The Muria,in participating in majorreligious
festivals,seek,and derive,physical,emotional and aestheticsatisfaction from
theperformance, which alone would be sufficient to explain thepersistence
of
the religious institutionsof which they are part. Even if a psychological
account of ritual leaves unansweredbasic questionshaving to do with the
institutionalframeworkof religiouslifeand itsgroundingin social relations,
lesssignificant
it opens up a seriesof not intrinsically problemsconcerningthe
psychicand indeed ultimatelyphysiologicalmediationof institutional forms.
We may conclude that althoughthe Divine Games are based on a set of
theologicalbeliefs,and correspondto certainimplicitsociologicalnecessities,
they are, for participants,primarilyrelevant as an occasion for actively
pursuingand achievingcertainspecialexperientialstateswhichperhapsborder
on ecstasy,though always submittingthem to the collectivedisciplineof a
dance stylewhich is militaryin itsprecision,if not in its metaphors.For the
laity,so to speak,thereis only the collectiveabandon which sweepsthrough
the long lines of dancers: for the virtuosi,it is otherwise,and physical
autonomyis conceded,not to the next dancerin the line, but to an invisible
presence.It is to thissurrender,thisvertigo,thatI will now turn.
(iii) The 'log-gods'(anga)

The anga is a quadrangularframeworkof two thickpoles of dense wood
(mango, in the instancesknown to me) joined by lightercross-pieces.3In
addition,thereis a forwardprojecting'head' piece, roughlycarved into the
likenessof a horse,which,giventherarityofhorsesin Muria country,we may
gloss as a strange,high-prestigebeast,associatedwith authorityand religious
power. The anga is blackenedwith smoke and repeatedoilings,and is further
decoratedwithsilverbands,featherplumes,bellsand suchlike.I have made no
trialof liftingan anga but I estimatethatone must weigh in the vicinityof
eightyto one hundredpounds.
The way in which theseimagesare used duringthe 'Divine Games' brings
out very forciblythe centralityof the idea of an 'assaulton the equilibrium
sense' in Muria religion.Once offerings have been made to them,the anga
begin to 'play'. Supportedon the shouldersof two, or sometimesfouryouths
fromtheghotuldormitory,theangais stoodin thedance-plaza,facingtheband
of musicianswho, on theseoccasionsareprovidedby theganda (Weaver) caste.
Ganda drummingis both loud and rapid,and quickly establishesa mood of
excitementand dissociation.4While theganda musiciansconcentrateon their

ALFRED GELL 225
art,theanga-carrying youthsgaze outwardswithvague,expectantexpressions.

Aftera minuteor so, theanga beginsto sway back and forthperceptibly.One
shouldperhapssaythatit is theyouthswho sway,ratherthantheanga,butthat
would be to traducethe extraordinaryverisimilitudeof the illusiongiven to
the audience,and I believe the youthsas well, thatit is the anga which is the
activepartner,and thatthe youthsare no more thanpassivesupports.Elwin's
admirable photograph of an anga in action (Plate XXXVI) is captioned,
appropriately, 'The Anga assertsitswill', which is preciselytheimpressionone
receives.
In order to understandhow this impressionoriginates,it is necessaryto
visualisethe anga as an invertedpendulummountedon springysupports(the
youths) which has a natural tendency to convert upwards (supporting)
impulsesinto variouskindsof lateraland twistingoscillatorymotions,storing
kineticenergyand subsequentlyreleasingit in perhapsunforeseeableways.
The youths are not, as separateindividuals,simply supportinga constant
proportionof thetotalweightof theanga; theyare in continuous,but largely
involuntary interactionwith one another via pushes, pulls and tilting
movementsinitiatedby theothercarriers,multipliedby theinertialproperties
of the anga itself.To begin with thesemovementsare only slight,and cancel
each otherout; but as thedance continues,a patternseemsto be established,a
rhythmicity which is 'unwilled' and which seemsto-which indeed does-
originatein the animatemass of the anga. Beforelong, the anga,seemingto
have takencontrolentirely,launchesoffinto a whirlingand plungingdance
of the utmostferocity.The dancers,not in trance,are nonethelesspossessed.
They are 'outside themselves'becausetheirphysicalequilibrium,theircentre
of gravity,is now lodged in the ponderous,but at the same time,sensitive
structureof the God. The path of the anga in space is the outcome of an
infinitely complex play offorces,an equationin whichthecontributionof this
or that individual is indistinguishable, and what the youths have lost of
individualautonomy,theanga has gained.
The anga dance is a primeexample of theassaulton theequilibriumsensein
Muria religion.What needsto be emphasised,I think,is theway in which the
divinitywhich investsthe anga is not presentsimplyas an idea, something
merelyrepresented by theimage,but as a tangiblephysicalquantityperceived
somestheticallyrather than intellectuallyconstructed.Muria realise the
divinityvia proximal ratherthandistalperceptualchannels,as a forceacting
directlyon and throughthe body. The anga,one notes,does not correspond
visuallyto theimaginedformofthedivinity;in so faras thepen are considered
to have formswhich can be visualisedat all, they are human, yet the anga
showsus a vaguelyhorse-likecreature.The divinityinhabitstheanga,animates
it,but is not visuallyimitatedby it. We are accustomedto the idea thatthose
possessedby spiritsor divinitiesare the 'horses'5 of the spirits(I. M. Lewis
I97I: 58); here,the totalassemblageof anga plus carriersis such a 'horse' and
the divinityis the invisiblepresencewhich spursthisassemblageinto action.
Or, more precisely,the divinityis presentnot 'in' the anga but in the kinetic
forceswhich are generatedduringthedancing.
And theseforcesare not withouta definiteformof theirown. Ifwe return

226 ALFRED GELL
to a considerationof the assemblageof the anga plus the carriers,we can
perceive,in the patternof steadilyintensifying oscillationsto which it is
subject,a positive-feedbacksituationin which compensatorymovements,
initiatedby thecarriersin orderto stabilisetheassemblage,tendinexorablyto
contributeto the overall instabilityof the system.This correspondsto the
destructive'hunting' oscillationin cyberneticsystems(Wiener I948: I4;
Bateson I958: 288). The elementof over-compensation is contributedby the
pendulum effectof the heavy anga which converts vertical stabilising
movements into unpredictablesideways and rotary shiftsin the overall
equilibrium.Because the carriershave inadequate feedback(as individuals)
adequatelyto predicttheeffects of theiractions,theytendto seekfeedbackby
attuningthemselvesto the'will' of theassemblageas a whole. Lettingit 'find
its own equilibrium',the youths'push' when it pushes,they'dive' when it
dives,and so forth,stillfurthercontributingto the positivefeedbackand the
intensification of theoscillatorymovementswhichonly come to an end when
thecarrierstacitlyaccepttheneed to stopmoving altogetherlesttotalvertigo
engulfthemall-at which point thereis a lull in the dancing.It will be seen
thatat theheightof thedance thecarriers'motorperformances will have,for
of
them,a markedsubjectivequality un-willed-ness, and at thesame timethey
will perceivetheanga as 'imposing' itself
on them,shaping theirresponsesin
a very definiteway by deprivingthem of the power to control theirown
equilibrium except by respondingas the anga demands. This is vividly
communicatedto theaudienceas well, ifonly vicariously.
The anga dance is specificallyorientedtowardsdisruptingthenormalsense
ofself-possession on thepartof thecarriers.Divine intervention takestheform
of the creationof the 'gap' between the structuresof intentionality which
underlienormal motoractivities,and theconsequencesof thecarriers'actions
as perceived by themselves.The dancers' equilibrium, instead of being
automatic and unthinking,has to be definedand preservednot simply in
relation to his body, his movementsand intentions,but in relationto his
participationin the anga assemblage as a whole. In other words, vertigo
threatensintentionality, and thestructures of intentionalityunderlieour sense
of 'self'. I will returnto thisthemein connexionwith possessionlateron.
(iv) TheDivinepolesandflags
The assaulton the equilibriumsenseis not restricted to the anga and their
dance. Other divinitiesare lodged in vehicleswhich have similarthoughless
dramaticproperties.Notable in thisconnexionare thelong bamboo poles (lat)
decoratedwith bells and flags.These are 'danced' at pen karsanain somewhat
thesame manneras theangaimages,balancedon theshouldersof one or more
carriers.Any person who has attemptedto walk or run while balancing a
twenty-footlength of springybamboo over the shoulders,will have no
difficultyin understanding the mechanismembodied in thisparticularvehicle
of the divinity.The vibratingbamboo pole is a perfectimage of the hunting
oscillationI spoke of earlierand it communicatesitspeculiarlifeto thecarrier

ALFRED GELL 227
in a mostsensiblefashion,now threatening to leap fromhisgrasp,now forcing

him down into the earth.Like the anga,the bamboo pole contradictsthe
normalstateofintegrationwhichexistsbetweenactionsand theirconsequences
in the externalworld, and moreoverthe lengthand vigorousmotionsof the
pole produce markeddisturbancesin normal bodily equilibrium.Such long
poles decoratedwith flagsand plumesare also subjectto frictionfromthe air
and wind pressureas an additionalcomplicatinginfluence.
Littleneed be added here,except thatit should be mentionedthatthe lat
poles and thesensationstheycommunicateare possiblythematicallyrelatedto
the experienceof carryingheavy loads on flexiblebamboo carrying-yokes
(kaveri)which is a basicexperienceforMuria males-wheeled transport being
littleused in thisarea. Kaveri,
of course,are much shorterand are specifically
designedto functionas a suspensionsystemwhich cushionsthe up-and-down
movementsofthecarrier'sshoulderso thatit is not communicatedto theloads
attachedto the ends of the yoke, which travelsforwardsin a straightline,
therebyminimisingtheeffortneededon thecarrier'spart.The ergonomically
efficientuse of the carrying-yoke requiresa nicejudgementas to the pace and
gait to be adopted by the carrier,which-and this is the importantpoint
here-are determinedin everyinstanceby thespringiness of theyoke and the
weightof the loads, and not by the carrier'swhim. In otherwords,the yoke
imposes its 'will' on the carrier,who adjustshis gait as to some external
compulsion. Turning back to the divine poles, we see this situation in
magnifiedand exaggeratedform.The pole is no longera helpfultool to which
thebody can be convenientlyadjusted,but is the repositoryof an activespirit.
(v) Swings
I should, in order to preservethe chronological order of events,only
embarkon a discussionoftheswingshavingfirstoutlinedthetranceinduction
procedures,forit is only once theyare possessedby a divinitythatmediums
have recourseto theswing.But I discussthemherebecausein certainrespects
theritualswingingof themediumsreflects, in invertedform,thebasic kinetic
schemaof Muria religionas it emergedin the analysisof the angadance. The
agnaoscillateson the flexiblesupportprovided by the bodies of the carriers:
theswing,on theotherhand,is itselfa flexiblesupporton which themedium
oscillates.Moreover,whilethecarriersarenot'possessed'-it is theangawhich
is possessedin becoming the object-vehicleof the divinity-in the case of the
swing and the medium who rideson it thispositionis reversed.It is thebody
of the medium not the swing which is the vehicle of the divinity,and the
swing is the oscillatorypassive support(see figs. i & 2). The mechanicsof
swing-usepreservestheprivilegedpositionof thedivinitiesas beingswho ride:
at the same time it permitsthe role of 'rider' to be played by a human being
in a conditionof temporaryexaltation,as well as being conducive,as we shall
see,to the attainmentof this'divinised' status.
At a certainpointinpenkarsana, then,thepossessedmediumbecomesa God
who rideson a swing.We may brieflypause hereto inquireinto thenatureof

228 ALFRED GELL
thisbehaviourandaskquestions as to itsmeaning. To whatconception ofthe

divineis thisactivity(ofswinging)appropriate? Muriaswingingcomprises
elementsof boththemortificatory ritualswingingpatterndescribed earlier
and also thesecular-eroticor 'playfull'typeof swinging.The mediumwho
swingshasmortified hisflesh priortoseating himself on theswing(seebelow)
buttheswingingitselfseemsto be pleasurable and I did notseeswingswith
nailsin the seaton the linesof the Alor example.The model forMuria
swinging seemsto be the'God-swinging' ritualsin whichimagesoftheGod,
or individualsrepresentingtheGod temporarily, areswungas an actofritual
FiGUREi. ona swing.

Medium

ALFRED GELL 229
are conceptualised
service.That thedivinities as 'swinging'beings,we may
inferfromthebrassimagesofthedivinities seatedon swingstowhichhomage
ispaidinsidethetemple,evenas themediumsareperforming thisveryaction
in theplazaoutside.Theseimagesareverycommonandoccurin conjunction
withimagesofdivinities ridingon elephants (themostcommontypeofall)
andwingedhorses6(seefigs.3 & 4). We alsofindimagesofdivinities simply
standing,buttheseareneverso elaborate. We maydefinitely concludefrom
a studyon theiconologyofthesebrassimagesthatoccupancyofan elevated
positionatopsomemobileplatform is a verycogentexpression or
ofsuperior
squintwasvisibleatall timesbut
2..A youngMurialesk.Thisyoungman'sdivergent
FIGU'RE
whilehe w'as'mtrance.
becamemuchmorepronounced

230 ALFRED GELL
FIGURE 3. Divinitieson a swing. Brasstempleimage collectedin Narvayanpur,Bastardistrict.
divine statusin Muria eyes. To swing, to ride, is to enjoy the vertiginous

triumphsthe Gods alone can know. We furtherrecallthatin the days of the
rajahsof Bastar,who were consideredto be divine by the Murias,the rajah
made his public appearancesmountedon an elephant,or in a vast elevated
juggernautdrawn by hundredsof men,or, more latterly, in a splendidcream
coloured Rolls coupe whose ruinsare still to be seen outside the palace at
Jagdalpur.Temporal power and divine prestigeare closelylinked in Bastar,
whose traditionalpolitical arrangements invitemany comparisonswith the
'God-Kings' of neighbouring Orissa (cf. Mahapatra I976). And in a country
overwhelmingly without wheeled transport until quite recently,those who
move withouteffortare superiorbeings.
motion thereis also a certainperil which ordinary
But in this effortless
mortals,theirfeetplantedon theearth,do not face.Elephantsin motionsway
alarmingly,as anyonewho haseverriddenon one will know. However docile
the creaturemay be, it is endowed with a will of its own, which it might
exercisein unforeseeableways.But thisis notso muchof theessenceas thefact

ALFRED GELL 23I
FIGURE 4. Divinitiesridingan elephant.Note the emphasison the vertical.Brasstempleimage

collectedin Narvayanpur.
thatridingon an elephant,or a swing,or a horse,is a questionof balance,of

maintainingbodily equilibriumin a situationin which thesupporton which
the body restsis continuallytiltingone way or the other.The skilled rider
learns to preservean even distributionof weight around an axis passing
throughthe midlineof the body, no matterhow violentlyhis mount capers
and rears.And in this maintenanceof endangeredequilibrium there is a
definiteexhilaration,which otherformsof locomotiondo not provide.
Whence this exhilarationcomes is still an obscure question. A recent
handbookofthephysiologyofthevestibularapparatuscontainsno elucidation
of thepleasuresof thissense(KornhtiberI 974), while a similarcompilationof
playstudies(Bruneretal. 1976) failsto mentionequilibratoryplay,prominent
thoughthistypeof behaviouris among children.To my knowledge,theonly
extensivediscussionof the role of equilibratoryplay in culturalsystemsis
providedby Caillois (I96I). In his book Man, play andgames,Caillois makes
many points which are very germane to the theme of this article.He has

232 ALFRED GELL
incisively demonstratedthe close links between childhood dizzy-making

games (analogous instancesto which are also foundin the animal kingdom)
and certainreligiouspracticesand culturalforms(I96I: 23 sq., 6o, 62, 8I sq.).
It would be out of place hereto summariseCaillois's brilliantand far-ranging
synthesis, but what deservesemphasis,I think,is his insightinto thecognitive
implicationsof apparentlyinnocuousplay behavioursuch as whirlingaround
on the spot,swinging,slidingand so forth-behaviour which is commonly
dismissedas purely'motor' and henceuninteresting froma cognitive-aesthetic
standpoint.
Characteristic ofplay-and it is withplayfulactivitiesthatwe areconcerned
here,in seekingtQ understandthe swingingof the mediums-is the way it
raises to the level of explicitnessthe performanceof behavioural routines
which are,or will become,subliminal.It is activityengagedin foritsown sake,
and it always takesplace withina framewhich isolatesit fromthe contextof
action performedwith an ulteriorend in view. Play is abstractedfromthe
streamof ongoingactivities,and withintheplay-frame particularactivitiesare
abstractedfrom their routinecontextsand are focusedon and so to speak
'savoured'. It is thesimpleand utterlyautomaticactivityof balancing,which,
in the ridingsituation,is raisedto thisexplicitlevel. The equilibratingskills
which are so much to the forein ridingponies,or swingingon swings,or
playing on see-sawsor roundabouts,are normallyquite lost to awarenessin
ordinarylocomotor activity,for all that theyare as crucial to theirproper
performance.That thereis more to thesepastimesI would not deny-control
or dominance of the animal or play-device is clearly involved as well.
Nonetheless,it seems to me that swings,ponies and so forthgive pleasure
becausetheyprovidesituationsin which theequilibratoryactivityofthebody
duringlocomotion can be experiencedin the absenceof the motor activities
which locomotion normally requires.Mobile platformsare aids to what
mightbe called behaviouralabstractionor bracketing.The motion aspectof
locomotion is carriedby the support,while the rideris freeto experiencethe
equilibratoryaspectof motion in isolation.Generally,however,behavioural
abstractionis accompaniedby an intensification of the normal demandsthat
are made on thebehaviouralroutinewhich is being'played'. The supportis so
designedand manipulatedthatskill,courageand sang-froid are called forin its
management,and even if, as is the case with playgroundswings and well-
trainedelephants,no real dangersare to be expected,the idea of danger is
usuallypresent.In thecase of equilibriumplay,thisis a naturalconsequenceof
the factthatloss of equilibriumis associatedfromthe verybeginningsof our
motor experiencewith minor,and possiblyeven major,physicalhurts.The
role of gravity in relation to human experience and cognition is a little-
explored topic (StraussI973; Sobel I968).
Why shouldtheMuria represent theirdivinitiesas engagingin equilibrium
play? That theyshould be represented as playingis understandable enough,at
a superficiallevel, given thatthe ritualsat which theyshow themselvesare
called 'the Divine Games'. But why have such playfulGods at all? I would
answer the question as follows: the Muria representtheir divinities as
experiencingtheworld in thesamemodalitiesas theMuria employwhen they

ALFRED GELL 23 3
seekto have accessto them.The Muria,thatis to say,experiencetheirdivinities

throughengagingin certainactivitiesinvolving the body, and in particular,
theequilibriumsense:when theyrepresent theirdivinitiesthroughenactments
(as with theswingingof the mediums)or by icons (templeimagesof gods on
elephants,swings,horses,etc.),theydo so in situationsin which thissamesense
modalityis broughtinto play.
That the (imagined) activitiesof the divinitiesshould reflectthe natureof
the human activitiesin the course of which they are broughtinto being is
naturalenough,especiallyin thecontextof a religioustraditionwhich stresses
the psychicunity of men and divinities,and theircoming togetherin the
courseof possessiontrance.The possessedmedium seatedon his swing is not,
therefore, simplya human being performingthe actionsof a divinity,he is a
divinity performingthe actions which render experience divine, which
abstractit and set it apart frommundane experience.Not only do mortals
achieve accessto the divine by meansof techniquesof the body: it is as if the
divinitiesthemselvesmusthave recourseto such techniquesin orderto realise
themselves.
The ritualuse of swingsinvolvesthereforethe unificationof a certainidea
ofthedivinitiesas beingswho realisetheiressentialnaturevia vertiginousplay,
riding the plunging anga, animatingthe bamboo poles, swaying back and
forthon theswings-and a techniquewhich is essentiallyhuman,forgaining
access to thesedivinitieswhich also cruciallyinvolves the equilibriumsense.
But the latterpartof thispropositionremainsunsubstantiated untilwe have
takena closerlook at thetranceinductionproceduresthemselves.To thistopic
I will now turn.
(vi) Possession
There would appearto be two main avenuesto the trancestate,which we
might call the active and passive methods.The passive method is that of
meditation,the suppressionof externalstimuli,focusingon some meditative
objectsuch as a mandala,and theuse sometimesof relaxingdrugs.This is not
the methodseen among the Muria, and we should not perhapssay thatthey
were even 'in a trancestate'at all, were our usage of thattermbased on the
examplesof meditation-and drug-inducedtranceswhich have been subjected
to muchrecentstudy(Tart I968; Naranjo& OrnsteinI97I). Much lessis
known about the ecstatic,hyper-arousedtrancestate (Goodman I972), less
redolentofmonasticseclusionand restraint thanoftheexcessesof Voodoo and
Condomble (Metraux I959). Nonetheless,during the Divine Games (pen
karsana)many personsare seen to achieve an ecstaticstatequite distinctfrom
theirown normalbehaviour,and fromthatof bystanders who do not fallinto
the trance-pronecategory(women and children)or who do not happento be
individuallysusceptible.Three psycho-physiological mechanismshave been
mentionedas possiblecausativefactorsin the inductionof the hyper-aroused
trancestate: (i) generalised'sensoryoverload' (Cox I969: i IO, cited in Lex
I 976: 28 i); (ii) chemicalchangesin thebody as a resultofover-breathing; and

234 ALFRED GELL
(iii) the consequencesof rhythmicstimulationby sound or lightpulses at a

frequencyapproximatingto thatofnaturalalpha brainrhythms(Neher I 962;
SturtevantI 968). I would not discountanyof theseproposedmechanisms, but
it shouldbe notedad (i) not everybodygoes into tranceatpen karsana,though
all are subject,presumably,to thesame conditionsof'sensoryoverload'; ad (ii)
that tranceinductionis a rapid procedure,too rapid to give rise to severe
hypoxia, and that mediums do not appear to breathe abnormally before,
duringor afterthetrancesession;and ad (iii) thesameobjectionsas ad (i) apply,
and moreovertrancesare routinelyinduced withoutrapid drumming,and,
indeed,withoutany musicat all.
In addition to the possibleeffectsof thesemechanisms,I thinkwe should
recognise that certain patternsof motor activity are capable, in and of
themselves, ofproducingalterationsin consciousness, as well as beingsignsthat
such an alterationin the normal stateof consciousnesshas taken place. The
externalindicatorsthata particularmediumhas been enteredby a divinityare
certainmotorpatternswhichproducechangesin themedium'sown internally
monitoredself-worldrelationship, reinforcinghis commitmentto theschema
of possession.'Ecstatic' behaviour by mediums is not simply random, but
comprisesa techniqueforthemanipulationofconsciousness and sensory-motor
integration.It is necessary,therefore,to examine it in some detail.
The individualswhom I observed going into tranceseemed to do so in
sequence of regularstages.To begin with, the body is held rigid,the neck
extended, and a slight tremblingbegins to become apparent,particularly
affecting theforearmsand hands.The eyesstarefixedlybutlatertheeyelidsare
seen to flutterand droop. The tremblingseems to be synchronouswith the
music,ifany,thoughit is also presentifthemediumis enteringtrancewithout
theassistanceof drumming.At thisstage,it is my impressionthatthemedium
is consciouslystrainingto achieve some abnormalmentalstate.Some youths,
though, are to all appearances unwilling subjects who cannot prevent
themselvesfromtremblingwhen the drumsare playing.All mediumsassert,
of course,thattheyhave been forcibly'entered'by thedivinityand thattheir
trancesare not voluntarilyinduced. The initial tremblingrisesand fallsin
intensity, now affecting the whole body, now dyingaway to a mere tremor.
At thisstage,I also noted violentextensionsof the limbs,especiallythe arms
and neck, which are strainedupwards for briefperiods,thenheld limp and
drooping.Oftenthe neck is extended,and the head shakenrapidlyfromside
to side.Anotherfrequentgestureis a violentyawningaccompaniedby staring
eyes and groans,followed by a tremblingof the whole body and a swaying
motion.The musclesprimarilyinvolved duringthe inductionstageare those
of the neck,the upper limbs and hands.Mediums may also kneel ratherthan
stand,while inducingtrance.In thiscase,themediumwill sway forwardsand
backwardsfromthe waist,while rapidlyflexingand extendingthe forearm.
The medium pummelson the ground with his fists.The eyes may be closed
and the teethclenched.This grimaceis followed by staringupwards,open-
mouthed and rigid flexingof the fingers.Subsequently,the medium may
adopt a standingposition.
It is only afterthesepreliminariesthatthemediumwill startto move about

ALFRED GELL 23 5
and begin to performthe leaps and sudden dartingmovementswhich are

indicativeof the most extremedegree of possession.During this time, the
tremblingand limb extensionscontinue, but there is greater variety of
movement.The medium dancesin a frenzied,hoppingstyle,quite unlikethe
dance styleadoptedby men in non-possession contexts(whichis measuredand
serene).At thispoint,themediummay be handedlengthsof barbedironchain
with which he lasheshisback and arms.Some mediumsare clearlyshamming
duringthispartoftheperformance, butothers,equallyclearly,arenot.Bloody
welts are sometimesraised,and I recall the expressionof amazementon a
medium'sface when the thickstickwith which he was belabouringhimself
simply disintegratedin his hand. Even if displaysof self-mortification are
theatricalin many instances(the flailbeing checkedjust at the moment of
impact)some degreeof heightenedtoleranceforpain,or imperviousness to it,
is undoubtedly achieved, especially by the younger and more vigorous
mediums. The climax of the dance oftentakes the form of a sudden total
rigidificationof the medium'swhole body. He fallsto the earthin a rigid,
contortedposition.Those standingby come to his assistanceand attemptto
bend and massagehis stiffened limbs. Also seen are onsetsof loss of normal
muscle tone,especiallyin the medium'sneck and arms.The head rolls from
side to side in a doll-like fashion,and the arms dangle limply at the sides.
Sometimesthislimpnessis generaland themediumlies proneon theearthfor
a spell.
In between episodesof violent dancing,shakingand stretching, mediums
experience moments of relative calm, though some degree of tremor is
apparentat all times.During these'rest'periodsthemediumswill embraceone
another,and may answerquestionsput to thedivinitywho is possessingthem.
It is outsidethescope of thisarticleto deal at lengthwith theverbalbehaviour
of mediums,but in general it may be said that these question-and-answer
sessionsare lackingin symbolicor mythopoeicelementsand revolve round
the technicalitiesof Man/God relations(sacrifices,offerings, etc.). They are
conducted in a frequentlyacrimonious fashion,not unlike that seen in
mundane commercial or exchange transactions.Mediums will also, at this
stage,exchange tika-s(ritualdabs of pigmentand oil placed on the forehead)
with one another and with membersof the congregation.It is while the
medium is on a 'plateau'-between episodesof violentdancing-that he will
have recourseto theswing.Seatinghimselfthereis an indicationto standers-by
thathe wishesto be rockedback and forth.Thereafter-sessionson theswing
are not lengthy-he will eithercome out of tranceor resumehis dancing.
Anotherpatternof behaviourdisplayedby mediumsat thisstageis relevantto
my earlierremarksabout thereligiousimplicationsof 'riding'.When, as is the
case forexample duringdancesheld outsidethevillageghotul,themediumsare
surroundedby long chainsof girlswith linkedarmsperforming ghotuldances,
the medium will leap onto the shouldersof the dancers,and ride upon them,
being carried back and forthas the chain moves this way and that. This
behaviourhas obvious similaritiesnot only with the resortto the swing,but
also to the anga ridingon theshouldersof theyoung men.
Mediums come out of trancewithoutmuch special behaviour.Generally,

236 ALFRED GELL
theyblinktheireyesand look aroundthemas ifwakingup and puzzled to find

themselvesin suchsurroundings. As alreadymentioned,theyclaim to have no
memory of their recent experiences,and will deny all responsibilityfor
anythingtheymay have done or said.
How deep, how genuine, are Muria trances?Because of their violent,
episodiccharacter,it would be unreasonableto expect Muria trancesto be all
of a piece: and thereare also manyoccasionsfortranceperformances ofa more
formalor perfunctory nature,as well as many mediums,some of whom are
talentedactors and some of whom may be susceptibleto alteredstatesof
consciousness.The issueof genuinenesscannotbe resolvedin any simpleway.
What is notable,however,is theextentto which it is theyoung,inexperienced
mediumswho manifestthe most extremebehaviouralaberrations,and who
appear the most dissociated,while the older, more experiencedand indeed
more importantmediums,frequently seemto be enactinga tranceratherthan
undergoing one. I would interpretthis as evidence that while the trance
inductionprocedureseffectively produce an alteredstateof consciousnessin
inexperienced mediums, in some cases actually involuntarily,frequent
repetitionsof theperformanceover a numberof yearsresultsin themedium's
habituatingto the inductionproceduresto such an extentthatthe cognitive
disturbancestheyproduce are greatlydecreasedin intensity.But the issue of
trancedepthis notone on whichI am particularly concernedto focusattention.
What all Muria or
trances,genuine not, have in common, is certainmotor
patternsof behaviour,gesturesand bodily techniques.I would suggestthat
dependingon the subjectconcerned,and the situation,thesetechniquesmay
resultin alterationsofa deeperor moresuperficial natureto consciousprocesses
and sensori-motorintegration.I want to focuson thesetechniques,and what
mentalprocessestheymightconceivablyaffect.
Two elementsare basic to tranceinduction: (i) modificationof normal
postureand muscletone (standingto attentionrigidly,extensionof the neck,
rigidflexingof thefingersand arms,staringand yawning); and (ii) voluntary
and later uncontrollableshakingand trembling,shakingof the head, rapid
movementsof theforearmsup and down, hand-flapping, dancing,leapingand
twirlingin the air. Though (i) and (ii) mightseem to be antithetical,theyare
closely connected in that the maintenanceof an unnaturallyrigid posture
precedesand gives rise to tremblingof the limbs, and that even while the
mediumis dancing,thejerkinessofhismovementsand posturingsareevidence
of his increasedmuscletonus.We may venturea directcomparisonherewith
certainfeaturesthatwere identifiedearlierin relationto the anga dance,now
carriedout on the plane of the body itselfratherthan in the contextof the
assemblageofangapluscarriers.That is to say,themedium'carries'hisbody-
his head and upper limbs particularly-as iftheywere foreignobjects,either
unnaturallyheavy, or, once they have startedtrembling,as if they were
endowed with a lifeoftheirown. The mediumis also seenfrequently to watch
his shakingor outstretched handsas iffollowingtheirmovementsfromafar.
In otherwords,as a preliminaryinterpretation, I would suggestthattrance
is induced as a resultof the maintenanceof a certain rigid posture (as a
voluntaryact) which, because of the increasedmuscle tonus,gives rise to

ALFRED GELL 237
tremblingof the extremitiesand latershudderingaffectingthe whole body.

Though the root cause of theseinvoluntarytremorsis willed (i.e., the rigid
posture)theyare not willed as particularmanifestations of bodily activity,and
hencebringinto being a 'gap' betweenintentionsand experiencewhich is the
thin end of the 'trance' wedge. The tremblingis 'counteracted' not by
relaxation,but by attemptsto stiffen the offendinglimbs,which amountsto
the application of positive feedback and resultsin still more pronounced
shudderingaffecting thewhole body. We may speculatethatsustainedtensing
of the musculatureof theneck and upper thorax,in conjunctionwith optical
fixation,interferes withthecoordinationofvoluntarymovementsby damping
the effectiveness of vestibularcontrol processes.The neck musculature,the
oculo-motor system and the basal ganglia which coordinate 'smooth'
movementsare all on one 'circuit' in the brain (Kornhuber I974: vol. II 58I
sqq.), and it is known (fromstudiesof figure-skaters, forinstance)thatstaring
fixedlyin one directiondecreasesthe involuntaryeye-movementswhich are
neurologicalindicatorsof the activityof the vestibularcontrolsystemwhich
regulatesmovement (Collins I966 cited in Collins I974). My suggestion
would be thatthe medium'spostureduring tranceinductionis such thatit
generallyinterferes with the automaticregulationof movement,and tendsto
produce various kindsof tremorsand an accompanyingsubjectivefeelingof
strangeness. I will returnto the discussionof 'deautomatisation'7(which has
been utilisedin connexion with the passive,meditative,trancestate)lateron
(Deikman I 966). What I would like to bringout hereis thestructuralaffinity
betweentheelementsof thispossibleinterpretation of ecstatictranceand what
I advanced earlier concerning the non-trance,but still extraordinary,
experiencesofriding,swingingand so forth.These are also de-automatisations,
in thattheyraiseto explicitnesstheequilibratingactivitieswhich are normally
embedded in motor activity.Swinging and riding make use of a physical
supportwhose independentactivitypermitsthe behavioural abstractionof
equilibratoryskills:Muria tranceis only more complex thanthisin thatit is
the body itself,in its own semi-autonomousrole as a vibrating,shuddering
entitythathas been separatedout,and divorcedfromitsnormalintegralplace
in consciousness.It has become a vehicle,a horse,and the rediscovery,across
the trance-gapbetweenintentionand experience(betweenriderand horse)of
its immanentrhythms,its inertialproperties,its manipulability-the very
discoverieswe make when learning to ride a horse or a bicycle-is the
vertiginoustriumphsof the trance state and the origins of its religious
signification.
That thereis more,a greatdeal more,to thetrancestatethanthehorse-and-
riderapproachI have sketchedin,I would be thefirstto concede; nonetheless,
I would like to entera plea thatsome suchinterpretation be granteda place in
the spectrumof analyticalmodels available to us in attemptingto understand
these complex psycho-physicalmanifestations. Why I stressthis aspect of
tranceparticularlyis thatit seemsto be basic and thematicin the contextof
Muria religionin particular.Within the fieldof Muria religioustechniques,
there is a definiteconcentrationon equilibrium threatenedand preserved,
which spansthe otherwisemarkeddistinctionbetweentranceproper,where

238 ALFRED GELL
the body is the horse,the soul the rider,and the anga dance in which the god
is the invisiblerider and the assemblageof youthsplus wooden image, the
horse.It is only in thelightof thismodel thatwe can see theunitywhich exists
between the modes wherebythe Muria have access to the divinity,and the
mode of 'divinised' experienceitself-the prevalenceof vertigo.8
(vii) ThePujarimaking
offerings
I was originallypersuadedthatit mightbe fruitful to look at Muria religion
fromthe point of view adopted here by an incidentwhich I observedwhile
attendingpen karsanaat Mahimagwari.We should not thinkof the leisurely
and meticulous duties of the hereditarypriesthood(the gaitas and pujaris
describedearlier)as sharingmany featureswith the ecstaticaspectof the cult
of thepen and yayalmutte. Yet even hereelementsof thepursuitof vertigocan
be seento intrude.The specificinstanceI have in mind is the etiquettewhich
governsthefoot-position adoptedby thepujariwhen makingofferings to the
vehiclesof the divinities.The pujari (a Gond) makes an offeringto the anga,
koli,etc. by, so to speak,'drawing a circle' in the air over the image which is
being veneratedwith his cupped hands,which hold the incense-burner, the
liquor forlibations,or rice-offerings as thecase may be. I was much struckby
the trembling of the pujari'shands as he performedthis 'encircling' gesture,
which is accompanied by bending and straighteningof the knees. This
unwontedtremblingceased to be mysteriousonly when I noticedthecurious
way in which thepujari'sfeetwere positioned.Insteadof beingplaced side by
side in the conventionalmanner,the pujari'sfeetwere aligned fore-and-aft,
with the Achillestendonof theforefootclampedtightlybetweenthe big toe
and the adjoiningtoe of the rearfoot,while both feetwere angled in, so that
the net effectwas that the pujari was precariouslybalanced on a knife-edge
consistingof the outer marginsof the two feetwhile he was performinghis
complicated bending and stretchingmovements involving a changing
distributionof weight. Here is explanationenough of the tremblingof the
pujari'scupped hands. But it is pertinentto ask why thisposition,of all the
possibleones,should be enjoinedon him. The pujariis in the presenceof the
divinity,forall he is notpossessed,and in thetremblingthataffects him we are
surelymeantto discovertheinfluenceof thedivinitiesto whom he is making
his offerings. For what else is the divinitybut a certaintrembling,a certain
vertiginousintoxication? The pujari's hands reproduce,in miniature,the
'hunting' oscillationwhich drivesthe anga throughits whirlingdance, and
racksthebodies of theecstaticmediums.Where therearisesthe'gap' between
intentionand experience,a dislocationof input-outputrelationsin conscious-
ness, we are in the presenceof divinityin its raw state.The pujari'sfoot
position,apparentlya trivial detail, complicatesthe wrangle with gravity
which is part of the human condition,and in so doing instilsa tinctureof
divinityinto the simple act of 'making an offering'-a compact with the
powers which expressthemselvesin vertigo.

ALFRED GELL 239
(viii) Secularvertigo
For lack of space,I cannotheredescribethe ramifications of secularvertigo
among the Muria. But let me brieflystateonly a few of themostsalientfacts.
Muria socialisationpractices,and childhoodgamesemphasiseviolentrocking,
swinging,jiggling up and down, and balancing to a marked degree. A
quintessentialMuria childhood amusementis the 'drunkennessgame'. This
consistsof the child's whirling around on the spot till he becomes dizzy,
whereupon crying'I'm drunk,I'm drunk' he staggersabout and eventually
topplesover.The immensepopularityofthisand othervertiginousgamessuch
as swinging in trees,testifiesto a profound cultural preoccupationwith
dizziness,which pervades subsequentreligious experience.We would also
include under thisrubricthe employmentof alchohol in Muria secularand
religiouslife,where it plays a role akin to the use of hallucinogenicdrugsin
certainotherreligioustraditions.But-here is the vital difference-itis not
hallucinations,but specificallyvestibularand kinaestheticillusionswhich are
the dominant featurein Muria drug use. For Muria, the primordial'non-
normal' experience,in play,in secularpleasure-seeking and in religiousecstasy,
is thedislocationof thestructures of body-world-self intentionality.
Postscript:tranceand autism
In thispostscriptI would like to returnto theconceptof'deautomatisation'
in relationto possessionand otheralteredstatesof consciousness. Deikman,the
originatorof the term, argued that by 'reinvestingactions and percepts
[normallycarriedon un-reflectively] with attention'the subjectengaged in
passive meditationexperiencesa heighteningof awareness(I966). Such an
individualis not simplyaware of his world, but is aware of his awareness,of
what is involved in termsof mentalprocesses.One way of imaginingthisis to
see deautomatisationas theinsertionof an extrasegmentin the subject/world
feedback chain (fig. 5). Unreflectivemental activityis supplementedand
perhapseven bypassedby mentalprocessesunder voluntarycontrol.This is
facilitatedifthe'world' of which thesubjectis aware is devoid of noveltyand
distractions,and is pervaded with repetitive,self-generated stimuli(e.g. the
reiteratedsyllableom - am - om ... ).
Ornstein (Naranjo & Ornstein I97I) speaks of a 'recycling' of psychic
subroutinesin meditativetrance. Distractionsfrom the environment,and
anythingin theway ofpreoccupationwitha matter-of-fact taskare suppressed,
so thatperceptualactivityis abstractedfromitsnormalaccompanimentsin the
streamof consciousnessand becomesgraspablein itself,both as an activityof
thesubjectand as a relationwitha newlydiscoveredworld.This disembedding
of perceptionas a mentaldisciplineis akin to theabstractionson a behavioural
level thatI spoke of earlierin discussingequilibriumplay. That is to say,it is
not only throughstillnessand withdrawalthatrestructurings of cognitionand
self-worldrelationscan be achieved, but also through many more active
techniques,some involving highly skilled play activities(the Zen archery
approach: Herrigel I959) and othersthekindof violentphysicalactivitysuch
as the ritualbehaviourdiscussedin thisarticle.

240 ALFRED GELL
=
-) '. 0
U)
CL:

ALFRED GELL 24I
But however diversethe techniquesinvolved, rangingfrom'just sitting'

throughto the more active conceptual experimentationof the Husserlain
epoche,throughto trance,possessionand ecstasy,I believetheyall pointin the
same direction.They are all means to the deautomatisationof experience
which is otherwiseembedded and lost withinfunctionalroutines,and hence
may be consideredto be essentiallyplayful.
In conclusion,I should like to mentionone possibleline of research,which
mayin futureenableus to gaina morespecificunderstanding ofthepsychology
of 'deautomatisation'as it appliesto the ecstatictrance,of the kind described
in thebody of thisarticle.This is thesuggestionthattheequilibriumsense,or
morepreciselythebrainmechanismswhichamongotherthingsareresponsible
formonitoringbodily equilibrium,are actuallyprofoundlyimportantin the
establishmentand maintenanceof normal self/worldrelations,and thatit is
consequentlyno mere happenstancethatit is preciselythesementalfunctions
thatthetranceinductionproceduresdescribedearlierseemdesignedto disrupt.
My interestin thecognitiveroleofthevestibularsystem(thebrainmechanisms
concerned)was arousedinitiallyby a seriesof brilliantpaperson theproblem
of infantileautism,by an Americanneurobiologistand clinician,Edward M.
Ornitz(1970; I97I; I973). The readerwill probablyhave no difficulty
in
appreciatingthe reasons for my becoming suddenly so interestedin an
apparentlyextraneoustopic, fromthe followingcollageof directquotations
froma review articleon 'Childhood autism'by the authorin question:
His mannerisms arecomplexandritualistic,andwhiletheyclearlydo nothavetheappearance
ofseizuredischarges orinvoluntary movements, theyarestereotyped anddo notappearto be
entirelyvoluntary. His deviantmotility mayinvolveonlythehands,thelowerextremities
or thetrunkandtheentirebody.He maywigglehisfingers, flaphishands,walkon histoes,
rock,swayand whirl.He engagesin excessivebodyrocking, swaying,head-banging and
oftenrollshisheadfromsidetoside,andhemaywhirlaroundformanyminutes. He willrun
in circleson his toes,whirland makestaccato-like lungingand dartingmovements and
vigorouslyflaphis hands.This handflappinginvolvesa rapidand untiringflexionand
extensionof thefingers and an alternatingpronationand supination of theforearm.His
lunginganddartingis terminated by suddenstops.He archeshisbackandhyperextends his
neck,maintaining thisuncomfortable positionforbriefperiods.
Thereareepisodesofintense
staring.He mayignorenewpersonsandfeatures ofhisenvironment andwalkintopersons
and objectsas ifhe did not see them.His head-banging maydevelopintoself-mutilation.
Painfulstimuliareignoredandhe maynotnoticecutsand bruises.He mayreactto being
pickedup by becomingcompletely limpor rigid.Responsivesmilingdoesnotoccur.He
remainsaloof,emotionally detachedandhiscommunication appearsto be characterised
by
loose tangentialthinking.His fantasiesare bizarreand confusedwithreality... (Ornitz
I973).
It will be seen that thiscould very well be a descriptionof a Muria leskin

action.While not everyone of thesebehavioursis to be seen in everyMuria
trance,I have seen every one of them at some time or other.Of course,it
should be clearly borne in mind that Ornitz is writing about mentally
disturbedchildren,and themostseverelyaffected ones at that,while theMuria
medium is adult,and generallyspeakingin good mentaland physicalhealth.
But thefactremainsthatin so faras one can use languageto describebehaviour
at all, the language needed to describethe common behaviourof a severely
handicappedautisticchild,and thelanguageneededto describethetemporary

242 ALFRED GELL
aberrationsof a medium in ecstatictrance,is substantially the same. We are
entitledto assume,at leastinitially,thatthisis not solelya factabout language.
Are theresome underlyingfeaturesin common betweentranceand autism?
Beforeproffering my suggestionsas to thisintriguingpossibility, I mustenter
some very necessaryqualifications.I have nothing to add to the currently
existingscientifictheoriesas to the causesof infantileautism.This distressing
condition,whose veryexistenceas a separatesyndromehas been disputed,is
one which is beingstudiedby numerousworkersin thefieldsof medicineand
psychiatry,using many different approachesto a problem which has many
different aspects(cf. Wing I966, Rutter I97I for generalsurveys).In what
follows, I have singled out one particulartheoreticalapproach, which is
concernedwith one aspectof a verycomplex whole,becauseit is of particular
interestto me as an anthropologist. The 'vestibulardysfunction'approachto
autismnecessarilystandsor fallson thebasisof itsadequacy in accountingfor
the whole spectrumof clinical observationsof autisticchildren,and on the
evidence of experimentsdesigned to testit. I have no competencein such
matters,which lie quite outsidemy province.Similarly,the views about the
trancestateput forwardheremustbejustified,ifat all,by directinvestigation,
and the existenceof certainanalogiesbetweenthe behaviouralcharacteristics
of autisticchildren and mediums proves nothing by itself,even if it does
suggestcertainstructuralaffinities.
I have-arguedthatthe ecstatictrancecombinesan assaulton the equilibrium

sense,witha re-structuring ofself/world The 'equilibriumsense'
relationships.
consists of the gravity and movement sensing organs in the inner ear
(semicircularcanalsetc.,in the'vestibule'whencetheword 'vestibular')which
are connected to a number of sites in the centralnervous system,which
togethercomprisethevestibularsystem.The vestibularsystemdoes notmerely
monitorequilibrium;it is closelykeyedin withthecontrolof theeye-muscles
(oculovestibularsystem)and also with thereflexcontrolof the musclesof the
head, neck and upper body, and the controlof posture.It is possiblethatthe
vestibularsystemmay have a more generalrole which has to do with what is
called 'input/outputmodulation' i.e. integratingthe activityof the input
(sensory)partsof thebrainwiththeactivityof thebrainas an output(effector)
organ,initiatingbodily actions.Very schematically, thismightbe depictedas
in figure6.
intentions (output) intentions
SUBJECT WORLD
experiences (input) experiences
VESTIBULAR
SYSTEM
FIGURE 6.

ALFRED GELL 243
The functionof input/output modulationis to ensurea properbalance or

adjustment between these two complementaryaspects of the over-all
functioningof the centralnervous system;when thereis a burstof output
fromthebrain(effector activity)thevestibularsystemmetaphorically 'reduces
the volume' of the input channelsinto the brain,and conversely,when the
brain is processingan intensestreamof input fromthe senses,the vestibular
systemdampensoutputfromthe effectorsystems.This adjustmentis what is
meantby 'modulation'. It is suggested,therefore, thatthe vestibularsystemis
involved in the monitoringof bodily movementsand eye movements,and in
theintegrationofperceptualand motoractivity.Teuber (I966, citedin Ornitz
I97I) proposesthata vestibularmechanism'.. . shunts,directlyand centrally,
the motor pathwaysof the forebrainin order to resetand prepare ... the
sensorysystemforthosechangesthatresultfromnormalexecutionofintended
movement'.Such a mechanismnot only enables'... the capacityto maintain
perceptualconstanciesof size and directionduring self-inducedchanges of
posture ...' but also provides for the comparison of'... the outcome of
impending actions against the "intent"'. Any alterationeffectedto input-
outputmodulationis simultaneously an alterationof thenormalsenseof 'self'
in thatit is throughinput-outputmodulationthatdifferentiation is possible
between externallygeneratedstimuli and those generated endogenously by
the subject-for instancedifferentiationbetween changes in the retinalimage
due to eye movementsversus thoseresultingfromexternalcauses.
We are now in a position to grasp the broad outline of Ornitz's theory
concerningvestibularmalfunctionin autisticchildren,which he has proposed
as an explanationofpatternsof stereotyped movementswhich characterise the
severelyautisticchild.Ornitzarguesthatthesesymptomsare a consequenceof
a deepseatedmaturationaldefectin theabilityto coordinatesensoryinputand
motor output such that severe confusionsarise in the realms of language,
object, and personal relations.Some of the evidence for central vestibular
deficit in autistic children comes from studies which have shown up
abnormalitiesin theeye-movements ofautisticchildrenwho have beenrapidly
rotatedin a specialchair.In normalsubjectsthisproducesan onsetof a side-to-
side flickingof the eyeballs(nystagmus),a vestibularresponseparexcellence,
but this effectis reduced in the case of autisticchildren.Furthermore, sleep
studieshave shown that while autisticchildrendo not differfrom normal
controlsin theoverall amountof rapid-eye-movement (REM) sleep,therapid
eye movementcomponentof theirREM sleepis lessdifferentiated, lessdistinct
from the normal sleep pattern,than in age matched controls. A less
differentiated excitatorypatternin REM sleep in the autisticchild (fewereye
movements) appears to be accompanied by a less differentiated inhibitory
patternas well, in that while normallythe auditory evoked response (the
measuredstrengthof thesignalpassing from the ear to the brain, evoked by a
stimulus-a click-of constant loudness) is markedly decreased in REM sleep,
thiseffectis less pronouncedin the autisticchild. It will be seen thatboth of
these abnormalitieshave to do with the modulation of motor output and
sensoryinput,and thatthe autisticchild may be developmentallydelayed in
theserespects.There is reasonto thinkthattheseare both vestibulareffects;

244 ALFRED GELL
Ornitzquotestheexperimentalfindingsof Pompeiano and hiscolleagues,who

have shown that:
animal... all ofthephasicexcitatory
... intheexperimental andinhibitoryeventsinvolving
motility duringtheocularactivity
andperception ofREM sleeparemediated byanddepend
on theintegrity
ofcentralvestibularmechanisms (OrnitzI97I :62. Pompeianoreviewsthis
work in Pompeiano I974).
These findings, and others,lead Ornitzto postulatethatautisticchildrensuffer

froma deep-seated'failureof the normal homeostaticregulation'of sensory
inputand motoroutput(Ornitz I97I). But why,in thiscase do theyproduce
thebehaviourtheydo? It is possibleto interpret a greatdeal oftheirbehaviour,
particularlythe stereotypedrockings,hand-flappings, etc.,as the only means
theyhave of providingthemselveswith intelligibleproprioceptivefeedback.
Or-and hereI am departingfromwhat Ornitz saysor would no doubt wish
to say-this is theirway of bridgingthe'gap' betweenthemselvesas thelocus
of efferentintentionsand afferent experiences.This is thevery'gap' I spoke of
earlierin connexion with thetrancestate.The autisticchild has to bridgethis
'gap' by means of feedback provided by stereotypedbehaviour because
automaticsensori-motor integrationis in his case lackingor deficient.Making
use of the same diagrammaticconventionsas before,one might depict the
situationof the autisticchild as follows (figure7, versusthe normal situation
shown in figure6).
stereotyped
> movements -
SUBJECT j I WORLD
... proprioceptive .
feedback
FIGURE 7.
The nub of my argument,therefore, is thatthereis an underlyingsimilarity

betweenthe postulated'constructed'feedbackreplacingautomaticvestibular
modulationof input/output relationsin Ornitz'smodel of the autisticchild's
predicament,and the voluntary disembedding of motor and perceptual
and bypassingof automaticregulation,in tranceinduction,oftenby
functions,
means of stereotypedrepetitivebehavioursof a ratheranalogous kind. The
correspondingschemaforthe Muria leskmighttherefore be as in figure8 (cf.
figure5).
tranceinduction
-* stereotyped >
movements
SUBJECT WORLD
deautomatised
feedback
FIGURE 8.

ALFRED GELL 245
That is to say,thereare two ways of achievinginput-outputmodulation;

either automatically,via a short cycle of feedback loops internalto the
functioningof the CNS and possiblylocalised in the vestibularsystem,or
secondly,in situationsin which this short cycle of feedbackis either not
efficientor has somehow been put undersuspension,by meansof long cycles
of feedbackpassingthroughthe subjectand the environment(includingthe
body and its supports)and back again, laboriouslyconstructedvia repetitive
behaviours,auto-stimulation and,incidentally,at theverballevel by echolalia,
which is verymarkedamong autisticchildren.A curiousinvertedsymmetry
existsbetweenthesepostulatedlong and shortcyclesof feedbacksuchthatthe
very kinds of behaviour which are used to establish the long cycle of
'deautornatised'feedbackare thosewhich tendto throwtheshortcycleout of
kilter.Take whirlingaround on thespot,forinstance.The autisticchild must
be attemptingby thismeansto establishsome categoryrelationshipbetween
his intense physical exertion and a whirling, whizzing world-and can
presumablykeep it up forlongerin thatthe oculovestibularresponseswhich
produce vertigo in normal personsare somewhat lacking in his case. The
normal child on the other hand-the Muria child playing the drunkenness
game-will employ thisbehaviourin order to knock out normal vestibular
regulationof input-outputrelations,in order to discovera new kind of self-
hood-the deautomatised,drunkenor even ecstaticself.We also see instances
of the autistic child using self-inducedoscillationsof parts of the body,
particularlythe forearmsand hands,in exact parallelto similarmovementon
the partof mediums,to establishlong cyclesof feedbackvia proprioceptions
ofthesequasi-independent 'hunting'oscillations.The medium,I arguedearlier,
constructsa new, ecstaticselfby attuninghimselfto rhythmicities which seem
to originatein somethingotherthan an act of will on his part; the hunting
oscillationof his limbs at firstcontradictsthenormal integrationof intention
and experience,input and output, but following this rupture in motor-
perceptualintegration,reintegrationis effectedat a new level. It is at this
similarly 'deautomatised' level, I would argue, that the autistic child is
attemptingto constructan intelligibleschema of motor-perceptual relation-
ships,thoughin hiscase thisis becauseordinaryautomaticintegration does not
functionproperly.
In other words, the medium, startingfrom a secure base in realityas
mediatedby automaticinput-output modulationin theCNS, voluntarilygets
himselfintoa situationin whichthisintegration isto somedegreecontradicted,
and reintegratedat a higher level via long cycles of feedback from
proprioception(therebyachievinga restructuring of self-worldrelationships
which is invested with religious meaning). The autistic child, either
permanentlyor at some crucial developmentalstage,lacking thissecurebase
in automaticallymediatedreality,producesa greatdeal of thesame behaviour
because thisis his only way of 'making senseout of sensation'(Ornitz I970)
and theonlykindof integrationhe can achieve.In a sense,thecontrastbetween
the medium and the autisticchild could not be more extremedespitethe
similarityin certainof theirpatternsof behaviour.The medium'sobjectiveis
the attainmentof some kind of secondary,deautomatisedrealityencapsulated

246 ALFRED GELL
withinprimordialreality,while theautisticchild,deprivedof thisprimordial

reality,pursuesthesamecoursedown a developmentalblindalleyfromwhich
he can only be rescued,sometimes,with much care and skill.
Here I rest the case for a 'vestibular' theoryof trance.There are grave
objectionsto it,to which I can findno easy answers.For instance,the autistic
child's stereotypes,and indeed the medium's,are largely identicalto those
produced by normal babies and toddlersat momentsof excitement,which
would suggesta quite different interpretation of thisbehaviour.And thereis
I
the fundamentalobjection that personally have no directexperiencewith
autisticchildren, and cannot therefore assertwith any degree of confidence
that there are not profound and striking visible between their
differences
behaviour and that of the mediums I observed, which would rule my
interpretation out of court.
Despitethesedifficulties, I mayperhapsbe permittedto concludewitha plea
forgreaterconsiderationto be given to certainmentalprocesses,particularly
thoseinvolvingthevestibularapparatusand theequilibriumsense,which may
be cruciallyinvolved in the establishmentof stable self-worldrelationships.
While I would not minimisethesignificance ofrecentneuro-scientificfindings
withtheobvious 'social' or 'cognitive'implications(e.g.,relatingto thelimbic
systemand emotionality, or hemisphericallateralisation)theredoes seemto be
a huge area which is at presentmainlythe concernof neuroanatomists and
neurophysiologists, to do with interconnexionsbetweensensorysystemsand
motorsystemsin variouspartsof the brain,which potentiallymightbe very
significant in understanding humanbehaviourand thinkingin itsfullcultural
context.This is surelythedirectionin which Ornitz'swork points,and I hope
thatI have been able to suggestthattheremightbe pay-offs in anthropological
termsin the form of a betterunderstandingof those consciousness-altering
techniquesthatinvolve specialmotorbehaviour,posturecontroland so forth.
Brain,mind and body are inseparable,and Mauss'sgreatprojectfortheglobal
studyof lestechniques du corpswill onlyreallycome to fruitionwhen we know
a greatdeal more about the brain.
In thisdevelopingunderstanding, I suspectthatthevestibularapparatusmay
play a key role. I do not base this assertionon the known factsconcerning
input-outputmodulationbut on more generalintuitivegrounds.We live, in
some very basic way, throughthe equilibriumsense,which,thoughit lacks
direct representationin consciousnesson a par with the other senses,may
perhapsbe thehiddenhand behindall ofthem.We are entirelyaccustomedto
the idea thatbabies appreciatebeing rocked,thatchildrenadore swingsand
roundaboutsand will use the most expensive beds and sofasas trampolines
givena chance,thattheyprogressto poniesand dirt-bikesand skateboards, and
some even to free-fall parachuting,yet no body of theorycorrespondsto the
actualprominenceof equilibriumplay,nor has any analysisbeen attemptedof
just what 'lonely impulse of delight' drove Yeats's airman to seek his fate
among the clouds. I believe that the connexion between input-output
modulation,theequilibriumsense,and thebasicrealitysense,will not turnout
to be an illusoryone.

ALFRED GELL 247
NOTES
I undertookfieldworkamongthe Muria fromJuneI976 to May I977 assistedby the

Australian
NationalUniversity and by a grantof research
(SGS) bothfinancially leave.I was
accompaniedin the fieldby SimeranGell, who has been able to correct,as the resultof
subsequentandmoredetailedresearch,manyerrorscontained in an earlierdraftofthisessay.I
alsogratefully
acknowledge theessential madetothegermination
contributions ofthisessayby
PeterReynoldsandRichardBarz.I am,ofcourse,whollyresponsible forremaining errorsand
confusions.
1 Elsewherein Asiaan association betweenswingingand trancestates, spiritpossession etc.,
is alsoapparent. Cf.e.g.SchebestaI928:25I andplatefacingp. 26I.
2 It needsto be saidherethatby 'vertigo'I do notmeanonlytheunpleasant sensationsof
dizziness anddisorientation, butalsoto a variety ofpleasurable or thrillingstatesas well.Giddy
pursuits likemountaineering andhang-gliding etc.,arenotmonopolised bymaniacsbutarealso
followedbyquitereasonable peopleonpleasure bent.Vertiginous sportscorrespond, inCaillois's
schemeofcategories ofplay,tothecategory ilynx,as opposedto agon(contests) andalea(games
ofhazard).(Cf.CalloisI 96 I, chapteri.)
3 Simeran Gellreports (pers.comm.)thatthetwopoleson eithersideoftheangaareopposed
as dadabhai(linealkin) to saga (allies/affines). The word angawe mayreasonably surmiseis
identicalto the formanna foundin relatedDravidianlanguageswiththe meaning'elder
brother'. In present-day MuriaGondiwe findtheIndo-European dadareplacing anna(anga)for
elderbrother, whilethefeminine angeisretained forelderbrother's wife(Burrows& Emeneau
196I; TylerI969:487 sqq.).
4 NeherI962; Sturtevant I968. 'Dissociation'is to be understood hereas a modification of
mood,or an increased suggestibility,
rather thanas a grossly apparent physiological change.For
criticism oftheNehertheoryseeJacksonI968 andRougetin BlackingI977.
5 The Muria,whenspeaking ofthearrivalofthepenrefer to his/her'riding'intothevillage
kodate reina.The medium's positionwhenpossessed, e.g.whendancingor answering questions
in thepersonaofthedivinity, doesindeedresemble thatofa childridingan imaginary hobby-
horse,thearmsheldup beforethechestas ifgrasping thereins, andthewholebodybobbingup
anddownin a rider-like way.
6 It is significantthatthe ritualuse of swingsand the employment of templeimagesof
swingingGods or Gods mountedon royalelephants is exclusivelyconfinedto the cultof
Yayalmutte, the'state'BastarGoddess,and herrefractions, as opposedto theuse of theanga
imagesexclusively forlocalclandivinities. The structural polaritybetweentheswingandthe
angacorresponds to thebasicsociological opposition in Murialifebetweenthestate(hierarchy)
andthevillage(equality).
7 The word deautomatisation will perhapsoffendsomeears.But thereis no word in the
languageofearlieror moreelegantcoinagewhichmeansthesamething.Deikman'spaperis a
recognised landmark in thehistory ofthestudyofalteredstatesofconsciousness, andhisword
for'theundoingofautomatic psychic processes'willpresumably remaincurrent as longasthese
matters continueto be underinvestigation.
8 SomeMuriavillages havea festival whichis devotedto dancingon stiltsin honourofthe
villageGoddess(ElwinI 947 :65 I sqq.).Hereagainwe findtheassaulton theequilibrium sense
beinginvested withreligious meaning, as wellas theideaof'sacralisation byelevation'.
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The Gods at Play: Vertigo and Possession in Muria Religion

Author(s): Alfred Gell

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Vertigo is a mostsignificantelementin the religiouspracticesof theMuria, a tribalpeople

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such as flagellationwith chains,piercingthe body

Vertigoin Muria religion

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The festivallastsfourteendaysin all and duringthisperiodno work may be

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(iii) The 'log-gods'(anga)

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art,theanga-carrying youthsgaze outwardswithvague,expectantexpressions.

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in a mostsensiblefashion,now threatening to leap fromhisgrasp,now forcing

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thisbehaviourandaskquestions as to itsmeaning. To whatconception ofthe

FiGUREi. ona swing.

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FIGURE 3. Divinitieson a swing. Brasstempleimage collectedin Narvayanpur,Bastardistrict.

divine statusin Muria eyes. To swing, to ride, is to enjoy the vertiginous

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FIGURE 4. Divinitiesridingan elephant.Note the emphasison the vertical.Brasstempleimage

thatridingon an elephant,or a swing,or a horse,is a questionof balance,of

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incisively demonstratedthe close links between childhood dizzy-making

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seekto have accessto them.The Muria,thatis to say,experiencetheirdivinities

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(iii) the consequencesof rhythmicstimulationby sound or lightpulses at a

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and begin to performthe leaps and sudden dartingmovementswhich are

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theyblinktheireyesand look aroundthemas ifwakingup and puzzled to find

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tremblingof the extremitiesand latershudderingaffectingthe whole body.

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But however diversethe techniquesinvolved, rangingfrom'just sitting'

It will be seen that thiscould very well be a descriptionof a Muria leskin

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I have-arguedthatthe ecstatictrancecombinesan assaulton the equilibrium

intentions (output) intentions

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The functionof input/output modulationis to ensurea properbalance or

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Ornitzquotestheexperimentalfindingsof Pompeiano and hiscolleagues,who

These findings, and others,lead Ornitzto postulatethatautisticchildrensuffer

The nub of my argument,therefore, is thatthereis an underlyingsimilarity

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That is to say,thereare two ways of achievinginput-outputmodulation;

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withinprimordialreality,while theautisticchild,deprivedof thisprimordial

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I undertookfieldworkamongthe Muria fromJuneI976 to May I977 assistedby the

Bateson,G. I958. Naven(2nd edn). Stanford:Univ. Press.