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Monticello to Guinea-Bissau
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By Eric Gable. 2010. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. 248 pages. ISBN: 978-0-253-22275-6 (soft cover).
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Browse Reviewed by Michael A. Lange, Assistant Professor, Champlain College, Burlington, VT.
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[Review length: 1046 words Review posted on April 23, 2012]
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In writing Anthropology and Egalitarianism, Eric Gable is trying to achieve several goals: to discuss the role of ethnography as
a part of anthropologys program, to delve into how anthropology learns by exploring difference, and to reflect on decades of
doing ethnography. In these goals, he mostly succeeds, and Anthropology and Egalitarianism is, by and large, a successful
text. Two major themes run through the course of the book, providing a structure and continuity to Gables writing. Firstly, he
expresses an affinity for Geertz and his theories, to which he makes reference throughout the book. Secondly, he takes as his
basic thesis that anthropologys mission is to explore and understand culture by contrast (3), a phrasing he borrows from
Deborah Kaspin. The term has multiple levels of meaning for Gable, including the obvious notion that anthropology builds
understandings of self and other at least partly by exploring realms of life in which they differ. Also captured by that term is
the idea that culture as a theory emerges as a series of contrasts to other theories of what it means to be human (xiii). In
exploring these multiple layers, Gable makes clear the importance of ethnography as a methodology and anthropology as a
discipline. The contrast between real, theorized anthropology and what he terms vernacular anthropology (2)--the
commonsense understandings of how culture works that most people have is ground covered elsewhere (for example,
Breidenbach and Nyris Seeing Culture Everywhere), but it is fruitfully revisited here.

As the book unfolds, Gable gives many examples of contrasts that illuminate aspects of his ethnographic subjects. He is able
to do this because this book includes discussions of three periods of fieldwork with different cultural groups: the Lauje of
Sulawesi, Indonesia; the Manjaco of Guinea-Bissau, West Africa; and Americans in American heritage sites, including
Colonial Williamsburg and Monticello. This is not a straightforward multi-sited ethnography, though. Gable is reflecting back
upon these discrete instances of ethnographic fieldwork and drawing connections from the critical distance of today.
Throughout the book, he moves from one field site to another, exploring a particular question centered on power in the
process. At times, the text feels a bit scattered because of this movement, but on the whole, Gable does an admirable job of
navigating the reader through the various sites.

One of the reasons Anthropology and Egalitarianism maintains its fluidity is because Gable embraces the Geertzian notion that
anthropology works best as an essay, and that it is a discipline that emerges out of highly personal encounters (xii).
This book is a very personal encounter with Gable, and he cleaves strongly to another idea from Geertz, that ethnography is
always part philosophy and part confession (5). In the text, Gable allows the reader a large and nearly transparent window
(although still, obviously crafted by him) into his thoughts, placing himself firmly within both the ethnographic and the
anthropological processes. Perhaps it is the reflective nature of the author, perhaps an allowance made for someone looking
back over a portion of a career, but the reader gets interesting and useful glimpses into the workings of the anthropological
mind. Anthropology as a discipline has been pulling back the curtain, showing its readers how the sausage is made, for a while
now. Gables enacting of the process is nothing new. However, his fluid and engaging writing makes this iteration of the
process enjoyable and accessible. Glimpses behind the curtain include such truths as it is a dirty little secret that we dont
always like our ethnographic participants (10), or anthropologists often use the word ritual without bothering to explain
what we mean (47). These snippets are indicative of the very human narrative that Gable has crafted, as well as useful
tidbits for students to read before they step into their fields themselves.

The chapters of the book delve into several different topics, all relating to his thesis about power. The first chapter explores
food and shared meals as an arena of power negotiation, while the second makes the most quotidian American experience,
standing in a line, an avenue for understanding power differences. Gender and race come into play in both chapters 3 and 7,
where Gable discusses the relationship between Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings and the sexual norms of the Lauje and
Manjaco, respectively. Chapters 4 and 5 examine clothing and costuming as makers and markers of power, and the sixth
chapter explores belief and religion. The topics covered vary widely, but they are held together by Gables narrative. Indeed,
his writing ties the book together more than the nominal thesis of power and hierarchy. While the book is certainly about
expressions of power in many different situations, I felt at times that I wanted more theory, more depth in the exploration of
the situations being discussed. The self-confessional nature of the book has its value, but it disallows a certain amount of
deeper theorization. This issue is particularly prevalent in the books discussions of authenticity (99 ff.) and gender (chapters 3
and 7), and the idea of enchantment (135) could be enlightened by some reference to Bettelheim. To be fair, I am faulting the
book for something it is not trying to do. I just felt myself wishing that the book fulfilled its title more--that it was more about
power and egalitarianism than it is.

Overall, this book is a success and a useful text for ethnographers of all types. Its self-reflective nature should make any
researcher think deeply on her or his own process, and the accessibility of the writing makes it useful for classrooms of all
levels. Gable provides a history of the development of certain ideas within anthropology in several places, which has the side
effect of offering lower-level students some disciplinary context. This added value increases the books usefulness in classroom
settings. Additionally, he turns a phrase well, such as Monticello is a text written in artifacts (80), or history is to fiction as
desire is to its fulfillment (163). Gables writing is always pleasant and at times beautifully eloquent.

Works Cited

Bettelheim, Bruno. 1976. The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales. New York: Vintage Books.

Breidenbach, Joana, and Pl Nyri. 2009. Seeing Culture Everywhere: From Genocide to Consumer Habits. Seattle: University
of Washington Press.

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