1

Journeys of Preservice Teacher Candidates: Unconsciously Unconscious Lived Experiences about Race
in a Predominantly White Teacher Preparation Program

Journeys of preservice teacher candidates: Lived Experiences in a Racially conscious and

racially unconscious predominantly white teacher preparation program.

Racial experiences of preservice teacher candidates: lived experiences in an unconsciously

unconscious teacher prep program

Journeys Through an Unconsciously Unconscious Teacher Preparation Program: Racial

experiences of teacher candidates at a predominantly white institution

Timothy Berry, Ed.D., Robbie Burnett,Ed.D., Karen Eastman, Ph.D., Beth Beschorner, Ph.D.,
Melissa Krull, Ph.D., and Teresa Kruizenga, Ph.D.
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Introduction/Literature Review

According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) (2016), there has been

a shift in demographics in the population of pre-K -12 students in the United States with

decreasing numbers of students that identify as White and rapidly increasing numbers of students

that identify as people of color. The most current data from NCES indicated that from 2003 to

2013, the percentage of white students decreased from 59 to 50%, while the percentage of black

students decreased from 17 to 16%, the percentage of Hispanic students increased from 19 to

25%, the percentage of Asian/Pacific Islander students increased from 4 to 5%, and the

percentage of students identifying as 2 or more races is at 3%, projecting to increase to 4% in the

next several years. This trend is projected to continue over the next decade, which has important

consequences for the field of education. Research shows that Yet, the majority of pre-K -12

teachers identify as white and female, and with this shift in demographics, there is a need to train

all teachers to successfully work with students from racially, culturally, and linguistically diverse

backgrounds (Assaf, Garza, & Battle, 2010; Bower-Phipps, Homa, Albaledejo, Johnson, and

Cruz, 2013; Morrell, 2010) and to drastically increase the number of people of color pursuing the

teaching field.

However, A questions remains about how well prepared white teacher candidates, the

majority of which are often White females, are to work with this increasingly racially, culturally,

and linguistically diverse population, and how to supportrecruit teacher candidates of color when Commented [1]: I don't really like the word recruit or
support here...I need some help with this wording.
pursuing the field of education. In a review of the literature, Increasing the number of teacher

candidates of color is important given their the capacity of teacher candidates of color to connect

with racially diverse students in pre-K-12 settings was noted, therefore, recruiting more diverse

students to become teachers is imperative in this changing climate (Assaf et al, 2010; Bower-
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Phipps et al, 2013; Duarte & Reed, 2004; Lenski, Crumpler, Stallworth, & Crawford, 2005;

Morrell, 2010; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Moreover, Bower-Phipps et al (2013) noted distinct

benefits to recruiting diverse students to the teaching professions. Some of these include having

teachers shouldwho reflect student populations, students of color being able to relate to teachers

of color, and teachers of color might serveing as role models for students of color (Bower-

Phillips, 2013). In this study, teacher candidates of color expressed a desire to become teachers,

and expressed an interest in serving as role models to public school students. Some felt as though

In addition, teacher candidates of color report they feel that their white peersteacher candidates

could benefit from their knowledge and background, and believed that their diverse viewpoints

and background knowledge also brought diverse perspectives to teacher preparation programs,

(Bower-Phillips, 2013, p. 37). Thus, it is important to consider both the preparation of all teacher

candidates to work with increasingly diverse student populations and the lived experiences of

teacher candidates of color within their preparation programs in order to improve teacher

education. Scholarship in these two areas will be reviewed in the following sections. Commented [2]: Yes. I think this is important to
provide for potential readers.
Preparing Teacher Candidates to Work with Diverse Populations Commented [3]: Yes. I think this is important to
provide for potential readers.
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Commented [4]: Yes. I think this is important to
Experiences of Teacher Candidates of Color within Teacher Education provide for potential readers.
Commented [5]: Yes. I think this is important to
Enrolling students of color to universities is not a new challenge. McCarthy and provide for potential readers.
Formatted: Font: Bold
Murrow (2013) reviewed archival data and noted that for progressive educators referred to as
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Social Reconstructivists who were members of the Teachers College faculty at Columbia Formatted: Font: Bold

University in the 1930s and 1940s, racial equity was very important in their work and vision.

They believed that school officials and teachers should become activists for making progressive

social change that was necessary. McCarthy and Murrow (2013) discussed the experience of
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some African American students in a setting such as Teachers College with these progressive

educators. Some of these students were frustrated with conditions at Teachers College, and

noted the necessary importance of addressing several issues, including hiring African

American faculty and staff, and ending racial discrimination in housing and extracurricular

activities (p. 30). They also expressed concern that in the one social foundations of education

course offered, there was a lack of discussion regarding race.

Further analysis of the literature indicated that circumstances remain similar to those

addressed above throughout history. A number of issues have been identified that may impact

students of color being able to complete their college education. Even with the increase of

students of color enrolled at predominantly white institutions now, research indicated that they

continue to encounter significant challenges which impact their social and academic performance

as discussed below.

Slade, Eatmon, Staley, & Dixon (2015) noted that many students enter college with

preparedness issues that may impact their success in college. They noted that, for African

American students, there are factors that create significant barriers to successfully completing

college. These included educational, social, and economic factors. It was noted by Slade et al

(2015) that when students are truly integrated into both the academic and social experiences on

campus, they are more likely to remain in school.

Social connectedness and a sense of belonging is another issue addressed in the literature.

Waller, Costen, and Wozencroft (2011) discussed the importance of positive social experiences.

They described social connectedness as being a necessary experience for college students, and

stated the importance of students belonging to a social group while being integrated into the

social environment in order to succeed. Bower-Phipps et al (2013) found that students of color
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felt isolated from white peers in their programs, and Parker, Puig, Johnson, and Anthony (2016)

found that black male undergraduate students struggled with institutional climate issues,

including the fact that their peers had no real knowledge or awareness of the historical

experiences of Black students on campus. Interestingly, Strayhorn (2013) noted that the issue of

Black college students finding predominantly white institutions to be cold and uncaring

continues. In his study, 47% of African Americans agreed that their university environment is

chilly and unwelcoming, only about 20% of White students felt that way (p. 124). He believed

that peoples negative experiences and beliefs about Black individuals reinforces racial

stereotypes which, in turn, reducing a feeling of belonging and inclusion.

Relationships with university faculty was another concern noted in the review of

literature. A number of studies addressed this issue. Waller et al (2011) found that their

participants did not have close relationships with most of the university faculty in their academic

programs. These participants also made reference to the lack of racial diversity in the

department and acknowledged that faculty members of color had really helped them (p. 40).

The participants indicated how important it was to them that there be faculty members with

research agendas involving race (p. 40).

Cole (2011) too, noted the importance of positive relationships with faculty.

Unfortunately, research showed that students of color have struggled with developing those

positive relationships. Students in the study by Waller et al (2011) commented that they did not

have close relationships with faculty, and even felt awkward talking with professors. Strayhorn

(2011) also noted Black students in his sample struggled with developing relationships with

faculty. Those students found more professors and peers to have negative beliefs and stereotypes

about Blacks. As a result, these Black students perceived higher levels of racial tension and
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discrimination on campus than the White students at that university. He also found that these

students communication and contact with faculty away from class time had significant benefits

to students academic performance and their self-concept. This was similar to the findings by

Sandoval-Lucero (YEAR), where it was noted that successful students of color noted that their

instructors were critical to their academic success.

As seen in the above studies, attitudes and beliefs of university faculty appeared to be

significant in how effective teacher education programs are in preparing preservice teacher

candidates to work with diverse public school students. Lenski, Crumpler, Stallworth, and

Crawford (2005) stressed the importance of preparing teacher candidates, teachers, and

university faculty to effectively address culture and cultural differences. Additionally, Assaf et

al (2010) noted the importance of including effective instructional practices and field experiences

which can impact teacher candidates ideas and experiences regarding diversity. In Capella-

Santana (2003) faculty engaged in open discussions with preservice teachers regarding

challenging issues that occurred in their urban school field experiences. These students also took

a multicultural education course and were placed in a diverse school setting. In Duarte and

Reed (2004) preservice teachers participated in a 3-hour field experience in an urban school as

well as in two diversity workshops. It was noted that after these experiences, the preservice

teachers had ideas that were believed would make learning experiences more meaningful for the

public school students in those settings. And in Lenski, Crumpler, Stallworth, and Crawford

(2005) teacher candidates were required to journal about their experiences in observing diverse

students cultural lives outside of the school setting. Doing so, noted Lenski et al (2005),

preservice teachers learned the value in building positive relationships with these students of

different cultural backgrounds.

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The above examples resulted in positive learning experiences for the preservice
teachers in those teacher preparation programs, but are those relatively brief experiences

sufficient? A question arises whether teacher preparation programs thoroughly and properly

incorporate diversity perspectives and multicultural content into the curriculum. Assaf et al

(2010) noted that while many teacher preparation programs are considered by faculty to do so,

in many, the addition of a course or two, with students completing assignments that are

superficial and partial does not result in a coherent multicultural curriculum (p. 116).

Morrell (2010) discussed the necessity of sharing current and updated information with

teacher candidates as well as the importance of focusing on data regarding achievement gaps

while preparing preservice teachers to work with diverse pre-K-12 students. Preparing teacher

candidates with necessary tools and knowledge to help overcome educational inequality is

important in helping them become effective educators.

The purpose for this research was to collect qualitative data around racial equity for both

White and Black undergraduate teacher candidates in our teacher preparation programs. We

sought to learn how these teacher candidates encountered race equity and explore what their

personal perspectives are relative to culturally responsive teaching. We believe that the results

of this study will be used to inform and improve the College of Educations programs.

Additionally, we believe that the participants may benefit by providing information that could

better their own experience as a teacher candidate. We also hope that the results might inform

other pre-service teacher education programs.

Theoretical Framework

Critical Race Theory (CRT) was at the heart of our grounding for this study. This theory

is based on Bells (1980) interest convergence, a principle of the theory that can be used as a

tool to explain, analyze, and study policies and practices in teacher education as they converge
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around race (Milner, 2008). Bells original application of the concept interest convergence was

as a legal scholar. In assessing how the country was fairing with desegregation efforts brought

about by Brown v. Board of Education (1954), he argued that it was a failure in many cities. The

reason he suggested this was because Whites had no incentive to change as long as their interests

did not intersect with the interests of Blacks.

Basic Tenets. Racism is ordinary, not aberrational, normal science, the usual way society

does business, the common, every-day experience of most people of color in this country

(Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 7). White over color ascendancy means that racism is difficult

to address or cure because it is not acknowledged. White hegemony, or cultural dominance is a

factor (Omi & Winant, 1994). Like race, whiteness is a social construct. Suchet (2007) stated,

Whiteness dominates through normalizing itself and constantly mutates while always

maintaining supremacy (pg. 869). In interest convergence, because racism advances the

interests of both White elites (materially) and working-class Whites (psychically), large

segments of society have little incentive to eradicate it (p. 8). Further, Bell (1980) asserted that

Whites will support the interest of Blacks only if and when they stand to benefit from that.

Harris (1993) theorized the historical legal practice of protecting the rights of those who held not

only physical property, but intellectual property as well. White school leaders and teachers will

only support the interests of students of color in their practice if they themselves benefit from

that.

The unique voice of color holds the view that because of their different histories and

experiences with oppression, Black, Indigenous, Asian, and Latinx writers and thinkers may be

able to communicate to their White counterparts matters that the Whites are unlikely to know

(Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 10). Students of color have similar experiences unique to them
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in such matters as school disciplinary practices, as they are referred for suspension and expulsion

more often than White students. This unique perspective can be amplified through another CRT

tenet. Storytelling and counter narratives are used to challenge, debunk or dispute narratives

about people of color that are based on stereotypes, myths, and unfounded beliefs. The hope is

that well-told stories describing the reality of Black and Brown lives can help readers to bridge

the gap between their worlds and those of others (p. 47-48). When there are opportunities for

students to share their racial biographies and family stories, stereotypes can effectively be

uprooted for people who hold such beliefs. Critical race theorist have built on everyday

experiences with perspective, viewpoint, and power of stories and persuasion to come to a deeper

understanding of how Americans see race (p. 44).

Our aim was to use phenomenology through a CRT lens to uncover and unpack the

stories and counternarratives of undergraduate teacher preparation students from two focus

groups at a predominantly White university. One group was students of color and one group

was White.

Method

The present study employed qualitative methods by investigating [teacher education] in

a systematic manner (Merriam, 2016, p. 3). Specifically, the study employed phenomenology,

which places emphasis on the lived experiences of participants (Van Manen, 2014) and is

frequently based on in-depth interview (Patton, 2002). As such, the purpose of the study was to

explore the lived experiences of teacher candidates regarding issues of racial equity and social

justice in our predominantly White teacher education program. The College has taken up racial

equity and social justice as a lens to operate with/from and as a foci for professional development
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for faculty. Yet, at the time of the present study, it remained unclear how teacher candidates were

experiencing our teacher education program, especially with consideration of racial equity and

social justice.

Thus, we conducted two separate focus group interviews, which will be explained in

more detail in the subsequent section, to facilitate an interaction that generated socially

constructed data through interactive discussion (Merriam, 2016) about a common lived

experience, their teacher preparation program. The following questions guided the study: (1)

How do participants describe their lived experiences with faculty in their teacher preparation

program? (2) with the curriculum in their teacher preparation program? (3) with other candidates

in their teacher preparation program? (4) with cooperating teachers in the field experience and/or

student teaching classrooms? (5) with P-12 students in the field experiences and/or student

teaching?

Participants and Context for the Study

The study was conducted at University in the upper Midwest with an undergraduate

enrollment of approximately 15,000 students. Teacher candidates from the three preparation

programs offered by our College of Education, including Elementary Education, Special

Education, and K-12 Secondary Programs, were invited to participate in the study via an email

distributed by the Chair of each department. The email included a link to a survey that teacher

candidates could complete if they were interested in participating that collected demographic

information including preparation program, gender, and racial identity. Fourteen teachers

candidates indicated they were interested in participating (See Table One). The teacher

candidates that participated had all been admitted to the teacher education program, but had

completed various amounts of their program. Yet, they had all: (a) been a part of at least one
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semester of a cohort within their program; (b) taken at least some methods coursework; and (c)

had completed at least one field experience within PK-12 schools.

As stated earlier in the paper, two focus groups were created, one comprised teacher

candidates that identified racially as people of color and one comprised of teacher candidates that

identified as White. Two researchers facilitated each focus group. The facilitators aligned

racially with each focus group. That is, the focus group for teachers of color was led by two

researchers of color and the focus group for White teachers was led by two White researchers.

This decision was made in an effort to make the participants feel comfortable to share what they

thought and felt (Krueger & Casey, 2001). In both groups one of the facilitators was known and

had a previous relationship with the teacher candidates and one of the facilitators was unknown

to the teacher candidates. However, none of the researchers were currently faculty or served as a

supervisor for any course that any participant was completing.

The following questions guided the semi-structured interview: (1) How would you

describe you lived experiences with faculty in the teacher preparation program?; (2) What are

your experiences (as a teaching candidate of color or as a White teacher candidate) within the

teacher preparation program in relationship to racially equity and culturally responsive

teaching?; (3) As a (person of color or White) teacher candidate, what are your lived experiences

within the curriculum of the program and how do you describe your curriculum in terms of how

it addresses racial equity and culturally responsive teaching?; (4) As a teacher candidates (of

color or White), what are your lived experiences with other candidates in your teacher

preparation program? How would you describe your experience with your colleagues?; (5)

Keeping in mind that we are looking at how you experience race and culturally responsive

teaching, describe your experiences with your cooperating teachers in field experience and/or
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student teaching; and (6) As teacher candidates (of color or White), how do you describe your

experiences with students in the field?

Table One.

Self-selected Pseudonym Gender Racial Identity

J.B. male Black

Mia female Latinx

Ann Marie female Black

Felix male Latinx and Black

Brandon male Black

Jasmine female Black

Vert male Asian

Travis male White

Jasper Male White

Holly female White

Jennifer female White

Delilah female White

Ellen female White

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Shakira female White

Cleo female White

Data analysis

The semi-structured interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using inVivo.
The transcriptions were read independently by two researchers...read and reread. BETH---
START HERE. Brymans four steps together and then independently. Themes were generated Commented [6]: What goes Here?
based on frequency of citations for the direct quotes.
Themes
An analysis of the text revealed several overarching themes and sub-themes relating to

the lived experiences of both students of color and White student while enrolled in the pre-

service teacher education program. The researchers intentionally incorporated multiple racial

lenses to the text analysis. Both Black and White racial perspectives were used to code and

analyze the text. This was done to enrich and further validate the analysis process and

identification for themes. The final overarching themes frame the contrasting experiences

between the two groups and the sub-themes define the unique and specific areas of focus. While

the questions for both groups of students were the same, the responses represent a unique and

separate story for each group. The following themes and subthemes emerged for two racial

affinity groups of students in the program:

1. Racial Consciousness versus Racial Unconsciousness

2. Exclusion versus Inclusion
3. Unintentional Efficiency versus (Un) intentional Advocacy
4. The absence of race pedagogy and content: Unconsciously unconscious faculty

Racial Consciousness versus Racial Unconsciousness

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The first broad theme that emerged was the idea that students of color entered the

program racially conscious as compared to White students who showed racial unconsciousness.

Students of color demonstrated racial consciousness in sub-themes that include, 1) racial

isolation, 2) their role in educating White students about race and 3) the impatience shown by

White students when discussing race. White student unconsciousness however, was revealed in

sub-themes related to 1) their own limited awareness of race, 2) their lack of self-efficacy in

working with race and 3) their own fear, ignorance and lack of skills in engaging in racial

content or relationships.

Racial Isolation

The broad theme defined as racial consciousness emerged in various forms for the

students of color. Through their lived experiences, students of color reported entering their

teacher education program with advanced knowledge and exposure to race. These students were

also either the only or one of a few students of color in their program. While describing their

experiences, students placed race at the center of their stories. Felix, for example, a tri-racial

student stated, just being the only person of color it's been tough though in there. Mia, a

Latinx student, shared:

The first time I had an experience with my mentor/teacher, I felt there was this tension.
She was kinda afraid to approach me. And right away, I'm like, It's because of my color.
She sees me, you know, dark skin, ...so she didn't really make me feel welcome that first
day.

J.B., a Black male, shared that he was one of two Black males in his program and that he

was about to lose his companion. He explained, He's actually about to change his major cause

he felt like this is too tough, and he doesn't see himself being the ideal teacher that we're being

taught that's the ideal teacher.

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The Role of Educating the White Students on Race

Students of color felt the need to educate their White peers on race. For them this

revealed the implications of their lack of exposure, understanding and ignorance around race. As

a result, this influenced how the students of color moved through the predominantly White

teacher preparation program.

Mia shared a story while in a university classroom discussion with another White teacher

candidate about working with parents of children of color. She described:

But I had to explain to him that when you're a parent and you're of color, you need to
ask your child if they've-- how they've been treated, because we know that we
get treated differently, and we need to know if they have been treated
differently so we can address that. But the White people in our class didn't
get why we had to do that. They don't understand that there is a difference
between us.
Jasmine a Black female student corroborated Mias remarks as she stated, They think

that, Oh, we're all alike. There's no color. You know, they're all color blind, but no, there is a

difference.

This routine practice of explaining things to White colleagues was a frustration for

students of color in the program. It was, at times, emotionally draining.

Impatience with Racial Discussion by White Peers

The students of color reported that when the subject of race or diversity was brought up

in the classroom, these topics were met with avoidance and complaints by White students. Felix

shared, Yeah, they're minds are already made up they don't wanna talk about this or they

complain and groan when it's brought up again.

J.B. added:
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But their actions and their body language when we start talking about stuff like race or
I guess they heard something they didn't like or something that went against their beliefs
or something that went against the thing that they was taught, then they shut down.

In addition, students of color described feelings of frustration when White peers reported

not wanting to offend anyone when talking about race. Jasmine explained this idea in the

following quote:

Well, you offend me by not talking about it. You offend me by pretending everything's
okay and that there is no race issue. I mean, and they-- and not only that, but they act
like, Well, if we do talk about it more than once, that it's an inconvenience. Like, Oh,
we have to talk about this again? Like, Yes. Until you're the one Black student in a class
full of 18 others or 28 others, yeah, you need to know what that feels like. You need to
be able to address that, and talk about that, and explain to Caucasian (p-12) students that
there's nothing wrong with somebody who's different than them.

Vert, an Asian male, shared how White students impatience showed up in the classroom

as he described:

Yeah, but I know a lot of them, they like, getting ticked off though because all we were
talking about was race and race issues. Yeah, they were wondering, Why, why don't we
talk about, like, stuff to actually, teach, you know? But I think that the race and stuff, I
think that is a really good, teaching tool we do need, just because we need to know about
that stuff as well when, you know, the issue does arise, so you can address it.

Brandon echoed a similar perception:

Like, in multicultural relations class I noticed a lot-- a lot of my classmates too, they
were just kind of like getting annoyed because all we were talking was just mainly race.
You know, like, it was just basically race for the, the entire course.

Students of color described how their White peers intolerance for talking about race

ultimately harms their own learning and ability to teach students of color. Mia shared, how are

you going to teach children of color? You can't even interact with an adult (of color) who's

learning the same things as you. Ann Marie, a Black female, said:
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Yep, those White people in our classes when they go into a diverse classroom or if they
even touch base with the child of color, I feel like they won't be able to handle it. They
won't know what to do, because that, that conversation is not there.

Furthermore, Mia described her field experience while partnered with a White teacher

candidate in a diverse classroom setting:

I went to talk to students at all of the tables, but my partner-- I noticed that she didn't
really go talk to the students of color in that class. She just stayed with the White
students. She didn't really make the effort to talk to the other students of color. And I'm
like, Okay, we're learning about diversity why can't you make the effort to talk to these
students of color?

Going beyond the surface of teaching content, Brandon shared the following perspective

about the importance of understanding race issues:

You can tell those teachers-- they just give you the content and don't really care about
what's going on with you. It comes to a point where you have to understand these things.
And like, the way the world is going right now, it's just a lot of race issues that are being
brought to light, so-- and lot of students aren't understanding these. So, the teacher being
with the students for six or eight hours a day, for five days a week, staying after school
with students, you have a huge impact these students' lives. So just telling them strictly
two plus two or this adverb and this adjective, that stuff, is the traditional style of style
of teaching.

Limited Awareness of Race

In contrast, White students admitted that they began the pre service teacher prep program

with limited knowledge or exposure to race. They reported that minimal exposure to race came

from never growing up around people of color, having few relationships with people of color,

having parents or family members with limited consciousness about race or being exposed to

racist beliefs or ideas. The following quote from Ellen is a reflection about this idea:

I really haven't grown up with much experience around, African American students or
people that I know. I come from a smaller town, so I'm not really used to it. So, I guess,
when I saw that he's in my class, I mean, it's not a big deal, but I never view it-- if I'm
being honest, I never viewed him like me going to him first because I feel like there's a
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barrier between us because, that's kind of-- I don't know what I've grown up knowing, is
that we're so different that I don't really-- I'm not used to interacting with somebody of a
different race. I guess, Im not saying that I ignore him if he talks to me or, you know,
something like that. But I guess I never go to him first for something.

The White students revealed a lack of self-awareness or consciousness about themselves

as White students. This was evidenced by the absence of any commentary regarding their own

race. It was much easier for them to talk about a student of color in the program when examining

the program and its racial or cultural components.

The researchers found White student responses about race to be underdeveloped and

lacking in maturity regarding their own and others racial identity. When describing their

thoughts about working with students of color as teachers, Shakira revealed the following:

I was just more thinking that there are gonna be racially different students in the
classroom. So if you have a child who is Black and a child who is White, they're-- I
would say, okay, the only difference between these students is their skin color. But you
can still teach them generally the same way. But they're not taking into account what kind
of cultures they've been raised in. So they'll acknowledge that there is a racial difference.
I feel like we've learned about that. There is gonna be a big variation there. But they don't
talk about culture-wise, like how they were raised and what they grew up with.

Lack of Self Efficacy in Addressing Race

White students showed signs of low self confidence in working with students of color or

with their relationships with students of color within their program. This lack of self-esteem

compromised the White students ability to feel capable of affecting learning with students of

color. This theme revealed that White students felt they had almost no skill, capacity or efficacy

to make a difference in the lives of students of color. White students often had questions about

how to approach a student, what resources to use with them or how these students of color would
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benefit from any unique approach in the classroom. It was even reported that if the student or

their family could inform the teacher about their race and culture the teacher could then teach the

student of color better. Delilah reports this issue in the following quote:

And I think that's just a general consensus across the entire education board. How do we
approach this student and get this student or their family to inform us about their culture
so that we can teach them better. 'Cause I think-- a personal relationship with them is
going to involve a conversation like that, so. I feel like-- I don't know. I just don't know
how to-- how to approach it.

Fear, Ignorance and Unable to Address Race

Following a lack of self-efficacy, White students reported worry, fear and consciousness

about their own image while attempting to engage in racial situations with their students or

colleagues. They feared sounding ignorant or unaware of racial dynamics and

content. Interacting with students of color in the program was, at times, awkward for them. The

preservation of their own personal image due to a lack of racial knowledge was evident and

appeared to limit their abilities to step up, teach or take action. This was made clear in the

following quotes by Holly, Jennifer and Travis, respectively,

But definitely the first semester or two, it was almost awkward, because you don't know
how to bring up the subject. And his experiences are so-- I don't know. His experiences
are different than ours. And-- I don't wanna look ignorant. Or, like, say something wrong
or how to phrase it.

We were there the day after Trump got elected. And White students were in the hallways
yelling, Build the wall. Build the wall. You could just see the fear on the students' faces,
the Mexican students and the Black students. I don't think-- like I said, a giant group of
White teachers. How do we react to that? How do we comfort them in this situation? So
that was a little bit awkward.

And, I mean, there's only so much that you can do. And, I don't think any of us knew
what to say or how to comfort them 'cause there's really nothing that we could do.

The overall consciousness versus unconsciousness about race theme was made

transparent among these two groups of students yet showed up uniquely different for each group.
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While students of color were experiencing patent feelings of isolation White students were

unaware of the isolation students of color were living with and simply not consciousness of

themselves. Often times White students would offer underdeveloped racial views about

themselves and their peers of color or even of P-12 students of color.

Additionally, while students of color were experiencing their White peers impatience

with discussions of race, White students felt incapable and even in-effectual in responding to

race. Students of color felt frustration with their White peers color blindness and their lack of

knowledge about what it felt like to be isolated racially. They also felt the emotional drain of

needing to educate their White colleagues about racial issues. At the same time White students

showed impatience with racial dialogue--choosing to avoid the personal awkwardness or

revelation that their own racial consciousness was absent. Finally, this consciousness comparison

emerged when students of color recognized how not talking about issues of race would affect

teaching and learning. Simultaneously, White students would ultimately, because of not knowing

how, be fearful of taking action when it came to peers of color or students of color with whom

they work.

Exclusion versus Inclusion

The second broad theme represents the consistent feelings among students of color

related to feelings of exclusion within the program while White students reported feelings of

inclusion. Subthemes for this broad theme emerged for students of color as, 1) physical

distancing from their White peers in their university classroom settings and 2) the absence of

meaningful relationships with most of the faculty with whom they interacted. Simultaneously,

White students reported subthemes related to, 1) belonging, 2) making friends and 3) a strong

team-like environment.
 21

Physical Distancing

While in the program, students of color noticed an actual physical distancing by their

White peers. This was illustrated when White colleagues chose not to interact with them in small

groups or even chose not to sit in partnership with them at tables or when seats were open right

next to them. Anne Marie describes this feeling here:

There will be a spot right there, but -- they'll decide to site elsewhere. And there's a table
with us three, and everybody else is just away. And it's like, we-- why not come and take
that initiative to come and talk to us? We don't bite.

Sometimes students of color noticed that White students would simply not speak to them.

This avoidance to interact led some students of color to feel inferior as evidenced by Mias

comments, In our class, we don't get approached by our peers. Nobody-- none of them talk to

us. She went on further to say But it makes me feel less because they're the majority there.

Jasmine added that she feels unsafe and almost as if she was being watched. This personal

experience led to her discomfort in the university classroom.

Even though our classmates don't want to sit with us, they watch us. They're watching
and looking like almost taking notes on us, I feel like. I feel like some of them almost
watch me and want me to fail. That's just the vibe that I getIt's just uncomfortable. I
don't feel like it's a safe space all the time.

Absence of Faculty Relationships

Participants of color reported a lack of personal connection with their professors. Jasmine

shared, I feel I don't have those relationships with my professors. Mia further explained, I feel

I don't have those relationships with my professors, and that makes it difficult to, you know-- to

be in class and to actually relate to the content. These students were expressing the importance
 22

of having a sense of connection to their professor that would, in turn, allow for them to engage in

their own academic learning more effectively.

Ann Marie explained the importance for faculty to connect with all teacher candidates as

a means of modeling for teacher candidates how to make connections with P-12 students:

I really need for the professors to connect with everybody on a personal level. Just try to
get to know your students because they stress so much that in the (P-12) classroom every
child does not learn the samethat just doesn't pertain to our younger students that we're
gonna teach. That pertains to us as well. Because even though we are upcoming teachers,
we are still students.

Similarly, Brandon added:

If you don't understand your students, and your students don't understand each other, that
doesn't create a positive environment for them to, to build up on. Anybody can tell you
what two plus two is - stuff like that- and read a book and whatnot. But if you're not
understanding each other as a whole community, it creates negative tension, and it doesn't
help students network to build up, to get to know people and talk, and create a more
social, positive environment. And I feel like that's almost more important than the content
sometimes.

Felt Like Family/belonging

While White students were learning in the program, they experienced a sense of inclusion

and belonging. Taught by nearly all White professors, these students describe a classroom

culture that felt cohesive, family like and comfortable. The students appreciated a very close,

connection with the faculty and with one another. Their classes had very few students of color

and admitted, in general, not really knowing the one student of color in their course. They

believed that students in the program cared about each other and that theyd have each others

back if needed. They felt included and understood as if others knew what their program

experiences were really like. This is described in the following quote:

 23

My block one cohort is very supportive. And we started off on day one with one of our
teachers, saying that a Facebook page would be helpful. And let's just say that was the
best thing that ever happened because, first of all, I mean, you can ask the question on it,
and you'll get feedback from someone within, like, a minute. And 'cause it's just-- it's
very helpful. And, they're all very caring, like we all are on the same page. We just-- we
definitely have become a family. And, I think that's very helpful when you're, you know,
learning to teach and-- 'cause, you know, you can ask for help and-- or you can lean on
them if you need support. Get citation

Friendships Developed

The family like atmosphere gave the students the chance to get specific questions

answered, to feel competent, prepared and supported. Furthermore, students found that this kind

of atmosphere gave them the opportunity to begin new friendships that evolved outside of class.

Travis describes this theme in the following quote:

And once we got that Facebook page, I think it really blasted with, if I have a question,
there will be five other people that are gonna be, Oh, well, I think this, I think this, I
think this. Or, due dates and stuff, everyone is, Oh, well, I'll find that out quick. And
they're so helpful. And now that we're in block three, I can tell that, we are one big
family, and it's great to be able to talk to people even outside of class now. You know, we
hang out outside of class, go to eat or whatever.

We are a Team

Finally, the pre-service program helped to create a sense of team for White students.

They felt everyone was working toward a common goal, cheering one another on and learning

from one another. As Jasper said, Yeah, I've noticed everybody roots for each other. Travis

talked about the sense of team and contributing here:

But now coming into this program, it's actually becoming a team and it's something I'm
new at, but it's been a really good experience. And then just trying to be a team player,
and working with people, and viewing everyone's ideas as, you know, grounds to build
from, not like, I need to be better.
 24

The lived experiences related to exclusion versus inclusion were markedly different

between the two groups of students. While students of color were noting physical distancing

and relational distancing, White students were living with a family like atmosphere and could

express what it felt like to belong. Additionally, while students of color described the absence of

meaningful relationships with most of their professors and peers, White students were

developing friendships during and outside of class. Simultaneously White students had the

luxury of feeling as they were members of a team who worked together and had each others

back.

Creating a sense of belonging in the learning environment is known to be important and

conducive to higher levels of academic learning. Experiencing lower levels of stress and feeling

included contributes to stronger academic outcomes for students. For students of color, feelings

of exclusion from White peers combined with the absence of meaningful relationships with

professors who taught them created hurdles for them. These hurdles had an impact on their

ability to engage with the content being taught, their sense of belonging and ultimately their

ability to find their place within the program. Their described observations of distancing and

isolation between themselves and White students exacerbated a culture of racial

isolation. Simultaneously, having several other colleagues to speak with, sit with and develop

friendships with was of high value to White students. They did not report facing any obstacles

with regard to finding their place in this program and appreciated the professors who created a

sense of team among them.

Unintentional Efficiency versus (Un) intentional Advocacy

 25

The two groups of students found their interactions with faculty to be, again, very

different. Overall this difference is described in the third theme where students of color felt

unsupported by faculty and unprepared as new teacher candidates whereas White students felt

supported and accommodated. Subthemes for students of color emerged as, 1) intention versus

impact, 2) students of color feeling as if they were flying solo with no support and not prepared.

White students, however, described a sub-theme as, 1) feeling accommodated by professors who

were flexible and would advocate for them.

Intention versus Impact

Some faculty behavior, as described by the students, was discrepant when it came to

intention versus impact. For example, students of color found that seemingly efficient faculty

communication strategies were disrespectful and unclear. When it came to scheduling students of

color felt some professors were inconsiderate of their lives outside of school. They observed

faculty using informal communication strategies such as Facebook or even other students to

inform the class about expectations and deadlines. This made class more challenging for these

students who were either needing more guidance, not familiar or not using these lines of

communication as a part of class. Furthermore, if these same students were not socially

connected with the majority of the class, then being in the know was less likely. This is

evidenced by Mias following comments:

There's been a miscommunication with the professors and supervisors in the field and
that's been affecting me because I need to know what's due and what deadlines there are
...it almost makes me feel like, they're not really considerate of our time.

She continues to explain;

Sometimes the professors wanna change times for our meetings, so they send a student
to tell us through Facebook or in person. But sometimes, I'm not in the class when they
 26

make these announcements or sometimes I'm not on my Facebook where I would get to
see that. There's this miscommunication, and I don't think they realize that, for me, my
time is valuable.
These incidents of miscommunication felt inconsiderate and unprofessional. Additionally, these

kinds of approaches contributed to an already established feeling of being an outsider for

students of color. The strategies were based upon the cultural norm, not upon what would work

for all students including those for whom talking and meeting through social media was not the

norm in this program.

Students Flying Solo, No Support, Not ready

Operating separate from White peers, combined with the absence of relationships with

faculty contributed to steady academic pressures for students of color. They described this

pressure as isolating and feeling as if they were flying solo without support. This was illustrated

by Felixs comments, it's kinda like a lot of pressure... you're thrown in there and you know,

good luck, pretty much, to me...and it's kinda intimidating.

Then Jasmine shared:

Sometimes it just really feels like as far as professors go, we are alone. We're not checked
on to see, okay; did you actually understand what you read? Do you know how to
implement it? Do you know how to put it in a lesson plan? Because I don't feel like I
always do.

In the end, participants of color believed the faculty did not really adequately prepare

them for the work they would ultimately do. Felix describes it here:

I just remember I was not prepared at all. I didn't know where to look or what any of this
stuff meant. And like I said, they go over this stuff for like a week. The next week it's so-
- Too bad, so sad. If you don't understand it, then we're onto the next thing.

Or Jasmine who added:

 27

I don't feel... I'm not prepared, and I don't feel that the way the classes are set up, it's
realistic. It's not practical for me to actually feel like I'm going to be ready to teach in a
year, alone.

Faculty who are Flexible, Accommodating and Advocates

White students found the faculty in the program to be strong advocates for them and

extremely flexible in accommodating their needs. The students described their experiences as

easy, free of tension and worry free. When one student talked about their flexible and

accommodating instructors, others followed with similar opinions. Holly said, They're super

accommodating. They're very friendly. Um, just overall, they're always there to help us out. Or

Jasper who said, Yeah, just, very accommodating. I'm able-- I can go to any teacher that I've

had in this program, and they'll-- like when I have scheduling, conflicts for maybe a final or

something, easy, super easy to fix. It's no problem. And then Shakira also said, Yeah. That's

happened with me too. There have been times where some things come up, and then they've just

totally understood. I've not had anything wrong with them moving a test date or something

giving me an extra day to do work.

Professors, as described by the White students, had an open door policy, were flexible

with penalties, gave extra time, understood personal complications and lowered levels of

concerns for students who were struggling or frustrated. Holly described this feeling in the

following quote:

Like, when you walk in and you're just like, Oh my gosh, I forgot to do my homework,
you're just like, Oh, I had something really crazy happen last night. Totally forgot my
homework. And they're just like, That's okay. Just turn it in next time. You know,
whatever tough. That's why you're in college. But here they're just like, Okay. You
know that's-- we understand. Just turn it in next time. And, you know, sometimes there's
a penalty. Sometimes there isn't. But 9 times out of 10 they're super accommodating
about it. And it's like way less stressful having to come up to your teacher and say, Hey.
 28

I forgot something. Or, Hey, I'm struggling in this. And total open door policy. Most
of our teachers-- well, all of our teachers just-- if you feel stressed out about it and you
talk to them about it, it's just like, Don't worry about it. It's-- don't be that stressed up. It's
not that hard. Or like, We're here to support you. So, you know, struggle sure. But you
don't need to break down. It's okay.

Students continued believing that their professors really wanted them to succeed, had

faith in them and nearly guaranteed their success barring unforeseen problems. Ellen and

Jennifer describe this in the following quotes respectively:

They can see our potential, and they don't have a problem calling you out if you're not
reaching it. That's what I have seen. If I turn in a sub-par assignment, they're like, You
can do this better. Let's work through this and make it better.

Cause they care. They're wanting us to succeed. And they feel almost responsible for our
success. We had one professor say, You're only gonna fail this class if you try to fail this
class. I'm not gonna let you fail unless you're trying.

Without question, the White student group was able to function in the program worry free

about their academic success. They never described feeling academic stress or tension and

overwhelmingly felt supported by their instructors. This, in partnership with the family like

atmosphere, created a positive culture of ease for the students in this group. Students of color

found faculty experiences to be dramatically different and compromising in almost every aspect

in terms of accommodation and flexibility.

The absence of race pedagogy and content: Unconsciously unconscious faculty

The fourth and final theme that emerged from both focus groups was the absence of race

pedagogy and content taught in the program along with faculty who were unaware of this

absence. Although both student groups shared similar experiences related to the absence of race

pedagogy, it was for different reasons. Students of color reported that if discussions about race
 29

occurred it was done so in a negligent and thoughtless manner. White students, however, shared

that content related to race was almost non-existent and that given their own lack of exposure to

race, exacerbated their already limited abilities to teach children of color.

Given their racial lived experiences, participants of color revealed their skepticism with the

curriculum and the instructors ability to engage in and lead conversations about race. Ann Marie

recognized the absence of race content in her program of study as she shared, If we wanna think

about the racial equity in the curriculum, I feel like, in the curriculum that we're taught-- it's not

there. Jasmine added, All the textbooks talk about diversity, diversity, but it's like the people

who write this, most of them aren't even of color or from a diverse place or have had a diverse

background. Ann Marie corroborated, Yeah, the books are teaching us how to teach white

children.

While learning in the program from all White professors, participants of color shared

their concerns about instructors unconsciousness when talking about race. Felix described his

doubts when he shared:

As far as, when diversity gets brought up, they talk about it, but they don't really
know how to talk about it. And it doesn't help when half the kids (white teacher
candidates) are timid to talk about it. Like they'll think they know what they're
talking about but they dont.

He continued, And some professors, they just don't address race really well. They don't know

how to talk about it in the right manner and their examples are crappy too.

Students of color identified the professors limited knowledge and expertise in the delivery

of racially conscious pedagogy. Additionally, course content honoring multi-dimensional racial

perspectives was missing. Moreover, as Felix expressed, They think they know what theyre

talking about but they dont. This revealed that although some instructors attempted to facilitate
 30

race discussions in class, students of color felt they themselves were actually more advanced in

their ability to do so than their White professors and peers.

Similarly, White students reports about course content also revealed an absence of race

pedagogy. The students experienced limited to no exposure to race content or class

discussion. Often the students would report wanting to know more related to teaching students

of color. They admitted that they knew very little in terms of how to work with students of color

and that more race content and exposure would have helped them help themselves. Holly and

Jennifer describe this theme in the following quotes respectively:

And it's this little blip on how you would effectively reach an ELL student. But it's not
enough. 'Cause you don't have, an example, like, hands-on, in order to, see it actually
working. And that would be more beneficial.

That's the same with me. I'm in block one right now, and we talk a little bit about how
we can help our ELL students, with how to-- if they can't read, how do we help them
learn? And, you know, we use, tier one, tier two, and two-- tier three vocab words. And, I
think that's as far as we've gone as to how, you know, we can help these students. But
other than that, we, we don't really have a very good background about how we can,
accommodate their needs or just know about their background.

The seemingly limited discussion regarding race pedagogy or content, suggests that instructors

were either unaware of the absence of race content, unable to incorporate it or disinterested in

teaching it.

In all cases students reported having minimal instructional classroom experiences

regarding race related content. The minimal instructional classroom exposure they did have was

typically defined in terms of multiculturalism, diversity or culture. But they felt that this

guidance was not broad enough nor deep enough to help them further their own understanding.

Delilah described this need saying, You know, kind of throwing us into the river and saying,

This is what's out there. This is kind of what you need to know. We learned a bit, but I think it
 31

could have gone deeper, personally. Ellen, Travis and Jasper, all indicated the desire to go

farther in this learning. This is reflected in their reflections respectively:

I don't think we've talked about it a whole lot yet in class. I know I wasn't even interested
in going up to the multicultural center and asking how to offer more multicultural
education to my students, 'cause I don't think it's come up. Our first semester a little bit.
But I would like to know more, I'd like to learn more about-- I mean, I'm pretty darn
White. So if they could offer multicultural student education to students, I would love to
learn more about it.

I've taken a TESOL course, and I've got to volunteer at, a community center and help
with ELL. And it was really good exposure, but it was just the tip of the iceberg. And I
wish I could spend more time. And if I had more time, I'd probably continue
volunteering. But I don't have much experience besides that.

When I first got into the program, we got-- a textbook where there's a section at the end
of each chapter explaining how to kind of integrate to diverse students, but it's only
maybe a paragraph or two. It gives you ideas on how to, but I think it's more of an
experience thing that you just kind of have to go in there and kind of adapt to it, like with
the more you teach. I don't think there's much you can do if they give you readings and
stuff, I don't think that's gonna help very much.

The reports from students of color and White students suggest that faculty were

unconsciousness about the need for race content. Additionally, their own not knowing they

dont know perpetuated a continuing cycle where the lack of personal awareness related to race

pedagogy leads to an absence of race related instructional modeling for new teachers entering the

field. This pattern can and should be interrupted. When an instructors own lived racial

experiences are limited they have nothing from which to draw to inform new learners who will

ultimately be teaching a multiracial group of students in the future. Much like the White students

own admission about lacking racial understanding and their fear of exposing what they do not

know about race; instructors lack of racial awareness can and does lead to unconsciously

avoiding race pedagogy altogether.

Commented [7]: As I read through the findings, i
wondered if there needs to be themes and sub themes.
COMMENT Can findings be articulated more concisely, tying sub
themes to major themes as a whole?
 32

Discussion (Robbie and Melissa wrote)

The overarching themes and subthemes tell an important racial story about all of the

students lived experiences in the pre-service teacher preparation program. After listening to the

students in both groups, reading, re-reading and analyzing the text from their focus group

experience, we find dramatic and important comparisons to be made. Ultimately, we believe

these comparisons are leading to significantly different outcomes for the students as they

navigate the program.

The ability to be conscious of race or unconscious of race emerged as an important entry

point in our ability to understand their experiences. When students of color begin their teacher Commented [8]: What does this mean?

preparation program and then navigate through it, their consciousness of race is prominent.

While this may seem obvious, it serves as a deep and meaningful guide to understanding their

overall experience. Simultaneously, White students who revealed their lack of consciousness

about race while in the program contributed to our understanding, as well.

When students of color described feelings related to racial isolation, White students

simply show limited awareness of it altogether. Going further, students of color find, in order to

be understood, they must also teach race as a mechanism for engagement and explaining their

views. Eventually, students of color are frustrated with White peers who will not or cannot

authentically discuss race.

At the same time, White students revealed that they are not confident talking about race.

They dont see themselves as efficacious with race content and fear they will make a mistake or

offend their colleagues of color. Showing their own ignorance about race was a problem. The

sum of these fears and limited efficacy around race for White students made the stark

comparison between the two groups significant.

 33

As the students settled into the program, descriptions about how they interacted with one

another, fit in or developed connections with one another and with faculty was instrumental to

their program experience. Perhaps the most eye opening was the description of physical

distancing, as described by the students of color. To them, White students showed fear and

ignorance by simply staying away physically. This theme was further developed when students

of color explained how feeling excluded was exacerbated by the absence of meaningful

relationships with the faculty, as well.

However, White students were able to feel more included because the environment

created by faculty and by each other was one of unity, togetherness and I belong here. Since

students of color were either entirely isolated or often one of a few students of color in their

classes, the notion of building friendships in and out of class was missing for them. But White

students found ways in and out of class to do this. Ultimately, their program experience was

bolstered by friendships in and out of class. They could navigate the program with the security

and friendship from people who understood them and could even support them. None of this was

ever a reality for the students of color in the program.

Instructor style, approach and relationship emerged as important to both groups when

asked about faculty impact. Again, the experiences as described by both groups were markedly

different. Students of color felt as if most faculty simply were not there for them. This showed up

in a variety of ways. To students of color, faculty did not seem to understand or accommodate

their individual or personal needs. If students of color wanted more information, more guidance

or more detail, it did not happen unless they personally sought out what they needed. Students of

color felt faculty showed up unprofessionally and would use sloppy mechanisms for

communicating to all students. This created tension for students of color. They felt that faculty
 34

could not see the impact on students of color, despite their intention. In the end, these students

described this program experience as a solo one--where the lack of support and guidance led to a

culminating feeling of, Im not ready or prepared.

Comparing these experiences with the experiences of White students we saw significant

and abrupt differences. Essentially, White students found faculty to be just the opposite. Not only

did White students feel faculty were all accommodating, they found them to be advocates. This

is significant because of the advantage faculty advocacy can have on learning and more

importantly, future opportunities. Students of color were never able to say they had advocates as

students in the program. In fact the road was, in general, an uphill battle for them when it came

to interacting with faculty.

Finally, both groups noticed and described the absence of race pedagogy and content.

Both groups were aware that the faculty did not know what students needed in terms of

understanding, embedding and teaching pre-service teachers to be racially conscious. While the

origin of this need was different for the students racially they all knew, at some level, that this

content was needed and missing. For students of color it was fundamental and obvious--a need

that would make learning relevant and meaningful to them. For White students the inclusion of

race pedagogy was more like a missing puzzle piece. Because of their own lack of knowledge

and lived experiences, they simply could not put it all together nor could they act on it.

In the end, the absence of racial pedagogy appeared to marginalize learning for all

students. Simultaneously, the absence of race pedagogy and lived racial experiences seemed to

compromise the facultys ability to reach all students.

Ultimately, the collection of themes and subthemes tells an important story about what is

missing and what is needed for ALL pre-service teachers to be effectively prepared. To us the
 35

environment for students of color as compared to White students is so markedly different that it

explains a number of serious issues related to teaching, learning and schooling for pre K-12

students of color.

Conclusion

The intent of this study was to elevate student voice through storytelling and counter-

narratives. We were able to identify several themes. We have two major conclusions to unpack

followed by several recommendations for teacher preparation faculty to consider utilizing a CRT

lens.

First, analyses of the two focus groups led us to conclude that race talk or race equity was

not an integral part of course content in preparing these students to meet the needs of racially

complex environments. This had significant ramifications for both White students and students

of color in the programs offered at this institution. Students of color wanted more recognition

and understanding of their lived experiences in course content and interactions with faculty, field

experiences, and White classmates. The lack of race consciousness in these findings caused

isolation for students of color at multiple points. Their interactions with White peers, content

faculty, and field supervisors, cooperating P-12 teachers, and P -12 students all were all

problematized by the absence of race talk. It created isolation in the classroom during their

college courses and relative stress because of being alone. This is consistent with racial battle

fatigue (Fasching-Varner, Albert, Mitchell, & Allen, 2015). From a critical race lens, neoliberal

colorblindness (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012) was perhaps a factor in fatigue for students of color

or played a role in their isolation. This is one factor that potentially leads to low retention for
 36

teachers of color in the profession. Although, in this study, students of color were energized by

their interactions with P12 students they met.

Second, the racial hypersensitivity brought to light in the White student themes above

suggests to us that this group was without the knowledge and skills to navigate potential

educational disparity or discourse around race. For example, disproportionate behavior and

discipline data that students of color experience and their subsequent counter narratives will be

difficult for these White teacher candidates to positively address in any significant way. White

fragility problematizes the ability to have open and honest discussions about race in

predominantly White classrooms. There is an intolerance to racial stress for White people due

do to being insulated from race-based stress (DiAngelo, 2011). With this fragile state, comes a

fear of race conversations and discourse which can manifest in several ways. Fear, guilt, and

silence are some examples of these manifestations. These serve as defensive mechanisms for

White people in order to minimize the privilege they garner within multi-racial spaces.

The continuum from White fragility to racial battle fatigue inherent in our findings

suggest an underlying causal relationship. Most likely, the fatigue experienced by students of

color was due to their recognition of the insulation from racial stress that White peers and faculty

had. Conversely, insulation from race-based stress most likely did not allow White students and

faculty to understand how much fatigue students of color actually had. Another aspect of the

role fragility may have played in our findings relates to the faculty and a lack of awareness of

their own unconsciousness. The one course that focused on multiculturalism or diversity that

students referenced may be seen as enough experience on racial discourse by the faculty.

However, it further insulates both White students and faculty from exposure to race-based stress

experienced by students of color. A byproduct of fragility is racial nepotism. This is perhaps

 37

why White students felt like family in this program. White racial nepotism is a foundation, sets

the conditions, and fuels whiteness, a necessary ingredient for White Supremacy.

Implications and Recommendations

Tepid remarks about race at best, or silence at worse, has been the outcome of racial

discourse in our teacher preparation programs. These factors helped to further racial battle

fatigue for students of color, and normalized fragility for White students and faculty. To counter

this tendency for White students and instructors, there are frameworks and protocols that can be

used. Racial equity pedagogy should be researched, developed , and deployed in initial teacher

preparation programs with fidelity. This means that one course on multicultural education or

diversity is not enough. CRT should be the soil, ground, and air that is breathed for curricular

and programmatic transformation.

Efforts to increase faculty of color who also demonstrate race consciousness and

pedagogy are needed in order to add multiple racial perspectives amongst faculty members.

Protocols such as Courageous Conversations about Race (CCAR) (Singleton, 2015) are effective

in promoting interracial and intraracial dialogue with students and faculty alike. We recommend

professional development for faculty that is grounded in critical consciousness, including

processes for deepening awareness of their own racial identities and behaviors.

Future Research. If there were deep critical race inquiry throughout the programs,

perhaps the narratives would sound different. This needs to be explored. Other considerations

for thinking critically about race is to examine systems and history as a means to uproot barriers

to race consciousness. Whiteness is very prevalent in education, but efforts to supplant it and

White supremacy must be as vigilant. We suggest research that is grounded in critical theory

and social justice epistemology to serve as agitative agents to uproot and supplant practices and
 38

course content that is antithetical to racial equity. We are considering action research from a

CRT lens to help us keep students in our preparation programs at the center of our efforts for

transformation. To that end, we recognize it is not racial animus that should be the main focal

point of uprooting White fragility in teacher preparation programs. It is nepotism and all of its

roots that we must engage and overturn in order to interrupt (dis)consciuousness and dismantle

the continuum from fragility to fatigue.

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Discussion (Author??)

The results of our study had some similarities to previous studies in terms of Black students

relationships with white peers and with faculty, and regarding a lack of cohesive and thorough

discussions about racial equity in course materials. However, we also discovered a significant

topic related to race consciousness, or lack thereof, on the parts of Black and White

teacher candidates in our programs. These topics are discussed below.

Waller, Costen, and Wozencroft (2011) believed that adjusting to a new environment can

be challenging for many young adults. This is especially so for minority college students whose
 42

success can be impacted by the college environment and social connectedness that students feel

in their academic programs. The participants in our study had significantly different experiences

regarding social connectedness in their teacher education programs. White students felt

supported by faculty and each other, while students of color experienced an absence of

relationships with faculty, and felt excluded from their White peers. This is very similar to the

findings noted in Bower-Phipps et al (2013) where students of color felt isolated from white

peers in their programs.

The participants in our study who were students of color felt that they faced additional

obstacles and encountered more stress in order to be academically successful in their teacher

education courses. They felt that faculty were inflexible with communication and expectations.

Cole (2011), too, noted that positive faculty encouragement and support had a significant impact

on improving students self-concept, and the lack of it can have the opposite effect, resulting in

African American students feeling patronized and alienated from the intellectual community

(p. 275). As discussed earlier, Strayhorn (2013) believed that negative experiences and beliefs

about Black individuals reinforces racial stereotypes which, in turn, reducing a feeling of

belonging and inclusion. The students of color in our study did experience significant feelings of

exclusion and lack of relationships with faculty and with white peers. This is similar to the

findings of Waller et al (2011), where a lack of racial diversity and research agendas involving

race negatively impacted relationships students of color had with faculty.

Interestingly, all of the participants in our study expressed a lack of confidence in the

faculty members ability to effectively prepare teacher candidates for teaching diverse students in

the school setting. They all felt as though they did not have the knowledge or tools to work with
 43

these diverse students, and expressed frustration with the lack of time spent on this in their

teacher education courses. This is a continuing and ongoing problem in teacher preparation

programs throughout history.

While the white students and the students of color agreed on the lack of preparedness

they felt in terms of teaching diverse students in the schools, they differed greatly in their desire

to interact with each other. The white students admitted to ignoring and excluding students of

color in their interactions, and appeared to not have interest in developing relationships with

them. The students of color felt that exclusion very deeply, and even felt that white students

were tired of talking about race when it came up in class discussions. This dichotomy among

white students who want to learn more about working with diverse students in the schools but are

not interested in developing relationships with their peers of color needs to be further researched.