1

Ancient Buddhist Pilgrim Records: A study in historical geography of Akhnoor

By Dr Lalit Gupta

Key words: Sacred landscape, Traditional routes, Pilgrimage, Sankha Lipi inscriptions

The paucity of textual, numismatic and epigraphic records barring few archaeological evidences has
resulted into a hazy picture of cultural history of Akhnoor, a major archaeological site in Da rva
Abhisa ra (the region of Jammu).

The finds of Shankha lipi inscriptions from Akhnoor, in Jammu region, along with extant Buddhist
archaeological remains, have emerged as important evidence to suggest that Buddhism which had
taken roots in Da rvaAbhisa ra1 right from the times of the Lord Buddha, not only continued to be
popular in Jammu region but the area also boasted of pilgrimage centers, especially between 4 th to
7th-8th centuries.

The presence of Shankha lipi inscriptions at Akhnoor and other areas therefore warrant a relook at
the traditional routes, and the likelihood of the Buddhist monastic complex at Akhnoor-Ambaran,
developing into a sacred landscape that subsequently emerged as pilgrimage center attracting
pilgrims who, as per the practice in those days, left record of their visit in terms of votive
inscriptions.

This paper is an attempt to start afresh the discussion on the historic geography of Akhnoor in
terms of space, society and time. Unlike contiguous Kashmir Valley, there is paucity of scholarly
work on Jammu region with the result this study is likely to raise more questions than to answer
raised ones.

Area of Study: The area of taken for study is Akhnoor 2, which is an ancient settlement located, in
Shiwalik Hill tract lying in Jammu Division of the state of Jammu and Kashmir Stateat the spot
where river Chenab (ancient Asikini, Chandrabha ga ) after remaining confined by narrow
mountainous gorges, opens up and debouches into the north Indian plains.

Akhnoor seems to have remained important all throughout history due to its strategic location as an
entrepot, transit\junction point where Chenab river as a geographical marker of natural boundary
separates the areas of Dha rva (between Ravi & Chenab) i. e., from the sub-region of Abhisa ra
(Poonch, Rajouri). The excavations carried out at Manda at Akhnoor by Archaeological Survey of
 2

India(ASI)3 has established layers of settlements at this settlement beginning as early as Harrapan
period.

Jammu region is the name given to the part of the outermost hills of the Himalayas that stretch from
Himachal Pradesh to the Pothawar in Pakistan. The region can be found on the Atlas roughly
between 32 177 to 36 587 North Latitude to 73 267 and 83 307 East Longitude. The foot hills of the
Pir Panjal are about 240 kilometers in length and starts from Kishtawar in the East and goes up to
Muzzafrabad in the West. The range is in the Eastern side is known as the Chenab Valley area.
Among the chief highland side valleys of Chenab in Jammu, major ones are valleys of Padar,
Dacchan and Marwa in Kishtwar, Bhales, Bhadarwah, Siraj and Banihal in Doda, Poonch and
Rajouri and Anji in Reasi. All these mountain valleys of Chenab and its tributaries have a rich
antiquity.4

With regards to the question about peopling of these area, ancient sources (Mahabharata, Pa n inis
As tadhya y , Nilmata Pura n a, Raja taran gin ) tell us that the region was inhabited by diversity of
races and ethnic communities which included the races from the hoary past such as Pis7 aca , Naga ,
Kinnara, Gandharva, along with races from the early historic period like Audumbara, Madra,
Va hlka, Da rva, Abhisa ra, Yavana et al. What one thing is clear that that there has been movement of
people into the hills from the south than the north. 5

Sacred Landscape of Akhnoor: A historical view

The region of Dha rva-Abhisa r is full of many such mountains 6, caves7, rivers, lakes8, forests, groves
and which are considered as sacred. Apart from folk lore some form of cosmic descent, association,
with other place-worlds or lokas is used to account for the sacredness of the landscape-----. 9

Forms of mythic-ritual sacrilization of geographical features also came to be associated in course of

time with man-made structures like temples, stupas and caityas. Many of these continued to be
popular religious sites\ sacred places also have rich narrative tradition, either oral or written
detailed descriptions about their origin, which serve as both markers of events and metaphors for
everyday life.

Akhnoor emerged as a major centre of Buddhism thanks to the Indo-Greek king Milinda who after a
marathon discussion with Mahthera Na gsena at his capital at Sa gala, (modern Sialkot in Pakistan)
converted to Buddhism10 and said to have undertaken a major program of construction of caityas
and viha ras, all over his domain.
 3

Claimed to be associated with proselytizing zeal of Milinda, one such monastic complex of Ambaran
near Akhnoor, set up on the right bank of river Chenab in 2 nd century BCE had remained active up to
6th-7th CE till it was completely devastated by floods in Chenab river. The insightful excavations by
the Archaeological survey of India in the first decades of 21 st century11, has provided valuable
resource material for the historiography of this region12.

Evolution of major sacred places in the Jammu Shiwaliks, like elsewhere seems to have a close
association with traditional routes that passing through the area linked Indo-Gangeticplain with
the established kingdoms in Western Himalayas 13 including the Kashmir Valley.

The Buddhist san gha at Akhnoor being part of dynamic Buddhist mobility was also closely linked to
trans-regional trade networks extending to the northwestern borderlands and joined to Central
Asian silk routes by many capillary routes.

Buddhism like other Indian religionsthrough its mythologies sculpted a comprehensive and
symmetrical cosmology. The stupa apart from being a funerary\ commemorative structure also
came to symbolize a kind of supernatural geography, a cosmic habitat inhabited by mythical gods
and different lokas. The Ambaran monastic complex14evolved through times into a sacred
landscape which served to the spiritual needs for the Buddhists communities of Akhnoor,
surrounding areas and the pilgrims.

The walls and facade of monastic complex lavishly embellished with terracotta relief sculptures
were veritable galleries, a spectacle to behold; it represented the Buddhist theology including the
Jatakas in different images and symbols. Along with the presence of number of rrika stpas,
especially the one with relic casket possibly containing the relics of Lord Buddha 15 or a Chakravartin
king and venerable Theras, bestowed upon the place an aura of sacredness. Which seems to have
been further entrenched due to traditional belief system of reverence for landscape features like the
location of the complex in the pristine setting of mango gardens on bank of the perennial river etc .

Even today, some five kilometers downstream from ancient complex of Ambaran, where the towns
seems to shifted in later times, the entire stretch of the river bank of Chenab continues to remain a
place of religious importance. Along with ancient Kameshwar Temple 16, other religious structures
and the spot where under Jia Pota tree, Maharaja Gulab Singh was coroneted as Raja of Jammu in
1822the bank of Chenab not only continues to be regarded as sacred but equally holy like the
Har-Ki- Pauri of Haridwa r for the natives since ages have been immersing the last remains of dead
relatives and near ones and also conduct their last rites here.
 4

Traditional Routes:

Traditional routes have been the key elements in settlement systems in a region. It is through these
routes that one regional settlement system was connected with other settlement systems. Their
connectivity acted as medium for not only the flow of goods across the region but also facilitated
flow of cultural traits and ideologies17.

Jammu region is characterized by with many ribbon like valleys called as Dun-s. One such is the
Dansal Dun that runs for more than 100 kilometers starts from Basohli, i.e., the right bank of river
Ravi and leads up to Pancheri (near Udhampur) and beyond and touches the Chenab river and from
there on one can easily travel to Kashmir. Used as a trade route since ancient times the caravans of
traders entering from Punjab side exercised the choice to take up any of the routes that forked to
different destinations like Kashmir, Ladakh, or simply to avoid the turbulent north-Indian plains.
The armies of Lalita ditya Muktapida, in the 8 th century are said to have also used the Dansal Dun for
military forays into the Indian mainland18.

Buddhist literature is full of references about monks travelling with the Sarthavahas on such
traditional routes as this must have been in the mutual interest of the traders and the monks. On
one hand, the caravan felt safe with the fellow monk travelers who other than spiritual discourses
and discussion which were befitting and entertaining, through their spiritual presence and powers
could defend the traders from evil spirits etc. On the other hand, the monks got necessary
provisions from the caravan.

The Ambaran monastic complex was located on a traditional route that passed through the primary
settlement of Sa gala, which was used as a capital by the Greco-Bactrian king Menander during his
reign between c.160 and 135 BCE. The best descriptions of the city of Sa gala have come from the
Milindapan ho, a dialogue between King Menander and the Buddhist monk Na gsena 19.

The proximity to such a traditional route which served as a system for commerce, trade, and
philosophies to travel far and wide must have made Ambaran an important religious destination
and a halting station for traders, iterant monks as well as laity, who must have participated in rituals
and ceremonies observed by the resident monastic community.

These routes remained active in seventh century is hinted from the accounts of famous Chinese
traveler Huien Tsang. The celebrated Buddhist pilgrim who after his stay in Kashmir valley for three
years had in year 633 taken a southwardly route to Magadha from Srinagar. This route passed
 5

through Tosmaidan pass, Poonch, Sakhi Maidan, Mendhar (Buddhal) and reached to Rajouri. After
leaving Rajouri, the pilgrim is said to have went further South- east and reached the country of
Takkas20 (Punjab) and after crossing river Beas reached Sagal (Sialkot, now in Pakistan).

Alberuni in the 11th century mentions Balaur being connected with Kanauj on one hand and
Chamba (Himachal Pradesh, another state of India) on the other. He writes Marching from Kanoj
towards North North West, you come to Shirashara, 50 farsakh from Kanoj, Pinjaur, 18 farsakh,
situated on the mountain, whilst opposite it in the plain there is the city of Thanesvara. Dhamala ,
the capital of Jalandhar, at the foot of the mountains, 18 farsakh; Ballavar, 10 farsakh, thence
marching west ward, you come to Ladda, 13 farsakh, fortress of Rajagiri 8 farsakh, thence marching
westward, you come to Kashmir , 25 farsakh.18 Balaur, had developed as an important trade center
in the 9th 10th centuries CE and a temple was constructed either by the trade guilds of the place or
the ruling family was in a position to provide proper monetary support to its construction . As per
researches done so far on the region, it has been concluded that since most of the temples of the
region fall on the routes, there is a possibility of them having been built by the trading community of
the region.

The Jammu Shiwaliks being a transit territory continued to have many sub-routes that linked Indian
mainland with the Silk route21. Out of these routes, some connecting the Valley of Kashmir and
others skirting it via Kishtawar to Zanskar and going further on to Leh and beyond, remained more
or less unchanged till medieval times.

These routes in later centuries shifted according to the changing political situations and status of
the security ensured to the traders. But it seems that commercial activities on the traditional routes
remained more or less unchanged till 19 th century i.e. the reign of Gulab Singh 22. These routes with
presence of many local thirthas, not only served as trade routes but also as cultural routes.

Pilgrimage

Pilgrimages formed an important part of Buddhist devotional practice from ancient times. In the
Mahaparinibbana sutta, another early text, it is stated that the Buddha encouraged all devotees to
make pilgrimages to four holy sites to ensure that they would be reborn in a heavenly world.

And they, Ananda, who shall die while they, with believing heart, are journeying on such
pilgrimage, shall be reborn after death, when the body shall dissolve, in the happy realms of
heaven. (Mahaparinirvana Sutra, Ch.IV, 140. )
 6

Buddhist pilgrimage serves as a means to accrue merit and as an act of purifying the physical body
through the sacred journey. The goal of Buddhist pilgrimage then is to profoundly change the
practitioner through the transformative experience, both mental and physical. Art supports the
ritual of pilgrimage as the engagement of a journey, the acts of merit-making, charity and alms-
giving during the process and beyond, sacred viewing at the site, and construction of memory
through ephemera.

Pilgrimage in the Buddhist tradition highlights the centrality of relics and their power. Because
being in the presence of a relic and taking darshan (sacred viewing) of relics accrues merit, visiting
the sites where relics are found is a principal impetus for pilgrimage in Buddhism.

Sites associated with the physical relics (e.g., a tooth, a hair, or ashes from cremation) of the
historical Buddha and relics by association (e.g., places made sacred by his presence, or a bowl or
robe used by the Buddha) therefore map the sacred Buddhist landscape of India.

A third category of relics is consecrated paintings or sculptures, which serve as reminders of the
sacred sites. The objects associated with this relic category include not only art works of high
artistic skill and materials such as gold, silver, silk or bronze, but also ephemeral objects of paper
and clay that embody the experience and power of pilgrimage for the practitioner.

Buddhist practice has supported the re-creation of surrogate pilgrimage sites. In regions far from
the Buddhist sacred center of India where there was little possibility of visiting the core sacred sites
of Buddhism, Indian sacred sites were frequently re-created. This symbolic reconstruction created
surrogate pilgrimage sites and produced a localized sacred geography and landscape. Many among
these are associated with the natural world as the tangible expressions of the sacred in the natural
world. These surrogate sites were often found in beautiful natural settings in distant places, where
the rigors of travel became central to the pilgrimage experience. These journeys reinforce the
conception of the physical landscape as sacred. As far as Ambaran monastic complex near Akhnoor,
located on the river bank, is concerned, the name itself reflects the character of the place being a
mango garden.

The archeological excavations here have revealed, for the first time in Jammu and Kashmir,
significant Buddhist remains of a monastic complex along with stupa with a relic casket dateable to
2nd century CE. Though the identification of the great personality whose relics were enshrined in
the stu pa still remains a matter of discussion in the absence of a definite proof. But in this context,
the following passage from the Maha parinibba na sutta is relevant in which Lord Buddha himself
 7

informed Ananda that four personalities are eligible over whose corporeal remains stu pas are
constructed. They being Tatha gata Buddha himself, Pratyeka Buddha, Samyak Sambuddha,
Buddha's S ra vaka or disciple and the Ra ja Cakravarti or an emperor 'Cattrome nanda Thprah,
Katame Cattro Tathgato arahato Sammsambuddho, Paccekasambuddho thpraho, Tathgatassa
svako thpraho, Rj cakkavatt thpraho 23.

Association of the relics found at Ambaran with a Pratyeka Sambuddha or with a S ra vaka of Buddha
may not be possible in this region on the borderlands of the Madhyades7 a. Marshall has cited W.W.
Tarn in stating that according to Plutarch after the death of Menander, the cities raised stu pas over
his ashes 24. The ritual was in origin reserved for such category of great men as Menander, as he was
thought to be a Buddhist emperor-Chakravartin. He was the ruler of Madra country with S a gala or
Sialkot as his capital, which is quite near Akhnoor on the other side of the border. However he
seems to have died around c. 150 BCE and thus his date seems to be at least two centuries earlier
than the construction of the stu pa at the present site. According to B.R.Mani, the principle excavator
of the site, it seems quite reasonable that the relics of Lord Buddha himself might have been
enshrined in the stu pa at Ambaran with full dignity and honour as per the practice of the Ku s ana
times as noticed elsewhere, particularly in Gandha ra region 25. But the other possibility cannot also
be ruled out that the stupa was built on the relics of a great Chakravartin like Menander and in later
times it had acquired the status of a pilgrimage, authority or prestige and enjoyed popularity till the
times the place continued its exist up to 6th - 8th century CE.

Shell Inscriptions: The advent and adherence of Buddhism in any area meant a process of
acculturation that entailed series of changes in the socio-cultural life of the indigenous
communities; especially those areas and communities that were considered as being outside the
pale of Indian mainland26.

The material evidences of such a socialcultural transformations in target communities was directly
related to factors like the patronage of Buddhism by local ruling class, social elite and traders
caravans passing through that particular area. Such evidences have come in terms of growth of
monastic complexes cities, growth of literacy27.

With the advent of the Buddha the art of writing was given renewed impetus, and the expansion of
literary activities is testified either primarily on the testimony of and inscriptions including those in
Sankha Lipi. Buddhism had an aura of power, partly because it had the support of powerful political
forces, and partly because Buddhist monks were recognized for their scholarship. Monks were also
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thought to have special powers such as the ability to heal sickness, predict the future, and control
rain. Each region to which Buddhism traveled developed its own monasteries, universities, temples,
and lay following. With time, Buddhism would develop a unique and different character in different
in the country as well as many Asian countries.

Short inscriptions in a peculiar highly ornate un-deciphered script, popularly known as "shell
characters" or Shankhalipi because of a fancied resemblance of the letters to a conch shell
(Shankha), are found at a wide range of archaeological sites in and around India.

Richard Salomon28 who since 1976 has been engaged in collecting and analyzing such inscriptions,
has to date (2004) located 640 specimens from 67 different sites, ranging from Akhnoor (Jammu) in
the north to Sandur (Bellary District, Karnataka) in the south, as well as from four sites in Indonesia
(Java and Borneo). In several of his publications on this subject he has tried to address the problems
of the interpretation and decipherment of the script.

Shankha lipi inscriptions which along with Brahmi seems to have been used mainly for names and
signatures by the pilgrims in ancient times, have also been discovered from Akhnoor on small round
stones and on rocks, boulder have also been recently reported from Bhadarwah in Kishtawar
districts of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Shankha lipi inscriptions from Akhnoor and Bhadarwah are to be seen in the light of the
earliest available inscriptions in the Jammu region. The first one is Brahmi script from Balastal
(Bathastal29) Cave in Dachhan, Kishtwar. A post-Mauryan Brahmi inscription, it was first noticed in
1921 by R.C.Kak, while he was touring the area. 30 He discovered it in a cave in the locality of
Bathastal in Dachhan area of Kishtawar. Bathastal is a long, shallow, natural grotto, formed by the
erosion of large masses from the face of the rocky ledge by the action of frost. But it is probable that
for many centuries its appearance has been much the same as it is now. This is proved by the
existence of a large number of characters, in various styles and probably to different times, which
are painted in colours on its ceiling. But it is certain from their form that some of them were written
in, or even before, the third century A.D., and the rest could be hardly assigned to any date later than
the fifth century A.D. 31 Dated between 3rd to 5th centuries CE by R.C. Kak, the Bathastal inscription
which is one of the oldest Brahami inscriptions in Jammu region has been a subject of scholarly
debate. Epigraphist like B.K.Kaul Dembi have placed and compared Bathastal cave inscription with
coins of Indo-Bactrian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon, Khanihara Rock inscription and Inscription
of Ks atrapa King Sodasa, all belonging to Post-Mauryan Group of 184 BCE to the beginning of
 9

Christian era.32 In another interpretation of this group of inscriptions i.e., triangular wedges, serifs
and nail heads and cursive forms occur in Balastal inscription also, and hence the time of the
inscription belonging to first or second century BCE seems to be quite correct. However, other
repetitive writings in cursive style may belong to later centuries 33.
Second important inscription is the Bhadarwah Cave Inscription. Carved inside a cave shrine
(called as Gupt Ganga) on the bank of river Neru near Bhadarwah town, this inscription has been
identified as that in Brahami characters and is important in many ways. Firstly it is perhaps the
longest Brahmi inscription (11 letters) in the region. Secondly it is perhaps the second oldest
Brahmi inscription from the Himalayan Valleys of Chenab region. Thirdly, its paleographic studies
indicate the Kushana influence in the Valley of Bhadarwah 34.
Another important Brahmi inscription has been found inscribed on an iron trident that broken in
two pieces stands embedded in the courtyard of Suddha Mahadev Shiva temple. On the basis of
paleographic evaluation has been dated by J.N. Agarwal to 3 rd-4th century CE.35 J.N.Agarwal derives
following conclusions from the inscription. Firstly the inscription belongs to the alphabets of 3 rd-4th
century CE., of North-western variety of Indian alphabets and closely resemble to those of Mathura
stone pillar inscription of Candra Gupta II (dated in the Gupta era 61, A.D. 361) as is clear from the
S and M. That in the 4 th century A.D. or even possible 3 rd century A.D. Suddha Mahadev was
regarded as a sacred place worthy of a visit by the king 36.

The translation of the Sudha Mahadev inscription reads as under: success has been attained.
In the year 5 of his own rule---------by the son of (Maharaja) Vibhu Nga, the lord of ------ (of
37
benefactor of the ---) world-----but those who perish.

The mention of Gan apati Na ga in Allahabad Pillar Inscription 38 again has an important link with
Jammu Shiwaliks as this name also figures in the Bra hmi inscription found here at the well known
local tirtha at Suddha Mahadeva. The inscription consists of three lines and is only partially
preserved. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and the characters belong to the North-
Western variety of Indian Bra hmi of the 3rd-4th century CE. 39
It mentions rulers such as Vibhu
Na ga and Gan apati Na ga. The Gan apati Na ga was one of the nine Na ga rulers conquered by the
Gupta emperor. During the 3rd and 4th centuries two Naga families ruled, the one from Mathura
and the other at Padma vat in Galion. The coins disclose names of ten Naga rulers, including Vibhu
Na ga and Gan apati Na ga.
 10

The inscription very interestingly points towards the fact that Suddha Mahadev in 3rd4th CE was
an important pilgrimage which attracted visits of the kings and also the area was somewhat under
the influence of the Na ga king whose father Gan apati Na ga had acknowledged the sovereignty of
Samudragupta who gave himself the titles King of Kings and World Monarch. He performed
As7 vamedha yajn a (horse sacrifice) to underline the importance of his conquest.

When there was already a practice of writing inscriptions in Brahmi, the Shankha Lipi inscriptions
as records left by pilgrims, achieves a unique significance in establishing that monastic complexes
Ambaran and at Bhadarwah were active centers of pilgrimage during 4 th to 7th centuries.

Though Buddhism waned under the onslaught of Huna invasion, it seemed to have continued to be
practiced in remote valleys of Jammu region till 12th century and lingering idea of Dhamma survived
till recent past in shape of symbols (like the image of a Stupa on a memorial stone embedded on the
enclosing walls of a spring at Kishtawar) that having lost their context just survived as a distant
racial memory.
1
ENDNOTES

Baidyanath Labh, Buddhism in Jammu and KashmirAn Overview, In: Jammu, Kashmir and LadakhHistorical, Cultural and Linguistic Perspective, Jammu, 2007
--------The message of the Buddha seems to have reached to the Jammu Shiwaliks during his life time only. This is supported by the fact that some of the prominen
disciples of the Buddha likeMahkappina, Khem and Bhadd Kapiln hailed from Madradea.

2
Akhnoor is located a32.87N 74.73E. It has an average elevation of 301 meters (988 ft).Akhnoor is situated at the right bank of the mighty Chenab. Chenab enters plain
at Akhnoor. On the North and East, the Shiwaliks, Kali Dhar and Trikuta range surround it. Akhnoor lies on (Moughal Road) Jammu-Poonch National Highway about 28 km
away from Jammu. It connects with Rajouri District on North, Reasi District on East & Cchamb Tehsil (Pakistan Occupied Jammu Kashmir Area) on west.

3
Archaeological Review1961-62

4
Op.Cit., P.K. Kaul, Antiquities--p. 2.

5
Dr Devinder Singh, Rhythms of Religious Life and Sacred Landscape along Traditional Route in Jammu Shiwaliks----. In Heritage and Cultural Routes, (Ed Poonam
Choudhary), 2012, pp 474Dr Devinder.

6
Trikuta Hills, Kaplash (Kailash Parvat) in Bhadarwah,

7
Vaishnodevi, Shiv Khori,

8
Mansar, Suniasar, Kaplash Kund

9
Meera Baindur, Nature as Non-terrestrial: Sacred Natural Landscapes and Place
in Indian Vedic and Purnic Thought, www.hppt\ Sacred Landscape---.----------- in the primary narratives sthal Purana while secondary narratives called as sth
mahatamya, recount the human experience of the sacred

10
Milinadapanho,-

11
Mani,B.R., Excavations at Ambaran, Jammu & Kashmir. India.1999-2001 and Dating of the Akhnur Buddhist Terracotta Heads. CIAA Newsletter, Issue, 12. Decembe
2000, Dept. of Art & Archaeology, University of London, London., U.K.

12
Dr Devinder Singh, Op Cit, pp 474

13
While Aduambras were settled on left bank of Ravi ( modern Pathankot), Sgala, (Sialkot) the capital of Madra Desh is located at roughly 40 kilometers in South Wes
direction of Akhnoor. Other major settlements were Trigarta \Nagarkot (Kangra), and Gabdika (Chamba) in the South-East while Kashmir Valley lies beyond Pir Panja
ranges in the north-east.

14
The excavations have unearthed foundations of baked brick buildings constructed right from Pre-Kna Period (c. 2nd-1st century BCE), Kna Period (c. 1 st --3
century CE), Post-Kna (Gupta) Period (c. 4th-5th century CE) and Post-Gupta Period (c. 6th-7th century CE), which belong to number of stupas, including a eight-spoke
and the one with relics, small votive stupas.

15
According to B.R.Mani, the principle excavator of the site, it seems quite reasonable that the relics of Lord Buddha himself might have been enshrined in the stpa a
Ambaran with full dignity and honour as per the practice of the Kna times as noticed elsewhere, particularly in Gandhra region.

16
An Ekmukha-linga dateable to 2nd--1st- century BCE, was documented by Srinagar Circle of Archaeological Survey of India.

17
Dr Devinder Singh, Op Cit, pp 472

18
Dr Lalit Gupta, Buddhist Art in Western Himalayas with Special reference to Jammu Shiwaliks, Unpublished Ph. D thesis, University of Jammu.

19
In the Milindapanha, the city is described in the following terms: "There is in the country of the Yonakas a great centre of trade, a city that is called Sgala, situate in
delightful country well watered and hilly, abounding in parks and gardens and groves and lakes and tanks, a paradise of rivers and mountains and woods. Wise architect
have laid it out, and its people know of no oppression, since all their enemies and adversaries has been put down. Brave is its defense, with many and various stron
towers and ramparts, with superb gates and entrance archways; and with the royal citadel in its midst, white walled and deeply moated. Well laid out are its streets
squares, cross roads, and market places. Well displayed are the innumerable sorts of costly merchandise with which its shops are filled. It is richly adorned with hundred
of alms-halls of various kinds; and splendid with hundreds of thousands of magnificent mansions, which rise aloft like the mountain peaks of the Himalayas. Its streets ar
filled with elephants, horses, carriages, and foot-passengers, frequented by groups of handsome men and beautiful women, and crowded by men of all sorts and
conditions, Brahmans, nobles, artificers, and servants. They resound with cries of welcome to the teachers of every creed, and the city is the resort of the leading men o
each of the differing sects. Shops are there for the sale of Benares muslin, of Kotumbara stuffs, and of other cloths of various kinds; and sweet odours are exhaled from th
bazaars, where all sorts of flowers and perfumes are tastefully set out. Jewels are there in plenty, such as men's hearts desire, and guilds of traders in all sorts of finer
display their goods in the bazaars that face all quarters of the sky. So full is the city of money, and of gold and silver ware, of copper and stone ware, that it is a very min
of dazzling treasures. And there is laid up there much store of property and corn and things of value in warehouses-foods and drinks of every sort, syrups and sweetmeat
of every kind. In wealth it rivals Uttara-kuru, and in glory it is as lakamand, the city of the gods". (The Questions of King Milinda, Translation by T. W. Rhys Davids, 1890)

20
Here after passing through a Pallsvana (modern Plnwla near Akhnoor) Hieun Tsang reached in the vicinity of Takkadesha where he was waylaid by bandits. Bu
unfortunately Hieun Tsang fails to any mention of Ambaran.

21
Drew Frederick, The Jammu and Kashmir Territories. (list of routes)

22
Hugel Baron Charles, Kashmir and Punjab, p.67 --- referring to the trade during Gulab Singhs time he writes ------where they were unloading a dozen camels, th
property of Gulab Singh, the Raja of Jammu, laden with bark of deobasa tree, an article used by Indian women to redden their gums. This bark is collected not far from
Samba, on the mountains; and is carried into Persia and Multan, as well as the roots of a species of Scutellaria, and the seeds of a plant of which I could learn neither th
name nor use. The camel driver only told me, that it belonged to the Persian merchants, who bought it up eagerly in Kabul.

23
Ibid. .pp. 27-43

24
Ibid. .pp. 27-43

25
Ibid. .pp. 27-43

26
Honda O.C. Religio-Cultural Links of Afghanistan and Western Himalayas, In Bamiyan: Challenges to World Heritage, Ed. K. Warikoo, New Delhi, Bhavan Books
Prints, 2000. p.59.

27
The mention of 64 scripts by the Buddha in Lalitavistara is an ample proof about variety of scripts being practiced in ancient India.

28
Richard Salomon, A Recent Claim to Decipherment of the "Shell Script": Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 107, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1987), pp. 313
315Published by: American Oriental Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/602840 .
29
R.C. Kak calls it as Bathastal.

30
Kak, R.C., Antiquities of Marev-Wadwan, Sagar Publication, New Delhi, Reprinted1971)

31
Ibid, p. 26.

32
Op.Cit.,Kaul, P.K., Antiquities------ p.9.

33
Ibid, p.9.

34
Ibid, p. 57.

35
VVI Paper Series 194. Hosiarpur 1967.

36
Op.Cit.,Kaul,P.K., Antiquities---p 12.

37
Op. Cit., Charak. Vol 4. p. 102.

38
On the basis of Allahabad Pillar inscription which records the political achievements of Samudragupta as following: line 21 --- (who) is great through extraordinar
valour namely, the forcible extermination of many kings of ryvarta such as Rudradeva, Ngadatta, Candravarman, Ganapati Nga, Ngsena, Acyuta, Nandin
Balavarman; who has made all kings of the forest region to become the servants. Line 22-23---(whose) formidable rule was propitiated with payments of all tributes
execution of orders and visits to his court) for obeisance by such frontier rulers as those of Samatata, Davaka, Komarysh---------Madrakas, bhiras, Sarakankas, Krakas
Kharparkas and other tribes, it is surmised that the area of Madra and the Jammu Shiwaliks acknowledged the sovereignty of the Gupta court during 4 th century CE.

39
Agarwal Jaganath. Sudhmahadev Inscription of the Son of (Maharaja) Vibhunaga,V.I. Paper series, Hoshiarpur, 1967.