FUTILITY She'd treated by son with sucha bruised tenderness | ing her week-long stay. We did not have a chance women’s hospi predicaments? ‘What of the cil expensive el samme breath Say wo da si the open embracing dren, who were indulged éwindled into student’ studies, books, out children with fuores. hat nights Tvalked Mrs. HK. Brent and Xiao Chen to the schoo! gate “They arived at about 9:40 pam, but they must have at night. Back home, [felt a deep eeping, erled up in the divine ‘became the mother of yet anoth of moth ry arms, T would rea life. T would love as if she her Id after her natural mot JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES Summer 199} HOSTILE ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN NUKAK AND TUKANOANS: (CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES, COLOMBIA by Jean E, Jackson jbout a group of hunter-gatherer Indians, known as Nukak, ‘THE ENCOUNTER of 1988 a group of Indians appeared in Calamar, a town in the javiare in southeastern Colombia (See Map 1. These people were clearly fleeing a dangerous situation to the east, and apparently orginally intended to continve their journey westward, Another group arrived near Cafo Jab6n (Jabén tributary ofthe Guaviare River to the north therers, completely nomadic, naked, and ingle item of White material culture. They spoke only their own language. They were originally composed of forty-one people: four men, four adolescent boys, and women and children (Wirps, 1984, . 1B) “Many mysteries remain as 10 where these people, now known to be Nukak, int from local Whites to any extensive degree. Although some Tukanoan colonos (homesteaders), who have in the Department of Anthropology/Archacology at the “The Journal of Ethnie Studies 192CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES “| Tiauls River {Tiqil® River Inf rida River Vaupés River Goaviere River Source. Wirpsa and Kondragén, 1988 Tigre creek, colenbia 8 JEAN E. JACKSON immigrated into the region from the Vaupés territory farther east, ean stll speak their native languages, in dress, subsistence patterns, and other behaviors and values 8 possible. Calamar resident sa and Mondragén, 1988, p. 38), es’ Club, showed a rare and remarkable Nukak women were invited into the town's beauty and children were taken to colonos" homes and taught, ing firewood and water in exchange for food and ridimentary Spanish lessons, h organization made a proposal which outlined how to protest and take care of the Nukak. Photographic exhibits of the visitors appeared on bulletin boards, ing discussion as t0 the resolu is problem. Everyone speculated about the Nukak’s history and why they had turned up in Calamer. Commissions were formed to work outa solution. ‘These efforts were not adequate in solving the very serious problems facing the Nukak. First of all, they apparently wanted to continue their journey in the direction of ‘where the sun sets" (Wirpsa and Mondragén, 1988, p. 3 they seemed to be content to remain in Calamar for awhi One of the many mysteries ofthe case is why the Nukak chose 1o go west in the first place. Various explanations offered suggest that the N Joking for their relatives, 2) escaping vengeful colonos were suspected of kidnapping a White boy, 3) fleeing a hhad been sent by cofonas, 4) responding toa dream one: fleeing violence from non-colono Whi seh a8 the army or cocaine traffickers 9(CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES Colonos in Papunaua, Guaviare, had been report squad since 1986, and there were complaints about Shooting at communities and at people travelling on the river (Wirpsa and ‘Mondcagén, 1988, p. 36), Both Leonardo Reina of the Colombian Anthropology Institute, ICAN” (personal communication) and Leslie Wirpsa (personal ‘communication) are of the opinion thatthe Nukak had clearly been subjected to an although whether from a helicopter or plane cannot be ives this attack probably was perpetrated attack from the established, and fom the land. Reina by the army or an anti-narcoties mission, 'A second problem as that the Calamar Nukak (very lit available about the Nukak who turned up in Caio Jabén) were too few and 100 ‘demographically imbalanced to be abe to survive by themselves. Some authorities from Asuntos Indigenas (Al, the Office of Indigenous Affairs) apparently thought at the beginning that these people were the only ones left of their ethni group.® ‘Calamar authorities soon concluded that the current situation could not ign, contacting journal inviting commissions from AT and the National University in Bogots and the University del Valle, Cauca to come to Calamar. The Corporacién de Araracuara, an agency concerned with Indians and environment in the Colombian Amazon also sent a representative, But he big surprise was the arrival of an unannounced third commission from new ‘Tribes Mision, one of whose two missionaires, Michael Condutf, was able to speak Nukak ‘These two men suid they understood the language because they had been ‘work rwenty years.” ‘They suid they had originally entered the {Guaviate egion because ofa report of a massacre of "savage" Indians they had read ‘about in the local press. None of the other officials involved in the case knew about such an event, nor remembered any newspaper artes. ‘Although clearly the two new Tribes missionaries knew from the beginning that other Nukak existed, they did not communicate this to the authorities. Various officials began to recommend that the Nukak be taken to "their elder relatives imayores)” higher-ranking Maka groups to the east (Wirpsa, 1988; see also Wirpsa and Mondragén, 19888), Maki is a generic name for two languages found in the Colombian Vaupés region: Cacua (Kakwa), which includes dialects spoken by Bard Maki, (not to be confused with the Tukanosn Bard) and the Nukak, and Jupda (also known as Ubde or Hupdi).? ‘Third, despite the welcome that the Nukak received in Calamar, they faced grave danger if they remained in the region of travelled further west. Although Some colonos argued in favor of the Nukak staying, saying, “let them stay here the children come to our ranches and we give them food and clothing ... they're learning to work, to bring firewood and water, and to speak Spanish” after most information is 0 JEAN E. JACKSON six months in Calamar the Nokak were dispersed some reports depressed. Although the children would gov inthe hammocks al day long. Fu Should they decide to leave Calamar with the blessing of the Nat Pian, which gves priovty to mineral explorations, prospectors freely « region lookiag for uranium, gold, and oil. Furthermore, cocaine. mafos ry squads, guerrillas (see Molano, 1989), the army, and antinar < carrying out coca eradication projets pose ditional threats. The Nukak clearly were no strangers o violence; at least two arived in Calamar with shotgun bullets in their shoulders, and they would immediately become apprehe sireraft or people Bearing arms ( Perhaps the Nukak’s biggest problem was tha, could understand them. Until then, communication was rudimentary, consisting of sgn language on the part of Calamar residents and, according to all the Nukaks' extremely a ion of White gestures and speech AAs can be seen by the calendar in the Appendix, the authorities finaly aived ata solution, Three coupes were 10 be brought 10 Calamar different Maki settlements in the Vaupés: Wacard Apparently the orignal plan was to obtain moe i ied, and, according to 3g, the women stayed ore, the region was not safe for the Nukak acuara, and Taraira jon about them with the Sere when Marilyn Cathcart and Lois Lowers arrived (see Catheart, 1973).!1 Eventually arco vrinop gan “Te tp wes aad yA CREVA cl of Inn oe Vaupe, and OMG, Cotosan mse cules nen mang up wth Calamar Haat ots tag "he to Rakes ces 9) ie Nulak,sprentywenfour nade by som, wre {ows to Mit, ‘They were rected Wa cow of people he srport sod ion ‘What happened during the ffteen-day sojourn in Wacaré is something of a 2CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY INTHE VaUPES ‘of Wacard had never wanted the Nukak, but were afraid kak were all widows, presented an economic stain for theie hosts. Some of the rumors Juded comments that the Kakwa of Wacard considered the Nukak to be savages. Various Whites in Mit, however, told me that on the contrary, the Wacaré Kakwa had welcomed the Nukak very warmly, giving them "food, inviting fern to hunt” and that it had been the Nukak themselves they were disappointed in the availability of game. And the Nukak women were disappointed in the avai aggressive problems in Waca men; Wirpsa ‘Avveritable rumor indeed. People gave the Nukak’s ignorance and lack of eiviliztion. The Nukak were bathe, Nuk mimicking Spa related to the idea that they were childlike and did not speak a proper Tanguage. Some said the Nukalc could only communicate by sign language. Some Tukanoans would grab their and what was examples abot said to be cannibals. Nukak did 1 clothes. The Nukak’s complained that the Nukak did not understand into a garden and steal bananas and pineapples. Some complained that Nukak women did not go to the fields to farm. Nukak were said 10 eat raw meat; even 1e hospital told me that a Tukanoan had told him that he bad seen a Nukak eating alive monkey. When I asked him whether he believed this story, he said yes. Others commented on how much the Nukak looked like monkeys. Stories bounded about how Nukak women made advances to all kinds of| men, even the sol ym the military base upriver from town. One story began tempted rape of the Nukak women by some soldiers, the women getting xm by catching thei testicles in thet teeth, ready to bite them off 2 JEAN E. JACKSON had forced the people of Wacaré to aecept the Nuk, ‘and that there had been bad feelings even before the Nukak arrived: ‘Wacaré contented out of fear. They accepted want them. They rejected them, well, a bad thing [the Wacaré people] won't accep them, So 6) again. ‘they rough ther here ‘An additional anecdote regarding the Nukak’s stay in Wacard was "ke savages” had cut down and used f as a weathervane at the solution: they would take the feed them and give them a roof weltesablsed Vauespte-although paying a Sevan oe dos not Sem to hve been pat ofthe Nahas uur tadione These Cue were disapointed and uncomprehending when the Al represer declined their offer.!2 2 "month Aloquested ah inseson ofthe New Ties isin sation Lagu Pein, Guaviare This isin basa house a shelirfr Nakak when hey come 10 val one stay there more han a fo dag air anda spent. Sk pope conned wo New Ties ae ached oi ison, Tis va, made by Robert Franco of INDERENA (rst Natonl de Recursos Nats, the federal conservation agen) and Diego Azer of Al as videotaped. ‘The videotape damatly show a leat $0 Nua runing way Wen the alpine landed, the fist lncotoverble evidence that the Calamat Nokak belong to a mh ger grouping Du Franco and Azcarate spoke with a young man whose mother had belonged to the 2BCHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES cout this plan the following week. Alteran the mission for medial inspection and treatment for about ten days, and apparently then returned to the forest and a nomadic existence in territory they clearly already knew, During these ten days (during which time the videotape was made), the [Nukak divested themselves of their clothes, put on arm and leg bands, and began sleeping in the forest. After Franco and Azcarate returned to Bogoté, New Tribes informed them that the Nukak had eventually compl the forest. ‘8 month after the Nukak had been flown out, people speaking passionately about the experience, and, although everyone was ‘good to say about the Nukak, ive response, I began to ask everyone I about these events in a more systematic fashion. 1 was not surprised that both Whites and Tukanoans negatively responded to like the Nukak; Whites basicaly are of the opinion that anything Indian is lieve that anything associated ‘The degree of vehemence that emerged in my rs! comments. was remarkable, as was the fact that Tukanoans outd this regard MAKU-TAKUNOAN RELATIONS, TRADITIONAL AND CURRENT ‘Why such heavy affect? 1 believe that one reason Lis inthe tendeney on the par of Miti and Wacaré residents to see the Nukak as "less than Maki." To traditional Mak-Tuks Some of what went on, both during the Nukak’s sojourn in Mita and after, was doubilessy due to simple misunderstanding Since every culture is ethnocentric, people will tend to see different behavior patterns~and the values supporting and justifying such behaviors-as inferior. Any ethnic group, when it wants to deprecate another, will very likely comment on the other group's eating raw meat, oF, erfuvial foragers as deficient in personal hygiene and will not condone foragers! ‘gathering’ bananas and other crops from gardens. Tukanoans’ comments about JEAN E, JACKSON Nukak language are itsspeakers is But I believe chat what { witnessed in Mit in July was due to mor simple ethnocentrism, provincialsm, or lack of tolerance. Also assuredly playing a role was a traditional social sytem that continues to structure ethnic relations between the swo groups, a system that includes wi denigrating Maks. This legacy undoubtedly contributed to the intensity of the rejection which the Nukak experienced in Mitd. In addition to the role played by these traditional interaction patterns, the ‘confused and complicated ing from current shits as to how Indian identity is conceived, specifically Tukanoan identity, also played a rote in fst such a virulent response to the Nukak Comment made by Tukanoan schoolteachers during a two-week seminar on ethno-lingustes and ethno-education Which I attended illustrate these changes and their effect “The literature on the Vaupés is replete with reports that Tukanoans have jonally considered Maki as not quite human. Although varying to some sree throughout the region, in general Makt have stood ina subordinate p Tukanoans. Observable diferences inclde Tukanoans’ greater sedentari entrenched forms for ion, and more extensive and elaborate horticulture and fishing. For the most part, ‘differences between Tukanoans and Maks are those of degree, but when Tukanoans use Maki as a symbol these differences are often transformed into stark contrasts 9 Space does not permit a comprehensive discussion of Maki-Tukanoan interact or symbolism. I merely want here to summarize those aspects of traditional Maki- Tukanoun relations most germane to understanding Tukanoan reactions to the kak, ‘Symbiotic" relationships between Tukanoan and Maki local groups! can assume a relatively temporary form, consisting of one- of two-day events in which ‘meat, labor, or various forest products are exchanged for cultivated goods and white trade items. Or they ean consist of long term interaction occurring between a Maki family or larger group and a Tukanoan longhouse community. These later arrangements resemble a servant-aster relationship. These kinds of interactions between Maki and Tukanoans are the bass of @ Tukanoan classificatory system in which Tukenoans represent positive, and Maki negative atibutes. For exampl have a stronger constraint t Tukamoans that Maki “marry ‘meanings of the term "Maks in the various languages ofthe region simply refers to wild, savage, people.!5 Maki play an important role in Tukanoan myth as examples of what not to do in the domains of social structure (e.g, marriage practices), ei sisters” or Tare Tike animals” One of the 2(CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES personal behavior (eg. urination practices), language, food taboos), dress (lack of attention to body adornment ritual and cosmological understanding, ‘Thus, Maki have played the fami scapegoat and stem reminder of what ean happen when people become sloppy about deportment, 1a, lustful, ete.—-they cease being people. Other themes that ‘top up are cannibalism, stupidity, sorcery, gluttony, and (rom the earlier published accounts) slavery ‘Maks also have served as a symbol used in the intemal ranking system of ‘each Tukanoan language group; many authors report that Tukanoans use some of, the characteristics attributed to Maki to deseribe low-ranking Tukanoan clans in each language group as well (see, for example, Goldman, 1963, p. 91). Low-ranking clans are reminded of theit station (and specific individuals sometimes insulted) with Maks symbols familiar to us ftom the Nukak case: nakedness, inferior speech, inattention to dietary taboos, ete. And Maki are symbols of servanthoot (eg, non-observance of aki represent what "true people" do not do; (2) Maki represent what low-ranking Tukanoans are ‘occupy an ambiguous and ambivalent posi social order, one which figures inthe kinds of jusiffeations use systems of dominance: while on the one hand Makit are described as inherently inferior, on the other they ae spoken of not so much as nonhuman but as potentially ‘only they would..." This ambiguity, characterized by an alter from and approach towards the inferior other, makes for co relationships, opinions, and, certainly, felings, because, while at times the other is seen as categorically other, at other times the other is seen in terms of ident During their sojourn in Mita the Nukak were clearly asociated with Vaupés Maka and assigned to the category of not quite human. Perhaps even Wacaré also ‘made such a judgment, for these people have only recently “overcome” their Maks identity and taken on most ofthe ateibutes of Tukanoans." It seems clear that the arsival of the Nukak brought up a number of strongly hneld and ambivalent feelings about Indian identity in the Tukanoans living near Mita. Apparently the Nukak reminded everyone of issues they would just as soon rot have to think about. For example, when the seminars 1 attended on ethno- ‘and ethino-edcation showed the films “Last of the Cuiva” and "War ofthe 1 the hunter-gatherer way of life, Tukanoan viewers were wncomfortable. They joked about the warm and supportive depiction 6 JEAN E. JACKSON of heir confusion \des towards hunter- tudes towards fof what they perceive as primitive and crude lifeways. Par doubtless came from the discrepancy between the film's at Maki in a postive way, a clasifiation at present difficult for them to accept. ‘Asvertions that Tukanoans should consider Maki. as just another Vaupés group oF ‘even as their Indian brothers” or that a nomadic, foraging, iterfuvil lifestyle is praiseworthy for ecological and other reasons are extremely new ideas, to say the rukanoans aze quite ambivalent about such For example, a Cube: to me that the MakG should head a list of “Vaupés ethnic groups in a research proposal a group of Tukanoans were writing “oecause they are always put lst” He was not really suggesting that Makti should head the lis, he was showing his awareness of recently introduced ideas as 10 how democracy and equality should he extended to all indigenous Vaupés groups, even Maki. Such ideas are contained in publications of ONIC (the national Indian organization in Colombia) and similar groups, 28 well as in those from White fnstitutions such as the Catholic mission and SIL (Summer Institute of Linguistics/ Wyeltfe Bible Translators), but are barely beginning to be mentioned in publications of CRIVA (the Vaupés Indian organization), such as La Vor de la Tribu i factors the compl heard these days from ‘many Whites in Mit, that Indians do not really want to save their culture but {instead want to become Whites (ronie because until ten years ago this was what these very same Whites were working towards-see Jackson, 1989; n.d.). In this sense, Makii-and Nukak-are exemplary, a kind of proto- or byper-Indian, for if we posit « White-Indian continuum, then Maki-Nukak are at one pole, and high-status, educated Whites at the other.!8 The dilemmas encountered by Tukanoans in reconciling their desire to preserve their culture and identity and their desire to think and behave in approved-of fashion are exacerbated in discussions about how Nukak, or Cuiva, or Maks are praiseworthy because they represent true Indianness, ism, and so forth. These painful dilemmas were ton. These individuals most often blamed themselves for the Contradictions they lived, Their confusions were deep and agonizing: about what to value and preserve of Tukanoan culture; about how to demonstrate Mitd Tukanoans' superiority to the Nukak without appearing to be judging them too harshly; about the need to become aware of and to have solidarity with other Indians in Colombia and elsewhere in the Americas; about what the role of CRIVA, n(CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY INTHE VAUPES the local Indian organization should be in all this; about whether they were “betraying™ their pupils and their own children because they teach and speak Spanish too much Hence, the three factors of basic ethnocentrism, traditional and recently introduced ideas about the nced to achieve pan- fed an atmosphere which produced a remarkably anipa! reaction to the Nukak, The traditional structured interaction between Maki: and "Tukanoans, characterized by ‘Tukanoan-White relations, and effects of these patterns. The residents of Calamar were cultural tistant enough from the Nukak so that these Calamar colonas could see the Nukak almost as pets~especially given that almost from the beginning the Calamar Nukak consisted of only women and children. However, the residents of Wacaré and Mit ‘id not have enough of this distance between themselves and Nukak not to fee! ‘threatened by| between Ti Doubtlesly the Nukak not only reminded the Maki of Wacaré and of any Mak ing in MiG oftheir own low origins, but also reminded all Tukanoans about theit inferior status vis-avis Whites. When we combine the fact that the Nukak symbolized a degraded status with the fact that somehow these "savages" were attended to by high-prestige authorities who fed them and rained other gifts on them, we can understand some of the confusion and resentment that resulted, That the Nukak, during their sojourn in Mit, would evoke from Tukanoans very litle of, the good will and tolerance shown by the Calamar colono community could have ‘been anticipated DISCUSSION ‘The information we have about the fourteen-month saga of the Calamar [Nukak raises several points of discussion. One is the almost total lack of official information about the Nukak prior to this group's appearance! Although id exist29 no anthropologists or government agents people, Only New Tribes, having been in contact with Nukak for twenty years, knew ‘that there were at least 800 Nukak, knew 350 of them pe new that here were seven clans, knew that the Nuksk’s western boundary was such-and such, Miguel Conduff had been at the mission station south of Laguna Pav6n for six years. (NT had originally established mission on te river but, when threatened by JRAN E. JACKSON veritas, moved to lation inland) And New Tides did ot Sage ti Fermation for mary moat The ICAN commision fund out ony vr owl about NTs progam for aang Nukak- lip, Ke media evs a work te th ange ts dosent a photograph was debated In te prem and continues 10 be deuted, How could scary and fil bureaus crane esl obtainable infomation 0 0 Trans? How infomation and aces? How hom: now that uch information's aces, can it be that here are apparent 20 tse 10 oly force NT Monto be more responsible to the Colombian futorie who flr al gave them permiton to resi inthe cov and ey Out thir prvcnsng mio? Ts tse evoked much biternes nthe wo sonfteces onthe Nak in Bog atended inte summer f 1969. Apparent, atte Summer Insite of Linguistic, New Tribe contrat with the goverment i ich less exigent! Second, New Tribes so far has apparently not been able to Nulaky be deyes of sonia and inpen ‘he evidence om he videoape argues that Nolak have hing he way of Whe goods, and have chosen 1 conte wih Whites only ander exreme ccinstace: when hey ge sik 20 the minion or several days and then fae int the forest gan owen Gey ave been atached and migtte to places ie Calanar and Cabo fabs. thi the mereing to tpecdne wheter any freer goup can be mioied is completely noma aed ale wo choose to remain sluice, even work remain so secret for so long? And 1 peoples are not eager to exchange their cultural ifeways for the benefits sn). However, Wirpsa and Mondragéa are ofthe opinion that Nukak do possess White goods, and that the videotape made by Franeo and Azearate is based ‘on too short a period of time tobe conclusive in this regard? “The Nukek case leads one to speculate anew just what the missionary-Indian- government relationship should consist of. The authorities with whom I spoke who had been involved with the Nukak problem all were of the opinion that New Tribes ly purposely avoided revealing that there were others besides NT personne! ‘who could communicate with the Nukak-e., other groups of Nukak and Maki who ‘understood the Nukak language. NT has a reputation for not allying itself ‘other organization? According to one gover attitude is one of ‘we don't accept anyone's help: we have our own planes, doctors and we don't see aay reason to give information to anyone else diseusions I heard in June and July, the consensus was, “I's the Indians themselves who have to decide whether to keep or reject a missionary. But one missionary »(CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES ives of the cavitation shold’ have a monopoly” But while the represents of serra government agencies agre that NT should not have a “arte blanche 10 do eae erin an aermtve sche x fa 8 ot been inplemented, Despite Mies of “Colombia's sovereignty is being compromised,” no detailed alternative ropa wos, promoted by representatives of the various government agencies involved 2 “Third asd ofthe Nukak could ask what the Nukak might have to teach us bout the possibilty of «more nomad, more foraging, and more self-sufficient way ate thar sere for any of the Maks groups studied so fain fact, NTs effects she Nukak have been as slight as they maintain, Convincing arguments have teen made against a pore foraging adaptation even being possible in an tropical seem pest (ove Bailey, eta, 1989, especially their review of previous publications conti debate) And, final Colombian officialdom handled the problem? The cas faced by anyone who tries to help refugees like the Calamar trrved at, presented as away tallow the Nukak 1 eta at least one similar to the one they had knows) and maiota Nukak, resulted in New Tribes’ cootinuing to maintain vie ° vuth the Nukak, with all other interested parties needing NT missionaries as wan mediaries. Another question concerns the study that many anthropologists and ovcrnment bureaucrats argue mst he done. What Kind of studs?’ Who should do ao Who wants to fund it? How can we demonstrate that it wil harm the Nukak less dbus not vetting up such a study? Such an undertaking can be promoted on Ca tec inorder to uty eeating 4 troy that wl be TMequate for the huntiagand-gathering mode, mach more information must be ed on the Nukak. Colombia so far has been far abead of its neighbors in ing Indian reserve legislation, But no terstory, to my Knowledge, has been ceded to populations that maintain their hunting and gathering nce ates Ifthe Nukak are given a reservation, how could they even begin to adminis Ie, important obligations ofthe state include the oer earner, saneolng tng an impress et bods of ercvmbian laws details how Indians differ from other Colombians with respect 10 | medical and other servioes they are entitled they ate exempt from (military service, for instance), ap ating others for a foraging group like the Nukak is & Grp reason that any contact Between Nukak and Whites is dangerous. Yet lem aire ahem alone certainly more dangerous, given the geopolitical reality of the territory they inhabit?> 1 »msionaris and government agen ‘can we learn from the controversial way in which rates the dilemmas exclusive contact 30 JEAN E. JACKSON then colonos, gutrlas, narcotaffickers, soldiers, and assorted other lols (many of ‘whom are rough customers indeed), would be the cultural brokers. ‘The Nukak, thus, wal inability of any state to deal in a reasonable and responsible fashion with ethnie groups as radially different from the ‘dominant society a8 are the Nukak. The admittedly depressing lesson to be learned about the Nukak problem is that itis a problem having only imperfect solutions. While a different handling of the case by officials would have resulted in less suffering and dislocation, even the best possible treatment would not have been entirely satisfactory. In some respects the job facing AI and others was and is the ‘Seeing the videotape in which the Nukak chose to divest themselves of every fade into the forest, leaves an. indelible impression, along with some troubling thoughts Jc tours,2 and the manner in which Colombia's th groups like the Mkt. CONCLUSION ‘The Nukak case to see Maki represented by the Nukak in this instance-as symbolizing inferior, “les-than- hnuman" status. That Maki and Tukanoans are undergoing rapid change has exacerbated this state of affairs, even though both Tukanoans and Maks are moving away from the traditional llfeways that originally justified these invidious ‘comparisons. That the sojourning Nukak were seen as"less than Maki” made their reception in both Wacaré and Mit an inevitably rocky one. Furthermore, given “Tukanoan-White relations both current and past, and the strong emerging Indian consciousness in the Vaupés, the Nukak’s appearance probably aroused additional ambivalent and pinul feelings even (or perhaps especially) in those Tukanoans ‘most interested in Indian rights, Make represent the subhuman, the forest-inked, the forbidden yet indulged-in sexual partner-in shor, the wild and therefore the inferior-to Tukanoans, The parallels with White atitudes towards and treatment of “Tukanoans themselves cannot be missed. Thus, when the Nukak arrived, attended toby n free food, medicine, and lodging, extremely strong and negative sentiments erupted. These feelings cannot be explained only by the fact that outsider Indians were given a lot of attention of material goods, but rather because the atiudes and treatment which Tukanoans have traditionally held towards Maki surfaced during this period, and surfaced with a vengeance. Since Makti represent all that is not White in Tukanoans, they are to be rejected and Aisparaged, However, gh say resemblance between Tukanoan attitudes aCHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES towards Maké and White attitudes towards Indians, such rejection and sparagement represented a partial, yet very painful, rejection of sell APPENDIX: TIMETABLE 1988 Discovery of Nukak in Calamar and Cafio Jabén, "Spontaneous tie attitude” on the part of residents of Calamar. Periodic visits to Calamar from various authorities begin. Delegations, responding to requests from Calamar, consisting, of doctors, representatives from Indian AMfairs and other government agencies, representatives from the National University and the University del Cauca, the National Organization of Colombian Indians (ONIC), and the press arrive. A New Tribes missionary, Michael Condulf, shows up, surprising He i the only informant-ranslator available. May, 1988, Articles appear in £1 Espectador and other newspapers June and July: Discussions in ICAN (Colombian Anthropology lsttute) and AL (dian Affairs) about the problem. On July 28, Marco Antonio Fonseca, the comegidor (similar 10 a major) of Calamar, sends a letter to ICAN requesting a including Leonardo Reina, the Colombian anthropologist most familiar fanguages7 The situation becomes more critical; Al decides it must problem ifthe Nukak were not in fae, from the Calamar area, 26 August: Al from ONIC. Martin Von Hildebrand, the director of A TCAN to form a commision, ia response to the request from the comegidor of Catamar and the from the media. September: The ICAN commission is formed, It ravels to Calarar, makes contact, and confirms similarity between Nukak, Kakwa, and Bard Makai (sec Chaves and fe some of the mythical places mentioned in further cultural and_ linguistic similarities (Oct, 1988. Meeting in Planeacién Nacional and the linguistic project begun. "El Salvamiento det Grupo Nukak* Nov, 1988, Discussion of projeet in meeting with individuals from Plancacién Nacional, DAINCO, Ministry of Public Health, INCORA (the Agrarian Reform JEAN E. JACKSON gong, Minsty of Goverment, Colatre, ONIC and vious independent Dislogsis and joumalsts "The "Comité para la Defensa de los Cazares y Recolectore"is formed Tanuary 24, 1989, The seeretary of DAINCO offers to finance the project. I is decided, after a great deal of criticism of how the Nukak case has been handled, 0 move them to a region whete there are other Maki: to Wacaré, to Piracuara, perhaps to Taraira. February and March. month of inte ur Wacaré adults and a baby travel to Calamar. One tion between them and the Calamar Nukak, March and April, A workshop ished, which Leonardo Reina attends. Colonas of Calamar attend the workshop, 19, which tens into something of a roundtable discusion. The Nukak say they wanted t0 get to know the people of Wacaré. According to Leonardo Reina, the only translator was Michael Conduff, who at this time reveals a substantial amount of information about the Nukak, but who and disappears "from the map" (quote from Reina) after aweck Beginning of April, The Nukab’s tri including CRIVA and the bishop, Monsefor Belarmino Correa, workout the details of the Nukak's stay in Miti and Wacard. DAINCO pays 40% of the cost of transport and AI 60%. The Nukak are welcomed and given medical attention. i. Civil and ecclesiastical authori Mid-April. The Nukak are taken to Wacard, where they remain 15 days, then request to return to Mit End of April. Nukak return to Mi and spend 1 month ther, May 24, 1989: ‘The Nukak are flown to New Ti tip is contracted by and paid for the public video. 2s mission in Laguna Pavén. The services of Miti. Filming of June, 1989. New Tribes reports to AI that the Nukak have gone back into the forest. No independent confirmation ofthis, however July-December, 1989. Cotonos in Mapiripan make contact with another group of [Nukak, several of whom are reportedly sent to a hospital in San José de Guaviare 3IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES rat a San José health worker spent two months gives a verbal Nukak reserve 1991, (INCORA, le? n Anthropol ‘john, 1990. Vitons of Progress. 3rd ed. Mountain View, Mayfield Catheari 1973, Cacua. In Aspects de la Cultura Material de Grupos (23. Lomalinda, Colombia: Summer Institute of Wirpsa, 1988, Aparecen Tos Nukak, Noticias ‘ion ata Colombia Amerindia. pp. 123 8 ls, and Cltaan ving 1963. The Cubeos Indians ofthe Northwest Amazon. University of nois Press. Jackson, Jean, 1983. Tukanoans and Maki, Chapter 8 of The Fish People: Tinguie. Exopamy and Tukanoan Identiy in Norwest Amazonia Cambridge University Press. 989, Is there a way to talk about making c Dialectical Anthropology, 14, No. 25 viva Being and Becoming an Indian in the Vaupés, In J. Sheraer and G. ‘Urban, ede Nation-state and fndian and in Latin America, University of “Texas Press. In press. Molano, Alfredo, 1987. Selva Aden: Una historia oral de a colonzacin del ‘Guaviare, Bogots, El Ancora Biltores. thout making enemies? 4 JEAN E. JACKSON 197. Some aipect of movement goth adc ‘Mat ans of Bra, PhD. ds. Cambridge Un Reichel Delatoe, Gerado, 1967. A brit eld report on urgent thn research in the Vaups area of Colombia, South Ameri ational Commitee on Usjst Antoplogicl and Research ulin. 49,536 et Desa Smbolimo de os Ios Thao del ups. Un de los Andes. toes On Reina Gunes, Leonardo, 19692. Los Nukak> Caadoesceolestores de a Amazonia Colombia, Past "389. Gul de Noes Pasa y Nuestro Pa Teclecién y Nomadio eva Aronia tod lay Sivervod-Cope, 172 A contnbutin tthe ethmapy ofthe Colombian Mak nte: Los Nukak: Cacerta, lombia. El Espectador, July 8 Town. Survival Intemational Quarterly, 23, Hector Mondrag6n, 1988. Resetlement of Nukak Indians, p. 36-40 funding my trip to Ce lowing people in Colombia for talking wi Kaj Arhem, and Sim6n Valencia and 1 kindly read and commented on earlier dra ofthis paper: Darna Dufour,CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES James Howe, Stephen Hugh-Jones, Hector i Leslie Wirpst. nez, Jonathan Hi ‘Mondragén, Graham Townsley, “Aihough Wipsa and Mondragon (1988) indicate both groups come from ibe ‘pine area, Leonardo Reina believes they were separate groups one comin ftom the tetitory north of the Inirida River and one from near Paunava auth ofthe Inirida River (personal communication) “The composition of the Calamar group during the fourteen months is se cthat encertain. Both Wirpsa (1988) and Reina say that originally the spony was 41 people and tht at some point it divided in two with one grou sparen going back, The Wise and Mondragon atl (1988) sats 0% rrefoup consisted of 6 men, 17 women, and 18 children. Reina (989%) sree thet the original group was composed of 41 women and cildren, che vfon having died under unclear circumstances. Reina believes thatthe men tied of a mixture of violent attacks, si trethnic confit. Franco stated in a meeting that he believes thatthe men had been kled by resin wafckers. By the time the Calamar Nukak were moved (0 Mit, the somber had been reduced to 22 oF 24, an there were no men. ness and With the help of ONIC-the National Organization of Colombian Inans ‘Given that at some point the men in the Calamar Nukak group disappeared, {have wondered ifthe marked concern shown by Celamar residents might hive derived in part from the fact thatthe Nukak were entirely women and “This is a source of dispute among the individuals involved in investigating the Nukak. Among othes, Wirpsa and Mondragn are critical of Columbi's arses Inigenas, saying that these officials maintained that the Calamar ‘Nokak “are a group part from other indigenous communis in the region” (1988, pp. 38), and that one antropologist insisted intaly that the Nua vrore tot related to Maki. Leonardo Reina also says that atthe beginning, vethoriies were of this opinion and that it was only Tater when two aaantonaries of New Tribes were more forthcoming about what they knew eur the Nukal, that it became clear that there were atleast 800 Nukak in ao nterfval regions between the Vaupés and Inride Rivers. A number of the inividuels I spoke with in July, 1989, also were especialy critical of AI, vo, they said didnot accep the possibility that the Nukak were fom 36 10. JEAN E, JACKSON significantly larger group, thatthe Nukak spoke « Maki-Puinave language, that am air attack caused the initial displacement. In the spring of 1990 anoter group of about 20 Nukak were seen in Mapiipan, some of them ‘obviously ill, They were successful in communicating this to the colonos there and some were taken to San José de Guaviare (the major town in the region) and treated (Leslie Wirpsa, personal communication). This is corroborated by Hugh-Jones who, with Siverwood-C region and knew of the mi (personal communic was in the ries arrival in the region at that The dasiion of the relaves the Nola wore sestng is uncer Ac Wips an nel Con oie tn Gs that the Nufak vad ad "a gone) Kaka (persoal communication). " : " Hupde/a, also known as Yuhupde/a, spoken by Maks in the Apapors region (studied by Rein) and Kaka are the two primary groups. Within Kala (ehh includes Nokak ae te dialects Kakwa, spoken by the Wacard Mak (note: SIL ells all Maki who speak Kakwa Cacua, not Maki), and Hupla/Ubde?Hupd, which Includes Sverwood-Cope’s “Bard Maki." A third group, Nadebe, found only in Brazil, Reid and Silverwood-Cope consider tobe a branch of Hupds/Baré (se Reid 1979, p 17), but Wirpsa find Mondragin consider to be a separate group (personal communication). Note that Reid (197, p. 25) states that there are four mut alc languages. The information available on Maki grou is confusing, fst because authors are not always clear about whether they axe tli inguistc unit, second, because much research Tefais tobe dove, and third authors donot agzee on ether class terminology. See Cathcart, 1973, 199% Corea, 1987; Reid, 1978, 1979 Reina, 1989; Silverwood-Cope, 1972. . bout a soca However notes from June-July, 1989, the plan was presented as a project to enlist these young couples’ aid in preparing the Nukak for a move to the Vaupés. ‘The couples’ communities had to be in favor of the proj "These three couples would stay in Calamar a month and a half, orienting the NNukak. After a month it would be decided ifthe Nokak could be moved. 3(CHANGING ETHNIC IDENTITY IN THE VAUPES , 2, 14 \Wispsa and Mondragon speculate that for some reason SL. representatives convinced the Cacua of Wacaré that they had to accept the Nukak, which Contributed to the problems the Nokak encountered when they arrived (personal communication. Mondragén (personal communication) was told that Tukanoans say tht ‘only thing worse than @ Maks is a Maks who does not want to bea serv Maki also use Tukanoans as symbolic vehicles; ef Sil Reid, 1979. rwood-Cope, 1972, “This information deseribes the situation as it was in 1968-1970 (see Jackson, 1983, Chapter 8). References on Mak6 include Giacone, 1949, p. 88: C. Hugh-Jones, 1979: S Mugh-Jones, 1979: Koch-Grinberg. 1906, MacCreagh, 1926; MeGovern, 1027, Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1971; Van Emst, 1966, p. 191; Whiffen, 915, p. 7; AR, Wallace, 1972 (1889). Barth's (1969) discuss tus understand this amt ethnic boundary creation and maintenance helps “This process has clearly happened throughout Vaupés ethnic history (see Koch-Grinberg, 1909-10, p. 136; Goldman, 1963, p. 107; Silverwood-Cope, 1972, p. 108) Interesting evidence in support of this comes from Exio Ponzo's study of ‘acculturation in “primitive” populations (1967) in which he obtains drawings from Tukanoaas ofthe Upper Rio Negro area in Brazil of “good, Jc ‘Takanoans, who are dressed like Whites, and ‘savage Maki" ho, ly enough, are not dressed like Maki but Tukanoans, with ceremonial feathers and body paint. In this example ‘Tukanoans seem to have come to associate their own traditions with denigrated group. The example comes to associate thei fa denigrated group. ‘The example i ironic because Maki ritcized for lacking proper body decoration. Tam grateful Hlugh-Jones for providing this reference. ‘Stephen 38 19. 20 a1 2, 2s. 26. 2. JEAN E. JACKSON ‘Wiepsa and Mondrag6n (1988) say that Reichel-Dolmatoft identifies two groups of Mak in his book, Desana, and gives a population estimate of 1,000, The reference is actually Reiche!-Dolmatoft 1967 Eg, the 1967 piece by ReichelDoimatoff, And Ks} Ashem (personal communication) notes that mention is periodically made of the Nukak resional press of Guaviare and the Upper Vaupés, when it reports on the often bloody encounters that cccur between Nukak and Whites. Arhem himself was offered a chance during a boat trip in the area in 1971 to go and see some "wild Indians (ne declined). ‘Only one commentator knew of any attempts at regulation, saying that New “Tribes had promised DAINCO some information in order to keep thei legal Leslie Wirpsa (personal communication) notes that since New Tribes had promised DAINCO some information in order to keep their legal status, ‘Atthough SIL officials apparently know a great deal about NT's operations. ‘Apparently Alin June of 1988 suggested thatthe government would ereate 3 ional homeland, but nothing came ofthis (Wipsa and Mondragén, 1988, p. 38), “These poins were eloquently debated by the Villas Boas brothers regarding Brazilian policy towards uncontacted groups. |AL was accused of promoting "Nukak tours" during the Nukek’s stay in CCalamar (Wirpsa and Mondragén, 1988, p. 38). “This was writen om the recommendation of Wirpsa and Mondrag6a, who point out (personal communication) that even in a situation of such urgency 100k the government five months to send Reina to Calarmar 39