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Enlargement of the Union and European identity

Opening of the 2002/2003 academic year Florence Monday
20 January 2003

Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission

The decision to enlarge the European Union to include

countries of central, eastern and southern Europe is a
milestone in European history. The Union can now, to use the
words of Pope John Paul II, "breath with both lungs". It can
become an influential player on the international stage. Such
influence supposes a capacity to propose and promote those
values of stability, solidarity and peace that underpin the
European success story and the enlargement process.

The Union has already achieved many of its goals. We have

the single market, internal customs barriers have removed
and many of us have the euro in our pockets.

The greatest achievement, however, is undoubtedly the

stability now reigning across the continent. Just a few
decades ago the state of Europe was precarious and volatile.
Now it epitomises stability. We all too often take this for
granted but it is an exploit in the history of our continent and
the world. This enlargement, following the fall of the iron
curtain, will restore the historic unity of the peoples of
Europe.

The Charter on fundamental rights, the European

constitution on which the Convention on the future of Europe
is now working, and the introduction of the euro are all
building blocks in this Europe of peace and the rule of law.
We have learnt to our cost the madness of war, of racism and
the rejection of the other and diversity. Peace, rejection of
abuse of power, conflict and war are the underlying and
unifying values of the European project. This is why we are
deeply mistrustful of war as an easy option and of attempts
to destabilise the still fragile structures and legal instruments
for a new global organisation

As I have said before, we have chosen the path of

multilateralism, not unilateralism. We want to use force of
persuasion and ideas, not force of arms. We have left behind
us that realpolitk that we ourselves invented. Our conception
of power is the "power of rules", we refuse to act arbitrarily
and without any general framework of reference. This
explains our attachment to the Kyoto Protocol, the
International Criminal Court and the central role of the United
Nations, and our insistence on the need to strengthen and
democratise global governance.

This is the only way to truly combat terrorism. Terrorism will

not defeated by terror but by political action.

Let us not forget that the Union is a unique political project

and the only true political and institutional innovation in the
world. And it is this innovatory approach that continues to
hold out prospects of security and stability to the Member
States, our future new members and neighbouring countries,
and which indeed has become a global reference point. We
only have to look at recent developments in Latin America
and President Lula's stated wish of entering into a new
partnership with Europe.

Above all, and this is fundamental, the Union has been and
remains a beacon of hope. This is a rare and precious political
legacy. Enlargement in particular has raised hopes of a better
future in a community of shared values characterised by
stability, the rule of law and freedom. The governments and
peoples of the candidate countries have had to undertake
sweeping reforms that were necessary but sometimes
painful. It was that hope that gave them the strength to
implement these changes.

The Union's successes continue to inspire hope in other

countries that will soon be on our new borders. It is our duty
to make a clear response to these expectations.

Above all, we must try to answer those in the current

Member States who are starting to ask where the European
Union ends. Please note that I said European Union. On the
definition of the outer limits of the Union hangs the political
choices we have to make for the Union itself - the nature of
the project, its cohesion, its strength. And ultimately its
identity.

We must think about the identity of the Union now. Because

while the concept of identity does not change, its
representation does as a result of political developments. In
the past, some saw identity as coinciding with the concept of
a "European civilisation", others linked it to that of a specific
European character, to Europe's diversity. Some of these
interpretations had terrible consequences for humanity,
others helped us to take giant steps forward. Today there is a
great need for identity in the Union, the need for a common
expression of solidarity and common destiny. But to do this,
we must make raise the awareness of our citizens and make
them stakeholders. European identity is inextricably linked to
a new type of citizenship based on multiple forms of
allegiance, ranging from the local town to the Union. The
single national identity would be replaced by complementary
identities. This new type of citizenship greatly furthers
democracy. If we had had it in the past, Europe would
probably have avoided some of the worst dictatorships in
history. But this concept is not a break with the past, it is
deeply rooted in European and Western political thought.

We are trying to build a true political Union. Some kind of

European "area", a Europe with purely civil powers will not
do. I repeat, what we want is a truly political Union. This is
why, given that it is impossible to fix the geographical
confines of Europe, the Union's confines should be sought in
identity, which in turn is forged by adherence to a new
political project. For identity cannot be conceived in a
monolithic manner. The Union's unity is drawn from diversity,
the European identity is based on history, sentiment and
pluralism.

We certainly do not want to erect a new wall in Europe that

would divide the rich from the poor. What we want is the
exact opposite; we want to do away with the old divisions,
we want to integrate not exclude. Clearly, however, there
must ultimately be limits to enlargement. The Union is a
supranational entity that must retain and strengthen its
capacity to act. It must be based on truly shared values and
objectives.

Now that we are about to complete this tremendous joint

undertaking, now that we are bringing about the voluntary
unification of the European continent, we should also send a
clear message to those states that are not part of this
process but which look to Europe with great expectations.

I refer to the Balkans.

We must tell them that the doors are open to them and that
we hope to have them among us soon. On the prospect of
accession we must be explicit and avoid any ambiguity or
tactical manoeuvring. We must ell them just as clearly that
the time taken to reach this objective will depend on their
determination to carry out the reforms necessary to become
full members of the Union. Our task is to support them in
their efforts and give them a common programme of
instruments and resources that taps all the potential of the
stabilisation and association process.

This is a tremendous challenge to which we must rise.

Enlargement also means laying the foundations for relations

between the new enlarged EU and its immediate neighbours.
Enlargement and proximity policies are inextricably linked.
This is how we can show that enlargement does not mean
exclusion of those countries not part of the enlargement
strategy. That enlargement does not mean building new walls
and new barriers. This is why we must start to define in
greater detail what we mean by special relations with the
band of countries neighbouring on the Union, from Russia to
the Mediterranean.
At the same time we need a new institutional framework for
the new Europe. We will not be able to exploit all the benefits
of enlargement if it does not go hand in hand with major
institutional reform to enable Europe to decide and act more
efficiently and democratically. The credibility of the enlarged
Europe will hang on the credibility of its institutions and its
credibility as an international player. If we are divided we
cannot influence international events. At present we are
losing many opportunities to make our voice hear in the
major international forums because of our divisions.

Culture is another fundamental element of the Union.

Culture is a factor of integration and mutual respect. The

future of our societies clearly lies in intercultural dialogue, so
we must equip ourselves to understand and manage to our
benefit immigration and the ensuing questions of integration
and social cohesion. This is why I have decided to set up a
group of people with expertise in the field, which will hold its
first meeting in Brussels on 23 January to discuss the
dialogue between cultures in the context of the Euro-
Mediterranean experience.

Culture is also a source of competitiveness in our economies

and societies. Today is the opening day of Florence
Universitys academic year. If Europe wants to rise to the
new global challenges, it must also rise to the challenge of
culture and knowledge. Without culture and without
knowledge we will always be also rans. The European leaders
of tomorrow will be formed in our schools, our universities
and centres of scholarship. If we allow our young people to
emigrate, to find better training and better prospects
elsewhere especially in America, then we shall be writing
ourselves off.

This is why, in our report to the Spring Council on the Lisbon

strategy, we emphasised the need to do much more in
education, training and research with the aim of promoting
truly competitive knowledge.

This is also the logic underlying the new Erasmus World

programme, designed to increase European universities
power of attraction by setting up new masters programmes
between different universities and providing grants for
students from both EU and non-member countries.

This is what the students of this university want from Europe.

The want to be agents of culture, peace and the future. The
European institutions cannot betray or abandon them if we
do not want to be left behind.

We each assume our responsibilities in such an important

dialogue, we each bring our ideas and our feelings.

But Europe cannot afford to ignore young peoples desire for

participation and innovation.

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