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ISSN 2277-5560

Journal of Odisha History Congress


Vol-XXVI DECEMBER 2013

Editorial Board
S.P. Pani
B.B. Satpathy

ODISHA HISTORY CONGRESS


BHUBANESWAR- INDIA
Journal of Odisha History, Vol-XXVI
Published by
Odisha History Congress
Regd. No. : 7250/249-1973-74

Established : 1969

Odisha History Congress

Title of the Publication :


Journal of Odishan History, Vol.XXVI
ISSN - 2277-5560

Editorial Board :
Prof. S.P. Pani, General Secretary, OHC & Director, DDCE, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar
Dr. B.B. Satpathy, Asst. Professor, KISS, KIIT University, Bhubaneswar

Period of Publication : Yearly


Year of publication : 2014
Language : English

Publisher:
Prof. S.P. Pani
General Secretary, Odisha History Congress
C/O Director, DDCE, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar-751007, India

Nationality : Indian

Printer : General Secretary , Odisha History Congress

Price : 300/-

Publication of the Journal of Odisha History Congress, Vol.XXVI has been financially
supported by the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi and the responsibility for
the facts stated, opinion expressed or conclusion reached is entirely that of the author/authors
of the articles and I.C.H.R or the Editor accept no responsibility for them.
CONTENT
Sl No. Subject Authors Page
1. The Uplift of the Deprived in Odisha, Atul Chandra Pradhan 1
2. Anti-colonial Tribal Movements in South Orissa: S.C.Padhi 8
History and Historical Writings
3. Remapping Ora: The land and the people Jadumani Mahapatra 16
4. Documenting the Social History of a Village: Soma Chand 28
Nature and Culture in Udishyar Chitra
5. Apotropaic Symbolism in the Sculptural Art of Binod Bihari Satpathy 39
Odisha: A comparative Approach on Occidental
and Oriental Art
6. Intangible Heritage of Western Odisha: Sujata Behera 62
With Special Reference to Folk Dance and Music
7. To Sir (Radcliffe) with Love: Boundary Commission Suryakant Nath 79
and its bearing on the Indo-Pak War of 1947-48
8. Discourse On Ganjifa The Unique Playing Cards Mohammed Yamin 87
9. Tantric Tradition of Odisha Ekadashi Padhi 93
10. Reflection of Saura Cult in Jaina Art Rusav Kumar Sahu 100
Heritage of Odisha
11. Nationality & Odia Women B. L. Praharaj 106
12. Mayurbhanj in transition (1949-1966) Sujit Kumar Chhatia 114
13. A study of the revenue policy of the Shyama Prasad Mishra 124
Marathas in Odisha
14. Neo-Chalcolithic Site on the Mahanadi River Anam Behera 130
System From Baghamari to Banki
15. Lokamanya Tilak on the Bhagavad Gita Debaraj Swain 136
16. Doctrine of Non-violence and Mahatma Gandhi Krushna Chandra Das 143
17. Archaeological Remains at Tirtha Matha, Chandra Apolo Mohanty 149
Turanga-Tanara, Jagatsinghpur
Sl No. Subject Authors Page

18. Forts of Ganjam District Ramesh Chandra Sahu 153


19. Sakshi-Gopala Temple at Satyabadi Ratnakar Mohapatra 163
20. Conservation of the Sun Temple of Konark Manas Kumar Das 173
during the colonial period
21. Cult of Sitala Mata in Indian folklore Puspita Rani Behera 185
22. Virasarvasvam : A War Treatise of Gopinath Manugayatri Rath 192
Chamupati Singh
23. Resistance Movement in Bargarh. The First war Jagdish Mishra 196
of Independence
24. Conservation of Rajarani Temple at Bhubaneswar Linu Mohanty 204
25. Koraput Before the advent of the British Sirisa Kumar Shadangi 212
26. Brahmanical Temples of Bhadrak: An appraisal Harekrushna Aich 218
27. Development, Land Acquisition and Displacement Dharanidhara Nanda 223
for Building a new Odisha, Hirakud Dam Project-
A Historical Study.
28. Costume and Ornaments of Yoginis at Sasmita Mishra 229
Chausathi Yogini Temple Hirapur
29. Erotic art in the Temple Art of Orissa Siba Praasad Khuntia 250
30. Pathways of Empire, Circulation, Public works Manoj Kumar Sahoo 270
and social space in Colonial Orissa


FROM THE DESK OF GENERAL SECRETARY
The objective of the Editorial Board were twofold: improve the quality of contents
and encourage budding scholars. We are aware that our success has been less
than minimal. We take the blame for our failures and hope to do better next time.
We shall devote a session to train our scholars on writing skills. As a whole the
Congress has to work very hard to develop a culture of quality research. We also
plan to introduce peer review system. Hence papers received by the end of July
can only be considered for publication in the December issue in future. If need
arises OHC would consider publication of two issues in a year. I am indebted to
Sri Madhab Chandra Sethi, RGNF, P.G.Dept., AIHCA, Utkal University and Dr.
B.B. Satpathy, Asst. Professor, KISS, KIIT University for their support and
assistance.
It is obligatory on the part of the editor to share his views on a theme related to
history and Odisha history in specific. With my limited readings in history and
being aware that I have never researched any aspect of History of Odisha I still
dare to reflect. My apologies in advance. There is a distinct shift in the themes of
history. History is a continuous dialogue of the present with the past is well known
. The focus is the present, the present decides which aspects of the past is to be
searched and researched. And increasingly the present is deeply interested in the
physical, the human body and its calling, the material and the present is eager to
break the barriers of theoretical framework. The transgender is now coming to the
front, health and hygiene through ages is now being researched and attitudes-
social and interpersonal more than metaphysical theories now occupy the space of
history. Generally speaking, historians of Odisha fall into one or the other trap.
Most of us are not aware of the recent historical thinking and writing style and
continue with irrelevant generalizations, romanticisation and narratives of yesteryears.
Naturally the young find us boring and hence there is no dialogue of the present
with the past. Most of these works are based on secondary sources. They are in
fact not researching but re-reporting what has been found out and reported. There
are others who engage in searching the primary sources. Most of them also fail to
connect the dots for want of creative thinking and reflections. There are still
others who begin from a theoretical conviction, not a mere frame work and marshal
the sources to prove a theory. Most of these points of view are borrowed.
Quality narratives on History of Odisha are indeed not many.
Writing history, without an identity is difficult. The Odia/Odisha Identity is at
best 200 years old though one can romantically trace the root to few thousand
years even. The district and other sub-regional identities are even much younger.
Thus we are caught with fields of investigation which are hardly scientific and sure
streams of socio-politic or geo-politic consciousness. We have a very difficult
task identify historical fields of investigation through ages. I must admit that I
have raised questions for which I have no answers. Yet I am convinced that our
narration must improve, we must not fall into the traps of our recent identity, we
must refrain from using history for legitimization of governance and we must catch
the imagination of the present.
S.P. Pani


Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
THE UPLIFT OF THE DEPRIVED IN ODISHA
Atul Chandra Pradhan
(A talk delivered at 34th Session of OHC held at VN College, Jajpur Road)
Depressed or Deprived
The officials of the colonial Government coined the expression Depressed Classes to
designate the Hindu untouchable castes in particular and the Hindu backward castes and
tribals in general. Harping on the practice of social segregation to which certain Hindu castes
were subjected, the principle of hierarchy in the caste system, and the isolation of the tribals
from the mainstream society they wanted to carve out a separate segment for the purpose of
representation, and for the purpose of counter-acting the National Congress which was
supposed to be dominated by the Castes Hindus. This segment, designated as Scheduled
Castes, was defined in the section 26(1), part-I of the first schedule of the Government of
India Act, 1935 as such castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races or
tribes which appear to His Majesty in Council to correspond to the classes of persons
formerly known in the Depressed Classes as His Majesty in Council may specify.
In the post-independence period the term Depressed Classes or Schedule Castes
has been cleansed of its imperialistic overtones and reservation has been justified as a policy
of empowerment of the weaker sections of the society or as a policy of protective
discrimination. In view of the historical context in which the term Depressed classes originated
and in view of the modern democratic society which in principle assures equality of opportunity
to all it seems proper to substitute the term Deprived for the Depressed classes.
Deprivation, absolute or relative is alleged to be found in such matters as livelihood,
employment, earnings, property, housing, minimum consumption, education, welfare state
citizenship and personal contact or respect.1 The types of deprivation, mentioned above
are more or less found among women (particularly women belonging to weaker sections of
society), tribals and backward castes (the lowest and intermediary); of course there are
exceptions in every category and deprivation and backwardness also exist among the so-
called caste Hindus and non-Hindu minorities like Muslims and Christians.
Classification of the Deprived in Descending Order
The purpose of this paper is to classify the Deprived Classes of Orissa in a descending
order and discuss the attempts made to promote their uplift. The problem of minorities like
Muslims and Christians which deserve separate analysis and study is not covered in this
paper.

1
Women come first in terms of deprivation. They are greater victims of socio-economic
backwardness than men. The parents discriminate between male and female children. The
women are the victims of the absence of social decorum; in unorganized sector female labourers
are paid less wages than their male counter-parts.
Next to women, belonging to the weaker sections of the society, the most deprived or
backward are the aborigines or tribals, who are constitutionally designated as Scheduled
Tribes. The tribals, 62 in number, constitute 22.8 percent of the population of Odisha. The
tribal groups differ from each other in terms of number, economic development, level of
acculturation and ethnographic features. Thirteen tribal groups, spread in 12 districts, 90,000
in number, are stagnant, primitive, backward and isolated. Of all the tribal groups the Santals
are considered to be the most advanced and acculturated (Among whom Pandit Raghunath
Murmu has formulated Olchiki Script) and the Bondas and Juangs are the most backward
and primitive. In general the tribals are poor. Economic development works in post-
independence era, such as construction of dams or industries has sometimes resulted in
displacing them from their original habitat and instead of reducing their poverty have
impoverished them.
Next to the tribals in the descending order come the Hindu Untouchable castes or
Scheduled Castes who constitute 17.1 percent of the population of Odisha. Though a part
of the mainstream society they were segregated by the Caste Hindus. They were denied
access to the public utilities like the village well and school. They were not allowed to enter
into the Hindu temples. Since independence they have made considerable progress in education
and employment. They have a much higher degree of political consciousness than the aborigines.
Last in the descending order of deprivation are the Socially and Educationally Backward
castes who occupy an intermediary position in the caste hierarchy. They are not educationally
as advanced as Brahmins and Karanas and are not represented in the higher echelons of
power in ratio to their population.
The Amelioration of the Deprived
Throughout the nineteenth century the womens education could not make any significant
headway because of lingering social prejudices against female education and the Governments
lack of interest in this matter; a small section of girls could complete their education up to
lower primary standard. In 1908-09 Shailabala Das established a High School for girls at
Cuttack. In 1897 two girls took admission in the Ravenshaw College. During the colonial
period very few women, who hailed from well-to-do families could receive higher education.
On the whole education failed to bring about transformation in the status of women. In the
census of 1951, the first Census after independence only 15.8% of the population was found

2
to be literate, whereas among the females the percentage of literacy was 4.55% (the percentage
of literacy among the males being 20.62%). Even more than sixty years after independence
women are still lagging far behind men in literacy.2
According to the Census of 2011, while 82.14% of the male population are literate, the
literacy among the females is 65.46%. The leaders of Congress movements in Odisha were
aware of the need for womens liberation and participation in the implementation of the
Congress programme. In 1926 Gopabandhu Das established Bidhaba Ashram at Puri, through
which he wanted to train widows in certain crafts so as to make them economically self-
dependent. A number of women, notably Rama Devi, Sunamani Devi, Sarala Devi, and
Malati Devi participated in various phases of the Congress movement, particularly Salt
Satyagraha. The women participants not only hailed from Congress-oriented families but
also from ordinary families in villages. Though womens participation in nationalist movement
did not result in the improvement of their social status, yet it established their credentials for
playing bigger roles in public life. In 1937 Sarala Devi was elected to the Odisha Legislative
Assembly. Malati Devi who played an important role in Congress Socialist movement and
peasant movement was elected to the Constituent Assembly in 1946. Rama Devi who proved
her organizational ability during the Civil Disobedience Movement and Harijan movement
joined the Sarvoday movement after independence along with other women co-workers.
After independence women have shown their talents in various fields. A number of women
(caste Hindu, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe) have been elected as legislators. Quite
a number of women have become social activists. Odisha had a woman Chief Minister (named
Nandini Satapathy) during 1972-76. Mahila Commission has been set up to give justice and
fair treatment to women. 50% of posts have been reserved for women in local self government.
But still women are lagging behind men. The number of women legislators is far below their
population ratio. Women are being subjected to indecent treatment and rape due to the lack
of social decorum and moral standards in public life.
The Government is trying to promote the development of tribals through sub-plans.
Integrated tribal Development Agencies have been set up. Micro projects are being
implemented for vulnerable tribal groups like Bondas. Land patta is being given to landless
tribals. The tribals are gradually responding to the initiatives of Government and voluntary
organizations for providing them health care, education and basic amenities of life. In 1993
Dr. Achyut Samanta, the founder of the Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology started an
institute, called Kalinga Institute of Social Science (KISS) to give free education (literary and
vocational) along with free food, accommodation, health care and all basic amenities to 20,000
tribal students from kindergarten to P.G stage. This venture to enlighten and empower tribals
through education has been globally acclaimed.3 Self help groups are being formed among
tribal women for promoting their development. Recently while trying to identify best Odia
3
citizen for 2012 ETV channel highlighted a tribal woman activist, named Sumani Jhodia, who
had been honoured by the Indian Metals and Public Charitable Trust in 2003.
The tribals are very much concerned about their identity, their life style, occupational
skill and ritual. Verrier Elwin makes the following observation about the tribal character Let
us teach them that their (tribals) own culture, their own arts are the precious things that we
respect and need. When they feel that they can make a contribution to their country they will
feel part of it. It is therefore an important part of their integration.4
The tribals are very much attached to their lands and forests, on which the Maoists are
harping to win their support. Because of industrialization, destruction of forest and displacement
of tribals not only their identity is at stake, their economic condition has become critical. As
Nirad Ch. Chaudhury says, In an industrialized India the destruction of aboriginals life is as
inevitable as the submergence of the Egyptian temples caused by the dams of Nil. As
things are going there can be no grandeur in the primitives end. It will not be even simple
extinction which is not the worst of human destinies. It is to be feared that the aboriginals last
act will be squalid instead of being tragic. What will be seen with most regret will be, not his
disappearance but his enslavement and degradation.5
So far as the Untouchable Hindus or Scheduled Castes were concerned, since the later
part of the nineteenth century the Government was running special schools for their children
because of the opposition of Caste Hindus to their entry into common schools. In course of
time, as the admission of the untouchables into common schools became possible or easier,
the special schools had to be closed. By the twenties of the twentieth century, the Congressmen
were conscious of their duty to remove untouchability as per the constructive programme of
the party and there were spokes- men of the untouchables from among themselves. There
was an association of the untouchable castes called Nikhil Utkal Anunnat Samaj ( All Odisha
Backward Castes Association), headed by Bir Kishor Behera, a Chamar by caste who was
subsequently elected to Odisha Legislative Assembly. As a result of Gandhis Harijan
movement a branch of All India Harijan Sevak Sangha was formed in Odisha with Balukeshwar
Acharya as President and Nandakishor Das as Secretary. Due to Harijan movement and
Gandhis Harijan tour on foot in coastal Odisha there was a remarkable increase in the
admission of the Scheduled Caste boys and girls into the common schools. Some
Congressmen like Gopabandhu Chaudhury, Rama Devi and Nanda Kishor Das diverted
themselves from Civil Disobedience movement to Harijan movement. Some schools were
opened by the Odisha branch of Harijan Sevak Sangha for the untouchable students. We
find contrary assessments of the impact of the Harijan movement upon the Scheduled Castes.
According to the report of the Utkal Board of the Harijan Sevak Sangha for the year (1934-

4
35) that there has been marked improvement in the social status of the Harijans will be
evident from the free and unhampered attendance of the Harijans in any public gathering.6
On the other hand, Deshakatha, an Odia weekly in its issue of 8 may 1934 observed.
Mahatma Gandhis Harijan movement has not roused much enthusiasm among the people.
Thousands of spectators attend his meetings, being attracted by his personal saintliness and
not for showing any sympathy for the Harijan movement.7 Actually many people touchable
or untouchable who attended Gandhis meetings did not understand the political implication
of his fast. The Collector of Balasore expressed concern over the fact that without trying to
understand the political implication of Gandhis fast (which was intended to annul separate
electorates for the Depressed Classes provided to them in the Communal Award) the
Depressed class people of Balasore town have started looking upon Gandhi as a saint and a
martyr.8 Because of the orthodox opposition most of the temples could not be declared open
for the untouchables during the Harijan tour. Only three temples were declared open from
them9. The Jagannath temple of Puri which was earlier open for the untouchables could not
be officially declared open for them during the Harijan movement due to the opposition of the
Raja of Puri and the Mahant of Emar Math and the apathy of local intelligentsia and for
political reasons. During the second Congress Ministry led by Harekrushna Mahatab. Two
anti-untouchability legislations - Orissa Removal of Civil Disabilities Act, 1946 and Orissa
Temple Entry Authorization and Indemnity Act, 1947 were passed. In pursuance of the latter
Act, the Scheduled Caste people of different parts of Odisha entered into the Jagannath
temple on 12 February 1948, the day of the immersion of Gandhis relic (ashes) into the Bay
of Bengal at Puri, being led by Mohan Nayak, the Harijan leader of Ganjam10. But this entry
took place in the face of great opposition and even physical assaults from the priests of the
temple, which Gandhi would not have approved. On 11 April 1948 led by Pranakrushna
Padhiary, the President of Cuttack District Congress Committee and Mohan Nayak the
Harijans entered into the famous Lingaraj temple of Bhubaneswar, As reported in Samaj,
there was no opposition of the orthodox to this entry of Harijans into the temple11.
Since independence the Scheduled Castes have made a lot of progress in spite of the
persisting stigma of untouchability. A creamy layer or semi-bourgeois class has emerged
among them. Some able politicians have emerged among them. In 1946 Santanu Kumar
Das, the Harijan leader of Jajpur was elected to the Constituent Assembly. Some Scheduled
Caste politicians like Prahlad Mallik and Jaydev Jena have provided leadership to their
respective political parties. While the progress of Scheduled Castes has been possible to a
great extent due to empowerment it is difficult to say what would happen if it is withdrawn.
The educated Scheduled Castes in post-independence Odisha look upon B.R. Ambedkar
as their role model. They have been able to install his statue at the A.G. Square in Bhubaneswar
5
and other places. It was reported in the press that in the village Kalarahang near Mancheswar,
in a place earmarked for a mini-stadium, the neo-Buddhist Dalits, an offshoot of the Ambedkar
movement installed the statue of Buddha, which caused tension in the locality.12
Educationally Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes have always remained below
the average level of literacy. The figures regarding percentage of literacy among the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes according to the census of 2001 are given below :
Stream Male Female Average
SC 70.47% 40.33% 55.53%
ST 51.48% 23.37% 37.37%
The intermediary castes have become an important factor in the Indian politics. In
Madras presidency these castes organized the non-Brahmin Justice party out of which later
on DMK and AIADMK came into existence. In UP the Samajbadi party is in power with
absolute majority in the legislature since 2012. In Bengal these castes (OBC) along with
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Muslims are feeling marginalized and have started
protesting. The statement of Ashis Nandy, the sociologist that over last 100 years nobody
from the OBC, SC and ST has come anywhere near power in West Bengal has sparked off
a heated controversy. Commenting on this statement Jaideep Mazumdar, a columnist observed
that there is lack of representation from the backward castes and tribals in the upper echelons
of power during successive regimes in West Bengal irrespective of party affiliation13. In
Odisha the intermediary castes are not so backward in education and financial status. They
have produced celebrities who have enriched public life in various ways but their representation
in upper echelon of power is much below their ratio in the population. These castes are not
aligned into political parties. Neither Samajbadi party nor the Bahujan Samaj party has been
able to make any significant dent in Odisha politics. There are some caste associations
among the intermediary castes of Odisha, which indicate their apolitical attitude. There is a
OBC Cell within the Indian National Congress, whose Odisha branch met in July 2013 and
demanded the implementation of 27% reservation for the OBC and inclusion of some more
castes in the OBC category (21 more castes to be added to the existing list of 194 castes )14
The Sub-regional Dimension:
Deprivation or backwardness has a sub-regional and historical dimension. The inland
Odisha which consists of the former princely states is more backward than the directly ruled
territories in the coastal Odisha. While the princes neglected education, the British Government
provided better facilities of education. That is why it was found in the Census of 1931 that in
every 10,000 of the population in the princely states the number of literates was 388, whereas
6
in every 10000 of the population in the Odisha division the number of literates was 85415.
Independence and the merger of princely state in the province of Odisha has opened the
avenue for the development of inland districts on equal footing with the coastal Odisha.
Notes and References:
1. Arjan de Haan & Naila Kabeer, Social Exclusion : Two Essays, New Delhi, 2008, p-7
2. Census of India, 1951, vol.XI, Orissa, Part-I, Report, Cuttack, 1953, P-399.
3. Atul Chandra Pradhan, Resurgent Odisha, Bhubaneswar, 2013, P-189.
4. Verrier Elwin, The Tribal World of Verrier Elwin, An Autobiography, Oxford, 1988,
p-303.
5. Quoted in Mathew Areeparampil, Tribals of Jharkhand : Victims of Development,
New Delhi, 1995, p.44.
6. Harijan, 18 April 1936.
7. Deshakatha, 8 May 1934.
8. Fortnightly Reort from the Collector of Balasore district to the Commissioner of Orissa
Division, dated 23 September, 1932, WWCC 56 ( Odisha State Archives).
9. Harijan, 19 October 1934, Report of Nanda Kishor Das, the Secretary of Utkal Board
of Harijan Sevak Sangha. By March 1934 the following three temples had been declared
open for the untouchables-Raghunathji temple at Berhampur, Khirichora Gopinath temple
at Remuna and Shiva Temple of Kujung.
10. (a) Gokulananda Das, Samaja Sebi Padmashri Mohan Nayak, Cuttack, 1982, pp-
3-8.
(b) Harekrushna Mahatab, Sadhanar Pathe, Cuttack 1972, p-359.
11. Samaj, 13 April 1948.
12. Sambad, 6 February 2013
13. The Times of India, 7 February 2013
14. The Times of India, 10 July 2013
15. The Census of India, 1931, vol-VII, Bihar and Orissa, Part-I, Report, Patna, 1933,
P-224.

7
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
ANTI-COLONIAL TRIBAL MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH
ORISSA: HISTORY AND HISTORICAL WRITINGS
S.C. Padhy
This article examines some instances of resistance and freedom movement in southern
part of Orissa during the colonial rule with specific reference to the participation of tribals. In
terms of historical circumstances, these movements present a wide spectrum. It tries to find
out some pattern of responses by tribals to a prevailing situation. Drawing on published
materials both in English and Oriya, with a very short discussion on every case study, a
conclusion is developed.
Tribal resistance to colonialism : An Overview
Tribals formed a part of the exploited social groups during the colonial period. Before
the annexation and subsequent incorporation of tribal areas in the British territory, they had
their own social and economic systems which were traditional in nature. The social system
was headed by a chief. They enjoyed independence regarding the management of their affairs.
The land and forests were main sources of their livelihood. The forest provided them with
basic items which they required for their survival. They were isolated from non-tribals.
However, this isolation was not absolute.
Having occupied the tribal areas, the British introduced policies which aimed at surviving
the colonial interest. These politics were detrimental to the interests of the tribals. They ended
the isolation of tribal communities and disrupted their self-sufficient way of life.
The British introduced the new legal system which proved beyond their capacity to
accept. They created a host of exploiting classes landlords, contractors, traders,
moneylenders, and government officials. These oppressors did not belong to tribal community.
They were considered as outsiders by tribals.
The tribals of different regions revolted against their oppressor. Their movement was
anti-colonial in nature because they were directed against the colonial administration and
their created exploiting classes. They revolted under the leadership of their respective chiefs.
Their movements against the encroachments of forest and oppression of non-tribal exploiters
often got linked or merged with the national movement. They used their traditional weapons
mainly bows and arrows and often turned violent.
They were met with heavy hand by the administration. They were declared as criminals.
The British land legislation could not change the condition of tribals.
8
The tribal movements were confined to regions. They could not assume the form of an
All Indian Movement. But, they did not lag behind with other social groups as regard to
participation in the anti-colonial movement.
Some conceptual framework
The tribal movements as a part of social movements is analysed by Marxist or non-
Marxist framework. To Marxist, it is located in the economic structure and the movement is
analysed in a class framework. But the non-Marxist consider antagonistic interest between
the rich and the poor, who resist, protest and form organizations, protest against the dominance.
Sociologists have linked Tribal movements with the peasant movements and describe them
as Peasant Tribals. But in totality their perception can be contested. First because of
concentration of tribals in certain areas, their social and political organization and relative
isolation form the mainstream, their leadership pattern and modus operandi of political
mobilization may differ from those of other peasants.
Secondly, the peasant movement concentrated on agrarian issues but tribals concentrate
on agriculture as well as forest. Thirdly, the tribal movements were directed against Zamindars,
moneylenders and government officials who exploited them and they were aliens.
Nature of discontent
The economic base of tribals is agriculture. Even some of them became settled agriculturist
coming in contact with non-tribals. During the colonial rule, the British introduced land rent
and landlord-tenant system among the hill tribes. This resulted in passing the land more and
more from tribals to non-tribals and the tribals became more tenants1 .
2. The non-tribal migrants in the garb of small traders and moneylenders began to flank
into the tribal areas and acted as agencies of exploitations.
3. The tribals mortgaged their lands by simple oral agreements and in course of time, they
became simply landless labourer.2
4. The colonial government instead of rescuing the tribals, helped the alien landlords, princely
chiefs, police or forest officials, middlemen and moneylenders to continue their
oppression. This naturally disturbed the tribals not only economically but also socio-
psychologically as they were sensitive of outside influences. To such situation, V. Elwin
states that confrontation between the indigenous tribals and the immigrants became
inevitable.3

9
Similarly, N.K. Bose4 observed that the tribal policy changed the whole situation giving
birth to series of tribal uprisings during the colonial rule.
Situation in Orissa and Historical writings
Tribal unrest during colonial rule in Orissa took various form of movements at different
time, which have been highlighted by historians, teachers of history and non-historians.
Historians intervention to tribal history, though late, changed the situation and provided a
clear pictures. P.K. Mishras Political unrest in 19th century (1983); Sadasiba Pradhans
Agrarian and Political movement; States of Orissa (1986), N.K. Pattnaiks, Lakshman Naik;
A study on Tribal Patriotism (1992), Biswamaya Patis Resisting Domination; Peasants, Tribal
and National Movements in Orissa, 1920-50 (1993); C.P. Nandas Towards Swaraj (1993),
and very recently published Vocalizing silence (2009).S.C. Padhys Tribal history and culture
of Orissa: A Historiographical critique in N. Pattnaik (ed.) Glimpses of Orissan culture,
Cuttack, 2004,pp. 11-20 are some of the published on historical works.5
K. Majumdars Changing Tribal Life in British Orissa (1998), S.C. Padhys Tribal of
Orissa: Their Problems and Prospects (2000) have enriched tribal history. There are few
edited volumes which contained number of articles like M.N. Dass Sidelight on the History
and Culture of Orissa (1978), B.C. Roys Tribes of Orissa (1984), P.K. Mishras culture,
Tribal History and Freedom movement (1889) and Comprehensive history and culture of
Orissa (1997), S.C. Padhy and S.K. Pandas Society, Culture and Polity in Eastern India
(1999), A.K. Pattnaiks Situating Tribals on History (2000), N.R. Patnaiks ; Glance of
Indian Tribes : A focus on Orissa (2006), A.C. Pradhan and A.K. Patnaik (eds.) People
movement in Orissa during the colonial era (Bhubaneswar, 1987).
Since the assumption of the agency tracks, there were a number of petty rising of the hill
people which are known as fituries. The resistance to the British administration was not
only from the side of the local people but also from local chiefs. At times family feuds among
the members of the local chiefs gave rise to serious outbreak. In the name of restoration of
peace and order, the British authorities intervened.
The local fituries (discontent of the hillpeople) were the outcome of three facts:
The misrule of local chiefs towards hill and people
The callousness of British administrators
Irrigation of local chiefs to tribal leaders for their gratification

10
(i) Sabar Rising in Gunupur
The introduction of the British police and magistrate into the Jeypore zamindary gave
rise to reactions. In 1864 there was an outbreak of Sabar Tribe inhabiting between Gunapur
and Badakhemundi due to improper arrest of the Headman of Pattasingh by an inspector of
Police. Though, it originated as a local affair, it took a serious turn and the entire Sabar tribe
rose in arms in the movement. The rising was suppressed by the combined force of Ganjam
and Vizagpatnam with the assistance of the chief of Jeypore. Five Soaras were hanged at the
foot of the Ghat and nine were transported for life. In 1865 when the police guard moved to
the hills, they were attacked by Soaras and forced to retreat. However in 1866 the police
force occupied the post firmly and three of the leaders transported for life.
(ii) Resistance in Jeypore
The British government presented the Raja of Jeypore with a rifle and offered gifts
acknowledging his assistance.6
In 1878 the Koya revolt in the Rampa area of East Godavari opposed the revenue
policy and it spread to the Malkangiri where people wanted to overthrow the oppressive
officers. In 1880, Jamma Dora, the great Koya leaders captured the police station after a
fight. The British troop marched to protect Motu who were attacked. The protesters set fire
to the Taluk house and Dora was hailed as the Raja of Southern Malkangiri. However, he
was driven back to jungle, and killed by police in July 18807 .
Bangra devi of Malkangiri protesting against the British rule in Jeypore, revolted and
died in prison8
(iii) Freedom movement in Koraput and Malkangiri & Participation of Tribal women
The tribals being inspired by the message of Gandhi and Congress participated in Quit
India Movement. There are references of Women participation and their sufferings.
Khoma Parvati, wife of a Mustadar of Ghasaba near Malkangiri had challenged the
colonial authority. She was able to mobilize other tribals for confrontation. Her struggle
continued for fifteen years. She along with her followers were captured in 19169 . Rabisingh
Jhaghi, a tribal leader of Umerkote was the first person to offer individual Satyagraha. He led
a procession on 9th century 1941 from Butibeda to Hirapur and a good number of tribal
women participated which included Sambari Gond, Kuji Gond, Swati Gond, Gunji Gond,
Moti Batra, Sheragada Betra, Radurgh Bhatra, Sukadi Pujari, Moti Ganutim, Brissi Pujari
and Joni Pujari10 .

11
During Quit India Movement tribal women being motivated by their leader participated
in the movement. Among them, one Santi Devi of Kagendri moved from place to place and
provided information to Satyagrahis11 Lakshmi Suarani, a tribal women of Gunupur raised
her voice against British administration. She had attended the Congress meeting at Jeypore
and since then she was committed to the freedom movement. She moved from village to
village and mobilsied people.
Similarly, during the Quit India, Young Soara girls Kujendri village joined a procession
led by Biswanath Patnnaik, a prominent freedom fighter of Gunpur. They prevented police
who wanted to arrest their leader. All were arrested and kept in Gunpur jail. Those girls were
Laxmi Subai, Sita Gomango, Judi Sabar, Shanti sabar, Sambari sabar, Laxmi Gomango and
Champa Sabar.12
The name of Budal Devi of Banuagada and Chitrabhanu Devi of village Kotpad are
recorded who had joined after the Civil Disobedience Movement.
(iv) Lakshman Naik: The Tribal freedom fighter and Martyr.
An interesting feature of the Congress movement in Koraput is the large-scale
participation of tribals. Lakshman a tribal joined the Congress in 193613 Under his leadership
many tribal, joined in Congress and participated in the National movement. By 1942, two
hundred tribals revolted as subscribing member of Congress in Mathili alone. The message of
August Revolution of 1942 Do or Die spread like wildfire in Koraput. The movement
started with peoples refusal to pay one paise tax on head load of article and very soon took
the run of mob fury against the British raj. Police station at Lakshmipur, Mathili and
Dusmantapur were attacked and activities like sabotage of telegraph wires, casting down
trees in reserve forest, destruction of government offices continued. Picketings were made in
schools, in front of courts, government took serious measures by lathi charge and arrests.
On 21st August 1942, Lakshman with his followers took a huge procession to Mathili
police station. People from different villages moved with flag. He addressed a huge gathering.
The police could not able to stop people and so lathi charge and firing took place by
order of Jaganikulu Dor, the police inspector. As a result, six persons died on the spot and
hundreds received injury. Tribal hero Laxman and fifty others were arrested under the act of
sedition. Lakshman was found guilty and hanged to death on 29th March 1942 at Berhampur
jail and became martyr.

12
Resistance in Ghumsur
The British control over Ghumsur came as early as 1866. Right from that time, the
aboriginal Kundhs of the hilltracks raised the banner of rebellion under their tribal leader
Kamal Lochana Dora who had tremendous loyalty to the Chief of Ghumsur. In 1817, the
Kandhs protested against government. The Collector of Ganjam marched to Ghumsur to
suppress the protest. The movement continued upto 1836 when G.E. Russel was appointed
as special commissioner who had declared a reward of five thousand rupee to apprehend
Dora. The kandha tribals attacked the British troops with an element of surprise.14 They
attacked British force at Kurmimgla mountain pass which is between Udayagiri and Durga
Prasad and killed thirteen persons of whom two British officer Lt. Bormley and E. Hibbon
were killed Dora and his followers created trouble. Russell then followed a policy of
compromise. Dora and his followers moved from place to place in Daspalla and Nayagarh.
In 1837, Raghunath Bhanja who claimed to be the Raja of Ghumsar, he was supported by
tribals. But he was sent to Tikali jail. All the relations of Dora, Sardars, Naiks and Paiks were
captured or killed.
Dora moved from place to place in search of support. He was chased in the jungles of
Khurda and Rambha. He fled a way to Patna and Angul where Raja Somnath Singh
apprehended and handed over to British government for which he got award of Rupees Five
Thousand in 1837. He was sent to Gooty where he died leaving his bravery fighting against
imperialism.15
Resistance under Chakra Bisoyi
Chakra Bisoyi, took the leadership in support of restoration of the Bhanja family. He
took up the cause of Raja pilla (pitamber Bhanj) whom the tribals believed as Young raja of
Ghumsur16 .
Secondly, Chakra wanted to retain the practice of Meriah, he revolted with the support
of people from Angul, Baud, Sonepur, Kalahandi. The British authority left no stone unturned
to capture him from hill to valley. He led the life a fugitive and died before 1857, leaving a
dashing action in the tribal movement.
Thus, the Kandh rising in Ghumsur (1815-37) led by Dora Bisoyi centered an issues
like foreign rule and realization of tribute. The next phase of the struggle led by Chakra Bisoyi
(1837-56). Chakra emerged as the leader championing the cause of Meriah sacrifice. He
could brilliantly caught the tribal imagination by projecting the idea of revival of native rule
and golden past which protected the tribal interest not only economic burden but also threat
to cultural identity.17
13
Uprising in Paralakhemundi
The role of the East India Company was established over the Northern circle in 1766.
Paralakhemundi as a part of this circar came under its away. This alien rule brought
discontentment among the chief and its people. For the first time the Savaras rebelled against
the company rule under the leadership of Radhakrishna Dandasena. But this was ruthlessly
suppressed and the leader was executed. Subsequently, Narayan Deo the Chief of
Paralakhemundi with the support of the trials resisted the British army but he too died in
11770. The tribal resistance continued now and then in the Paralakhemundi zamindary.
Conclusion
The early resistance movements were not caused by any consciousness born out of
western influence. There were neither Anglcists nor Orientalists nor Reformers to generate
awareness. The conditions of all these places are similar. The zamindars were affected due to
change of government. It was sporadic and that tuned the movement.
Secondly, the leaders of the movement were traditional and in most of the cases the
basic objective as the restoration of Pre-British forms of society.
Thirdly, the protesters have shown courage and spirt of sacrifice which had its influence
in nationalist policies.
Fourthly, both direct and indirect participation of the tribals through their natural way of
powerful expressions and collective protest against the conditions of economic exploitation
and social oppression may betaken as an integral part of freedom movement.
Lastly, their success or failure represented the beginning of a new consciousness among
the people in general and tribals in particular.
References
1. Adivasi, vol. XIV, No. 4, January 1973, pp. 2-3
2. K.P. Singh (ed.), Tribal Situation in India, Delhi, 1971, p. 189
3. V. Elwin, A Brief Survey of the Aboriginal Tribes of the Districts of Ganjam and
Koraput, Cuttack, 1996, p. 19
4. N.K. Bose, Marriage and Kingship among Juanl, Men in India, 1928 pp. 235-242
5. The Department of History, Berhampur University organized a seminar on Tribal
movements, in Orissa in March 2009 and many aspects are discussed.

14
6. M.M. Mohapatra, History of Jeypore, British occupation and resistance in G. Mohanty
(ed.), Cultural heritage of Odisha, Vol. XI, Koraput district, p. 84
7. N.C. Behuria, Final report on the Major settlement operation in the Koraput district,
1936-64, Cuttack, 1966, p. 55
8. Reflections on the National movement in Orissa, Orissa State Archives, Bhubaneswar,
1999, p. 201
9. Kasinath Mishra, Itihashare Adivasi Mahila (Odia) Koraput, 1977, pp. 48-49
10. Reflections, p. 203
11. V.R. Raju, Role of women in Indias freedom struggle, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 86-87.
12. S.C. De (ed.) whos who Freedom warriors of Orissa (Koraput, Ganjam, Phulbani,
Bhubaneswar, 1969, vol. I, p. 18)
13. H.K. Mahatab (ed.) History of the Freedom Movement in Orissa, Vol. IV (Cuttack,
1957) p. 91
14. T.J. Malthy, The Ganjam District Mannas, Madras, 1998, p. 194
15. ibid, p. 184
16. OSA, Angul papers, 31st July 1837
17. Madras Revenue Consultation (MRC) R.A. Beneiman to Government 18 December
1846, Calcutta Review, no. XVII (1840) P. 200

15
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
REMAPPING ORA: THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE
Jadumani Mahapatra
Land
Ora, variously called Ura, Aura, Aura, Oa, Ora visaya, Ora desha,
Oiyna, Uiyna, Oretes, Wu-tu (Wu-cha), Oisha, Uravisau, Oivih and Odisha
Rashtra in the indigenous traditions, historical literature (both indigenous and foreign)
and epigraphic records denote an extensive territory and a people of hoary antiquity.
The nomenclature seems to have derived from the people the ORAS, who have
peopled the country. The sources pertaining to the history of the Odra people and the
land of their habitation point to its location in modern Odisha. Archaeological findings at
different places of this land also substantiate to the fact that the country, later on named
as Odra was peopled from the pre-historic Mesolithic age and continued uninterrupted
till the people and their culture was Aryanised by the successive waves of effort made by
the Aryans to assimilate them in the fast expanding Aryan society and culture.1 A survey
of the available source materials having reference to Odra confirm that it was an extensive
land bounded on the eastern sea embracing within its fold the littoral plain and the
adjoining highland. On the north it was delimited by the wild states of Jashpur and
Singhbhum and on the south it extended up to the Nasunda or Nandava hills in the
Gajapati district in Odisha. On the west it extended as far as the eastern boundary of the
Gondawana with the eastern limit extending up to the Purva Sagar or the Bay of Bengal.2
It included the Balasore, Cuttack and Puri on the coastal plain and Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar,
Dhenkanal, Boudh-Khondmal and the adjoining tracts of Sundargarh, Sambalpur,
Balangir, Kalahandi and Ganjam (undivided) districts of Odisha. The hinterland being
mountainous, covered with dense forest has been referred to in the Dirghasi Inscription
(Telugu portion) of the Eastern Ganga General Vanapati as Mali Oadesha, meaning
the hill portions of Odra desha.3 In its physiography, the Odra country is inclined from
the north to the south and west to the east. As a result, all rivers flowing in this land roll
down either from the north to south or from the west to the east, finally draining into the
Bay of Bengal.
Although the process of Aryanisation had set in from the later Vedic age the country
of Odra came under the ken of political influence of the Aryans when Maha Padmananda
of Magadha conquered Kalinga, of which it appears to have been an integral part. During
the rule of the Mauryas the plains of Odra was included in Kalinga, with its mountainous
terrain included in the aav region of Ashokan edicts.4 In the first century B.C. during
Kharavelas regime in Kalinga the geographical state of Odra, more or less remained
16
unchanged. From first century C.E. onwards we come across specific reference to Oretes
(Sanskrit Odra) along with Monedes(Mundas) and Suari (Savaras) who lived in the
foothill of the mount Maleus, in the Roman Geographer Plinys Naturalis Historia
(Natural History), and Maali(Mundas) and avari (Savaras) living on the banks
of Manada(Mahanadi), in the Greek Geographer Claudius Ptolemys Geographike
Hyphagesis (The Geography).5 From the second century A.D. to the middle of the
fourth century A.D. we have scanty of source materials to reconstruct a continuous history
of the Odras. No epigraphic reference to the Odras and their land is available till the
discovery of the Soro copper plate grant of Somadatta (samvat 15), which is assigned to
the third decade of 7th century A.D.6 However, the Nasik cave inscription of Vasishthiputra
Sripulomavi (RY 19)7, the Asanpat Stone Inscription8 and the Allahabad pillar inscription
of Samudragupta9 throw light on the political conditions of the Odra country without
mentioning the name of the land either as Odra or Tosala. In the Nasik cave inscription
Goutamiputra r Stakari has been described as the lord of various mountains among
which Malayagiri was one. Malayagiri is the same as mount Maleus of Plinys Natural
History which was situated in the land of the Oretes or Odras. The Asanpat stone
inscription discovered and edited by Sri Anirudha Das in 1964 has been assigned to the
3rd 4th century A.D. or even earlier period. In this inscription Shatrubhanja (the
donor) identifies himself as the son of Maharaja Sri Manabhanja and Damayanti and as
vindhyavintha who won several victories against the Devaputra (remnants of the
Kushanas) establishing preponderance over sarvasmatdhipatis. The claim made here
by Mahrja Shatrubhanja indicates that he and his father ri Mnabhaja were powerful
rulers in the Vidhytav region which included the land peopled by the Odras. It is
evident from the Allahabad pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, dated in 360 A.D., that
he compelled the kings of forest countries to become his servants after the nine kings of
ryvartta were violently exterminated by him.10 Possibly Shatrubhanja or his successor
bore the brunt of Samudraguptas arms and succumbed to the imperial design of the
Gupta monarch. The territorial conquest made by Samudragupta in the ryvartta and
Daksipatha considerably changed the political scenario of India and forced in a
territorial readjustment among new ruling families who rose to prominence under the
protective suzerainty of the imperial Guptas. From here onwards central and most part of
south east India came under the cultural hegemony of the imperial Guptas. In the 6th and
early 7th century C.E. the coastal tract of Odisha, then known as Toshala (Ubhaya Toshali)
became the battle ground for the princes of Mudgala, Vigraha and Durjaya families who
were contesting among themselves for political supremacy over Ubhaya Toshali. The
Odra country is now confined to the hinterland between the Vaitarani and middle Mahanadi
valley populated by a number of hill tribes, like the Savaras, Mundas, Binjhals, Bhuyans

17
and the Gonds who lived side by side with the Brahmans, who migrated to this land
mostly from the Aryavartta to aryanize (sanskritize) the avika people. Odradesha had
no independent political entity till the second quarter of the 7th century C.E.
The earliest inscription having reference to the Odra country is the Soro copper-
plate grant of Somadatta issued in samvat 15.11 This grant records the donation of the
village Aayra in Sarephhra (at present Soro) visaya of Uttara Tosali which was
situated in the Udra visaya (Udra country). This epigraphic evidence is corroborated by
Yuan Chwangs report on Wu-tu or Odra country in his T - Tng Hsi Yu - Chi or
Si-Yu-Ki. This is the first historical account which gives a comprehensive description
about the Odra country.
Continuing his narrative Yuan Chuang tells us that from Karnasuvarna he
travelled south-west above 700 li and came to the Wu-tu country. This he states, was
above 7000 li in circuit, and its capital above twenty li in circuit; the soil was rich and
fertile yielding fruits larger than those of other lands, and its rare plants and noted
flowers could not be enumerated; the climate was hot; the people were of violent ways,
tall and of dark complexion, in speech and manners different from the people of Mid-
India; they were indefatigable students and many of them were Buddhists. There were
above 100 Buddhist monasteries and a myriad of Brethrens all Mahayanist. Of Deva
Temples there were 50, and the various sects lived pell-mell. There was more than ten
Ashoka topes at places where the Buddha had preached. In the south-east of the country
was the Pu-sie-po-ki-li (restored by Julien as Pushpagiri) monastery in a mountain;
the stone tope of this monastery exhibited supernatural lights and other miracles,
sunshades placed by worshippers on it between the dome and the malaka remained
there like needles held by a magnet. To the north-east of this tope in a hill-monastery
was another tope like the preceding in its marvels. The miraculous power of these topes
was due to the topes having been erected by supernatural beings. Near the shore of the
ocean in the south-east of this country was the city of Che-li-t-lo (Charitra), above
twenty li in circuit, which was a thoroughfare and resting- place for sea-going traders
and strangers from distant lands. The city was naturally strong and it contained many
rare commodities. Outside it were five monasteries close together, of lofty structure and
with very artistic images. Far away, 20,000 li distant in the south was the Seng-ka-lo
(Ceylon = Simhala) country, and from this place on calm nights one could see the
brilliant light from the pearl on the top of the tope over the Buddhas Tooth-relic in that
country.12
Besides giving a comprehensive picture of the flora and fauna, the productivity of
the soil and climatic conditions, the behavioural disposition of the people and their religious

18
belief, the Chinese traveller has mentioned about significant geographical landmarks
like the location of the port city of Che-li-t-lo-ching on sea and in the south-east corner
of the country (of Wu-tu) the Pu-sie-po-ki-li monastery situated in a mountain, the
identification of which gives a clear picture of the territorial expanse of the country of
Odra. The city of Che li t lo ching rendered into English as Charitrapura or
Siritara has been identified with Srikshetra Puri on the Bay of Bengal and the location
of Pu sie - po ki- li rendered into English as Pushpagiri has been suggested in the
Ghumusur- Udayagiri region of Kondhmal district.13
In his travel account Hiuen Tsiang speaks nothing about the ruling house of the
Wu-Cha or Odra; nor there do any clear mention about the name of the capital city. Odra
country, after its amalgamation, possibly formed an integral part of the Pushyabhuti
empire of Kanauj and was placed under the administration of a military General with the
designation of Mahvaldhiita Antaranga- Mahsandhivigrahika ... as is evident
from the Soro copper plate grant of Somadatta (samvat 15 = Harsa Era = 621CE).14 The
period that followed the demise of Har?a in 647-48 CE facilitated the emergence of
some new political powers in different parts of his empire. In the Odra visaya of Harsas
empire a number of sub-regional ruling houses with strong political aspiration grew up
in the first half of 8th century CE. These powers were subjugated by the Bhaumakars,
who in their turn had occupied the entire coastal strip of land from Midnapur in the north
up to the river Rusikuly in the south. They named their kingdom as Tosali (Uttara
Tosali and Dakshina Tosali) with their capital city at Guhevara paka , identified with
the township of Jajpur on Vaitarani river.15 The highland of Odra country was parcelled
out into small chieftaincies under different ruling houses most of who were of tribal
origin. The Bhanjas, the Shulkis, the Tungas, the Nandodbhavas and at a later date, the
Varhas carved out small principalities in the forest region extending from Mayurbhanj
district in the north up to the northern fringe of Ganjam district in the south. They formed
a chain of Maala states which served as a buffer zone between the Tosali kingdom of
the Bhaumakaras on the east and the Dakshina Koshala of the Somavamis on the
west.16 Odra was now confined to the adjoining forest tracts on the north and south
banks of the river Mahanadi in the middle-Mahanadi valley over which the Bhanjas of
Khijali Maala held their sway. Khijali Maala which formed an integral part of
Odra desha controlled the route from the highland of central India to the fertile plain on
the east coast down course Mahanadi and therefore attracted the aggressive design of
ambitious princes of different ruling houses like the Kalachuris of Tripuri and Ratnapura,
the Somavamsis of south Koshala, the Rashtrakutas of Mnyakhea who were keen to
conquer the fertile plains of Tosali on sea.17 The Brahmeswar temple inscription reveals
that Janamejaya I Mahabhavagupta (cir. 850- 885 CE) killed the ruler of Odra desha
19
who has been identified with Rabhaja I (cir. 800-858 CE) of Khinjali Mandala.18 The
Bhanjas were forced to vacate the Mahanadi basin and were pushed into the Ghumusar
region in the Ganjam district, with the middle-Mahanadi valley was now reorganised
into a new province called Odra desha under the Somavamsis. Once it became an integral
part of the Somavamsi kingdom of South Koshala Yayti I Mahsivagupta (cir.885-925
CE), the son and successor of Janamejaya I Mahbhavagupta , shifted his capital from
Vinitapura (Bink on Mahanadi) to the newly established Yaytinagara on the right bank
of the Mahanadi in Odra desha. Yayatinagara remained the Somavamsi capital till the
end of their rule.
In the 11th and 12th century CE Odra desha fell victim to several invasions by
ambitious princes of different ruling families is attested by the Tirumalai inscription of
Rajendra Chola 19, the Telugu version of the Dirghasi inscription of the time of the
Ganga king Rajaraja I (1075 CE) 20 and the Draksharama Inscription of the time of
Kulottunga Chola (1070 -1178 CE).21 The Mukhalingam inscription of aka 1030=1108
CE reveals that Anantavarman Cholagangadeva of Kalinga had conquered Utkala by
this date.22 In the Vizagapattanam copper plate grant dated in aka 1040=1118 CE
Chodagangadeva has been decorated with the rank of the entire sovereignty over the
whole of Utkala, which indicates the eclipse of the Somavamsi power over Utkala and
Odra which now became part of the Kalinga kingdom of the Gangas.23
Between 6th and 12th centuries of the Christian era the land of Odra passed through
several changes in its territorial limit having different names under different ruling families.
Sometime it embraced the land mass between Midnapur in West Bengal in the north up
to the mount Nasunda in the Paralakhemundi region in the south. Sometime it was limited
to a small visaya in the Bhanja kingdom of Khinjali Mandala. Portions of this land were
variously named as Toali, Ubhaya Toali, Atdaa Toali and Airvatamaala etc.
under different ruling houses. Sometime Tosala, Utkala and Odra were used as
synonymous in terms denoting the same territorial expanse. But to the people of other
regions in India and outside the whole territory was known variously as Oivi, Uiyna,
Otisha, Udravisau, Ursfin, Urshin, Jajnagar-Udisha etc.24
It is evident from the Gopinathpur temple inscription of the time of Kapilendradev
(founder of Suryavamsi Gajapati rule in Odisha) that he was born in Odradesha25. The
empire of the Suryavamsi Gajapati kings of Odisha embraced an extensive territory
limited by river Ganga (Bhagirathi) in the north and river Krishna in the south and was
given the name of Odisha - rashtra or Odisha rjya.26 This has been attested by the
expression Jamvudvipe Bharata khana Orarshtra manale... etc. and the term
Odisha by Sarala Das in the diparva of his Mahabarata, who lived in contemporaneous

20
with Gajapati Kapilendradev (1435-1468 CE).27 Thus, by 15th century of the Christian
era the whole of Odisha was known as Ora rshtra or Odisha rshtra.
People
The Mnava Dharmashastra mentions the Odras along with many other people as
vala or shudras.28 In the Mahabharata they have been associated with the Pavas
and the rjasya sacrifice performed by Yudhisthira.29 The Puranas mention them along
with other cognate people and associate the Oras with va ruling house of Aryan
stock.30 The Matsya Purana refers to the Aura people, where as in the Vyu,
Brama, Mrkaeya and Vmana Puranas the Odras are substituted by Uttamra
and both the Aundra and Uttamarna people are located in the janapadas of Vindhya
regions.31 Most of the ancient Indian religious literature having reference to Odra, betray
clear indication of a movement to absorb the pre-Aryan Odras in the fold of Aryan
society through the process of sanskritization. These sources dont make any reflections
on the history of the people named Odra or Oddaka in the Brahmanical and Buddhist
literature32, beyond 3rd - 4th centuries B.C. But archaeological explorations and excavations
in the extensive highland, from Mayurbhanj to Gajapati districts (in north-south alignment)
of Odisha on the eastern slope of the Chhotanagpur plateau, where the Odra people
have been located, unequivocally prove that the region was peopled as early as the
prehistoric Mesolithic age.33
The Neolithic sites of Kuchai and Baidyapur in Mayurbhanj and Sulabhdihi
(Bonaigarh) in the Sundargarh districts bear testimony to the continuation of civilization
in the land of the Odras. Agronomists and geographers like T. Watabe argues for the
origin of rice in Orissa (Odisha).34Wild rice is reported from the Neolithic sites of
Baidyapur35 and Kuchai36 in Mayaurbhaj.37
The Chalcolithic site of Sankerjang in Angul district has yielded human skeletal
remains and teeth along with napped and ground stone axes and adzes, copper bangles
and small tools. From the small sample of human skeletal remains it is inferred that
Sankerjang inhabitants consumed food rich in soft carbohydrate, perhaps rice, grain or
peas.38 This is further attested by bar celts excavated from Sankerjang, that bear thrashing
mark of grain and hence might have been used in pounding or corn-crunching or as
mallets or even as nut crackers.39 The archaeological evidences regarding the land of the
Odras being peopled in the different phases of Prehistoric period is further substantiated
by the discovery of rock art heritage of Orissa that range from the Prehistoric Mesolithic
period to the Early Iron Age through the Neolithic - Chalcolithic periods.40

21
Pliny the Elder, who wrote his Naturalis Historia in the first century CE, speaks of
the Oretes who lived along with Monedes and Suaris around mount Maleus.41 The
Oretes, Monedes and Suaris are rendered in to Sanskrit as Odras, Mundas and the Savaras
respectively. The Mundas and Savaras are also considered the same as the Mandalai
and Savarai in Claudius Ptolemys Geographike Hyphagesis whom Cunningham
identifies with the Mundas of Chutia Nagpur and Savaras or Suars, a wild race who
live in the woods without any fixed habitations. Both the Mundas and the Savaras are
associated with the Sambalak or Sambalpur on the upper Manada or Mahanadi.42
Plinys associating the Odras with the Mundas and Savaras, living around mount Malaya
(Maleus) located in Pllahad (Angul district in Odisha) and Ptolemys associating the
Mundas (Mandalai) and Savaras (Savarai) with Sambalpur on Mahanadi (Manada)
indicate that these people were distributed over a wide area and belonged to one cognate
group. They were autochthons. The Greek Oretes and Sanskrit Ora, as N. K. Sahu
argues, seem to have been suggested by the term Or or Oru meaning rice. In fact,
the word Oru prevalent in Orissa since early time seems to be same as Greek Oruza
(Oryza) meaning rice. The Oretes or the Or (Odra) people may, therefore, mean either
the Rice eating or the Rice growing people.43
In the Padma purana the Odras are also associated with tribes like the Mlechhas,
Sairidras, Prvatiyas (hillmen), Kirtas, Varvaras, Siddhas, Videhas and
Tmraliptikas.44 Some of the tribes mentioned here like the Varvaras, Siddhas, Sairindras
and the Parvatiyas may be identified with the Savaras, Sudhas (Sud), Gonds and the
Kondhs. The Sairindras and the Mlechhas may be identified with a community of people
associated with tilling land and sowing seeds and the remnants of the foreign tribes
(Kushanas?) respectively. The Odras, the Varvaras, the Siddhas, and the Sairindras seem
to be of one common origin (Munda or Kolarian) that peopled the Odra country before
the appearance of the Gonds and Kondhs (the Parvatiyas) who migrated to Odradesha
from the south at a later time and sustained themselves at the cost of the early settlers.45
With the Dakshinapatha expedition of Samudragupta in the middle of the 4th century
CE, there began hectic political activities through military conquest which led to frequent
and forcible mobilization of people throughout India. This affected the socio-economic
conditions of the people in the Odra desha. The migration of a number of Brahmanas
and Kshatriyas in this process brought the Varshrama institution of the Aryans to
Odra desha which was chiefly populated by the tribesmen engaged in agrarian activities
and various other craft related vocations. The dependence of the Aryan settlers on the
native people sped up the process of Sanskritization and many tribesmen engaged in
22
agrarian vocation now lived side by side with these Aryans and started emulating their
life style. This process of acculturation resulted in the growth of many functional castes
in Odra (Odisha) and through intermarriages new stock of people came up. In this process
the varna based activities were now earmarked for different jati groups. However, social
mobility of the people within the first three varnas was never very rigid till at least the
emergence of the Muslims in Odisha. In course of time people of diverse racial stock,
different religious faith and vocational calling migrated to this land and settled in Odisha.
Ethnologically the population of Odisha is a composition of Palaeo-Mediteraneans, Proto-
Australoids and Negritos.46
References
1. K.K.Basa, Archaeological Heritage, Mishra, P.K. (ed.), Comprehensive History
and Culture of Orissa (CHCO), Kaveri Books, New Delhi 1997, vol. I, pt.1, pp.18-
26.
2. A.Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India, Low Priced Publication, Delhi
1990, p.431; S.N. Rajaguru, Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society
(JAHRS), X, p.166f.
3. S. N. Rajaguru, Inscriptions of Orissa (IO), Orissa Sahitya Academy, Bhubaneswar
1961, vol.III, pt.1 (A.D.1045- A.D.1190), p.20, LL.17-18 and note.
4. Rock Edict XIII, L.7. cf. R.K. Choudhury, Inscriptions of Ancient India, Minakshi
Prakshan, New Delhi 1983, Text of Inscriptions, p.10.
5. George Barclay (ed.), Natural History, Castel Street, Leicester Square 1847-48(e-
book), Book II, ch. LXXIII where and when there be no shadow, pp.116-117
;J.W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, Trubner & Co., London
1885 (e-book), pp.173 &234; Mount Maleus has been identified with the Malayagiri
or Mlyagiri near Pallahada in the Angul district of Odisha. cf. N.K. Sahu, Utkal
University History of Orissa (UUHO), Utkal University, Bhubaneswar 1964, vol.
I, p.140.
6. Epigraphia India (EI), XXIII, p.202.
7. R.K. Chaudhary, Inscriptions of Ancient India, Meenakshi Prakashan, New Delhi
1983, Text of Inscriptions, p.35. cf. Nasik Cave Inscription of Vasisthiputra
Sripulomavi (RY19), LL.2-3. ...vibhachhavata prichta sahya kanhagiri
sachasiri ana Malaya Mahida Setagiri chakorapavata patisa savarjaloka
mandala patigahita ssanasa ... etc.

23
8. OHRJ, XIII, 2, pp.1-8; S.N. Rajaguru, Odishara Itihasa, I, Grantha Mandir, Cuttack
2012, p.189 and 278.
9. R.K. Chaudhary, op.cit. Text of Inscriptions, p. 51. cf. Allahbad Pillar Inscription
of Samudragupta, L.21, parichrakikta sarvavikarjasya... etc.
10. R. S. Tripathi, History of Ancient India, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 1967, pp.241-
242.
11. I.O., I,2,pp. 138-139.The date of this grant has been accepted as samvat 15 of
Harsa Era which corresponds with 621A.D. Parama Bhgavata of this inscription
obviously refers to ilditya Harsavardhan, in whose empire Odra was a visaya.
Cf. J.K.Sahu, Historical Geography of Orissa, Decent Books, New Delhi 1997,
p.117.
12. Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwangs Travels in India, vol.II, LPP,Delhi 2004, pp.
193-196.
13. Alexander Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India, LPP, Delhi 1990, pp.430-
432; N.K. Sahu, UUHO, I, Bhubaneswar 1964, pp. 141-144.
14. I.O., I, 2, p.138.
15. Proceedings of the Orissa History Congress, Sambalpur, 1978, pp. 35-36.
16. J. Mahapatra, The Mandala Kingdoms, Mishra, P. K., (ed.), Comprehensive History
and Culture of Orissa, Kaveri Books, New Delhi, 1997, vol.I, pt.1, pp.244-281.
17. Because of the lingering effect of the name Odra visaya or Odra desha in the memory
of the people outside this land the Bhaumakara kingdom of Tosali and the Mandala
states in the hinterland was referred to as Oraka in the Sanjan plates of the
Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsa I. Cf.EI,XVII,pp.235ff.
saKoshalaKalingaVengihala UraknMlavamvilabhyanijasevakei
svayamkshvabujadvikramah reads the vrs.24 of the Sanjan copper plate of
Amoghavarsha I. cf. R.K. Chaudhary, op.cit., p.171(text).
18. R j r i J a n a m e j a y s a r i p u h b h t a s T r i l i n g d h i p a /
Dantdantikarkariramamidbhagneripudviseya kuntgrahata
UdradeanpaterLakhmisamktavn //.Brahmeswar Temple Stone inscription
of the time of Udyotakeshari (RY18) cf. S.N. Rajaguru (ed.), Inscriptions of Orissa,
Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, 1966, vol.IV, p. 245, LL.2-3 of the text; N. K.
Sahu, A History of Orissa, vol. II, Calcutta, 1956, p.366; J. Mahapatra, The Bhanjas
of Khinjali Mandala, Sambalpur University Ph. D. Thesis, 1987, pp. 99-102
(unpublished).
24
19. E.I., IX, pp.223f.
20. E.I., IV, pp.315 - 317 ff; I.O., III, pt.1, pp. 19 20.
21. E.I., XXII, pp.138f.
22. Epigraphia Andhrica, IV, pp.33f.
23. ...viyaudadhikhendugaiteu akavatsareu puyehani Sakalotkala
smrjyapadavi virjamne ... etc. I.O., III, 1, p.80, L.117 of the text.
24. In the Buddhist literature of the tantric period Oa, Ora, Oivish and Oiyna are
used as variants of Uiyna. Cf. Benoytosh Bhattacharya, Budhist Iconography,
Oxford, 1924, p.xxvii; B. Bhattacharya (ed.) Sadhanamala, vol.II, Gaekwads
Oriental Series,XLI,Baroda,1928, introduction, p.xxxvii fn. ; N.K. Sahu, Buddhism
in Orissa, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, 1958, p.142. Al- Biruni has referred to
Odisha as Udravisau in his Kitab ul Hind. Cf. Ahmed Qeyamauddin (ed.), Al-
Birunis India, NBT India, New Delhi 1992, p.95. The Muslim geographer Abul
Qasim UbaidAllah ibn Khordadbeh (c. 820 912CE), who wrote his Kitb al
Maslik wal Mamlik(The Book of Roads and Kingdoms) in 846 CE refers to a
territory called Ursfin. Hudud al Alam (The Limits of The World), a work of
anonymous authorship of 10th century CE refers to Urshin. V. Miniorsky translated
the work into English in 1937, identifying Urshin and Ursfin with Odra. Cf. The
Regions of the World, Oxford University Press 1927, p. 241. The muslim chronicles,
written between 12th and 14th century CE refer to the Odra country as Jajnagar
(Yayatinagar) and jajnagar - Udisha which passed under the control of Anantavarman
Chodaganga as Sakalotkala. Cf. Minhaj-ud-dins Tabaqat -i- Nasiri , translated
by H.C. Raverty in Bibliothica Indica series, 1873-81,pp.573,738-39,762-
63;Khawaja Nizamuddin Ahmed Bakshis Tabaqat-i-Akbari, vol.I, pp.108, 213,
vol.III, p.421;Gulm Husayn Salm Zaydprs Riyaz-us-Salatin (the first
complete history of the Muslim rule in Bengal), translated by Abdus Salim in
Bibliothica Indica, pp.79, 98; Shams-i- Siraj Afifs Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, Elliot and
Dowson, History of India as told by its own Historians, vol. III, pp.269ff.
25. JASB, LXIX (1901), p.175; J. K. Sahu, op.cit., p.116.
26. JASB, LXII (1893), pp.93, 100.
27. Pathani Pattnaik, Mahakavi Saraladasa (odia), Odisha Sahitya Academy,
Bhubaneswar, 1995, p.9.
28. akeistukriyalopdim Kshtriya jtaya / Valatvam gat loke vrmaya
daanenacha // PauraksChora Drvi Kmvoj Yavan ak / Prad
25
PallavsChin Kirth arad Kha //. Cf. Mnava Dharma Shastra, X,
43-44, quoted by S. N. Rajaguru, Odishara Itihasa, pt.1, Grantha Mandir,
Cuttack,2012, pp. 38,73.
29. Sorensen, An Index to the names in the Mahabharata, London, 1904, p.376;
Mahabharata, Sabha Parva, 31, 1147; Vanaparva,51, 1988; Bhisma Parva, 50, 2084.
30. The Bhagavata Purana associates the Odras with Anga, Banga, Kalinga, Pundra
and Sumha people. Cf. Bhagavata Purana (Goudiya Matha edition), IX, 23, vr.5.
This has been accepted by Jagannath Das, the noted Odia poet of 15th century CE
who translated the Bhagavata Purana into Odia.
31. Matsya Purana,CXII,52-53; Vayu Purana, XLV,132-133; Brahmanda Purana, II
, 16 & 63; Markandeya Purana, LIV,51; Vamana Purana, XIII ,36-58. S. M. Ali,
The Geography of the Puranas, Peoples Publishing House, New Delhi, 1983, p.168;
Uttamarna is the name of a people. cf. M. M. William, Sanskrit English Dictionary
(new edition), Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 2012, p. 177. For many
centuries after the 6th century B. C. Utkala, Odra, and Tosala merged within the
empire of Kalinga that had extended from the Ganges to Godavari.cf. J. K. Sahu,
Historical Geography of Orissa, Decent Books, New Delhi, 1997, p.104.
32. Apdna (Buddhist Canon), pt.2, p.358. cf. N.K. Sahu, Buddhism in Orissa, Utkal
University, Bhubaneswar, 1958, p.147.
33. The Mesolithic sites at Khomananta (near the village Kalarjhuli) in Khondmal district,
at least 58 sites in Keonjhar district yielding both heavy duty tools and unifacial
pebble tools, large flakes, ring stones, anvils and hammer stones bear testimony to
Mesolithic mens activities like forest clearing , wood working, house construction
and food preparation. K. K. Basa, Archaeological Heritage, Mishra, P. K. (ed.),
Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa, Kaveri Books, New Delhi, 1997,
vol.I, pt.1, pp.21-22.
34. T.Watabe, Origin and dispersal of rice in Asia, East Asian Cultural Studies, XXIV,
1985, pp.38-39.
35. Vishnu-Mitre,Palaeobotanical Evidence in India, Hutchinson, J. (ed.), Evolutionary
Studies in World Crops, Cambridge University Press,1974, pp.3-30.
36. Vishnu-Mitre, The Archaeobotanical and Palynological Evidence for the early
agriculture in South and South-East Asia, Gastronomy, 1976, pp.13-21.
37. Sung-Mo Ahn, Origin and Differentiation of Domesticated Rice in Asia, Ph.D.

26
Thesis (unpublished), University of London, 1993, referrence by K. K. Basa, op.cit.,
p.44, fn.72.
38. K. K. Basa, op.cit., p.26.
39. R. N. Dash. Sankerjang- a Chalcolithic site in Orissa, Orissa Historical Research
Journal (OHRJ), Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, 1986, XXXII, pp. 99-125.
40. S. Pradhan, Prehistoric Art, CHCO, vol.I, pt.1, p.52.
41. Supra, fn.5.For a greater part of his information about India and her people Pliny
was dependent upon Megasthenes Indica written in the 4th century B.C.
42. Alexander Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India, LPP, Delhi, 1990,p.
431; J. W. Mc Crindle, Ancient India: As Described by Ptolemy (e-book), Trubner
& Co., London, 1885, pp.71, 168,173.
43. N. K. Sahu, Historical Geography, Das, M. N. (ed.), Side Lights on History and
Culture of Orissa, Vidyapuri, Cuttack, 1977, p.30. The Greek Oryza is a genus of
seven to twenty species of grasses in the tribe Oryzeae, within the subfamily
Bambusoideae, native to tropical and subtropical regions of Asia, Northern Australia
and Africa. The genus includes major food crop species Oryza Sativa- the Asian
rice. The Indian varieties are called Oryza Indica. cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
oryza
44. KirtVarvarSiddhsVaidehTmraliptik/
AuraMlechhhsa SairidrPrvatiyschasattam// cf. Padmapura,
dika, VI, vr.52. Quoted by R. D. Banerji, History of Orissa, Prabasi Press,
Calcutta, 1930, vol.I, p.55, fn.3.
45. The Odras along with the Varvaras (Savaras) and Siddhas seem to be of same genre
the Mundari or Kolarian with the Sairindras, a miscegenated class of people
absorbed in the group.
46. S. K. Chatterji, Arttavallabha Mahanti Memorial Lectures: First Series, 1964, Orissa
Sahitya Academy, Bhubaneswar, 1966, pp.6-12. L. K. Mahapatra speaks of a
western brachycephalic strain among the higher castes, both in eastern and western
Orissa. cf. L. K. Mahapatra, The People of Orissa: An Anthropological View,
Das, M. N. (ed.), Sidelights on History and Culture of Orissa, Vidyapuri, Cuttack,
1977,p.28.

27
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
DOCUMENTING THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF A VILLAGE:
NATURE AND CULTURE IN UDISHYAR CHITRA
Soma Chand
Udishyar Chitra sets out vigorously to document a social history in a particular set-up
using certain fictional devices although it is a Bengali novel- an indispensable source book for
any student of Orissan society and culture from a historical standpoint. Social fiction of this
type should therefore be considered as a path-finder of historical research. The author is
Jatindra Mohan Singh (1858-1937) who had joined as Assistant Settlement Officer of Orissa
in 1892. In his own words:
When in April 1892, I got transferred to Orissa. I looked upon myself as an unfortunate
one in exile. But once I got acclimatized to this enchanting region, all my earlier misgivings
evaporated. For the next seven years (1892-99), I visited and stayed at several places and
developed a deep affinity for the soil itself, so much so that I left the land with a heavy heart
on the final day of my departure1.
The tidbits of information collected during his tenure of seven years, jotted in his notebook
got a concrete shape, in 1310 sal or 1903 A.D. The book Udishyar Chitra also bears an
English subtitle: Sketches of Orissa or An Ethnographical Study of Orissa. Although the
Bengali and English title indicate that the book is a fact-based document, it has unmistakable
novelistic qualities as the author says, it presents facts draped with fiction.
The theme of the book finds expression through the medium of a plot that raises the
book above the level of the presentation of mere facts and endows it with qualities that are
usually associated with a fictional narrative. With the publication of Hutom Pyanchar Naksha
in 1864, this kind of writing gained popularity in Bengal. These were initially animated by
satiric intent, but later got transformed under the influence of Rabindra Nath Tagore and
acquired a descriptive character 2.
The book consists of three parts subdivided into several sub parts and a postscript.
Each part revolves round one major character- a money-lender, a zamindar and a king,
introduced in a serial sequence of presentation. Their domain of authority is equally very clear
and marked that includes a village, a zamindari and a big pargana 3** respectively. As the
narrative unfolds, the reader comes to be acquainted with various institutions, customs, taboos,
rites, traditions of nineteenth century social order.
This paper attempts to highlight the first part of the book that revolves round a
particular village, Nilakanthapur. It explores several typical facets of social history of the
village related to caste, class, gender, power structure and popular culture.

28
Village Nilakanthapur is situated on the eastern side of Khurda sub-division (now
district) of Puri district. The location of the village is picturesque. It is at the foot of a small hill.
The southern part is covered with dense forests, the middle of which is proudly adorned with
one such egg-like hill. Paddy fields from the north of the village spread on to horizon while
the residents live from east to west forming the hamlet. A very lively physical description of
typical hill-side village goes a step further in the narration of the village layout.
Caste and Class
Here, in village Nilakanthapur there is the continuation of the traditional socio-economic
order of pre-colonial Orissa. Caste formed a part of the daily life at Nilakanthapur. The said
chapter concentrates on typical features like residential dwellings, occupational diversities,
upward social mobility, status stratification etc. related to existing caste order.
Nearly hundred families reside in village Nilakanthapur. Among them four are brahmins,
two karanas, seven gaudas (milkmen), two telis(grinder of oil seeds), one family of barbers,
two families of carpenters, one washermans family and the rest khandayats and peasants.
Here the chief determinant of a class and caste is birth in contrast to west where wealth is a
class-determinant of equal or perhaps greater importance and wealth is a less rigid determinant
than birth.
The process of caste, class, gender stratification, the three elements in the establishment
of social order in India shaped the formation of brahmanical patriarchy, took a considerable
period of time to evolve its complex structure4. It seems adequately clear that the brahmins
with their long tradition of knowledge in religious books occupied the prominent position in
the social order. They lived on performing religions rites with other prescribed priestly
responsibilities. Here the author specifically refers to the activities of brahmin priest, Sukadev
Dash in Bhagabata Tungi5 where he daily recites stanzas from Bhagabata in the evenings.
As the spiritual custodian of the village, besides worshipping Bhagavat Gosain (Lord),
every evening by his recitation from scriptures he exercised a sacred influence on the villagers
psyche. As an esteemed personality, he held a prestigious position. Even though brahmins
were revered community in theory, karanas, khandayats and telis deserve to be referred in
the context of dominating the power structure.
Karanas were usually the writer caste of Orissa who were engaged in jobs of educated
people like maintaining records in the estates of zamindars and money-lenders. They were
professional teachers (abadhanas) who generally taught in the village schools. Most of the
abadhanas were of karana caste. Only a few were matibansha ojhas5 (a sub-caste, the
members of which were teachers in village schools). Abadhana Bamdev Mohanty of
Nilakanthapur village school was also a karana who besides his regular income made some
29
extra bucks by writing legal deeds of loans called tamsuk for money-lender Pankaj Sahoos
business. At times, he accompanied the money-lender to munshif court of Puri where he
fearlessly deposed as a witness which was a mixture of truth and lies6. Karan caste of Orissa
has more affinity with the kayasthas of Bengal.
While presenting the caste culture of Nilakanthapur, the author is quite elaborate about
the khandayats. The three main characters of the fiction-the money-lender, the zamindar
and the raja have been woven around a poor peasant family of Mani Nayak who is khandayat
by caste. The term khandayat is derived from the root word khanda meaning sword. But
the military acumen of the caste is lost to oblivion converting their swords and weapons to
plough-heads. The Afghan, Mughal, Maratha and finally the British occupation of Orissa
brought a gradual deterioration in the military prowess of the state. Towards the later stages,
the khandayats became a mixed race. The lower branches depended on cultivation only
and became chasas while the higher branches, as their military duties became lighter, also
became cultivators or proprietors of estates.7 Their contemporary status was an agricultural
caste that sought upward social mobility At times with their upward financial mobility, they
could also be upgraded to karanas by virtue of matrimony. But widow remarriage which is
often prevalent in khandayat tradition is stopped altogether with their upgradation. When
Bimbadhar Sahoo (son of the village money- lender Pankaj Sahoo ), of an inferior teli caste,
tried to pay a secret visit to Manis daughter Nila, harbouring lecherous designs, the latter ran
the risk of loosing her caste. Here, the financial status has been surpassed by caste priority.
The incident threatens a higher caste poor peasant Mani Nayak to be excommunicated by
his follows khandayat bhadraloks in the village panchayat unless he gives them khiripitha8
(feast). The importance of caste identity is evident from Mani Nayak referring to Bimbadhar
Sahoo as sala teli (derogatory caste remark) and Bimbadhars counter-questions to Mani
Nayak, Yeh. chasa, what are you telling9 gets an insight into caste hierarchies in the village
level from such statements.
It is necessary to emphasize in this connection that the use of law courts by some peasants
didnt put an end to caste panchayats. The peasants made use of both the systems of justice.
The traditional panchayats, of caste as well as village, still function in many parts of the
country10.
A clear narrative on the caste classification with their defined occupation gives better
insight to social status. For example, a gauda or milkman who ekes out his living by looking
after cows and buffaloes very often works as servants in rich households and on occasions
does the role of a palanquin-bearer.
But working as a servant is the acknowledged profession of a barber apart from his
traditional assignments of cutting hair or shaving. Likewise, carpenters, blacksmiths, washermen
30
have their clear-cut division of profession; the slightest aberration may lead to disastrous
consequences. Again at the time, the author admits that a small degree of laxity is being
noticed these days11.
Besides the dominant group in the society, in the southern outskirt of the village live a
group of untouchables. Worth-mentioning among them are Kandara, Bauri and Chamars.
As to the profession of kandaras, it is diabolical. They earn their official living as chowkidars
or village watchmen and simultaneously take to thievery, when conditions are favourable
(however the author doesnt claim all of them as thieves). The bauris are the daily labourers
where as the chamaras make mats from the leaves of the palm tree and sell palm leaves
which are used by the karanas to write upon and the learned brahmins to read out the
discourses engraved on them. Bamdev Mohanty writes the legal deeds of the money-lenders
on them while priest Sukhdev Dash recites holy scriptres written on these leaves at Bhagabata
tungi every evening.
Ideas of purity whether occupational or ceremonial which are found to have been a
factor in the genesis of caste, are the very soul of identity and practice of untouchablity- the
fact that in the sacrificial creation of mankind in Hindu cosmology the last order mentioned as
having been created from the feet of the Creator is that of Shudra. That there was no otherclass
of human beings created thereafter adds flesh and blood to the ideas of ceremonial and
occupational purity to engender the theory and practice of untouchablity12.
Increased economic mobility led to increased social mobility. But the untouchables by
and large seem to be unable to take advantage of it. The problem of untouchables is different
from that of the other low castes: the latters have a means of pushing themselves in the
system, while the former do not13. The reflection is also rightly found in village Nilakanthapur
where the low caste teli money-lender had got himself assimilated to the system. The
untouchables on the other hand were unable to raise their collective status being squeezed by
social ostracism.
A caste ridden society also plays a crucial role in the typical residential arrangement of
its area. Occupational specialization invites interdependence. Caste being a major determinant
in the daily life of village Nilakanthapur, structural affinity (as to quality not of quantity) is
visible in their dwelling habits. The pattern of the dwellings perhaps strengthened the bonds of
collective existence centered on castes.
Poor khandayat peasant Mani Nayaks thatched house lies from north to south. The
main entrance is on the northern side, leaving open space near the village lane. The door is
miserly small. One really has to bend very low and must take care of his head while entering.

31
It has only one wooden panel and is fixed more towards the east of the house than at the
centre. In front of this entrance and below the verandah are placed two uneven slabs of
stone to act as official stairs. But the thatched roof descends so low that no one dares to use
the slabs. The front wall of the house has designs of flowers, vines and men drawn with white
watery paste of rice called jhoti.
The main door leads to a small room to the right which is a bigger one two bed room-
the smaller one for the cattle and bigger one for the master. Apart from bedrooms, another
mud-walled bedroom, tiny kitchen with comparatively bigger verandah and inner courtyard
make it a typical design of living area called khanja.
In sharp contrast, the style of living of Pankaj Sahoo, the money-lender, the house he
lives in and the dresses he puts on makes it difficult to decide whether he is a money- lender
or a poverty stricken debtor like Mani Nayak14. The house of the money lender is made in
the same fashion as the house of a poor farmer with some addition of more rooms due to the
number of family members. One more outer room is there that provided temporary
accommodation to any government servant like sub-inspector of police, daroga or income
tax assessor etc.
An analysis of the social profile of classes in Nilakanthapur shows upper class group
which are mainly from brahmins, well to-do karanas, khandayats and telis have their own
socially defined status and upward mobility. The middle class consisted of poor karanas,
khandayats who had some land holdings, but they didnt wield social power. They along
with their own labour at times hired labour for agricultural undertakings.
The lower class included barber, washer man, and carpenter et.al. who were petty
cultivators or at times they worked on tenancy in addition to occupational priorities. Landless
labourers were the untouchables who depended entirely on the sale of their labour power for
subsistence. They were drawn from the range of chamara, bauri, kandara category. This
population was therefore employed to perform a wide range of tasks related to cultivation.
As is obvious, the writer uses formal realism as a mode. It being a matter of construction
over content, attention in detail is paid to variations of characters and landscapes. Dress,
dwellings, weather, bizarre occurrences, natural objects, moods, personal consumables all
are duly noted. His central concern is of course Mani Nayak, who through different characters
of same caste, low caste, and high caste, underclass gets embroiled in different situations. At
the same time, the book contains references to the way caste, power structure, class hegemony
are manipulated on several occasions by the so-called custodians of the society.

32
Gender
In Udishyar Chitra one meets three female characters of two different castes.. First
two are mother daughter duo-Jhumpa and Nila (farmer Mani Nayaks early middle aged
wife and young unmarried teen-aged daughter) and Dalimba (middle aged wife of the money-
lender). Both school-going boys and girls of nine to ten years used to wear same attire, same
dress which bore no difference. It seemed that concept of women education was there which
was of course limited up to primary level.
Both Jhumpa and Nila had no formal education while the son of the family Raghua
(Mani Nayaks son) used to rear the cattle. That is why the village school master had persuaded
Mani Nayak to send Raghua to his domain for three Rs. The author is silent on the literacy
status of high profile Dalimba though he has made vivid references to indigenous toilet practices
of affluent and subaltern female members.
Both in vernacular as well as in Sanskrit, literary descriptions mainly revolve round the
fashionable practices used by the upper strata. In fact, in ancient and medieval India, greater
importance was always given by rich ladies to their toilet habits. In Nilakanthapur, there are
typical references of indigenous uses of toilet materials irrespective of class or caste. The use
of turmeric paste, vigorous massaging of oil were common features. The difference is to be
marked in the quality and weight of jewellery. Big bell-metal khadus (bangles), set of bangles
made of red earth, necklaces of cheap corals, a thick bangle around the ankle, ulki (tattoing)
around both the arms, nose-ring, copper ear-rings were the usual ornaments for a poor
peasants wife Jhumpa while her unmarried daughter Nila had one more luxury, hair-do with
jasmine flowers. Both wear coarse sarees with six-inch border and a long endpiece called
anchal thrown around the shoulder. The other end was tugged behind the waist. Sarees
were worn up to the knees.
The jewellery of Mrs. Dalimba, wife of of Pankaj Sahoo had something special: they
were made of silver, not of bell-metal, because she was the wife of a money-lender worth
two lakhs. Her necklace, a couple of large bangles, was of silver while ear-rings and nose
ring were of gold. This was an easy way of showing upward mobility of a teli money- lender.
It seems that in both the cases under-garment culture was absent.
During the phase of anti-colonial struggle in the country, writers like
Bankimchandra (Anandamath, 1882) and Rabindra Nath Tagore (The Home and the
World, 1919) portrayed the woman as an icon of Indian tradition. The image of Mother
India15 something which survives to this day is perhaps the most visible form of gendering the
nation. Gender roles seem to be clearly defined when it comes to the world and the home
and the virtues of passivity, motherhood and sacrifice16.
33
Passivity is very obvious in normal dealings of daily life. The request of affluent money-
lenders wife to both her son and husband to give paddy loan to Dharma Bhoi (an untouchable
debtor) was hardly followed17. The money lender and his son followed their own rules while
providing loans.
In case of the two subaltern ladies, the unmarried daughter in a traditional rural set-up
remains voiceless throughout. Mother Jhumpa once protested the decision of the bhadraloka
in the village panchayat. The age-old tradition of motherhood is quite visible irrespective of
class and caste verification both in domestic and outer front. Even unmarried Nilas motherly
affection for her younger brother Raghua touches the heart. The virtue of sacrifice for the
family and family members is more pronounced in day to day living- like serving food leaving
very little for oneself, saving money at the cost personal comfort, silently tolerating all domestic
hardship and the like.
The other very important feature is the work pressure on women folk. They had to
work for entire household affairs round the clock, if necessary accompanying the men folk to
the land, going to the market to sell products and buy necessary household goods. The
affluent Dalimba too had no escape in this regard. Far from leading a comfortable life she had
to draw water from the well without only helping hand.
One thing is clear. With upward mobility women are withdrawn from outside work.
Physical mobilisation is also restricted through class norms. Mainstream life for upper category
is confined to four walls and restricted to serving kin members. The subservience of women
is precisely summed up in the famous injunction of Manava Code, where it is stated that a
women should never be independent. As a daughter she is under the surveillance of her
father, as a wife of her husband and as a widow of her son. Thus home is the world and the
world is a restricted one.
Freida Das18 observed the following in relation to position of Indian women in the early
twentieth century. Privacy was a matter of no concern. For instance, as practically no Hindu
woman ever has a room to herself, as many rooms have only curtains at the doors and all are
used indiscriminately during the day, she has no reason on earth for any privacy.19 Illiteracy,
artificial inequalities, social restrictions blocked this section internally static for year after year.
As rightly stated womans position seemed the final proof of the existence of an Unchanging
East.20
Power Structure
Money-lending played a very vital role in the economic set-up of the village Nilakanthapur.
Money-lender, Pankaj Sahoo of the village resorted to this high profit-yielding economic
activity even during the Great Famine of Orissa (1866). In those terrible days one could not
34
get a seer of paddy in lieu of one seer of silver. People began to die in droves. Sahoo made
some fifty thousand rupees by selling off his stock at this critical hour. Later on, he lent this
money at a high rate of interest, accumulated more paddy which again he sold at a still higher
price and unscrupulously minted some two lakhs rupees. Therefore, in spite of lower teli
upbringing, he was highly regarded for his wealth.21
This exploitative system of money lending was very much supported by his higher caste
karana chammukarana (gumasta or account keeper) Bichitrananda Mohanty and the village
school master Bamdev Mohanty. While Bichitrananda was intimately associated with the
power/knowledge system, Bamdev used to write legal deeds of loan called tamsuk and
usually accompanied the money-lender to munshif court in Puri where he fearlessely deposed
as a witness to present more lies than truth.
Money-lending being the family business, the eldest son Bimbadhar handled all fiscal
matters. The aged father Pankaj Sahoo, made him the de facto master of the business. Yet
the father had the final say in the business matters related to lending, fixation of interest or
mode of collection. Donation and charity to the existing village institutions like space for
village school, three acres of land for the annual expenditure of Lord Bhagavata, were
welcomed by all higher castes because of the money lenders status. The writer passes a
jocular remark that the wily money-lender does this perhaps as a bribe with the conviction
that the Lord would depose in his favour in the world beyond death22.
The so-called power structure of the village is not as simple as it may seem to be. The
money-lender is certainly hand in glove with several agents of the State the daroga, the tax
assessor, the lawyers at Puri Court and British officials. All of them exploit the prevailing
system in different ways. Even the half-illiterate school master also joins them. The brahmins
and the khandayats also take their side. This structure is somewhat challenged only by
Birabhadra, a rich and powerful khandayat zamindar of a neighbouring village who lords
over a gang of local goons. Therefore, the miser money-lender alone is not to blame for
heaping misery on small peasants like Mani Nayak.
Popular Culture
Popular culture too is related to study the nature of a village society. References to
various forms of popular culture is found in Udishyar Chitra which included mass participation
in gatherings that were of spiritual and moral significance mingled with tinge of entertainments.
Worth mentioning in this regard was Bhagabata Milan (meeting of Bhagabata Deities) that
was held in the month of each Baisakha (April-May). Nearly a dozen deities from the
neighbouring villages visited Nilakanthapur by palanquins with singing of sankirtan [popular
culture of singing religious songs in chorus accompanied by khol-kartal, singing instruments)].

35
The festival attracted participation from the adjoining villages as well. All assembled, enjoyed
themselves in merry-making. Temporary shops sold sweets, betel and stationary articles.
Singh in fact laments the absence of such an institution in Bengal like Bhagabata tungi which
nourished popular Oriya culture.
During the course of ones visit into village Nilakanthapur a typical symbol of culture
strikes ones attention. It is associated with tulsi chaura (a small raised altar in front of each
house with a tulsi plant at the centre). Generally the adult members of the family pay homage
to this revered plant with pure heart after bath. Reference is found when poor peasant Mani
Nayak drew a bucket of water from the well on gramadananda (Village Street) and poured
a little out of it on the tulsi plant in the chaura and then bowed before it with folded hands.
Next is the application of sandal paste on ears, nose, forehead, arms and two sides of the
chest. With a few grains of nirmalya (dried rice of Lord Jagannath) and dry tulsi leaves in
closed hands, he prays both Jagannath and Gourang (Vaishnava preacher). Then he prostrates
himself with all devotion and put the rice and leaves into mouth and washes his hands23.
There seems yet another popular cultural tradition in Orissa related to date-palm tree.
People in Orissa believe in abstinence from liquor. So it is not surprising that common date-
palm tree, the mother of toddy (famous country liquor made from date-palm juice) is heavily
looked down upon. Forget sipping its juice, higher caste people in Oriya society religiously
keep away from this tree and never go near it. And Lord forbid, let no such plant ever sprouts
in a brahmins garden. If ever this unthinkable does happen the brahmin sends for a chamara
or a bauri (untouchables) and gets it cut down and removes from the vicinity of the house by
paying an anna, to buy for himself and family members peace of mind and redemption.
One gets an insight into the importance of common spaces in the life of the villagers.
Wells were common sources of drinking water. Nilakanthapur had three such wells in the
lanes of the village. A tank on the northern side of the village was jointly used by the animals
and human beings while the lower caste and outcastes were prevented from using the same.
Setting aside Bhagavata milana which occurs once in a year, Bhagabata tungi is of
course a common meeting point for the villagers in the evening. With religious fervour around,
it occupies an important place in popular psyche of the rustics. It is considered to be very
auspicious due to the presence of Bhagabata Gosai, the Protector of all evils.
The various facets of a nineteenth century Orissan village-the caste/class, gender issue,
power order and the popular culture that has been generated have some bearings on the
socio-cultural identity of the region. It will not be out of context to mention that Chamana
Athaguntha (1902) (Six Acres and a Third) contemporary major Oriya novel by
Fakirmohan24 like Udishyar Chitra seeks to paint the picture of the then Oriya society

36
with a colourful group of characters. But while the former portrays a complex narrative, the
latter aims at documentary details in a detached manner.
A century is definitely not a big deal in the history of a race. But what a sea change
during these hundred and odd years! A delightful and absorbing reading sprinkled with a
liberal dose of humour and a rich source of information on the life style in pre- twentieth
century Orissa is the chief attraction.
References
1. Singh, J.M., Udishyar Chitra (Bengali), Calcutta, 1903.
2. The original Bengali version of the book has got two English translations and an Oriya:
First English translation by Himansu Sekhar Sarkar, (Rupantar, Bhubaneswar, 2006)
and the other by Subhra Prakash Das, (Arya Prakashan, Cuttack, 2007). The Oriya
translation is by Soma Chand, (Arya Prakashan, Cuttack, 2006). The reference here is
from the foreword of Sarkars translation written by Khageswar Mohapatra.
3. As per authors description, a Zamindar in Orissa is different from his counterpart in
Bengal. Here anyone who is entitled to pay land revenue directly to the government and
not through their overlords is called a zamindar. His estate may include ten villages or
may be ten bighas or even one tenth of an acre. The big estate of the king is called killa.
In Orissa there are two classes of kings Garhjat kings (tributary chiefs) and killajat
kings (zamindars). The killajat kings are in a sense like the zamindars of Bengal. No
permanent settlement has been made with zamindars of Orissa but a permanent
arrangement for the collection of revenue has been made by the government with many
of the killajat kings.
4. Charkravarti, Uma. Conceptualizing Brahmanical Patriarchy in early India: in Monaranjan
Mohanty ed. Class, Caste, Gender, p.274.
5. Bhagabata Tungi in a sense vitalizes and nourishes Oriya culture. A must in every
village, it is situated at the centre of the village that included a tiny one-room thatched
house. The Presiding Deity is Bhagabata Gosai (Lord). In other words, the bagful of
palm leaf manuscripts of Bhagabata (holy scriptures) are adorned with garland and
tulsi(plant) leaves smeared with sandal paste.
6. Senapati, Fakirmohan. Atmajivancharita (Oriya), Eng translation by Jatin Nayak & P.
Mohanty, Cuttack, 2008.p.8
7. Singh, Jatindra Mohan. Udishyar Chitra, Chapter Four, (Bengali), Calcutta, 1903,
Part one.

37
8. Maddox, S.L., Final Report on the Survey and Settlement of Orissa, vol. I, (1890-
1900 AD), Vol. I, p 151.
9. Singh, chapter.six.
10. Ibid
11. Srinivas, M.N. Caste in Modern India in Manoranjan Mohanty ed. Class, Caste,
Gender, p. 156.
12. Singh, Chapter one.
13. Ghurye, G.S. Caste and Race in India, Bombay, 1969, p. 307.
14. Srinivas, M.N. op cit, p. 157.
15. Singh, Chapter Three.
16. Nayar Pramod K. Post Colonial Literature : An introduction, p. 122.
17. Pati, Biswamoy. Situating Social History : Orissa(1800-1997), p.147
18. Singh, chapter three.
19. Freida Hauswirth Das (1886 -1974), a Swiss American writer, painter and illustrator
who spent precious eight years of her life in Orissa (India), being the wife of Sarangdhar
Das, an Oriya graduate in Agriculture and Industries in the University of California. Her
book Purdah is a protracted study of the status of Indian women with greater analysis
during the colonial period, Purdah, New Delhi, 1929.
20. Das, F, Purdah, New Delhi, 1929, p 269.
21. Ibid, p 101.
22. Singh, Chapter Three.
23. Singh, Chapter Two.
24. Fakirmohan Senapati (1843-1918) was more than a major Oriya writer. He was not
only a trendsetter in Oriya literature but also happens to been an important South Asian
writer of the colonial period.

38
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
APOTROPAIC SYMBOLISM IN THE SCULPTURAL ART OF
ODISHA: A COMPARATIVE APPROACH ON OCCIDENTAL
AND ORIENTAL ART
Binod Bihari Satpathy
(Paper awarded with Young Historian Award -2013)
On many of the medieval religious shrines of Odisha, we find a series of sculptures with
a quite unusual and amazing range of gestures and mimic expressions that we tend to call
strange, as it is difficult to incorporate them into rigid universe of Brahminical or Buddhist
iconography. For the most part these sculptures are concerned with gestures of licentiousness
such as presenting the buttocks and exposing the bare female breast even more shameless
than these are also found such as displaying the male and female genitals; male imageries
exhibiting their erected sexual organs holding in their hand or simply displaying and the female
imageries pulling apart the lips of their genital while seating in squatting postures. Although
these are of a somewhat exclusive nature, they still are neither rare enough nor hidden enough
to be considered merely a curiosity. On the contrary in the Brahminical temples and the
Buddhist monastic establishments (i.e Ratnagiri in Jajpur District) these figures present
themselves in full frontality, without any sign of awe, on facades, wall and even at the entrances
level.
It is easier to study iconographical details of sculptures depicted on both Brahminical
and Buddhist art of Odisha in terms of style, formal and expressional development and the
iconographic meaning. The approach I have chosen to study these apotropaic imageries is to
search not so much for the uniqueness of a sculptural representation but for the qualities that
allow us to see it within a larger context. As the canon of art and architecture are cynical on
this topic, an inter-cultural occurrence of the subject seems to put in doubt a purely moral
symbolism in a religious level. In addition, most of the motifs are much older than the setting
under discussion; they appear in modular form since early time in form of nude female imageries
exposing genital organ or the so called Lajja Gauri. It appears that temples and monasteries
were depicted with an archaic iconography.
But what did these figures mean and what did their meaning have in common with their
odd appearance is still a matter of discussion in the pedagogic world. A comparative approach
is being taken here in this aspect of Odishan art history in order to obtain further information
on their significance. Thus to achieve a holistic conclusion, materials from other cultures and
other realms of representations- for instance, profane realms in global context- were consulted
in the course of research, which contribute essentially to our understanding of the significance
of the figures.
39
The sculptures discussed here are easily recognized on the exterior walls of Brahminical
temples and Buddhist monastic establishment in Odishan context and Romanesque Churches
in British Isles as well as in form of independent statute in many cultures and countries across
the globe. The figures are in miniature size in comparison to the other decorative motifs.
Motifs in Brahminical monuments of Odisha
In Odishan Hindu temple art, there appear kinds of motif that depicts the exposed
genital of female and male. The motif represents a displayed female exhibiting her genitalia by
spreading her leg wide apart. Although independent figures appeared on Indian soils, the
displayed female also appears in situ on temples of western India as well as in Odishan
temple. The earliest one is found on the Satrughanesvara temple at Bhubaneswar. The female
here is depicted in squatting posture with leg widespread and bare breast. She is in action of
displaying her genital with both of her hands she is pulling the lips of her genital. She wears all
types of ornaments and has a smiling face. Immediately above the displayed female is the
head of Siva that symbolizes the male principle (fig.1). Two nearly identical figure appears on
the western facade of the Parsuramesvara temple at Bhubaneswar, only difference is here the
female is to some extent slender than the one at the Satrughanesvara temple (fig.2 & 3). Two
other such images appears on the western facade of the later Gauri temple within the vajra-
mastaka design along with the kirtimukha masks, displayed male figures and a monstrous
mask of Kubera with projecting tongue (fig.6 &7).
There is also an image depicted in the chaitya medallion of frontal facade in the
Nrusinghanath temple at Bargaon in Ganjam district, here the image is depicted above a
couple engaged in coital act. The female here is depicted in squatting posture with leg
widespread and bare breast. She is in action of displaying her genital with both of her hands
she is pulling the lips of her genital. She wears all types of ornament and has a smiling face
(fig.4).
On the western facade of Markandeyasvara temple at Bhubaneswar the female assumes
a squatting position with knees slightly bent and hands spreading wide her yoni, while a male
figure points his erect lingam in her direction (fig.10). An identical motif representing a nude
exhibiting female and a male looking her is also noticed at Parsuramesvara temple at
Bhubaneswar (fig.9). Among the seated example of displayed female there are images on
Sisiresvara temple at Bhubaneswar and on the temple at Budhikomna in Nuapada district,
where the female image is placed in a chaitya medallion while in the Kapilesvara temple at
Baudh she appears in the baranda recess of (fig.5). In a detached image in the compound of
Chandesvara temple at Tangi, her hands reaching under her legs, open wide her yoni.1 On
the Lingaraj temple at Bhubaneswar with in a square niche two displayed nude male and
female are depicted. Both of them show their genital organ in squatting posture (fig.8)
40
Besides, the above seated and early squatting examples of displayed female motifs,
there are numerous examples of standing and slightly squatting motifs like at Brahmesvara
temple in Bhubaneswar where at the base moulding, there are small images exhibiting their
sex organ. A similar motif, in larger scale appears on the Yamesvara temple at Bhubaneswar
with the female and male exhibiting their genitals, each housed in a mundi niche (fig.13). At
Garudipanchana, small images of displayed female appear on either side of the upper raha
niches. At Baidyanath they are put together side by side on the lintel while at Sonepur they
are put adjacent to in alternative recesses.
It was during the Somavamsi rule in Odisha i.e 10th century A.D large number temples
were constructed and decorative art further secularized with growing secular imageries. In
this setting new kind of motifs appeared on the temple wall that is the displayed female in
standing postures. Now onwards, the motif of the displayed female becomes more heraldic
in treatment with the so called displayed woman; with her hands on her thighs, with a leg on
each side of a linga or a fire altar. The earliest examples of this motif forming part of decoration
at Khiching and Ganeswarpur, the female squats so that her yoni makes contact with Siva
linga. Further in the later period in some cases, as at Sonepur, displayed female is the only
decorative image on the gandi. Even in some cases like at Ganeswarpur the displayed female
is some time accompanied by an attendant on either side or her act is witnessed by a sage. In
the 13th Century the most popular representation of female exhibitionism is the displayed
female straddling the lingam. Although appeared since 10th Century in contrast to the earlier
examples, of smaller size the figures are enshrined in the mundi niches of the projecting
pagas as avarana-devatas. Here they no longer spread their yoni but merely place their
hands on the thighs to balance their bodies, in many cases they proudly stand astride over the
lingam without even bothering to squat (fig.14 & 15). But in the later temple the lingam is
smaller in size and the yoni does not make contact.
Along with the different types of female exhibitionism on the Hindu temple art of Odisha,
male exhibitionism is also a popular motif. Although male exhibitionism on earlier temple
appeared rarely it was not as prominent as the motif of displayed female, but this motif
particularly became popular during Somavamsi period i.e. 10th Century A.D.2 On earlier
temple this motif appeared in the presence of a female figure but on later temples particularly
after the 10th Century it becomes a popular independent motif stressing the apotropaic as
well as male audacity. In many cases the exhibiting male is a dwarf and is generally represented
either in a squatting position with hands resting on his feet or in a displayed position as an
atlantid figure simulating a supportive posture. In Odishan temple art this motif generally
appear on the moulding, below the parsva-devata niche where they flanked by heraldic
jagrata motifs or at the top of stambha design where they symbolically support the baranda
moulding in 10th and 11th Centuries A.D. In the later temple this motif found in mundi niches
41
or in the upper anuraha recesses. Even this motif is also found depicted in a wall erected in
Monastery No.1 at Ratnagiri, which is a Buddhist structure, thus pointing that they are not
restricted to only Brahmanical monuments3.
The examples of male exhibition at Gauri Temple at Bhubaneswar, shows the erotic
nature of the dwarf, where they are carved in frieze. Though symbolically they are of atlantid
in nature, their form and postures what they assume are extremely varied and supportive,
some of them squat with their head between their legs while admiring their erect lingam.
Same images appeared on the pabagha mouldings of the Rajarani temple. Further in some
other examples, with legs uplifted to simulate a support function, appear at Kalarahanga and
Kisenpur (fig.12). Still there are also numerous examples, at Baudh, Mantri, Pedagadi and
on the Somanatha temple near Khurda, where the lingam is greatly overstated in size. In an
example at Mantri the head is surrounded by serpent like coils and the face has a mustache
while in an image on the Indralath temple at Ranipur Jharial the head is bald and a long tongue
projects from the grinning mouth. In the Ganga period, when Odishan temple art reached its
pinnacle no longer the dwarf exhibitionistic figure dominated the temple, rather they appear
frequently as beki-bhairava images, for example at a corner shrine at Mantri temple compound
where they alternate with displayed female figures and dopichha-simhas. Their association
with the displayed female is again evident as often these beki figures are squatting female
exposing their yoni.
In addition to the dwarf, there are also some hieratic images of male figure exhibiting
their erect penis. Included among the examples are some ascetics and royal person also
exhibiting their penis (fig.11). This signifies the sexually excited poses symbolize the virile
power of the ascetics which they have more than anyone else, poses by virtue of their practice
either of celibacy or for ritualistic sex.4 Another important motif often found depicted in mundi
niches or in the upper anuraha recesses of later temples is that of a male weighing his
lingam with a pair of scales held in his left hand while raising his right hand over his head in
triumphal gesture, the earliest example of this particular motif appeared on the shaft of a
pilaster on the Simhanata temple, this motif is quoted by Donaldson with a pose reminiscent
of images of the Egyptian Fertility God Min.5 On the later temples, at Konarak, Budhapada
and Garudipanchana , there is a female figure at the feet of the standing male as if she is in
surprise as noticed that she has one hand lifted to her mouth. In the case of Brahmesvara
temple the female is bending over with her head touching the ground as if paying homage. At
Konarak, the male looked like a bearded man. At Rajarani, there is an image of a male
depicted at the jagamohana displaying his lingam on either side of the door immediately
beneath the dvarapala .

42
The above survey of displayed female and male figurines in Hindu temple art suggest
that there was an underlying factors which motivated, the builders and artisans to carved
these motifs on the temple wall along with other decorative motif in profusion.
Appearance in Buddhist Art
There are also some motifs found depicted in the Buddhist establishment of Odisha
which shows similarity with the same imagery depicted on Hindu temple wall. Alike the temple
motifs of displayed nature, this motif are grouped under a single title called exhibitionism. The
first example of this kind is found carved in relief over a khura and inverted khura joined by
a recess in seated pose, located in the eastern veranda of monastery -I facing west. It is a
loose sculpture, measuring 39 x 56 cm in height and width respectively. Here the male figure
is displaying his genital organ by holding it in his two hands (fig.16). The figure is sitting over
the top most inverted khura with a creeper band base. The figure is bulky and his coiled hair
is arranged into two bands, fallen on the either side of the shoulder. The face of the image is
mutilated one. In general the figure is terrific in appearance.
In a lonely example a damaged female figure is noticed on a loose architectural member
in the northern veranda to the left side of the sanctum of monastery No.1 facing south. The
sculpture shows a female figure in sitting posture, exhibiting her genital organ by out stretching
her thigh by her both hands (fig.17).
Similar to the above figure another male figure is seated posture, as noticed in the right
side of the same slab. The male here is holding his erected genital organ in the left hand, while
the head is resting over his right hand (fig.18).
Next one is depicted with in a niche carved upon a khura and inverted khura base with
creeper band. The figure is located in the subsidiary shrine complex to the right side of the
main shrine (sanctum) of Monastery-I, facing south. Here the image is holding the genital
organ in his left hand and his right hand holds some un-identified object (fig.19).
In the shrine complex within the courtyard of Monastery No.1 there are some
exhibitionism motifs. In one example in the recess part of shrine No.1 & 2, a dwarfish figure
is seated in crouching position and holds his penis with his two hands. He is pot bellied, wears
necklaces, armlets and ear rings. His curly hair is fallen on either side of the shoulder (fig.20).
Similarly in an another case in the recess between shrine No.5 and 6, another dwarfish figure
in kneeling positions where he is lifting something by his left hand and the right hand holds his
genital organ . Another nude male image found depicted at Ratnagiri is in seating posture
displaying his penis and appeared in terrific condition by making mimic in his right eye (fig.21).

43
So, even the Buddhist sites also show the exhibitionism scene which is also a popular
motif in the Brahmanical temple of the same period. Here in the Buddhist art male displayed
imageries are more than the female motifs. In artistic ground the motifs appeared in Buddhist
art of Odisha have striking similarity with those of Hindu temple of this province, as far as
their execution is concerned, possibly same artistic guild were employed by the same patron
class to construct the Hindu and Buddhist establishments in those time.
Apotropaic motifs in Universal context
Apotropaic images also discovered from different location of the globe. Some of the
primitive examples of this kind of motives include the Sheela figure, a powerful entrance
motive found in many ancient churches of Ireland, she is depicted with exposing of her genitals
combined with an indicating hand gestures 6 (fig.24 &25).
In Africa Egyptian female figures of the same type, known as Baubo in the literature,
combine their genital display with the face of an old grimacing woman appeared in statute
form7. Egyptian Baubo: an opulent female figure sitting on the ground with legs widespread
and pudenda exposed. The head is usually omitted and all emphasis is focused on the displaying
position (fig.22 &23) 8.
In western Asia the nude goddess of shameless woman is well known. In the
Southeastern Asia, Javanese examples do have a head, but show the frightening and dreadful
expression so often found in early and late Irish Sheelas with their bare-toothed grins. Melanesian
versions and Micronesian versions repeat the entrance of official houses. They are part of a
living tradition. Even today Trobriand islanders adorn their ship-bows with this motive and
hope for protection from it 9.
In universal context there were also images of male with erect phallic are found across
the globe. These images are otherwise called as phallic display; here also we find a similar
distribution through time and different cultures in regard to its function. In this context well
known are the statues of Papus, the so called god of gardens in ancient Greece. Bucolic
legends pictured his faunlike properties representing the erotic and epicurean manifestation
of vital pleasures. In global context same phenomenon also found in Bali (Indonesia), New
Guinea, Melanesia, Africa and South America. Balinese figures originally were positioned in
fields and gardens as fright crows and guards and on doorsteps and windowsills as protector
against thieves and evil forces- and some are still found in these locations today.
One of many representatives from the Mesoamerican late classical period (A.D 750-
1250) is found in Manabi (Ecuador) is a kind of terracotta male displayed figure is often were
given as grave enclosure. The figure manifest the phallic display combined with a threatening
facial expression and additional warding off symbols, such as the mask on the shoulder and
44
a penis like bog toe. The highly protective value of such guard-spirits, which often were
placed in graves, is more conceivable.
In pan Indian context Numerous examples of this displayed female motif of appear
throughout the history of Indian art (fig.28) and have been illustrated by Sankalia.10 Although
most of those are of terracotta, the only example of stone is now preserved in Alampur
Museum, described by Kramarisch as Aditi-Uttanapad all these are independent statuette.
The image is in the displayed position and is crowned by a large and open lotus bosom in
place of head 11. In Odisha also two such imageries have been reported from Nuapada
district (fig.26 &27). Although independent figures appeared on Indian soils, the displayed
female also appears in situ on temples of western India as that of Odishan Hindu temple and
Buddhist monasteries.
Nature and Context
In universal context, as far as Europe is concerned among the aptropaic imageries notable
one is the small, sexually-specific stone carvings of female figures called Sheela-na-gigs found
on churches and Norman towers or castles in Ireland and Britain are an historical mystery.
The Sheela are the only variety of erotic grotesque found extensively in Ireland and England.
The name Sheela-na-gig is not explanatory. It has variously been understood to refer to an
immodest woman, to the female breasts, or to the pose of some figures, on her hunkers, i.e.
squatting 12.
In African sculpture and carving of displayed imageries, extended tongue is as common
as the exhibition of exaggerated teeth. Fetish figures from Yombe (Zaire) and Yorubo figures
from Nigeria show it, these imageries are often considered protective spirits representing an
ancestor. Wooden blocks ceremonial houses in Cameron, probably parts of the door, show
a set of protective symbols, such as human masks with pointed teeth, a phallic man, a small
seated woman and horns of an animal in an impressive or combination13.
In non-Indian examples of the displayed female or personified yoni classification of
Margaret Murrey14 which Sankalia and Das Gupta15 hold on to beauty of form is completely
ignored in favour of more terrifying image related to western apotropaic images such as the
Gorgon or Bes with her grapping yoni 16. In the Sheila-na-gigs, as in the Palaun Dilukai
images, secondary sexual characteristics, such as breasts, are minimized and often the head
is represented completely bald. The face is generally grotesque and mask-like, the tongue
protruding, suggesting the use of horror to avert horror.17
The Indian displayed female is more beautiful and all her feminine characteristics are
stressed in comparison to her western counterpart, as well as those of the pacific basin. The
displayed images found in the Odishan temple depicted along with a male symbols or motifs
45
or depicted as if witnessing some coital act as if guarding the activity in order to protect them.
In most of the displayed female imageries, the Vagina is prominently depicted as if the figure
is about to give birth. In case of male their penis is often greatly overstated in size and in most
cases these images are depicted in association with the female displayed figure. In Odishan
displaying imageries are smaller in size like their statuette counterpart found across the
subcontinent. In Indian context figures of goddess Lajja Gauri range in size from two inches
to over life size and are nearly aniconic to the fully human in appearance. Regarding their time
of appearance, truly these figures appear at the beginning of Christian era. In most of the
Lajja Gauri, the Vagina is prominently depicted as if the figure is about to give birth. In many
cases the female figure is shown without the head even in the Odishan example also. About its
widespread provenance there is still riddles in the scholarly world.
Usually a popular name or legend as pointed out before provides a verbal means for the
domestication of the subject. Similarly, the shameless woman; Sheelas and the Heraldic woman
often become a mermaid with fishlike legs upturned in an ornamental way. A commonsense
solution to the problem of decency, this veiled and ornamental form seemed the only way to
present the motive to an enlightened civilization. The gesture of presenting female breast with
both hands, so often found in idol representations of the ancient Near East, is reduced to the
more functional gesture of fountain figures or to the exposure of the bare bosom, with or
without snakes encircling it.
A Comparative Approach and Hypothesis regarding their origin and depiction
The female form, represent beauty, offspring and wealth and as such her image is
auspicious. Her auspicious magical nature is enhanced when woman is depicted nude so that
her yoni is exposed 18. This motif is referred to as the shameless woman by Sankalia as
Aditi Uttanapad by Stella Kramarisch and as Lajja Gauri by C.R. Bolon and the
personified yoni by D. Desai. The seated female generally has her legs widespread and an
open lotus usually on her head. This ancient motif probably originating in the Near East, and
is widespread with examples appearing at Ur and Lagash in Babylonia, 19 in Luristan, New
Zealand, New Guinea, Java, pre-columbian South America, and Ireland in addition to India.20
In Indian context regarding the origin of this image, scholars have advocated prehistoric
origin of the figurine 21 and advanced indigenous chalcolithic origin after the Inamgaon
excavation. R.C. Dhere 22 however went a step further in explaining the folk tradition and
textual evidences, to point out the origin and development of so called Lajja Gauri or headless
Goddess.
So far as female figurine is concerned, this type of images are found in a squatting
position, which is essential to their concept of carving, as the normal birth pose in India is

46
squatting as mentioned in the ancient scriptures of India. But the absence of bulging bellies in
the images refuted the concept of pregnant females. It is interesting to point out that in the
illustrations given by C.R. Bolon,23 some Lajja Gauri are depicted as pregnant females with
bulging bellies. It seems that due to growing importance of vulva or yoni in the growing
Tantric rituals, gradually ancient artist started chiselling Lajja Gauri without bulging bellies
and gave more importance to yoni and lotus like head.
Regarding the antiquity and identity of the Lajja Gauri images it is assumed that in
ancient world fertility goddesses were widely popular. The adoration of maternity as a divine
principle prevailed since remote antiquity. Gradually, the anthropomorphic divine mother
goddesses were modeled as headless as noticed since the Venus figurines of prehistoric
period and primary emphasis was given in fashioning the breast, naval and the vulva region.24
Thus, the above discussions suggest that the headless goddess embodies, very often the
composite features of sex and fertility. It also suggests the highest regard accorded to the
woman folk, who coalesced in her person sexuality, fertility, copulation, conception and birth.
Gradually this idea traversed to the art tradition of India where erotic art found fused with
fertility. The artists who carved displayed images like Lajja Gauri in Indian context images
were aware of the simply erotic images, but they distinguished her image through incorporation
of rich symbolism.
Parallel can be drawn in this respect form Sri and Lakshmi concept of Indian Art and
literature. Sexual aspect of the image of Sri is evinced in the personified yoni type of figurine
having squatting posture. Squatting posture, although is a prescribed position of women during
child birth as outlined in Charaka and Susruta Samhita.25 The said posture is also a
prescribed posture of Kamasastriya bandha. 26 The literary text like Sankhayana
Grihasutra27 also brings her profile as Goddess of sex and fertility. It was the goddess of
abundance, fertility and blissful prosperity, luck and beauty and was known since the later
Vedic times. Her fertility aspects are clearly revealed in the Sri-Sukta of Rig-Veda, where
she is called ardra (Moist), green is a plant, alive, etc. She was a guardian deity of
farmers.28Thus; she embodies in herself vegetative fertility or nourishing aspect. Again, the
Padma purana and Visnudharmottara purana also describe her as lotus headed 29. The
lotus head aspect of Lakshmi betokens her vegetative fertility character. At the same time,
her headless shape, being devoid of anthropomorphized head is conspicuous. In this respect,
Lakshmi has been equated with Sakambari30 as one covered with vegetation as a substitute
of head. In the subsequent period, in the evolution of Durga, Parvati and Sri Lakshmi concept
the fundamental character like headlessness, amorous aspect and fertility as well as nourishment
features are commonly met with.

47
As mentioned above, the nude sculptures appeared in world context in Christianity and
many indigenous sects of Africa, Asia and Mesoamerican countries. Their time of depiction
ranges from ancient to medieval age. An important specimen in global context is female
figures decorating the exterior of many Romanesque Churches, especially in the British Isles.
These images particularly known as Sheila-na-gigs and about their appearance scholars
make the suggestion that they function in a way that is at least in part apotropaic, their placement
near the doors and windows of churches and castle protect these vulnerable entrances and
exits through a display of the female bodys most obvious important zone.
Whatever the reason may be this image was very popular in the ancient world, because
probably it satisfied the human aspiration for children. Even, interestingly similar representation
is also found among the Bhuyans, a hunting gathering shifting cultivator community of Orissa
and among the Gotul or Youth dormitory of Muria tribes.
Each culture, of course, produced indigenous myths in order to incorporate an unfamiliar
subject into its own historical and cultural background. The myth of Gorgo which emerged
during the time of Homer (circa 800 B.C) is just one of them, although representations of
heads with the same attributes (snaky hair, staring eyes and, occasionally, an extended tongue)
were known long before in the art of early Crete, which was strongly influenced by Asia
Minor31.
More interesting is the fact that in spite of the variation by cultural tradition the motives
and characteristics persisted. Motives that are referred to a erotic, vicious and wicked in
global sculptural tradition reveals a powerful meaning that is independent from religious or
even a cultural context.
If we look beyond the boundaries defined mainly by art history, we are confronted with
an abundance of these motives in profane architecture. Even the more obscene motives-
like the woman exposing the pudenda, as the famous figure from old Porta Tosa in Milan,
Italy or the little phallic men sitting in the corners of town doorways, as found in Landau,
Germany, or the fountain figures are present in a profane context, without the stain of blame
that blurs the perception of their counterparts on sacred architecture32. In the following
paragraphs a discussion on the function of the displayed motif is given.
Traditional interpretations
First and foremost the in general scholars stress the nonsense character of the figures,
the strangeness and oddness of their appearance. The main argument is that they represent
the artists freedom or sudden release from iconographic conditions and religious constraints.
One might like to accept this argument on the basis of an unlimited variety of form and
motives, but this basis, as indicated, does not exist. There is, rather, an amazing agreement of
48
expressions and formulations, which suggest that unwritten rules were followed for its depiction
across the globe.
Diffusionist interpretation
Next important interpretation on the function and significance of these motifs is based on
the fact that, similarities observed in such images across different domains and cultures, which
could be caused by reproduction and cultural exchange. This argument has been stressed by
the diffusionist theory which explains similarities in terms of migration and cultural transfer.
However, similarities that refers to comparable function or context are likely to exclude a
purely diffusionist causation. They may have evolved independently from a universal response
to certain common pressures. These responses usually can be traced to some biological
roots. The diffusionist interpretation held by Douglas Fraser in his study of the heraldic
woman the motive of a woman in the described sitting position between two wild or mythic
animals, has great persuasive power33 as Fraser points out, the composite motive of the
woman with the flanking animals was derived from a much older motive of a single seated
woman, an observation that seems to coincide with the subject discussed in this article.
Fraser argues that the theme evolved slowly through diffusion and tradition. But as humans
tend to modify by culture whatever is to be modified, the question arises as to why the motive
has been handed over trans-culturally for such a long time in such a rigid conservatism-not
only in formal aspects, but in the situational context of application as well. If the semantic
dimension of a motive is taken over together with its formal patterns seems to occur. Certain
messages seem to be bound to, even fused with, certain mimic and gestural signs, so that a
purely formal imitation by decorative and arbitrary means does not work. The motives have
in common not only the kinds of variation in gesture and facial expression, but also the frontal
presentation and the protection aspect in their position on crucial sites of a building or object34.
Protective interpretation
A most powerful and possible interpretation is an alternative interpretation born out of
the need to incorporate the inconceivable by any means into the established canon of religious
iconography of India. The concept is based on repulsive of evil forces before touching the
monument. Strangely enough, sexual acts are rarely illustrated, for the figures insist on their
solitary frontal presentation with severe rigidity. To interpret them as guards and protective
spirits, as idol figurines or war gods handed down from other cultures, seems more responsive
to their function. The presentation of female genitals is less clear in its motivation. It occurs
during the greeting rituals of some apes in the sense of appeasement towards the dominant
males, the same as by low-ranking males. The exposing of female genitals in the case of sea
storms and inundation in ancient Japan seems to support the assumption of merely appeasing
motivation35.
49
In global sphere, in the sculptures, however, the exposing of the pudenda is mostly
accompanied by gestures of aggression and threat, which contradicts the appeasing intentions.
The aggressive component is seen also in female mocking behavior that involves the brief and
provoking uncovering of the pudenda. When a group of young Bushman girls (Kalahari
Desert, South Africa) were being filmed, they teased the man behind the camera by laughing
and dancing towards him and by briefing their little skirts36.
This aspect is further enriched by some ethnological data and living legend. In this aspect
in their work scholars like Weir and Jerman do admit that whatever the first intention behind
the imagery, some sheela were clearly used in a talismanic or protective role against evil.
They trace examples of genital imagery used for apotropaic purposes to Roman influence
in Britain, with phalloi carved in three sites along Hadrians Wall. At least two of these sites
include the vulva shown on the obverse side of the stone. their explanation is based on the
fact that the use of the phalloi as protective devices stems from the life-giving function
of the phallus, from which follows the idea that phalloi could be used symbolically to
combat the forces of death and destruction37.
Another scholar opine in a different approach on the important thing to note, however,
is that the female emblem, the vulva, is very rare deed in this role, perhaps because it plays a
receptive, passive part in comparison with the male organ38. If the phallus was powerful, why
not the vulva, Ross in her work, reminds us of the opinion of classical writers who described
Celtic women as powerful warriors who also excelled at bearing and rearing children. Ross
sees their dual achievements as a reflection of the abilities of the Celtic war goddesses who
sewed as role models for their earthly sisters. Many tales are told about the ability of these
goddesses to shape-shift from ugly old hags into beautiful women in their interaction
with mortals.
The work of anthropologist Shirley Ardener further provides us with information about
the use of vaginal display in other cultures. She is particularly interested in how female
shame is replaced with honour and how sexual display and vulgarity is used in that
transformation. She illustrates what she means by using the West African Bakweri tribal
concept of titi ikoli as an example: Titi is a childish word for vulva, while ikoli, on its own,
means thousand. The combination includes the following associations: a womans under parts
and insults to these; and womens secrets and the revealing of these39. If a Bakweri woman is
insulted in front of others, all the women of the village converge on the offender. They dance
around him, making rude gestures, and sing songs about titi ikoli being a beautiful thing40.
Ardener gives other examples from West African tribal peoples, where women as a group
use a form of naked display and obscene words or gestures to defend their honour. The insult
is to the corporate sexual identity of women, of which the symbol is the vaginal area41. The

50
womens power comes from the trickster-like magic of breaking the convention, revealing
what is usually hidden. Reversing his negative to their positive values, they proclaim their
pride and make their hidden secrets a dominant and public emblem42. Contemporary western
feminists and artists have also attempted to resurrect vaginal imagery. Germaine Greer noted
that the vagina is obliterated from the image of femininity in the same way that signs of
independence and vigour in the rest of the body are suppressed43.
In the apotropaic aspect, these displayed varieties of female and male images rightly fit
in this context. Exhibiting of the genitalia is a ritual act, as we know from the scenes pertaining
to Baubo and Hathor44 and its placement by an opening into the temple suggest its apotropaic
nature. Even the ancient texts of Babylonia reveals that opening the mouth, baring the teeth,
and pointing the tongue, or beard, served the function of warding off evil spirits45. In the
words of D. Fraser, the displayed female Has the power to ensnare the viewers glance and
hence capture his subjectivity or selfhood. Effective with supernatural powers and human
being alike, it bends all outside forces to the will of those behind the image and thus is equally
useful to attract good or repulse evil46. But in the Indian context the displayed female is
beautiful with all possible female features like sensuous curve of female body and breast, thus
in Indian art like the yoni as surrogate of energy and power, the entire female becomes
effective in any life giving capacity, whether it be fertility, spiritual immortality and protective
against the evil eye.
Classical literature also enjoins that Sexual depiction is also undertaken for protective
purposes with a view to avoiding the evil eyes. Even Pliny47 mentioned that belief in the evil
eye was one of the most powerful superstitions in India in the 1st Century A.D. Obscene
display is believed to scare away evil spirits. The spirits are said to be dreadful to the male
and female principles. Even in the primitive time auspiciousness of sex objects were used to
ward off evil eye.
If we compare the primitive genitalia exposing figures across the world with their
indigenous aspect, the result will be apotropaic one. The Sheela figure, a powerful entrance
motive of many medieval Irish churches, seems to have handed down another dominant
feature of her queer appearance, the exposing of her genital combined with indicating hand
gesture. This nude display was often misunderstood as an erotic allusion48 but Celtic legend,
however gave a different meaning to the gesture. As a German traveller in the 19th Century
found out upon inquiring about popular beliefs, a woman displayed this way was meant to
avert misfortune in real life as well as in sculpture49. Even the examples from the early Bronze
Age Anatolia and even Paleolithic cave art in France e.g. the famous venues figurine from
laugerie-basse (Dordogne) are impressive testimonial to that these are highly archaic gesture;
often described as sexual or as fertility gestures. But the facial expression, of those images, it

51
is the repulsive and even threatening ugliness that forbids any association with reproductive
female power or erotic appeal. The same holds true for the Irish Sheela which is compete
with each other in dreadfulness50.
The early Indian examples share many traits in common with the Neolithic Egyptian
Baubo, an opulent female figure sitting on the ground with legs widespread and pudenda
exposed. The head is usually omitted and all emphasis is focused on the displaying position51.
Javanese examples do have a head, but show the frightening and dreadful expression so
often found in early and late lrish Sheelas with their bare toothed grins52. Melanesian and
Micronesian versions repeat the motive, as litenis or dilukais with widespread legs above
the entrance of the official houses. They are part of a living tradition. Even today Trobriand
islanders adorn their ship-bows with this motif and hope for protection from it53.
The above data shows that across the globe shameful nude figures with same ideas
behind them are designing since primitive time to modern age.
Fertility Interpretation
Again the male exhibitionism with their association with the yaksa cult reveals as their
arms and legs often assume the shape of jars with emerging plant like fingers, while the
stomach is generally pot like. As guardians of mineral resources, precious metals, and the
source of life, yaksas are world supporters and often play the part of bearers or supporters
so the symbolism and their position on the temple is quite appropriate54.
For the primitive man yoni or vulva was the source of creation and that notion was
there during the historical period as evidenced from the images of displayed female discovered
from different parts of the world in different name.
Regarding the significance of depiction of this auspicious displayed male and female
exhibitionism some way combines a dual complementary symbolism of propitious and
apotropaic qualities55. The propitious aspect of these images is reflected in the words of
Kramarisch, she states on the Alampur example that like Laksmi, she is the All-Mother,
born of the waters, she is the earth, the ground; the all sustaining Aditi, she who supports all
the world, she, the wide one, the capacious, widely spread, bounteous earth, actively herself
when spreading wide, she is shown giving birth to all that is56. Again in the words of Neumann
The displayed motif more often represents a ritual act whereby the accent is on the numinous
power of the child bearing principle57. The emphasis on this respect is on fertility, long life
and rebirth.
So, while analyzing the primitive sex symbols and figures as well as medieval temple and
Buddhist art of Odisha we found the male and female figures displaying their genital organ.
But the repeated interpretation of the above motifs as fertility gods although found supportive
52
base, but in the view of indigenous people and literature, the function of these images as
protective and prophylactic symbols is far more compatible with their threatening appearance
and imperative self-display, traits that frequently are found in combination.
In the course of our discussion we noticed that in western art apotropaic figures such as
the gorgonian placed above the entrance to Greek temples or the Sheela-na-gig figures on
Irish churches have been accepted as protective motifs used to ward off evil while at the
same time serving as propitious emblems symbolizing life, rebirth, and renewed life beyond
grave. The world wide prevalence of this kind of imageries along with indigenous belief
supports this aspect with more strength.
The above discussion shows that, the rendering of displayed female on temple was of
magical significance. This magical aspect is particularly true in India, a country still dominated
by fertility worship and magic incantation. As the whole process of temple building tradition,
from the initial selection of a site and the lining of the garbha pit with female stones58 to the
chiselling ceremony of opening the eyes of the idol59 and the installation ceremonies of
bathing the image for proper worship60. Just as the parsva-devata, dikpalas, and avarana-
devatas form a protective ring around the presiding deity by emanating their power outward,
so do the displayed figures.
The displayed female motifs not only appeared independently in the early time, it also
subsequently passed onto temple art, and subsequently in to the art of Buddhist establishment,
where it found a place and gradually evolved from a simple displaying female to explicit one.
Regarding their presence in the temple art it is believed that the displayed female figures of
Indian temples are beautiful and all of their feminine characteristics are stressed. Even in the
Odishan context emphasis is placed on the curves of the female body and the breasts are as
full as on any other representation of woman in pan Indian context. Again in these Odishan
examples it is not only the genitals that emanates magical power but the entire female form.
Just as the yoni is surrogate of energy or power and regarded as a life giving force, likewise
the entire female as J.H. Driberg suggests, becomes effective in any life giving capacity,
whether it be fertility, spiritual immortality or prophylaxis against the Evil Eye61. That is why
the female need not be shown specifically displaying her organ, but when she does, the intent
is unmistakable. To conclude, the fertility and protective aspect of the displaying motifs in
Odishan art from primitive time to medieval temple art were inspired by the indigenous beliefs
on protection and fertility, with religious scriptural sanction and contemporary social condition.
Thus, it is difficult to interpret whether the figures exposing genital organs are indicative
of exhibitionism, auto-eroticism or simply expression of their state of desire. Since the displaying
of sexual organs is also considered to be an act of defense to turn aside evils in magico
religious beliefs and practices as well as their role in fertility or life giving aspect these figures
53
are rightly be called as propitious and apotropaic exhibitionism. We may say that in Odishan
context the displayed female images were associated with the wide range of concept such as
fertility, nourishment, sexuality and protectivity.
References
1. T.E. Donaldson, Hindu Temple Art of Orissa, Vol.III, Leiden 1985, Figs. 3997-4001.
2. T.E. Donaldson, Propitious-Apotropaic Eroticism in the Art of Orissa, Artibus Asiae.,
Vol. 37, No.1/2, Zurich, 1975, p.90.
3. T.E. Donaldson, op.cit, 1985, Vol.III, p.1158.
4. D. Desai, Erotic Sculptures of India-A Socio Cultural Study, Munshiram Manoharlal,
New Delhi, (2nd Ed.), 1985, p.140.
5. T.E. Donaldson, op.cit, 1985, Vol.III, p.1159.
6. C. Sutterlin, UniversalApotropaic Symbolism: A Behavioral and Comparative Approach
to some Medieval Sculptures, Leonardo, Vol.22, No.1, Art and the New Biology:
Biological Forms and Patterns, 1989, p.67.
7. H. Kirchhoff, Die Kopffussler von Priene, Sexualmedizin 13, 1984, pp.160-166,
227-230, Fig.15.
8. H. D. Sankhalia , The Nude Goddess or Shameless Woman in Western Asia, India,
and South-Eastern Asia Artibus Asiae 23, 1960, pp.111-123, Fig. 3-6.
9. I. Eibl- Eibesfeldt, Die Biologie des menschlichen Verhalterns, Munich, 1984, p.822.
10. H.D. Sankalia, op.cit, 1960, pp.111-123.
11. S. Kramarisch, An Image of Aditi Uttanapad, Artibus Asiae, XIX, Zurich, 1956,
p.268.
12. A. Pearson, Reclaiming the Sheela-na-gigs: Goddess Imageries in Medieval Sculptures
of Ireland, Journal of Canadian Women Studies, Vol.17.3, University of Ottawa, 1997,
p.20.
13. D. Fraser, The Heraldic Woman, the Many Faces of Primitive Art, New Jersey, 1965.
14. M. Murray, Female Fertility Figurines, The J.R.A.I, Vol.64, London, 1934, p.94.
15. C.C. Das Gupta, Female Fertility Figurines, Man, XXXV, Calcutta, 1935, p.95.
16. T.E. Donaldson, op.cit, Art As.,1975, p.88.
17. Ibid., p.88.
18. R. Briffault, The Mothers, A Study of the Origins of Sentiments and Institutions,
Vol.III, Leiden, 1927, p.10.
54
19. E. Neumann, The Great Mother, Princeton, 1974, text fig. 23.
20. D. Fraser, The Heraldic Woman, The Many Faces of Primitive Art, New Jersy,
1966, for many examples.
21. H.D. Sankalia, The Nude Goddess in Indian Art, Marg, Vol-XXXI, No.2, Bombay,
1978, pp.4-10.
22. R.C. Dhere, Lajja-Gauri, Poona, 1978, pp.228.
23. C.R. Bolon, Forms of the Goddess Lajja Gauri in Indian Art, New Delhi, 1997,
Figs. 5, 6, 13, 14 & 18.
24. E.O. James, Ancient God, New York, 1960, p.47.
25. F.H.P.M. Janssen, On the Origin and Development of so called Lajja-Gauri, South
Asian Archaeology, 1991, p.46.
26. D. Desai, op.cit, New Delhi, 1985, p.15.
27. Sankhayana Grihyasutra, ed. By. S.R.Sehgal, New Delhi, 1960, II, 14.
28. J. Gonda, Aspects of Early Visnuism, Utrecht, 1954, p.217,
29. M.K. Dhavalikar, Lajja Gauri, Bulletin of Deccan College Research Institute, Vol.40,
Pune, 1979-80, p.32
30. W.J., Wilkins, Hindu Mythology, Calcutta, 1882, p.306. In his work the author mention
Sakambari as an epithet of Goddess Durga.
31. For the use of motive in amuletic craft, see L. Hansmann and L. Kriss Rettenbek,
Amulett and Talismann, Munich, 1966, pp.214-218.
32. C. Sutterlin, op,cit, Leonardo, Vol.22, No.1, Art and the New Biology: Biological
Forms and Patterns , 1989, p.70.
33. D. Fraser, The Heraldic Woman, The Many Faces of Primitive Art, New Jersey,
1966.
34. For the use of motive in amuletic craft, see L. Hansmann and L. Kriss Rettenbek,
Amulett and Talismann, Munich, 1966, pp.214-218.
35. Quoted by C. Sutterlin, op.cit, 1989, p.67.
36. Eibl- Eibesfeldt , op.cit, p.256.
37. Ross, Anne. The Divine Hag of the Pagan Celts. The Witch Figure. Ed. Venetia
Newall, London: Routledge, 1973, p.146.
38. Ibid., p.146.

55
39. Ardener, Shirley. Sexual Insult and Female Militancy. Man: Journal of Royal
Anthropologrgrcal Institute, 8 (1973): 422-440.p. 115.
40. Ibid., p.115.
41. Ardener, Shirley. A Note on Gender Iconography: the Vagina. The Cultural
Construction of Similarity. Ed. Pat Caplan, London, 1987,113-142.
42. Ibid., p.42.
43. Greer, Germaine. The Femak Eunuch, London: McGraw Hill, 1970, p.15.
44. E. Neumann, op.cit, 1974, p.139.
45. S. Giedion, The Eternal Present: The Beginnings of Art, New York, 1962, p.118.
46. D. Fraser, The Many Faces of Primitive Art, New Jersy, 1966, p.81.
47. Pliny, Natural History, VII.2, quoted by W. Crooke in his An Introduction to the
Popular religion and Folklore of Northern India.II, Westminster, 1896, p.I.
48. M. Murry, Female fertility Figurine, J.R.A.I, 64, 1934, p.99.
49. J.G. Kohl, Cited in J.Andreson in The Witch on the wall: Medieval Erotic Sculpture
in the British Isles, Copenhagen, 1977, 4, p.23.
50. C. Sutterlin, op.cit., 1989, p.67.
51. Figs. 3-6 in H.D. Sankalia, op.cit., Art.As., 1960,p.111-123.
52. Ibid.,p.117, fig.12.
53. Quoted from Sutterlin, C., op.cit., 1989.p.68.
54. A. Coomaraswamy, Yaksa, New Delhi, 1926, pp.7-8.
55. T.E. Donaldson, op.cit., Art. As., 1975, p.88.
56. S. Kramarisch, op.cit., Art. As., 1956, p.268, Fig.1-2.
57. E. Neumann, op.cit., 1974, p.138.
58. H.D. Smith, Pancaratraprasadaprasadhanam : A Pancaratra Text on Temple
Building, Madras, 1963, p.63.8
59. P.K. Acharya, Architecture of Manasara, Oxford, 1933, p.58.
60. H.D. Smith, op.cit. 1963, p.46.
61. V. Elwin, The Tribal Art of Middle India, London, 1951, p.41.

56
Fig.1. Satrughanesvara Temple Fig. 2. Parsuramesvara Temple

Fig.3. Parsuramesvara Temple Fig.4. Nrusinghnath Temple,Bargaon

Fig.5. Boudh, Displayed female Fig.6.Gauri; Displayed female


57
Fig.7. Gauri; Displayed female. Fig.8. Ligaraja, Exhibitionism

Fig. 9. Parasuramesvara; Female with displayed male

Fig.10. Markandeyesvara; displayed male and female


58
Fig.11. Kanakpura; Fig.12. Kisenpur;
Fig.13. Yamesvara
displayed male displayed male

Fig.14. Chitrakarini Fig.15. Konarak Fig. 16. Ratnagiri, Male


Exhibitionism
59
Fig. 17. Ratnagiri, Female Exhibitionism Fig. 18. Ratnagiri, Male Exhibitionism

Fig. 19. Ratnagiri, Male, Exhibitionism Fig. 20. Ratnagiri, Male Exhibitionism

Fig. 21. Ratnagiri, Male Exhibitionism Fig. 22.Egyptian Baubo


60
Fig. 23. Egyptian Baubo Fig. 24. Irish Sheela-Na-Gig

Fig. 25. Irish Sheela-Na-Gig Fig.26. Nuapada

Fig.27. Nuapada Fig.28. Madhya Pradesh


61
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
INTANGIBLE HERITAGE OF WESTERN ODISHA:
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO FOLK DANCE AND MUSIC
Mrs. Sujata Behera
Tangible heritage and intangible heritage are two main branches of cultural inheritance.
Tangible heritage includes buildings, structures, historical remains, historical places, monuments,
books, documents, work of art, machines, clothes and alike. Roughly it can be said that
tangible heritage includes those valuable things, which can be seen, touched and reached. On
the other hand, intangible heritage embraces in its scope, the cultural properties, which cannot
be seen, but they are the integral part and parcel of human life, and should be preserved to
pass from one generation to the next generation. It includes traditions or living expressions,
inherited from our ancestors and passed on to our descendants, which are items like, songs,
music, drama, languages, festivities, religious ceremonies, traditional knowledge and skills,
and alike, these can be recorded and effects can be felt, but cannot be touched or seen.
Intangible cultural heritage is generally community based, and can only be heritage, when it is
recognized as such by the communities, groups or individuals that create, maintain and transmit
it.
According to the Convention held by UNESCO in 2003, considering the invaluable
role of the intangible cultural heritage as a factor in bringing human beings closer together and
ensuring exchange and understanding among them, and for the Safeguarding of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage, the intangible cultural heritage (ICH) or living heritage is the mainspring of
humanitys cultural diversity and its maintenance, a guarantee for continuing creativity. It is
defined as follows:
Intangible Cultural Heritage means the practices, representations, expressions,
knowledge, skills as well as the instruments, objects, artifacts and cultural spaces associated
therewith that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognize as part of
their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted from generation to generation,
is constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their environment, their
interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with a sense of identity and
continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. For the purposes
of this Convention, consideration will be given solely to such intangible cultural heritage as is
compatible with existing international human rights instruments, as well as with the requirements
of mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, and of sustainable
development.1
Among intangible heritages folk dance and songs are the genuine expression of the
social and cultural ethos of a particular region or people. Tribal life is a fragment of nature,
62
complete with all freshness, charm, beauty and spontaneity, which only nature can provide. It
can be observed that dance and music are the inseparable part of human social and religious
life. The tribal dance and music symbolise the cultural life of the populous of that particular
area which make them indigenous and different from others, this is one of the essential aspects
of cultural and tribal tourism. The simplicity of the tribal people reflects in their dance and
music. Mainly the folk dance and music serves the purpose to relax the people mentally and
physically. The daily stress of work and hard labour in the hilly and forest region make the
villagers very tired physically and mentally. Then they start to gather and enjoy dancing and
singing together which ultimately make them happy and fresh to go on a hard work again next
day.
The rhythmic dances accompanied by different varieties of melody and music from all
varieties of instruments have been a perennial source of merriment and joy to people of all
region covering all ages. West Odisha is no exception to it. Western Odisha is a culturally rich
region. It possesses a lot of heritage sites which are valuable from cultural as well as historical
point of view. Both the tangible and intangible heritages of Western Odisha are historical,
conspicuous, prevalent, and inter-oven in the region. The Western part of Odisha is endowed
with hills, mountains, dense forests, and divided into 10 districts, namely Balangir, Boudh,
Bargarh, Sambalpur, Sundargarh, Subarnapur, Jharsuguda, Deogarh, Kalahandi and Nuapada.
Among these 10 districts, majority are having the tribal in its hilly and forest sections. The
tribal population of these areas proportionally forms the largest part of the total population of
these districts. Hence tribal populated area of Western Odisha is a prominent seat of folk
dance and music and there by attracts tourists in a large number because of its uniqueness.
Nobody knows the origin, i.e. how and when the music, the dance began in this region. But
one can observe that, for each activity or ritual a different type of folk music is tagged. A good
deal of songs are in vogue in this region to sing tune to the happenings or circumstances, for
occasions like occupation, games, for nourishing babies, for fun, for marriage and other
ceremonies, for fair and festivals, for expression of agonies and for death and funerals. Both
the solo and group categories can be found in both dance and songs. These aspects of tribal
life of Western Odisha have a great deal of contribution to make this region culturally rich,
indigenous and attractive. The folk dance and songs carries the peoples desire, aspiration,
custom, rituals, ideals, traditions, beliefs, sorrow and joys etc. It can be construed as the
mirror of a particular region. The West Odishan tribal shows a rich and varied cultural heritage,
the most powerful instance of this being in their music and dance, which are as colourful as
they are rhythmical.
The folk dances are the free expression of joy in rhythm along with a close relation to
seasons, occupation and religious faith of the participants. A close study will reveal that there
is an unseen tie of unity among them. Originally the folk dances were performed for their own
63
pleasure and without any intention of entertaining public. But later as the time changed, and to
preserve the folk culture, steps have been taken by various stage performances of folk dance
and songs, which also served the public entertaining as well. Dalkhai, Rasarkeli, Maelajada,
Jaiphula, Janhiphula, Halia songs, Humo Bouli, Karma etc. are the popular folk songs of
western Odisha. These folk songs are the heart beat reflecting this region, but unfortunately
the evolution of these songs are not come fully to light and its is still evolution. Enormous
efforts needed to research to find out their origin. On the other hand Danda Nata, Ghumura,
Karma, Samprada, Sankirtan, Dhap, Daskathia, Nachnia-Bajnia etc. are the unique
folk-dance form of Western Odisha. The present study is a little attempt to highlight these
folk dances and musics and an efforts to promote for the growth of tourism in Western
Odisha, and to open the door of treasure house of tribal and cultural heritage. The cultural
heritage of this area, specially the folk dance and music which have the uniqueness can attract
tourists from far flung areas, but it need media hype and its mention and highlighting in the
maps of cultural tourism. The present research is a wishful attempt in this direction.
Dalkhai:
Dalkhai is a popular form of folk dance and song of Western Odisha. The Dalkhai
dance and songs, are largely, performed by the tribal of Sambalpur, Balangir, Kalahandi,
Nuapada, Bargarh and Sundargarh districts. The dance and song accompanied with music is
performed at the time of Durgastami festival in the month of Dusehra or Aswina. Sisters
of Western Odishan tribe, observe the festival of Bhaijiuntia on this occasion, with observance
of fast wishing and praying deities for the long life of their brothers. After ritual is over, the
young girls resort to singing Dalkhai songs accompanied by dance. As Dalkhai is related
with Durga or the worship of Sakti (power), it is believed to have an ancient background
and recourse, because the worship of Sakti is an age old religious tradition of Western
Odisha. The performance of Dalkhai commences only after the completion of certain
preliminary rituals, which are believed to be of non-Aryan and pre-Aryan origin.2 Dhol,
Nisan, Tasa, Mahuri and Jhanj are the musical instruments played during the song and
dance to make the show livelier. However, the Dhol player plays the central role as like
moderator/anchor to control the session. During this dance the young unmarried girls sing
and dance, and men accompany them for playing musical instrument. But sometimes middle
aged women deservingly get a place of honour in the group. The singers compose as well as
sing the Dalkhai songs on the spot spontaneously during dance, according to prevailing
situation or mood. Dalkhai song is also performed on marriage ceremonies coupled with
dance as entertainment. The concepts on such occasions are usually romantic and erotic. All
the songs of Dalkhai are sung in Kosli or Sambalpuri language.

64
Dalkhai song is named so because at the beginning and end of every stanza the word
Dalkhai re or Dalkhai bo is repeated and pronounced well. The song starts with mild,
rhythmic beats of the drum till it comes to the last line of the stanza. Soon after a halt, the
instruments play speedily, along with group dance. During this music, the dancers move their
body very fast as like in gymnastic. They bend their upper body part from waist forward,
almost up to a horizontal position. The dance is being controlled by the drummer. The dance
takes a halt when the drummer gives a signal and then singing resumes. This process continues
up to the end of the song. The Dalkhai dance has varieties of movement like:
In one movement the dancers place the legs close together and bend from knees.
In another position they move forward and backward in half sitting position.
The dancers interlock their arms at waist or shoulder level and form a dancers chain
and move forward and backward.
Sometimes they form circle and move clockwise or anti-clockwise.
For the performance of Dalkhai, women dress themselves in colourful Sambalpuri
sharees, a locally weaved loom fabricated in west Odisha, and covered with scarf on the
shoulders. The traditional jewelleries worn by them attract the eyes of the audience. They
decorate their hair with flowers and also dance for long hours.
Though Dalkhai specially performed during Dusehra, it is also performed during other
festivals like Phalguna Purnima, Nuakhai, Push Puni and in marriage etc. Sambalpur,
Balangir, Sundargarh etc. are the predominant districts of Western Odisha where Dalkhai is
performed generally. Once, Smt. Gurubari Mirdha and group had performed the Dalkhai at
national level and it was greatly appreciated by the then Prime Minister Late Smt. Indira
Gandhi.
One Dalkhai song is reproduced here as a sample:
Dalkhai re, dalkhai re
Asa asa tukel mane jima patar tuli,
Bhuga tupa dhari baharila gurubari,
Dak dialo janki jima jharke
Janki gala daudi .... kaen Dalkhai re.....
Rasarkeli, Maelajada, Jaiphula, Janhiphula:
The Rasarkeli, Maelajada, Jaiphula, Janhiphula etc. are other folk songs, similar to
Dalkhai in composition, irrespective of eroticism. They are taken as Dalkhai category.
Difference is the signature-tune like Rasarkeli re or Rasarkeli bo, Jaiphula re, Janhiphula
re etc. Like Dalkhai these songs are also accompanied by group dance. The contents of

65
these songs include expression and appreciation of love between young girls and boys,
description of beauty, costume of the loved one etc. Through songs, they express their indebt
ness and cardinal love, and also at times propose for marriage each other.
Cited one Rasarkeli song as a sample:
Rasarkeli bo, suru suru guncha musa kunchi kunchi bala,
Atara messai ame makhuthila tela, dui paesaar jadaa tela baula,
Kaen maliphula.. chhaka chhapkipaka.........
Cited one Maelajada song as sample:
Phutaaili magra dhanar bada bada liaa,
Bada bada liaa pilaa, bada bada liaa...
Jaali chatu maadkhia dhanare, kunchi jhulupiaa re ..... maaelajada
Jadake neti baragada re ............ maaelajada
Jadar kathaa ladabada re............. maaelajada
Cited one Jaiphula song as sample:
Jaaiphula re, tendaa paati, labanga laathi,
muin jaaithili besara baati,
jaaiphulare kie hitaaila taati........
Karma:
Karma is the most colourful dance of the Binjhal, Khaira, Oram, Kisan and Kol
tribes of Western Odisha. It is a ritual dance, performed in honour of Karamsani the deity
whose blessing grants children, and is also responsible for good and bad fortune.3 Karma
dance and songs are performed mostly in Balangir and Sambalpur districts of Western Odisha.
On the 11th day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrava, the tribal boys and girls go to the forest,
singing amongst beating drums, cut a branch of Karma Sal tree and bring it to a decorated
circular centrally located place in the village, where dance takes effect. In the middle of the
mandapa the branch is installed and worshipped with offerings of fruits, rice, sweet dishes,
and a fowl is also sacrificed. After the rituals, people start dancing and drinking liquor. First of
all, they sing song in honour of Goddess Karamsani. Then other songs of all sorts are gradually
introduced in accordance with the mood and directions of the leading singer, while others
follow him. Songs even from Oriya literary masterpieces like Mathuramangal, Lavanyavati
etc. are at times introduced by the singers.4 Love is the main theme of the songs. There is no
written documented song of Karma. They compose instantly and sing it and through recitation
they memorise them. They compose them in their spoken language. The contents of the
songs include the feelings of various seasons, joys and sorrow of life, life and romance and

66
the deeds of past. The true pictures of the village life and village surrounding are depicted in
the Karma songs. Also the colourful dreams of the Adivasi life and youth are taken as attraction
of the Karma songs.
When the dance starts, the dancers form two rows, one of girls and the other is of boys,
and then enter to the dancing arena. Madal, Tasa and Mahuri are the usual musical instruments
used in Karma dance. The musicians and singers also accompanied the dancers with rhythmic
steps. At first boys enter to the ground meant for dance, and after the commencement of
dance of boys, the girls follow and participate. The girls dance, arm in arm or otherwise with
hands on others waist. Bending the body forward and backward, right and left, bending
knees, dancing in half sitting position, crossing the hands of each other and clapping, are
some of the characteristic features of their dance. They move in semi-circular pattern and
complete the circle, and take to dance. In Karma, boys and girls dance together also. The
dancers shout Hai-Hai as per the rhythms of the drums. The drummers or madalias stand
in the middle of the circle and beat the drum, also dance themselves, along with the group.
The dance begins in slow tempo, but gradually gathers high tempo and reaches to high pitch,
at the behest of the drummer with drum.
The centre of attraction of Karma dance is the attire and costume with fashion of boys.
They wear uniform of red shirts. They also wear armlets, bangles, girdles made of small
conch-shells and long garlands. They also wear peacock feathers on head, which give very
beautiful looks. The uniqueness of the dance is that the dancers hold a mirror in left or right
hand, during the entire dancing period.
Thus the colourful dance of Karma continues on the entire night, with share of plenty of
liquor to give boost to the event. The duration of Karma worship and dance continues for
two days, and on the third day, it is brought to end, there after they proceed with the Karma
branch to a nearby pond or stream, and immersed the same. The celebration of Karma
worship varies between tribes.
Example of Karma song as sample:-
1. Karmaa ke ekaadasi,
Phul phute baaramaasi,
Karmaar daalere,
Chatiaa nelaa phaalere.....
2. Juhaar maago Karamsaani
Aputrike putra daani,
Dayaa karithibu maago mate,

67
Sahe putra dhana debu maa,
Guhaalake dhana debu...........
Danda Nata or Dand:
Danda nata or Dand is a group dance. About 15 to 20 people participate in this dance.
Danda nata is not considered as a dance meant for entertainment only. It is considered as a
religious ritual. Lord Siva and Goddess Parvati are the presiding deity of Danda. In the
beginning of the Danda they are worshipped along with the description of greatness of other
deities like Ganesa, Kali, Vishnu, Krishna, Durga etc. There are 13 direct participants in
Danda who are called tera bhakta or 13devotees. They are addressed as Rishi putra or
Bhagate.5 All the participants here are men, and the women roles if required, are performed
by a man, in female attire. The Danda nata is well developed in Subarnapur, Boudh and
Balangir districts of Western Odisha. It is believed that the Danda or dand had received its
origin from the Boudh region. When Buddhism started spreading its popularity in Boudh
region, the rulers of the area paid more attention to popularise the Hinduism specially Saivism,
as they were great devotees of Lord Siva. In their patronage and keenness, the Danda nata
originated and it spreaded, Saivism amongst common people.6 This dance is performed from
the full moon day in the month of Chaitra and ends on Pana Sankranti or Maha Visuba
Sankranti.
The Danda dance is performed only on invitation. The host village or family does the
rituals to invite the group to the village or house. As initiation, at around 12 Oclock in the
noon, the Dhuli Danda is performed, where the Vinakar plays the main role. Vina used by
the Vinakar in Danda nata, is not the normally seen type of Vina (the string instrument).
Here it is specially made, a bow decorated with peacock feathers and in its string seven tinkle
bells are tied. The player Vinakar holds the bow in his left hand raised, and by the jerks
brings out the jingle in rhythm. The Dhuli Danda part is related to agricultural activities like
ploughing and sowing seeds. Then at about 2 Oclock in the afternoon they perform the Pani
Danda which is too related to various activities of agriculture and rural life. The actual dance
programme, the main item, takes place latter at night.
The main items of Danda dance begin with Siva Tandava, in the evening. The main
musical instruments of Danda nata are Dhol (two sided drum) and Mahuri (the wind pipe
instrument like sehnai). The other instrument includes Ghanta (the bell metal disc), Shankh
(the conch-shell), Kahali (clarion), Ramtali (wooden clapper), Khanjani, Dambaru, vina
etc. The Siva Tandava dance is called Prabha. A half circled plate made of bamboo sticks
and covered with coloured and decorated cloth with ornamental border, is tied to the back of
the dancer. The next performance is Vinakar. The Vinakar holds the previously mentioned
string instruments with tinkle bells and dance as well as sing various religious prayers. The
68
following dance after Vinakar, is Bhaidhana. It is called so because the signature-tune is
Bhaidhana and it is used largely. This part carries the discussion of religious and puranic
incidents through songs. Devotion is the main theme of Danda nata. Among all performance
the Bani butal act is the interesting for the audience. In this section the characters like Radha,
Krishna, Chandrasena, and Duti (Bani butal) etc. spell bound the stage and entertain the
public. The central role is of Bani butal in this portion of Danda nata. The role of Bani butal
is a comic character that makes the audience laugh. The dancers of Danda group also perform
other acts related to Krishna Lila or love of Radha and Krishna. The music of Danda nata
is different for different dances. The songs are also of different tunes for different characters.
The songs are mainly devotional and mostly based on stories from the epics. Erotic songs are
also sometimes sung by the singers and dancers. Sometimes they mix questions in songs and
the counterpart gives the reply in songs. The songs are of folk and Odissi style.
Besides the above discussed dances the Danda nata includes other performances like
ChadheyaChadheyuni, Patra SauraPatra Sauruni, Prabhati, SabaraSabaruni etc.
The Danda goes on the whole night. Many of these plays carry the tribal theme and show the
life of villages. If the Danda nata will be evaluated, it can be easily realised that it is a
combination of religious faith, culture and entertainment and embraces the aspects from village
to forest and hilly areas. It can be said safely, a Danda dance depicts and represents the
Western Odishan tribal culture, and village life in reality. In other words, it signifies a token of
Western Odishan inherent culture.
Ghumura:
Ghumura dance is considered as a war or heroic dance of Western Odisha, and called
as Veera Nritya. Due to the dress code, which is tribal, the dance is included in the folk
dance category. The name Ghumura is derived from the name of a type of musical instrument
known as Ghumura, which is deployed, and used during the Ghumura dance. It is an
instrument made of clay and looks like a small pitcher, covered the opening with the skin of
iguana. This dance is performed largely in the districts of Kalahandi, Nuapada and Balangir.
Ghumura dance is performed mainly in the month of Aswina. Traditionally this dance is
associated with Nuakhai and Dusehra but now a days, it is also performed during other
occasions like Push Puni, Puja processions, marriage etc. Though Ghumura is categorised
in folk dance, researchers claim different mudras and dance form, present in Ghumura
which bear more resemblance with other classical dance form of India.7 The origin and time
when the Ghumura dance started is not known so far but the prevalent sculptors at Konark
Sun temple include the steps made similar in style to Ghumura dance performance and the
artists knowing all about this artistically have carved these on temple walls and with this
presence the history of this dance category can be taken back for its existence to medieval

69
period.8 It is also related to the description in puranas. As per Chandipurana when Durga,
the eternal deity of Sakti, asked all the Gods and Goddesses of heaven to lend their weapons,
war instruments and conveyances to kill the demon king Mahisasura, one of the war musical
instrument collected was the Ghumura that was formed by combining a portion of Dambaru
of Lord Siva and Veena of Goddess Saraswati.9
Chandi Puran describes:
Biratwara Biradola Daudi Ghumura Kadamardala Bajanti Mari Galatura.
There is reference to Ghumura in Mahabharata and Ramayana as well. It is believed
that Ghumura was the war music of Ravan of Lanka in Ramayana age and was used by
Gods and Goddesses as a musical instrument in the Mahabharata age. In the Madhya Parva
of Sarala Mahabharata Ghumura has been mentioned as Dhola Maadala Gadi je Ghumura
Bajai, Ghumura je Ghumu Ghumu hoi Garajai. It was also performed as the Darbari
dance in Kalahandi state during war in action.
Ghumura, Nisan, Taal, Madal etc are the musical instruments used during Ghumura
dance. In the beginning of the performance, the drums are played by the dancers walking in
a rhythmic pattern making a circle. After sometime their singer sings in praise of Goddess
Saraswati. The dance is associated with social entertainment, relaxation, love, devotion and
friendly brotherhood among all class, creed and religion. Ghumura the musical instrument is
tied to the waist of the dancers when they sing songs and dance in a heroic tone. After
initiation of the song in praise of Saraswati, chhanda, chaupadi and other literary folk songs
are put in motion. Each couplet of a song is followed by a dance. The dance includes various
posture and expression and the dancers made in different shape and size of the group, time to
time during the dance as like circle, semicircle, triangle, and rectangle. Various kinds of postures
of Ghumura also interpret it to have some relation with classical dance. In the past, the
Ghumura dance had opportunity to perform by representing the nation, on various international
events at Delhi, Moscow, and Kolkata etc.
The dress of Ghumura dancers is very interesting. They wear very gorgeous cloth with
lots of shining golden and silver colour. Their heads are dressed with Pagadis and on Pagadi
they use a bunch of decorative articles, which dangle beautifully when they dance. Also they
make face decoration. They wear a long curtain type garment hanging from the shoulders to
knee or below knee at back side. This type of garment is described in various religious
works, performed generally in rituals by the kings, royal officials and soldiers as cited in old
book references, which reminds one to recall its connectivity and used by such rulers during
the preparation for wars in their reins, via music means to raise awareness and in increasing
the valour of the soldier and to create mass applause.

70
Humo-Bauli:
HumoBauli songs and dance are exclusively to female, specially the unmarried young
girls. The songs are accompanied by group dance which is slow in nature and without any
musical instruments. The girls form two rows and stand facing each other. When the song
starts they step forward and at the end of the stanza they reach their pervious place by
moving backward. Important and pertinent is the songs, which carry the contents related to
the joy, sorrow, dreams, aspiration, feelings, love etc. of a young unmarried girl. Through the
songs the young girls share, their feelings and joy and grip of their life also conveyed, with
each other as all of them belong to same age and friend circles.
Humo-Bauli song sample:
Humo nuna nuna baulire,
Humo nuna nuna dusa,
Nakhaau napiu guaa panasa,
Nakhaau napiu guaa panasa,
Najaaun tumara desha boulire
Najaaun tumara deshare.............
Halia Songs:
Halia means the ploughman, derived from Kosali word Hal means a pair of bullocks
used to till the cultivation land. Halia Geet refers to the song sung by the halia while he
works in the field. The basic aim of the singing is to reduce and soothe the hardship experienced
during the work he undertakes. The sweet song also stimulates and consoles his bullocks.
These songs are mostly sung by men and very rarely any female gives company. The plough
man is the lone person in the field, away from the village and his family most of the time, and
always on tough assigned work to soften the hard soil by way of ploughing is as hard as
stone. On his shoulders is the responsibility of feeding the community. When he sings he feels
energetic and forget the pain his body is getting during the course of work. The enjoyment
covers the grip of labour. The ploughman sings in the month of Asadha when the first rain wet
the earth, in Shravana when it rains heavily and gives a hope of good harvest, in the month of
Margasira when he harvest and bring the crop home may be awaking the whole night. So
these songs are related to the primary occupations of the society. The themes of these songs
include philosophical contents, mythological theme, description of great heroes like Lord

71
Rama, his brother Laxman etc. Sometimes it carries erotic theme. It expresses their feelings
about their daily life, family and their dearest bullocks.
Halia song sample:
Bailaare, hala fandigale kaaen ho kabaraa, kasaraa, halaai maarile gaan chaari
taraa, thira neidebu bahulo kamala, tor bhai bhuke malaa kaen........10
Nachnia, Bajnia:
In Nachnia dance the centre of attraction is the dancer. He sings as well as dances on
occasions of marriage ceremonies and its special rituals like barat, at the time of bringing
bride to bridegrooms home etc. On the other hand the Bajania are the drum beaters who
make a concert with their folk instruments. They also sing typical songs to the rhythms of
drums and other musical instruments.
Samprada:
Samprada is also known as Bahaka dance. This is a male oriented dance and very
rarely any female takes part. The songs are mainly of religious in nature. Songs of this class
owe their origin to Vaishnavism preached by Sri Chaitanya. Songs glorifying Krishna and
episodes of Chaitanyas life are sung during the performance. The special thing of this dance
is that only one person has to sing the songs along with dancing and playing musical instrument
which is like Mridanga but bigger in size. One has to be perfect in gayana, badana and
nartana to be a Bahaka dancer. The main performer is assisted by another player called
Palia Bahaka. Samprada is arranged on religious and festive occasions. One can see it
during Dhanu Yatra of Bargarh and other such grand planned festivals.
Krishna Guru:
Singing of Bhajans of Lord Krishna is the theme of Krishna Guru. It is performed on
the full moon day of Magha, Phalguna, Chaitra and Vaisakha by singing Krishna guru
Bhajans.11 There is no gender restriction to participate in Krishna Guru. It shows the great
devotion towards Lord Krishna. Khanjani, madala, ramtali and kathi are the musical
instrument used during the performance.
Dhap:
The Dhap dance derived its name from a musical instrument called Dhap. The young
unmarried girls of one village dance with boys of another village. The songs of Dhap dance
are basically romantic in nature. Youths enjoy the dance and it helps boys and girls to court
their partners for marriage. This dance is famous among the tribal of Balangir and Kalahandi
districts. The boys and girls dance by interlocking hands and creating row as well as circle.

72
Dhap is a musical instrument having a shape of Khanjani but bigger in size. It is made
of wood with one side open and the other side covered with animal skin. It is hold with left
hand, the sling slung over the left shoulder and beaten with both hands. Some of the dancers
play the ramtali during the dance.
Gramadevi vandana of Dhap dance-
Juhar go maa dukri budhi,
Desh mude tor gudi,
Take angar rakat debis,
Make pad jau judi judi,
Irita sirita keraanda maachhar pita,
Gaan garaam pati bandhile kie gaaiba
Paalia geeta......
Pala:
Pala is a mixed performance of dance and drama along with songs. It is believed that it
first started in the north Odisha, and then spread to western Odisha. The presiding deity of
Pala is Satyapir which is a combination of God Satyanarayan of Hindu religion and Pir Baba
of Muslim religion. So its origin goes back to the Muslim-Mughal period. It shows the secularity
of society of the then period as well as cultural inter-change between different religions and
faiths. There are a lot of stories in praise of Lord Satyapir in Pala.
So far as Pala performance is concerned, it is of two types:-
1. Baithaki Pala (sitting Pala)
2. Thia Pala (standing Pala).
In the performance of Thia Pala, a group of six persons perform. It includes the
Gayaka or the singer, the Bayaka or the drummer (Mridanga player). Some side singers
are also inducted in it, who sing and dance, including explaining the meaning of the verses
sung by the chief singer. Pala begins with prayer to Satyapir and then continues with stories
derived from puranas and epics. Their presentation is dramatic in nature. The Pala songs
are being composed by the local poets. Sixteen day Pala is performed in different places
which is called Sohala-Pala. In the musical performance the participants with elegant dresses
perform and use musical instruments like mridanga and jhanj. The interesting theme of

73
Pala, the lyrical diction of the poets exhibited in a charming manner in melodious voice, the
songs of humour with the use of local dialects, the skilful play of mridanga, the charming and
colourful dress of Gayaka and Palias make the audience spellbound.
Miscellaneous:
Besides the above mentioned dances and songs, western Odisha is also gifted by God,
many more dances and songs which are making the area culturally rich and colourful. Jhumer
or jhoomar is a noted form among those. It is popular in the Sundargarh region. It is performed
in group and both boys and girls take part in it. The costume of Sambalpuri cloth, hair design
and tribal jewellery attract the eyes of audience. It is a part of Sambalpuri dance. Another
dance to count is Daskathia dance, derived its name from the name of a musical instrument
known as Daskathi. It is an instrument made of a pair of wooden sticks out of sisum branches
and by a deft use of their fingers creates rhythmic sounds from the wooden pieces. In
Daskathia, songs based on mythology, social events and past incidents are sung along with
dance having resemblance with Thia Pala. During singing and dancing daskathia and ramtali
are played.
Further, Ram Leela, Krishna Leela, Sabar Leela etc. are the example of Leela which
is a popular type of folk dance existed in Bargarh and Jharsuguda districts. It is organised and
performed like operas, based on mythological stories. Madal, gini, flute, harmonium are the
musical instruments used during the performance.
In addition, Sankirtan is a popular type of devotional dance of Western Odisha, found
all over the region. On various occasions the villagers arrange Sankirtan and invite other
groups for Kirtan dance, from nearby villages. It is also called as Prahari. It is categorised
into several types on the basis of length of time or number of prahara of performance. Asta
Prahari, Chobbis Prahari, Chhattis Prahari etc. are the varieties of Sankirtan. The dancers
sing the name of Rama and Krishna uninterruptedly, the whole day and night up to the decided
ending time. During Sankirtan, a new group replace the previous dancing group without any
interval or interruption in the song or dance usually, at scheduled time of each group. Sankirtan
is again divided into 2 types on the basis of dance and song. The Uddanda group which is
based on teachings of Sri Chaitanya and perform speed music and dance. The other is Rangeen
Kirtan which use light songs. Mridanga, gini and daskathia are the musical instruments
used during Sankirtan.
Kumbhari village in Bargarh district is famous for its reputed Sabda Nrutya. It is
considered as a form of classical dance. The Sabda Nrutya is divided into 4 categories:-
1. Tandava, 2. Pallavi, 3.Swara and 4. Alapa.
74
A dance of this kind is found nowhere in Odisha. Recently it has participated in
national level dance programmes and was appreciated a lot. People believe it is an ancient
form of dance that the village Kumbhari has preserved. The presiding deity of the dance is
Goddess Purnamasi, a temple of whom is existed at Kumbhari. The village girls and boys
under learning the dance are keen to popularise it.
Folk-songs of Western Odisha have a unique sweetness which can attract anyone and
has no bound. The tribal society of this region is very closely attached to folk-songs. That is
why the innocent villagers express their feelings through songs, irrespective of whatever the
situation may be. They share their joy through Dalkhai, Rasarkeli, Maelajada, Jaiphula
etc. on the other hand they express their sorrow by songs even on the occasion of death. The
mothers sing lullaby songs to induce the child to sleep. The mother and other family members
also resort to singing various songs as the situation arise to console the child to create peaceful
and calm atmosphere.
Lullaby song- Kaau kaau re, nida jaaure nidajaau. Asuthibure kokominaa, mor geleike
nebu sinare nebu sina............
Song to console the child- Aahare mor dhanamali, amar kunake kie dela gali, dhana
rasa bahe thali thali.................
Sketchy Description of Musical Instruments of Western Odisha:
Dhol A cylindrical two faced drum.
Muhri A wind instrument made of wood, and resembling to Sehnai.
Turi or Kahali- Similar to clarion or trumpet but without a reed.
Ghumura - An instrument made of clay and looks like a small pitcher is covered with the
skin of iguana.
Daskathia - An instrument made of a pair of wooden sticks and by a deft use of their fingers
creates rhythmic sounds from the wooden pieces.
Dhap - Dhap is a musical instrument made of wood with one side open and the other side
covered with animal skin. It is hold with left hand, the sling slung over the left shoulder and
beaten with both hands.
Nishan- Giant sized drum made of buffalos hide and decorated with deers horn.
Jhanj- A metallic musical instrument.
Tasa- A one sided drum.

75
Timiki- A tiny one sided drum of 6 inches in diameter played by two sticks.
Khanjani- Khanjani is a musical instrument composed of a pair of wooden frames set with
small metal discs. The wooden frames are held together in the same hand, between the thumb
and the middle finger, and struck against each other to produce both wooden clapping sound
and metallic tinkling sounds.
Madal- A large earthen drum.
Khol- Double headed clay drum.
Behela- Violin.
Kendara- A small violin like instrument made of a few strings pulled tight across a cane or
bamboo stick with a coconut shell on one end.
Ghooduki- Instrument made with one sting tied with a wooden stick inside a wooden or
pumpkin shell covered with animal skin.
Conclusion:
Teen aged girls sing the Khela Geeta or the game songs, Duli Geeta, Sajani etc. to
express their feelings and for entertainment. Thus singing and dancing are the most integral
part of Western Odishan tribal community and also one of the precious prevailing jewels
among its heritage. These aspects have made the region culturally rich. But it is a matter
concern that the growth of urbanisation and spread of western culture through 24X7 TV
channel via satellite transmission have reduced the importance of folk culture and this is
detrimental to the originality of folk dance and songs. It is high time for the administration as
well as public to give special attention to preserve West Odishan culture in its original form.
Research works are also needed as step to be taken to find out the origin and time of these
folk dance and music. Some of the dance forms of this region bear characteristics of classical
dance which should be encouraged so that it will get authorisation for the same. On the other
hand with the public attempt at many parts of Western Odisha, Lokamahotsavs and various
festivals are being organised to popularise these folk dance and music, which is a matter to
praise. If one goes by the lists prepared by UNESCO, only Chhau dance of Mayurbhanja
of Odisha is only included in the year 2010, on the Representative List of the Intangible
Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Attempts should be made by the Govt. to register many more
from Odisha and specifically for the items in vogue in Western Odisha to bring the same to
light of not only at national but at international level through UNESCO, a major platform for
their preserve and safeguards and popularise to sustain on world standard. The international
community are very fond of tribal heritage and eager to know the region where such items
exist to explore with much enthusiasm and dedication. Knowing its great potentials Govt. of
76
Odisha should make efforts for media hype to make a position for the sector of intangible
heritage prevalent in West Odisha, similar like other provinces like Rajasthan for Puskar
mela with a view to attract foreign participants.
As indicated in the UNESCO Convention in 2003 only intangible cultural heritage that
is recognized by the communities as theirs and that provides them with a sense of identity and
continuity is to be safeguarded. To be kept alive, intangible cultural heritage must be relevant
to its community, continuously recreated and transmitted from one generation to another.
There is a risk that certain elements of intangible cultural heritage could die out or disappear
without help. Safeguarding intangible cultural heritage is about the transferring of knowledge,
skills and meaning, and any safeguarding measure refers to strengthening and reinforcing the
diverse and varied circumstances, that are necessary for the continuous evolution and
interpretation of intangible cultural heritage, as well as for its transmission to future generations.

Dhap Musicians playing folk musical instruments

Folk dance performance during festive Ghumura or Ghumra dance


occasions.
77
Daskathia Sambalpuri folk dance

Danda Nrutya
Karma Dance
References:
1. www.wikipedia.com
2. M.S. Pati (Ed), West Orissa A Study in Ethos, Sambalpur University, 1992, p.19.
3. Bhagirathi Nepak, Karma Folk Dance of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1996, p.15.
4. M.S. Pati (Ed), Op.cit, p.22.
5. Prof. Adikanda Sahu (Ed), Sambalpur Bhasa Sahitya Sanskruti, (Oriya), Sambalpur
University, 2003, p.105.
6. Ibid.
7. www.wikipedia.com
8. www.visitodisha.net
9. www.wikipedia.com
10. Prof. Giridhari Prasad Guru (Ed), West Orissa: Past & Present, Bhubaneswar, 2009,
p.49.
11. Ibid, p.53.

78
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
TO SIR (RADCLIFFE) WITH LOVE: BOUNDARY
COMMISSION AND ITS BEARING ON THE INDO-PAK
WAR OF 1947-48
Suryakant Nath
Cyril Radcliffe1-the name brings back memories of the drawing of boundary during the
partition of India which resulted in large scale bloodshed, violence, displacement and
dislocation.2 Partition of the sub-continent was the outcome of immediate politics of domestic
nature but turned out to be an event with far-reaching international consequences.3 A poem
on Sir Cyril Radcliffe by W H Auden aptly sums up the notions regarding the role of the
Boundary Commission and its chairperson.4
Unbiased at least he was when he arrived on his mission,
Having never set eyes on this land he was called to partition
Between two peoples fanatically at odds,
With their different diets and incompatible gods.
Time, they had briefed him in London, is short. Its too late
For mutual reconciliation or rational debate:
The only solution now lies in separation.
The Viceroy thinks, as you will see from his letter,
That the less you are seen in his company the better,
So weve arranged to provide you with other accommodation.
We can give you four judges, two Moslem and two Hindu,
To consult with, but the final decision must rest with you.
Shut up in a lonely mansion, with police night and day
Patrolling the gardens to keep assassins away,
He got down to work, to the task of settling the fate
Of millions. The maps at his disposal were out of date
And the Census Returns almost certainly incorrect,
But there was no time to check them, no time to inspect
Contested areas. The weather was frightfully hot,
And a bout of dysentery kept him constantly on the trot,
But in seven weeks it was done, the frontiers decided,
A continent for better or worse divided.
The next day he sailed for England, where he quickly forgot
The case, as a good lawyer must. Return he would not,
Afraid, as he told his Club, that he might get shot.
79
A crude border had already been drawn up by Lord Wavell, the viceroy of India prior
to his replacement as Viceroy in February 1947, by Lord Mountbatten.5 In order to determine
exactly which territories to assign to each country, in June 1947, Britain appointed Sir Cyril
Radcliffe to chair two boundary commissions- one for Bengal and one for Punjab. All lawyers
by profession, Radcliffe and the other commissioners had all the polish and none of the
specialised procedures and information needed to draw a boundary. Nor was there time to
gather the survey and regional information. The absence of some experts and advisers, such
as the United Nations, was deliberate, to avoid delay.6
After arriving in India on 8 July 1947, Radcliffe was given just 5 weeks to decide on a
border. He soon met with his college alumnus, Mountbatten and travelled to Lahore and
Calcutta to meet with Commission members, chiefly Nehru from the Congress and Jinnah,
president of the Muslim League. He objected to the short time frame, but all parties were
insistent that the line be finished by the 15th of August, the final day of withdrawal of the
British from India. Mounbatten had accepted the post of Viceroy on the condition of an early
deadline. The decision was completed just a couple of days before the withdrawal, but due
to political manoeuvring it was not published until 17 August, two days after the grant of
independence to India and Pakistan.7
Pakistan was intended as a Muslim state while India was a secular state with a Hindu
majority. Muslim majority areas in the north were to become Pakistan. The provinces of
Baluchistan (91.8%Muslim population before partition) and Sind (72.7%) went entirely to
Pakistan. However, two provinces did not have a uniform majority- Bengal (54.4%) in the
north-east and Punjab (55.7%) in the north-west. The western part of Punjab became part
of West Pakistan and the eastern part became a part of the Indian state of Punjab. Bengal
was similarly divided into East Bengal (East Pakistan-now Bangladesh) and west Bengal
which became a province of India with the same name.8
Punjabs distribution of population was such that there was no line that could neatly
divide Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs. Likewise, no line could appease the Muslim League
headed by Jinnah, and the Indian National Congress led by Nehru and Patel, as well as the
British. Moreover, any division was going to entail cutting through road and rail
communications, irrigation schemes, electric power systems and even individual land-holdings.
However, a well-drawn line would minimize the cases of separating farmers from their fields,
and minimize the millions of people who would have to be relocated.
Irrespective of widespread criticism and flak that he got, for his hasty and unbiased
demarcation of boundaries between the two dominions, inadvertently, Sir Radcliffe
accomplished a task which could not have been possible otherwise. Today, if India holds on
to three-fifths of the most fertile and populated areas of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the
80
contribution of Sir Cyril Radcliffe and the Boundary Commission can in no way be discounted.9
On the other hand, laying claim over whole of the state and being reduced to possessing
control over only two-fifths of it in the bargain, has always been a continuous source of
rancour for the Pakistanis. Their failure to have the state acceded to Pakistan has even
encouraged them to speculate the idea that there was a wider conspiracy to deny Pakistan
what was legitimately hers.10
For most Indians, the Kashmir conflict remains fairly simple and straight forward: On 22
October 1947, around two to three thousand tribesmen invaded the state of Jammu and
Kashmir.11 The then Maharaja, Hari Singh, appealed to India for help on 24 October to flush
the invaders, India expressed its inability to send troops unless the instrument of accession
was signed by Hari Singh.12 The Maharaja, after judging the situation, signed the Instrument
of Accession on 26 October and on 27 October Indian troops were air-dropped in the
Kashmir valley and drove the invaders back. The conflict continued for two months before it
was taken to the Security Council on 31 December 1947. 13 On the basis of UN
recommendations, ceasefire was accepted by both the countries. The cease fire line, over a
period over sixty years, has become the actual line of control (LOC) where boundaries of
two countries are placed right now. The portion of Jammu and Kashmir which remained
under control of Pakistan is known as Pak-Occupied Kashmir (or POK in India) or Azad
Kashmir (Independent Kashmir in Pakistan).
However, from the view point of Pakistan, things were manipulated and certain individuals
conspired to deny Pakistan its legitimate dues. The precedence of Junagadh provided Pakistan
with enough reasons to feel betrayed. Junagadh was a princely state with a majority Hindu
population but with a Muslim Nawab. When trouble broke out in the state, the ruler fled and
a plebiscite decided in favour of acceding to the Indian Dominion.14 Pakistan had expected
that the fate of the state of Jammu and Kashmir would be decided by a similar experiment
and Pakistan would succeed in having the whole of the state as it had a Muslim majority
population (77.1% Muslims) with a Hindu Maharaja as the ruler. That was not to be.
A word about the Indo-Pak war of 1947 which broke out barely two months after the
partition and which had very close linkages with Sir Cyril Radcliffe and the boundary
commission.
The Indo-Pak war of 1947 can be classified as one of the most absurd wars. There was
no precedent in history for a situation in which armies commanded by two senior British
officers in telephonic conversation with each other were restrained with difficulty from a war
of words. The reactions of the commanders by themselves were by no means simple. General
Douglas Gracey of Pakistan and General Bucher of India had to take decisions in consultation
with Field Marshal Sir C Auchinleck, GCB, GCIE, DSO, OBE, former Commander-in-
81
Chief of India.15 After partition, he had been appointed supreme commander with certain
responsibilities for co-ordination between commanders-in-chief of the two new dominion
armies.
Even more interesting was the fact that in 1949, General Sher Khan, the Pakistani Chief
of Staff and General Kalwant Singh of India, who met in Delhi for talks with the UN
Commission in connection with cease fire, were old friends at Sandhurst. At the same time, it
is novel in a sense that never before two armies in opposition knew quite so much about each
other and nor were they more surprised at finding that they were expected to put into practice
against former colleagues, the same lessons, they had learnt together in the same school.
However, political developments apart, there is one aspect of military situation which
Pakistanis brood with bitterness. It concerns the award of Gurdaspur district under the Radcliffe
award. It should be kept in mind that the statement of the British Government known as the
3rd June plan had announced arrangements by which the members of the Punjab and Bengal
legislative assemblies should keep separate portions to decide their fate on partition. The
portions comprised of members respectively from districts holding Muslim and non-Muslim
majorities. If either voted for the division of their province then the province was to be divided.
This actually happened and Punjab was torn into two. The basis of the decision to divide the
district was taken as per census of 1941. In the Lahore division, Gurdaspur district carried a
Muslim majority. Had this district as a whole been given to Pakistan, the position of the
troops landed by air would have been quite untenable. Further, the sustenance of the troops
dropped in the valley would have been next to impossible had the supply line not been
maintained from Pathankot to Jammu.16
Gurdaspur district consisted of four Tehsils17; Batala, Sakargarh, Gurdaspur and
Pathankot. Of these, the first three, had Muslim majorities and only Pathankot tehshil had a
Hindu majority. Therefore, had the three Muslim tehshils gone to Pakistan, the maintenance
of Indian troops within Kashmir would have presented a grave problem for the Indian
commanders because the Indian rail-head at Pathankot is fed through the middle of Gurdaspur
tehshil. Radcliffes award of Gurdaspur and Batala tehshila (both Muslim majorities) to India
rendered it possible to maintain an Indian force at Jammu based on Pathankot as railhead
and enabled India to consolidate her defences southwards from Uri to the Pakistan border.
Another point of great interest is that while partitioning Punjab, Radcliffe was assisted
by four High court judges from Punjab. Two were Muslims, one was a Sikh and one a
Hindu. (In the poem by W H Auden they are mentioned as two Muslims two Hindus). In the
sharply polarised communal environment, the decision of the four judges was often influenced
by their communal sentiment. The final decision became the responsibility of Radcliffe himself.
While demarcating the boundary of the two parts of Punjab, the Commission had to take into
account, ...other factors. 18
82
Mr Din Mohammad, one of the two Muslim members on the Radcliffe Commission, felt
that Radcliffes main reason behind awarding the Batala and Gurdaspur tehshils of Gurdaspur
district to India was based on the ground that their award to Pakistan would have isolated the
important Amritsar district from surrounding Indian areas. In the east, it was bounded by
Kapurthala state, which though ruled by a Sikh Maharaja, at the time contained a narrow
Muslim majority. The decision to award Gurdaspur district to India on Radcliffes part was
sincere, is beyond doubt. However, it is also fair on Pakistans part to have misgivings about
Radcliffes decision. In retrospective effect, as it turned out, the award spoiled a perfect
party for the Pakistanis as it provided a base for Indian operations in Jammu and Kashmir
and deprived Pakistan of what it felt was legitimately hers.19
Pakistan not only failed to appreciate the Commissions genuine difficulties in awarding
the boundaries, but suspected and was even convinced that Radcliffe along with Mountbatten,
plotted to deprive Pakistan of Kashmir. However, accusations of collaboration are ruled out
because Mountbatten had issued strict instructions that his staff were to have no contact with
Sir Cyril Radcliffe during his difficult task of drawing boundaries and simultaneously he himself
avoided a meeting with Radcliffe considering the grave political sensitivity of the situation.20
The partition was a highly controversial arrangement.21It still remains a cause of much
tension in the sub-continent. Mounbatten has not only been accused of rushing the process
through, but also alleged to have influenced the Radcliffe Line in Indias favour since everyone
agreed that India would be a more desirable country for most. However, the Commission
took so long to decide on the final boundary that the two nations were granted their
independence even before there was a defined boundary between them. The members were
so distraught at their handiwork (and its results) that they refused any compensation for their
time on the Commission.
Over the sixty-odd years, although, the Radcliffe Line has not remained a bone of serious
contention between India and Pakistan, because of the degree of dislocation and devastation
it caused, partition has managed to leave a permanent scar in the psyche of all those people
who had to go through the whole experience. With each innocent falling victim to cross-
border terrorism because of the embittered relations since partition, Sir Cyril Radcliffe must
be twisting and turning in his grave and wondering, what more could he have done?
Notes & References
1. Sir (later Viscount) Cyril Radcliffe (1899-1977) was acknowledged as a brilliant barrister
in England. But despite his encyclopaedic knowledge of a vast array of subjects, he
knew virtually nothing about India. He had never set foot on the sub-continent and

83
paradoxically, that was the reason why he was chosen to head the Boundary Commission.
Larry Collins & Dominique Lapierre, Freedom at Midnight, Vikas, New Delhi, 2000,
p. 226.
2. For inhabitants of the two divided provinces, Punjab and Bengal, it meant fear, disruption,
violence, and huge transfer of population, as Hindus and Muslims trekked to the safe
side of the border. It is impossible to compute the magnitude of migration and disruption.
Possibly a million died; and within a year five and half million refugees had moved across
the border of West Pakistan and India, while one and a quarter million moved from East
Pakistan to the part of Bengal remaining in India. Judith M. Brown, Modern India: The
Origins of an Asian Democracy, OUP, New York, 1985, p.327.
3. As an episode in Imperial history, it marked the beginning of global trend towards
decolonisation. For south Asian History, it meant independence for India and Pakistan.
Unfortunately, it also inaugurated Indo-Pak tensions. Conflict between the Hindus and
the Muslims had existed for centuries, but the partition brought it to the international
level-and exacerbated it. Lucy chester, American Diplomacy, Commentary and
Analysis: A Look Back....February 2002,
http://www.unc.edu/depts/diplomat/archives_roll/2002_01-03/chester_partition/
chester_partition.html.
4. Poem by WH Auden available online http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?228333.
5. The Breakdown Plan was sent by Wavell to the Secretary of State on 7 September
1946 for initial withdrawal of control from South India but control of Bihar and UP was
retained from the point of view of communications and to facilitate creation of Pakistan.
Penderal Moon (ed.), Wavell : The Viceroys Journal, OUP, London, 1973, p. 344.
The basic reason why the Atlee Government decided to declare a final date (30 June
1948) for British withdrawal from India was on the ground that it accepted Wavells
assessment that there had been an irreversible decline of Government authority. Bipan
Chandra & others, Indias Struggle for Independence 1857-1947, Penguin Books,
New Delhi,1989, p. 495.
6. Maria Mishra, Vishnus Crowded Temple: India Since the Great Rebellion, Penguin
Books, London, 2008, p. 246.
7. The award was ready on 9th August 1947. Ramachandra Guha, India After Gandhi,
Macmillan, 2007, p. 33. Bipan Chandra & Others mention 12th August 1947 as the
date when the Boundary Commission Award was ready but Mountbatten decided to
make it public after Independence Day, so that the responsibility would not fall on the
British. Bipan Chandra & Others, Op. Cit., p.499.
84
8. East Bengal received 54,000 sq miles of territory, with a population of 40 million, 27
percent of whom were Hindu. The west (Bengal) was allocated 28,000 sq miles and 21
million people, including a 29 percent Muslim minority. Maria Mishra, Op. Cit., p247.
9. Pakistanis blame Mountbatten for their inability to capture the whole state of Jammu
and Kashmir. They think that he conspired with Sir Radcliffe to gift the district of Gurdaspur
to the Indians. On Gurdaspur, see Alastair Lamb, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy, pp.115-
116; and, for a rebuttal, Prem Shankar Jha, Kashmir, 1947, OUP, New Delhi, 1998, p.
81.
10. Ibid. Award of the Gurdaspur district allowed India a road into Kashmir and proved to
be crucial in the eventual retention of three-fifth of the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
11. Ramachandra Guha, Op. Cit., pp.64-67. Estimates of the number of invaders vary.
Some even mention there were as many as 13,000 tribals.
12. The first news of the tribal invasion of Kashmir reached New Delhi 24 October 1947.
Maharajas accession was to be considered temporary. Larry Collins and Dominique
Lapierre, Op. Cit., pp. 442-447.
13. Ibid., p. 450.
14. A referendum held on February 1948 resulted in 91 percent of the electorate voting for
accession to India. V P Menon, Integration of Indian States, pp.120-149.
15. On Friday, 24 October 1947, Maj-Gen Dougulas Gracey, replacing General Masservy
who had been sent to London, got his first information of what had happened in Kashmir
through a secret intelligence report. He immediately conveyed it to the Commander-in-
Chief of the Indian Army, Lt-Gen. Sir Rob Lockhart, a Scot and a Sandhurst classmate
of Gracey. He in turn communicated it to two more people, Governor General Lord
Mountbatten and Field Marshal Auchinleck. Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre,
Op. Cit., P.443.
16. The area concerned was small; but it gave land access to Kashmir which would otherwise
have been denied her. Had the whole Gurdaspur district gone to Pakistan, then, India
would have lost Pathankot and the only practicable road from East Punjab to Jammu.
The Radcliffe Award was no way related to the Kashmir question; rather it was based
on considerations arising from the division of the water from certain canals. However, it
aroused much suspicion in Pakistan as to the disinterestedness of the British; and if
nothing else, it shows the scant preparation which the British made for partition and the
little thought they appear to have given to its consequences. M Brecher, Nehru: A
political Biography, London, 1959, pp. 359-361.

85
17. A tehshil is the administrative unit below a district, somewhat analogous to a county.
18. These other factors, were the orientation of railways, canals and the hydro-electric
systems. Had Pathankot (the only tehshil in Gurdaspur with a Hindu majority) been
awarded to Pakistan, the head works on the upper Bari doab canal at Madhopur would
have come under Pakistans control. As regards the canal-irrigated Lahore, Amritsar
and Gurdaspur districts, Amritsar not only had a Hindu majority, it also had the golden
temple (the famous and revered shrine of the Sikhs).
19. Many Pakistanis to this day believe that in the very act of dividing up India between two
successor states, the British were guilty of collusion with the Indian side in at least keeping
the door open for Kashmirs accession to India. Alastair Lamb, Crisis in Kashmir:
1947-1966, Routlege and Kegan Paul, 1966, p. 42.
20. This has remained a debateable topic ever since. Though Mountbatten had left Radcliffe
to interpret his own terms of reference, in reality they had been set out by the Viceroy
himself. Christopher Beaumont, Private Secretary to Radcliffe, has subsequently revealed
that Mountbatten persuaded Radcliffe to change the Punjab borderline and the award
of Ferozepur tehshil to India. Jaswant Singh, Jinnah: India Partition Independence,
Rupa & Co, 2009, pp. 443-445.
21. Radcliffe repeatedly expressed the hope that India and Pakistan could work together to
solve some of the most difficult infrastructure problems created by his boundary award.
Mountbatten himself seemed optimistic that inclusion in the Commonwealth would keep
India and Pakistan on mutually friendly terms, emphasizing that Dominion status meant
membership in a continuity of cooperative nations. Lucy Chester, Op. Cit.

86
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
DISCOURSE ON GANJIFA THE UNIQUE PLAYING CARDS
Mohammed Yamin
The Origin of Ganjifa
Though, Games like dice, Pachis, Charuranga and Chess are known since many centuries,
but, the game of Ganjifa (i.e., Odiya Ganjapa) and cards of eight-suited originated in Persia.
Of course, the game in India flourished and the cards developed in various forms. The word
Kanjafah of Persian origin appears at the first quarter of 15th Century CE.(1) According to
Jeff Hopewell (2) the earliest reference to an eight-suited pack is in a poem called Rubaiyat-
i-Ganjifa by the Persian poet Ahli Shiraji, dated to around 1514-15 CE. Since there is one
suit of coins in the Mamaluk pack and two in Persian Ganjifa, it is likely that the later resulted
from doubling up of the former. In India we got little information of the appearance of
Ganjifa. In 1527 C.E. in the diary of Emperor Babur (3) and from the writing of Abul Fazls (4)
Ain-i-Akbari in the 16th Century CE. we got detail account of his contemporary and ancient
Ganjifa Pack. It was Emperor Akbar who was fond of playing cards had developed a kind of
card game with twelve sets of colour which was played as a war between two parties.(5) This
Ganjifa has been called as Mughal Ganjifa. Hence, certainly it can be said that Ganjifa was
introduced in India by the Mughal in the 16th Century CE.
Of course, in India the cards playing tradition spread over most of the part including
Orissa initially played by the Muslims later on warmly taken up by the Hindus in accordance
with their taste. Even now, cards are still being painted for use in the game of Ganjifa. According
to the number of colour used for set, the pack is called Atharangi, Dasarangi, Vararangi,
Chaudarangi, Sholarangi and so on and so forth. Originally the pack of cards had a maximum
of six colours and pack divided into two houses, each having six sets of different colour, in
course of the time, the number of cards increased with the introduction of mixed colour. It is
also believed that the game must have been existed in other parts of India in the forms of
Dasavatara and Dikapola games much before the introduction of Ganjifa by the Muslims.
H.P. Shastri (6) is of the opinion that Dasavatara game had been invented by Mala King of
Vishnupura in the 8th Century C.E.
Different suited pack of Mughal Ganjifa
In the poems of Ahli-Shiraji the name of eight-suits pack cards were like, Ghulam
(Servant), Taj (crown), Shamsher (sword), Ashrafi (gold coin), Chang (harp), Barat
(document), Tanka (silver coin), and Gimah (merchandise).(7) These are represented the
Mughal court, treasury, armory, gold mint, womens quarters (zenana), administration, silver
mint and stores. During the time of Emperor Akbar the suit sign remain unchanged. The pack
consists of 96 cards having eight suits of twelve cards each, ten of each suit are number cards
87
and two are court cards: the Mir (king) and Wazir (minister). Ganjifa of Mughals does not
have indices as modern cards, but the different suits coloured background to aid recognition.
The forum of suit sign, colour and iconography distinctive from region to region.
Eight Suited Pack
In Orissa the eight suited signs have become almost unrecognizable, example the Ghulam
suit has become Gulab (a rose) and this is what suit sign represents. In the most common
pack has on the Wazir, Arjun in an attitude of worship and on the Mir, the object of his
devotion, Lord Vishnu as Navagunjana means the body of Lord Vishnu is made up of
elements of nine different creatures.The other pack denotes Lord Krishna on the Mir and
Balarama or Radha on the Wazir. In other words in a temple chariot the Mir and on an
elephant or a horse on the Wazir. The court cards and Wazir cards have distinctive scenes.
For instance in one of the scene known as Asthamala, the eight deeds of the young Krishna
in which he defeated various demons.
The epic scene of Ramayana like Rama and Sita enthroned with Hanuman and
Lakshman, and the release of Ahalya from a curse seems to be the most popular amongst
the card players of Orissa. Innovation have been ascertain in the Ganjifa design in different
regions of India, particularly in Rajasthan birds are used as sign of suit instead of distinctive
symbols, for instance the Mir of the goat suit riding in a two-wheeled chariot. Appearance of
animals in some of the suit signs are based on the Ashta Dikapala. (8)
Ten Suited Pack
Most possibly in the Deccan the ten suited card pack based on Dasavatara (i.e. Vishnus
ten incarnations) came into seeing in the 17th Century CE. This could have been the Mughal
Ganjifa of eight suited with certain iconography like the avatar enthroned on the King or Raja
card and on horseback, on the minister or Mantry. Generally Matsya and Kurma avatar or
incarnation card are to be found in every Dasavatara pack. Incidentally we traced the card
pack of avataras like Varaha, Narasimha, Vamana, Parashurama and Rama. But the
cards in the avatars icons of Krishna and Buddha vary from place to place. Basically they
appear on Ganjifa form in Maharashtra and in Rajasthan. More particularly, the icon of the
blue skin represents Krishna and white skin denotes Buddha.
In Orissa however, Balarama (Balabhadra) is in eight card and ninth is Jagannath.
The same form in which Krishna is worshipped in Puri. In the Bishnupur cards pack Jagannath
is depicted along with his brother Balabhadra and sister Subhadra. This form of card pack
most probably comes from Madhya Pradesh as stated and identified by Jeff Hopewell, (9)
which may be unique in its own style.In the ten-suited card of Dasavatara pack more common

88
in the district of Puri is consisted of the pack of twelve cards. Sometimes the suits of even
twenty or twenty four. All these packs generally retain the ten incarnations with certain additional
deity. Ganesha and Kartikeya, the sons of Shiva depicted in the twelve suited card pack.
There has been a tendency to add the number of suits in Ganjifa, as there is little consistency
to which deities head the additional suits.
For the Avatar (incarnation), the suit sign for each is an appropriate symbol. Like fish
for Matsya, Turtle for Kurma and axe for Parashurama. The other incarnations suit sign
are with certain variation from place to place like Varaha is usually a boar or conch shell,
Narasimha a lion, Vamana a water pot and Rama a monkey-bow-arrow and Balaramas
suit sign is of plough, Krishna a cow, Jagannath a lotus flower. Buddha a bust of a crowned
figure and Kalki the last incarnation are with the suit sign of a sword on horse.
Twelve-suited Pack
Adaptation of Ganjifa to several themes and also the interest in astrology in India, Ganjifa
packs were based on the Zodiac suit sign to match with. Surprisingly only two packs survive
from earlier centuries, which are finely painted luxury articles particularly on ivory. However,
this type of pack never had a popular appeal.
In Orissa twelve-suited pack of Ganjifa has been found, there is also another pack
based on the protagonist of the Ramayana. With six-suits representing Rama and his allies
viz. Lakshamana, Hanuman, Sugriva, Jambavat and Vibhishana and the other six, Ravana,
his son Indrajit and his General. The suit signs are replaced by a bear, a variety of weapons
and the hill that Hanuman uprooted to bring the healing herb from the Himalaya Mountain.
Time to time signs of suit are replaced by monkeys, bears and soldiers giving or even better
impression of two armies positioned for face to face battle. Sometimes the Pradhan cards
depict scenes from the Ramayana which bear resemblance to those on temple walls and
palm-leaf manuscripts.One of the art of the Pradhan card the Rama suit Vibhishana points
to the chariot of Ravana. On the other card, Rama is depicting in a Kandarpa Ratha, a
chariot made out of the female figures. Similarly in another Pradhan card Rama shoots the
golden dear, Lakshmana straightens the arrow that killed Vali to send a warning to Sugriva.
(10)
In some of the 20th Century cards were painted in such a way that it depicted the Rajas
in motor cars and Pradhans on bicycles instead of Chariots of temple and horses respectively.
Symbol and Colour in Mughal Ganjifa
The symbol of Mughal Ganjifa with their various distinctive colour has been aptly dealt
by this author in his work Impact of Islam on Orissan Culture (11) is illustrated as thus:
89
The symbols of Mughal Ganjifa with their colour are elaborated in the following table:
01. Taj Persian crown Often shown as a Basic colour - Brown
flower
02. Safed Silver coins Often with red out Basic colour-Black (always
whitedisc. line
03. Shamsher Sword Basic colour Red-(also
Brown)
04. Gulam Human figure Single or in groups Basic colour Golden, yellow,
Servant/soldier red or white
05. Chang Harp/Musical Often shown as a Basic colour Olive, Green
instrument bird and
Black
06. Surkh Sun Golden Often with red with Basic colours-Green, Black,
Disc. Out lines Orange, Red,Green- Blue
07. Barat Parallelogram Often with Basic colours-Red, orange.
Trapezium inscriptions
08. Qimash Cushion Often shown as a Basic colour-yellow
drum

In due course of the time the symbols name have been changed in Atharangi Ganjifa
which are cited below to their earlier given name. The colour symbol is still intact to arrive to
the early symbols of identification.
01. Phula . Basic colour brown or red ochre
02. Chandra . Basic colour black
03. Somasera or Samsara . Basic colour rose madder
04. Golapa . Basic colour white
05. Chenga . Basic colour green
06. Surya . Basic colour blue
07. Barata . Basic colour red (vermilion)
08. Kumacha . Basic colour yellow

All the divine figure of the Hindu pantheon that were depicted in a stripped Jacket in the
Muslim costumes.

90
European Sign Cards
In the 16th Century C.E. when the Portuguese settle in India they brought their cards
with them. Male in Portuguese does appear on Ganjifa sets, however, it is not possible to
ascertain when the local started producing cards in imitation of the Portuguese. It was in the
18th Century CE. They have the usual structure of four suits viz., cups, coins, swords and
clubs. There court cards viz. King, Knight and Knave and seven numerals on the aces. The
sign of suit is of mythical Indian creature, the Makara, replacing the dragon. When the British
and French settle in India, they also came with their own cards. Though it is unclear when it
was adopted by the local players. Like the Portuguese, the British and French also adopted
the local taste, kings, queens and jacks in Indian dress. The workshops of Sawantwadi were
main producers of playing cards, including western-style 52 cards packs. There were several
court cards with the king of spades posing for photograph. The jacks on horseback is an
adaptation from the Wazirs and Pradhans of the Mughal Ganjifa. In Orissa, sets were depicted
with Rama in each of the Kings, Lakshamana on the queens, and Hanumana on the Jacks.
Others painted Vishnu, Lakshmi and Garuda. Sometimes each numeral card painted with
one of the ten incarnation of Vishnu. Vishnu himself in the court cards with Shiva and Brahma.
On a variety of materials like ivory, mother-of-pearl, tortoise shell, papier-mch, paper
and stiffened cloth the cards were hand-painted. The cards are generally round and anything
from 2-12 cm in diameter. Generally for higher quality packs upright rectangular format was
used. Paints were made out of normal materials but now commercially produced paints are
mainly used for quick economic gain. Ganjifa were made available all parts of the country,
but only painted in Bishnuvur, Samantvali, NIrmal and in Parlakhemundi, (12) Raghurajpur,
Sonepur and other parts of Orissa. Indeed, Orissa has been historically a major region
famous for card play and production. (13)
Trick of Games
Ganjifa is a trick-taking game with strict rules governing what cards may be laid. There
are no obligations and trumps card for the player to win the game. Usually three players
required for the game, four players when there are twelve or more suits i.e. the pack and all
cards are dealt out anti-clockwise. Regarding the tricks of game J. Hopewell (14) rightly
narrates as thus The Mir or the Raja of an agreed suit is led, and along with his card the
players put a low value card, called the throne. With these cards he wins the first two tricks.
Thereafter there are complex rules about which cards must be laid next. If a player has the
highest card in a suit he is obliged to play it if that suit is led, in case he failed to do so, it loses
its value. Now a day these games are played only by the older generation and stock of the
Ganjifa are diminishing.

91
References
1. R. Ettinghausan, Further comments on Mamaluk playing cards Gathering in honour
of Dorothy E. Miner,Baltimore,1974,P.74.
2 J.Hopewell, Ganjifa ed, A. Topsfield, The Art of Play, Marg Publication, New
Delhi,2006.P.91.
3 A. S. Baveridge, trans. Babur Nama (Memoirs of Babur), reprints New Delhi, 1998.
P.584.
4 A. Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, trans., H. Blochmann, Calcutta, 1872, VoI.I, PP.306-308.
5 D. N. Pathy, Orissan Painting, O.H.R.J., VoI. XXX, No. 2.3. & 4.,1994, P.160.
6 H. P. Shastri, Notes on Vishnurupa circular Cards, J.A.S.B., Calcutta, VoI. XIV, P.
284.
7 R. Vonleyden, D. Duda, & M. Roschanzamir, Indische Speilkarten-bider, in Persischen
Lackmalerian der Osterreichischen (German), National Bibliotheca, Vienna, 1981,
P. 38.
8 J. Hopewell, op. cit, PP.95-96. Also described in R. Von Leydon, Ganjifa: the Playing
Cards; A General Survey. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1982, PP.102-103.
9 Ibid, P.96.
10 Ibid, P.101.
11 M. Yamin, Impact of Islam on Orissan Culture, Readworthy Publication (P) Ltd,
New Delhi, 2009. PP. 251-252.
12 G. K. Mohapatra, ed, The Samaj, (the Odia daily News Paper), dt. 26.11.2010. P.14.
13 G. K.Mohapatra, The Samaj, (the Odia daily News Paper), dt.14.10.2012. P.4.
14 J. Hopewell, op.cit. PP.103-104.

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
TANTRIC TRADITION OF ODISHA
Ekadashi Padhi
Tantrism is a mysterious and inexplicable religious faith that flows like an undercurrent in
the Sakti worship tradition of Bramhanical and Buddhist ideologies. As a matter of fact
Tantra is a special manifestation of Indian feeling, art and religion (1). Tantra has a particular
wisdom of its own and therefore it can not be broadly defined or explained. However we
may try to define the word Tantra thus- Tantra is derived from the root Tan meaning to draw
out or to spread (2). The significance of the word Tantra may be derived from Tantu, which is
spun out like a thread and Tan, the body in which the spirit has spread out or revealed itself.
It is Tantram Pradhane Siddhante Sutravaye Paricchade (3). Tantra is always ritualistic
in general, the art of religion, to which every religion in the world is associated with in some
form or the other. The spirit of every religion is manifested through that ritualism, which is the
body or Tanu or in other words there is no ritual without religion and wherever there is ritual
there is Tantra. Therefore Tantra has been derived from the root tan and tri and expresses
tanoti and trayati or emancipation of the soul from all kinds of physical and mental ailments.
It is said that Tantra has its origin contemporary to the Vedas. The Vedas have been
divided into two parts namely Vaidika and Tantrika (4). Tantra is the essence of Vedic sacrifices
and rituals. Moreover it can be a combination of the basic nature of the Upanisadic Adwaita
philosophy, Puranic cult of Bhakti, Yogic philosophy of great sage Patanjali and the Mantra,
Yantra and Mandala of the Atharva Veda.(5). According to the Bhagavata Purana the religious
practice or Acara is of three kinds, Vaidika, Tantrika and Misra (Composite).(6) As a whole
the Vedas and the Tantra constitute the warp and woof of the Hindu thought, usage and
rituals.Tantra is divided into two parts namely Agama and Nigama(7).In the Agamas Lord
Siva acts as the preceptor and Parvati becomes the listener whereas the Nigamas the order
changes to opposite and Lord Siva acts as the listener to the Tantric sermons(8). Hence Siva
and Sakti (Parvati) act inseparably in the Indian Tantric fold. Hence Siva and Sakti are the
poles of a piece of magnet, who work together as Purusa or the Brahman and Prkriti or the
eternal power, Maya expressing the manifestation of the Almighty. (9) As a matter of fact the
whole concept of Tantra revolves round Lord Siva and Sakti.
However, though the Tantra has its antiquity since the days of the Vedas, the real history
of it goes back to the 7th century A.D. and came down to the 19th century. It is said that the
period ranging from the 3rd century A.D. to the 8th century A.D. is called as the Sakta period
(10).
It is a period when Saktism was prevalent in India and the works like Puranas, Upa-
puranas, Upanishads as well as the old and important Tantras were written (11). As a matter of
fact we cannot attribute any particular date to the Tantras and their literature, which took a
long range of time to develop. Sakti has been conceived as the power of every God like
93
Vishnu, Indra, Surya and Siva etc. or in other words, she manifests herself as Sakti, power,
force or energy in everything and in every being, animate or inanimate(12). As a whole this
universe is the manifestation of Sakti. The three characters or forces of Sakti namely Sattva,
Rajas and Tamas are responsible for the destruction, Preservation and Destruction of the
universe (13).
Beyond 7th century A.D. the Hindu Tantra was relegated to background or intertwined
with the Buddhist Tantric tradition that came up abruptly with a mysterious amalgamation of
Mahayana Buddhism, Bramhanical Saktism and Saivism. This was more spectacular in
Odisha than in any other parts of India though the change took place elsewhere. As a result
of this Tantra was divided into two different schools. Those who indulged upon purity of life
and self restraint were known as rightists and practiced sadhana in the Vedic way. The other
group chose the way of extreme enjoyment and revelry of life through physical and mental
involvement that became known as leftists or Vamacharies. They adopted Pancamakara
worship and revered lord Siva in the form of Bhairava and Sakti as Bhairavi, the ferocious
forms of Siva and Sakti.They accepted the Pancatattva of the Hindu Tantra as
Pancamakara and were known as Vamacaris, where woman plays an important roll.
About the use of five Makaras we can at least infer that it is a continuation of ancient Vedic
usage but not a modern invention. It is the argument of the Vamachari Tantric Sadhakas
that this Panca Tattva Sadhana is the best way to Siddhi as they are the causes of mens
downfall (14). These Pancatattvas are of three types namely the real (Pratyaksa), substitutional
(Anukalpa) and esoteric (Divya). Moreover the Pancatattvas are Madya or wine, Mamsa
or meat, Matsya or fish, Mudra or woman and Maithuna or cohabitation with woman (15).
Those who follow the real path should adopt the restricted use of Madya, Mamsa and Mudra
(16)
. Those who are vegetarians may take ginger in place of Mamsa and coconut water in
place of Madya (17). Those who are substitutional practitioners of Hindu Pancatattva they
take to Yogic or Yogacara system of Sadhana (18). The Vamacaris or the Buddhist Tantrics
practiced the esoteric way of the Pancatattva and composed different kinds of Tantric texts
to support their ideology. As a result of this the Tantric practice became the heinous way of
life in the 8th, 9th and 10th centuries. They utilized the makaras as per the etymological term
of the objects for their physical and mental pleasure. They opined thus,-
Na kasta kalpanam kuryat nopavasam na ca kriyam
Snanam soucam na caivatra gramadharma visarjanam.
Na capi vandayet devan kastha pasana mrinmayan.
Pujamasyeiva kayasya kuryannityam samahita.
Gamyagamya vikalpantu bhaksabhaksa tathaivaca.
Peyapeyam tatha mantri kuryannaiva samahita. (19) .

94
As a result of this almost all the Sakta Pithas were converted to Tantric Sakti Pithas.
Gradually the Tantra Pithas began to grow into large numbers as the Hindu Tirthas took the
shape of Pithas. In the 8th century A.D. the Hevajra Tantra mentions about four important
Tantra Pithas (20) namely Oddiyana, Jalandhara, Purnagiri and Kamarupa. The said text further
mentions about Pitha, Upapitha, Ksetra and Upaksetras that were the abode of union of the
Yogis and Yoginis (21) but there is no mention of Bhairava and Bhairavi. The Kalika Purana
mentions about four Tantra Pithas namely Odra, Jalasaila, Purnagiri and Kamarupa (22).
Odrakhyam prathamam pitham dwitiyam Jalasailakam
Tritiyam Purnapithantu Kamarupam caturthakam.
The same text further mentions about the Bhairava and Bhairavi of each Pitha. The
Odra or Oddiyana Pitha is adored by the Pithdhisa Bhairava Jagannatha and Pithesvari Bhairavi
Katyayini. In spite of difference of opinion it has been accepted by all that Odra or Oddiyana
is none other than modern Odisha, the cradle of Buddhist Tantric development. Indrabhuti,
the king of Odivisha or Uddiyana is known to have been the creator of Vajrayana, the
important part of Tantric Buddhism (23). He had written the most famousTantric text
Jnanasiddhi and in that text has prayed to Lord Jagannatha as a Buddhist God. Vajrayana
was nothing but a developed form of Tantrayana that originated only in Uddiyana or modern
Odisha.
It was a period when the Bhaumakaras ruled Odisha from the city of Viraja or modern
Jajpur. Jajpur is situated beside the river Vaitarani at a distance of thirty two kilometers from
the Jajpur-Keonjhar Road Railway station on the East-Coast Railway. The Bhaumakaras
are known to have patronized the Tantric Buddhism and therefore Tantrism became almost
the state religion during their rule for at least two hundred and forty years. As a matter of fact
the region between the Vaitarani and the Mahendra Mountain was famous Tantrabhumi or
the region patronizing the mysterious religious faith Tantricism. It has been said thus-
Viraja nabhipithastu varaha bhairavakrite
Vimala padapithanca Jagannathakhya bhairava.
Uddiyana parapitham yatra Vaitarani nadi
Udrabhumi mahakaula yavat Mahendra parvata (24).
On account of the prevalence of Vajrayana of the Tantric Buddhism the Bhaumakaras
had taken several steps for its spread throughout the then Odisha. They had become
instrumental to erection of many Tantric centers and donated for the development of those
centers meant for Tantric Sadhana for spread of Vajrayanic doctrine. The great Buddhist
saint Rahulabhadra, the high priest of Nalanda University had visited the Bhaumakara kingdom
and was highly welcomed by Subhakara Dev I of the dynasty. It is known from the
95
Avalokiteswara image inscription of the Bharada Kataka Mahavihara of Khadipada, now
preserved in the Odisha state Museum (25). Subhakara Dev-I had also sent the manuscript
copy of the Prajnaparamita Sutra of the great Tantric text Gandavyuha to the emperor of
China Te-Tsong in the year 795 A.D through a great sage named Prajna (26). This shows how
the royal patronage cold be able to spread the doctrine of Vajrayana. The doctrine of Vajrayana
was based on Void and thereby on the mantra for the Void, Yantra for the Void, and the
Sadhana or penance for the Void as they believed that Jagannatha stood for Void and a
circle. Jajpur was originally a Hindu Tantric Pitha with the presence of Goddess Viraja
consecrated on the circumcenter of a great Sakti Yantra named Sriyantra. It was done in 3rd-
4th century A.D. at the instance of the Gupta rulers. The Buddhist Tantra Vajrayana found it
congenial to engulf the ancient Tantric base of Goddess Viraja and the great mother was
converted to a Vajrayani Tantric deity named Katyayini. She was worshipped through Tantric
rites. Likewise many other places of Sakti worship were converted to Tantric Sadhana Pithas
also.
Gradually Sahajayana and Kalacakrayana, the degenerated forms of Mahayana Tantra
were evolved during the said period. Laxminkara, the sister and follower of Indrabhuti
promulgated a new doctrine named Sahajayana. Sahajayana craved for sexual activities in its
utmost height and thereby achieve Siddhi through sexual intercourse with women. Without
the cooperation of women in rampnt sexual intercourse, a Sadhaka cannot achieve the goal.
The Sahjayani Tantrics were segregated from the main stream of the society and accepted
the lower order of people into their fold with a very lucrative way of life viz. the sexual
enjoyment. They accepted different classes of women for this act of Sadhana as follows
Nati Kapaliki Vesya Rajaki Napitangana
Bramhani Sudrakanyaca tatha Gopala kanyaka
Malakarasya kanyaca nava kanya prakirtita
Candali Carmakarica Magadhi Pulkasi tatha.
Swapaci Khandikacaiva Kaivarti Vitayositah
Kulastkantu kathitamkulastakamucyate.
Kalmasicaiva Soundica Sastrajivica Raksasi
Gomukhi Rajaki Silpi Venkica tathastami (27)..
As a whole they accepted women as the Sadhana Sangini or coordinator to achieve
eternal bliss and final emancipation for their unparalleled power and energy. The Sahajayani
Tantrics made full use of Pancamakara and advocated a doctrine of Pravritti or persistence
opposite to Nivritti or refrain. As a result of the promulgation of Vajrayana a new doctrine

96
came named Guhya Samaja Tantra that advocated that physical pleasure can only bring
about real enlightenment or Buddhattwa. It declared woman as the part and parcel of the
Sadhana of Sahajayana. The ideology was-
Samsthapya vama bhagetu Saktim swamiparayanam
Raktabastra paridhanam dikhitam caruhasinim
Vina Saktya tu ya puja viphalanatra samsaya.
Tasmatsakti yato viro bhavecca yatnapurvakam
Ya Saktih sa Mahadevi Hararupastu Sadhakah (28).
The Manjusri Mulakalpa and Prajnaparamita Sastra were written on this ideology
long before the evolution of Sahajayana. It is said that some Asta Sahasrika Prajnaparamita
were written in Odisha (29). This Sahajayana was later on called as Lama religion as
Padmasambhava, the adopted son of Indrabhuti and his disciple propagated Sahajayana in
Tibet with the collaboration of his brother in law Santaraksita. This Lama religion was a
transformation of Sahajayana that spread in Nepal, Sikim, Ladakh and Mangolia etc. at
least 84 Siddhacaryas are known to have contributed to the philosophy and literature of
Sahajayana. Many of them belong to Odisha namely Virupa, Sabaripa, Kanhupa, Naropa,
Kukkuripa, Darikapa, Luipa, Kambalapa, Vajraghanta, and Jalandharipa etc. Their
writings display the beginning of Odia language and literature. There is a tradition in western
Odisha that seven great Tantrics had achieved fulfillment in their penance engaging themselves
in sexual cohabitation. They are known as Jnanadei Maluni, Netai Dhobani, Lahukuti
Lahuruni, Sukuti Camaruni, Sua Teluni, Gangi Gauduni, and Patarapindhi Sauruni
etc. Now- a- days the worship of these seven kumarris or seven virgins is in vogue in Sambalpur
area of Odisha. Madala Panji, the temple chronicle of Lord Jagannatha mentions that
Chodagangadev had occupied Odisha with the help of Nitai Dhobani(30). From theSasisena
kavya of Pratap Ray of the 17th century the wonderful activities of Jnanadei Maluni is
known to us (31). Now- a days we find the tradition of the worship of Patarapindhi Sauruni
by the Adivasis of ex-state areas of Odisha. Moreover the Patnagarh area of Western Odisha
was once the important place for Tantric Sadhana of seven Kumaris or seven Virgins.
Another important aspect of Tantra was Kalacakrayana that evolved out of the Yogacara
system of Tantric practice. Kalacakrayana is last development of Tantric Buddhism that was
created with horrible and depraved Gods and Goddesses like Kali, Kalacakra, Heruka,
Acala, Vajra Bhairava, Mahakala, and Vajravarahi and so on. They were worshipped
with the most cruel and malicious rites and animal sacrifice was given to them. Sexual practice
had entered into Sahajayana and animal sacrifice entered into Kalacakrayana, which were
ultimately responsible for the downfall of Buddhism throughout India. The whole drama of
the rise and fall of Vajrayana, Sahajayana and Kalacakrayana was played on the soil of
97
Odisha in general and Jajpur in particular during the rule of the Bhaumakaras in the medieval
period of history. Beyond that the influence of Tantricism persisted up to the end of the
Somavamsi rule in Odisha. Though Candihara Yayati-II of the said dynasty was a great
enemy of the Buddhist Tantrics, the last heir to the Somavamsi kingdom Karnadeva is known
to have learnt Tantric Sadhana from Niteima Dhobani, a great Tantric teacher of Jajpur who
was supposed to be the preceptor of Codaganga Dev. During the Ganga rule Tantricism lost
its ground in Odisha leaving only the traces of its existence in certain rites and rituals in the
Sakti Pithas everywhere.
The Tantric Buddhism had a great impact and tremendous influence on the socio-cultural
life of the people of Odisha along with its art and architecture and literature. A large number
of Tantric Buddhist sites in ruins are found in different parts of Odisha that manifest the
rampant sway of the cult. They create awe and wonder in the minds of the visitors at present.
The sites like Jajpur, Solampur, Ratnagiri, Lalitagiri, Udayagiri, Ayodhya, Khiching, Chaudwar,
Baneswaranasi,Banapur, Khadipada, Delanga, Salepur, Erada, Kapila, Tarapur, Langudi,
Kaima, Vajragiri, Prachi Valley and many other places in Odisha yield myriads of Tantric
Buddhist images and sculptures. There are many other small sites that manifest similar type of
images and sculptures too. The images like Vajrasattva, Prajna Paramita, Padmapani
Avalokitesvara, Vajrapani, Amoghasiddhi, Manjusri, Maitreya, Tara, Marici, Vaisravana,
Pandara, Jambhala,Heruka, Vajravarahi, Kurukulla, sitting Buddha, Buddha in bhumisparsa
Mudra, Lokanatha, Lokeswara, Vajraraga, Sambhara, Hariti, Vasudhara,Arya Saraswati,
and Aprajita etc. both in stone and bronze are so hugely available all around Odisha that they
manifest the tremendous influence of the Tantric cult. Over and above a large number of
inexplicable Tantric images and sculptures are also found with them.
Since 5th century A.D. Ratnagiri was the chief center of Kalacakrayana up to 10th century
A.D. and the high priest was Naropa. Likewise the available images and sculptures in Lalitagiri
and Udayagiri are also wonderful.
The Tantric texts were written during this period surpass some thousands in number that
stand for our cultural pursuit. There is not a single Buddhist Tantric in Odisha now but the
tradition remains as our glorious past with artistic efflorescence and a cultural pursuit.
References.
1. Phillip Rawson. The Art of Tantra. p.7
2. J. Woodroff. Sakti and Sakta. p. 50
3. Amarakosa. 3. 3. 185.
4. Kularnava Tantra. 2. 140.
5. N. K. Brahma. The Philosophy of Hindu Sadhana. pp. 247-275.
98
6. Bhagavata Purana. XI. 27.7.
7. E.A. Payne. The Saktas. p. 53.
8. Mahanirvana Tantra. 1. 16.
9. Farquhar. An Outline of the Religious Literature of India. p. 200.
10. C. Chakravarty. The Tantras- Studies on their Religion and Literature. p. 19.
11. Pranatosini Tantra. p1079.
12. Devi Bhagavata. 1. 2. 5-8.
13. Kularnava Tantra. 5.68.
14. Pranatosini Tantra. pp.1041, 1042, 1043.
15. Kularnava Tantra 2. 117-118.
Mahanirvana Tantra. 6. 13-16.
Pranatosini Tantra.p. 1050.
16. Sakti Sangama Tantra. Kali Khanda. 9. 16-33.
17. Pranatosini Tantra. p.1049.
18. Laxminkara- Adwayasiddhi
19. D. C. Sircar. Sakta Pithas. P. 12.
20. D. Snellgrove. The Hevajra Tantra- A Study. Vol. I. p. 69.
21. Kalika Purana. 64. 43-48.
22. Tang-Ure. - The Chinese text.
23. Uddiyana Tantra. Manuscript. Gopalatirtha Matha- Kasi
24. Epigraphia Indica. XXIV. (1951-52) p.210.
25. Epigraphia Indica.XV. (1919-20). Pp. 363-64.
26. Koulavali Nirnaya. IX.pp.78-81.
27. Koulavali Nirnaya. II. Pp.101-103.
28. N. K. Sahoo. Buddhism in Orissa. P.2.
29. Madala Panji. Prachi Edition.
30. Kedarnath Gavesana Pratisthana. Odishara Bouddha Dharma O Samskriti. P. 53.

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
REFLECTION OF SAURA CULT IN JAINA
ART HERITAGE OF ODISHA
Rusav Kumar Sahu
Like the Buddhist, the Jainas also believed the eternity of Surya. They followed the
earlier Brahmanical tradition1 and reduced the planetary system to a group of iconic
representation which constitutes an important class of gods known as Jyotiska Devas. The
features of these gods in sculptures are mostly of the kind of their original though, as in the
other cases, there are distinct characteristics by which they could be recognised. From the
ritualism attached to these gods, it could be inferred that individually and collectively their
worship was much in vogue among the Jainas. It is likely, therefore, that images of Navagrahas
used to be constructed either separately or in a group like the panel of Brahmanical art
representing the Navagrahas, of which Surya was the foremost.
It is but natural to except that the popularity of Sun-worship amongst the masses attracted
the Jaina as well. The Jainas have from very early times taken interest in astronomy and
amongst the oldest existing works showing the existence of astronomical speculations in
Ancient India are the Jaina Suryaprajnapti and the Jyotiskarandaka. Padalipta in the 1st
and 2nd century A.D. wrote a commentary on the Jyotiskarandaka, a manuscript of which
was discovered by Muni Sri Punyavijayaji, a few years ago from Jaisalmer. This shows the
interest of the Jainas in astronomy and it would not be wrong if we infer the existence of Sun
icons amongst the Jainas at Mathura in at least the Kushana period2.
Literary references:
The Sun-god has been described in Svetambara3 Jainism as riding over a chariot, drawn
by seven steeds and holding in his hands two lotuses. He is known there as a deity of the East
and the husband of Ratna Devi. The Digambaras on the other hand described him to be the
Keadea of all planets, who holds lotuses in his hands and having several other qualities like
providing of warmth, and the one who makes the cereals grow4. The Jaina texts
Rupamandana and Deotamurti Prakarana mentioned that two Jaina Tirthankara named
Mallinatha and Neminatha were born in the Aswini (Surya) Nakshatra5. The connection of
lotus with the Sun-god fits in well with the Jaina tradition of his affiliation to Jaina Tirthankara
Padmaprabha, whose emblem is lotus. This connection of the affiliation or emanation is most
important feature in Jaina religious system6.

100
Jaina Art:
Regarding the significance of Surya in Jainism is concerned, the rock-cut caves of
Khandagiri and Udayagiri dating back to 1st century B.C. carved with the earliest figurative
representation of the deity in Anantagumpha (Fig.1) besides the abstract form of Sun in
Tattva gumpha (fig.2) in Khandagiri and Manchapuri gumpha (Fig.3) in Udayagiri hill.
Similarly in a Pan-Indian context, the earliest anthropomorphic form of the deity has been
depicted in the Buddhist sites of Bharhut, Bodhgaya and Bhaja in Maharashtra. So it is clear
that right from the beginning apart from the Buddhist, the Jainas also venerated the deity.
Suryas position among the nine planets has been quite important from the very early
times both in the Brahmanic and the Jaina religious mythology. Narayana is conceived as
within the Savit?-ma??ala. Among the Vedic deities Surya is one of the foremost to be
invoked. In the Brahmana ideology, Surya enjoys the same unique position as in the Vedic
period. According to the Brahmanic Tantric text Amsumadbhedagama, Surya has four
consorts, namely, Rajni, Suvarna, Suvateasa and Chaya, while the Silpa-sastra attributed to
Visvakarma mentions only two. Accordingly one is Niksubha who stands to Suryas right
and the other, Rajni, is given to stand at the left. While the Varaha Puranam tells about the
two wives as Samjna and Chhaya but Jaina tradition accepts Chhaya as a wife of the Sun-
god. Another Jaina tradition, mentioned that Surya is said to be the husband of Ratnadevi.
Except for the individual figure of Surya in the Anantagumpha, as of the Jaina affiliation,
the others in art form of the Jainas are traceable only in the group of Navagraha, earlier in
Astagraha, sculptured on pedestals or vertically sideways, in Jaina figures and in paintings of
the group. In Jainism, when Surya is worshipped in the groups of Navagrahas, he is shown
seated in padmasana posture or some time standing with two armed only holding lotus
flowers in either hands. Svetambara and Digambara accepted this type of depictions. The
colour of Surya is said to be red according to the Digambara Pratisthakalpaprarambha
and the Pratisthasaroddhara and vermilion according to the text Nirvanakalika of
Svetambara ideology.
In this context it will be necessary to explain the representation of planetary deities on
Jaina images7. This type of representation started earlier in the Brahmanical context (in 7th-
8th century A.D.). In this connection it may refer to one of the work of Mevissen8 who cited
a figure of Neminatha from Rajgir near Nalanda of Bihar as one of the earliest examples of
such representation. In this image the Tirthankara is shown seated on a simhasana in the
Vajraparyanka posture. Both ends of the pedestal bear the figures of rampant lions and at
the center a wheel with nine spokes is carved. The wheel is flanked by two conchs, the
lanchana of Neminatha. In the lower right part of the pedestal an image of a Tirthankara
101
seated in dhyana-mudra is depicted. There was possibly another Tirthankara image on the
lower left side of the pedestal but it is not visible as the pedestal is quite abraded. The image
is surrounded by the eight planetary deities arranged in a vertical row (taking the shape of an
arch) along with both sides of the image. Each standing planetary deity is depicted separately
and one on top of the other. In the top portion of the right side of the stele the depiction of
grahas started with the Surya holds lotus in his both hands and then Mangala holding a spear,
followed by Brhaspati with water pots. At the bottom of the right side we find Sani characterized
by his lame left leg. In the top portion of the left side stele starting from Moon holds his usual
attribute, followed by Budha with bow and then Sukra with a water pot. At the end of the
panel Rahu is depicted with his large head and both hands turned towards the mulanayaka.
Mevissen, in one of his works shows the geographical distribution of the Jaina sculptures
with grahas and we can notice in four distinct regions. The most important area is Bihar and
then south western part of the Chotanagpur plateau and ancient Vardhamana region, i.e., the
south-western districts of present day West Bengal as well as adjoining north eastern districts
of Orissa. The third and very productive centre lies in central India and the fourth region
comprises parts of Gujarat and Rajasthan9.
The Navagrahas were frequently carved in the architrave of Odishan temple from the
Muktesvara temple onwards dating back to 9th century A.D. Before that eight planets were
depicted with the exception of Ketu. In the Tirthankara images of Cave no -9 and 10 of
Khandagiri hill (Fig.4) (very close to the image of Rsabhanath) depicted with eight planets
after ignoring Ketu as a graha. These two caves were excavated during the latter part of 11th
century according to the Brahmesvara temple inscription of Kolavatidevi. In this context it
can be said that there were two kinds of astrologers living at that time named as Vimsottari
and Astottari. The former group do not accept Ketu as a graha and the patron of this faith do
not depict the same10. The Jaina Tirthankara images from Nilagiri, Ayodhya in Balasore district
and Svapnesvara Mahadeva temple at Ranapur (Fig.5) in Nayagarh district has not depicted
with Ketu as a graha. Whatever it may be, Surya as a graha the Jainas paid much emphasis
on him.
The majority of the 36 Jaina Tirthankara images comes from the coastal districts of
Odisha like Balasore (9 nos.), Cuttack (17 nos.) and Puri (10 nos.) depicted Surya as a
graha in the images. The hinterland is represented by two images from Keonjhar and one
from Mayurbhanja. All these form the most homogenous group in the entire list, both regarding
the iconography and the scheme of arrangement. The Rsabhanath image from Martasol in
Balasore district deserves special attention: it is the only Odishan image where standing grahas
are found along with the rounded top and shape of the pedestal are reminiscent of Pala
102
images, a feature reflecting the location close to Bengal. The four images in the Khandagiri hill
(cave no. 9 and 10) are the only rock-cut sculptures in this list. The south-western district of
Koraput has yielded six examples. The closeness of this region to Madhya Pradesh is seen in
the horizontal arrangement of the grahas. The standing image of Rsabhanath (Dolamundai,
Cuttack town) is outstanding in terms of iconography as it is one of the very few sculptures in
this list that show the row of grahas right above the main deity11.
In this sculpture Surya is seated in padmasana posture and holding two lotuses in both
the hands. His head is partially damaged. According to the Jaina scriptures he has been
described as the deity of the East and husband of Ratna Devi12. Surya as an independent
deity is not worshipped in Jainism in the early-medieval period due to the less number of
images found in the Jaina shrines except in the Khajuraho group of temples. But being the
head among the planets the position of Surya cannot be ignored in Jaina art and culture.
References:
1. Bhattacharya, B.C., The Jaina Iconography, Delhi, 1974, pp. 117-18.
2. Shah, U.P., Jaina Iconography, Delhi, 1987, p. 62.
3. Bhattacharya, B.C., op. cit., p. 118.
4. Nagar, S.L., Iconography of Jaina Deities, Vol. 2, Delhi, 1999, p. 368.
5. Personal communication with Brijesh Rawat, Asst. Prof. University of Lucknow, Dated
30.04.2013.
6. Bhattacharyya, A.K., Historical Development of Jaina Iconography, Delhi, 2010,
pp. 156-157.
7. Shah, U.P., Evolution of Jaina Iconography & Symbolism, in U.P. Shah and M.A
Dhaky (ed.), Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, Ahmedabad, 1975, pp. 49-74.
8. Mevissen, Gerd J.R., Planetary Deities on Jaina Images in Stone in South Asian
Archaeology, vol. no. XV, 1999, pp. 439-452.
9. Ibid.
10. Prusti, Mathurendu., Odisare Surya Upasana, (Odia), Cuttack, 2004, pp. 185-86.
11. Mevissen, Gerd J.R., Corpus of Jaina Stone Sculptures Bearing Grahas as Subsidiary
Figures, in Berliner Indologische Studien, Berlin, 2000, pp. 345-400.
12. Nagar, S.L., Surya and Sun Cult (In Indian Art, Culture, Literature and Thought),
New Delhi, 1995, p. 262.
103
Plates

Figure 1: Surya in Anantagumpha

Figure 2: Sun in Tattvagumpha

Figure 3: Sun in Manchapuri gumpha

104
Figure 4- Astagraha panel, Rsabhanath image, Khandagiri hill

Figure 5: Graha panel, Rsabhanath image, Ranapur, Nayagarh

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
NATIONALITY & ODIA WOMEN
B. L. Praharaj
The Oriya women could not keep themselves aloof from the mainstream of Indian
Nationalism. In the pre Gandhian period barring a few women of royal aristocratic and political
families, the women in mass did not participate in politics.7 Nationalism and anti imperialism
pulled the women into public action because they were needed by the nation. The women of
Orissa being educationally and culturally backward, had practically little role to play in the
national life in pre-Gandhian era. Their emergence into the Nationalist movement or freedom
struggle coincided with the non-cooperation movement of Mohatma Gandhi in 1920.8 In his
first visit to Orissa in March 1921, Mohatma Gandhi had addressed a meeting of about forty
women at Vinod Bihari, Cuttack9 leaded by Rama Devi, Sarojini Choudhury, Hiranmayee
Senapati, Sarala Devi and Haimavati Devi. This visit of Gandhi and his non-violent programme
brought about a drastic change in the static life of Oriya women. Here he requested the
women folk to join the freedom struggle, to use handmade clothes, to give up using ornaments
and donate those for the country.10 A large number of Oriya women under the cause of the
nation donated their gold ornaments and started weaving khadi at the leadership of Rama
Devi. In 27th March Gandhiji addressed another womens gathering at Puri11 and the National
Week was observed from 6th April to 13th April where Rama Devi and Sarala Devi observed
fast the whole week.12 So the rising of the feeling of nationality provided necessary impetus
and pull to draw an increasing number of women of Orissa into political main stream, they
attended the public meetings and Gandhiji inspired them for their feelings of self reliance and
self confidence and dedication to mother country. The spirit of dedication inspired the Oriya
women for social work initiated by Mohatma Gandhi such as boycott of British goods,
legislative councils, offices and educational institutions side by side promotion of khadi, removal
of untouchability.
In 1924 the first women Association was formed in Berhampur Town which used to
hold its weekly meetings in various families of Berhampur. Even the untouchable women
were allowed to attend its meetings held in Swaraj Ashram of Berhampur Town.13 The first
All Orissa Womens Conference was organized in 30th June, 1924 at Swaraj Ashram, Cuttack
at the effort of Sarala Devi where addressing, Rasamani Devi, the women worker of Ganjam
demanded for a All Orissa WomensAssociation as a branch of All India Womens organization.
Sarala Devi urged the women to take part in the National Movement and the need for the
abolition of untouchability from the land of Lord Jagannath.14 In 1925, the second session of
Orissa Provincial Conference was held at Bolgarh village in the Puri district, was attended
by Mrs. Sunamani Hota. She also organized a womens organization there.15 Jagannath
Vidhava Ashram was established at Puri by Gopabandhu Das in 1926 to make widows self-
106
reliant by learning some craft as well as train them as workers in the cause of the nationalist
movement.16 In 1928 Sailabala Das organized the first womens Education Conference in
Ravenshaw GirlsSchool of Cuttack with a view to establishing a branch of All India Womens
Conference in Orissa.17 Thereafter the Oriya women started attending different annual sessions
of the National Congress. In 1928 the Calcutta Congress session of the National Congress
was attended by a number of Oriya women such as Rama Devi, Sarala Devi, Janhabi Devi,
Kokila Devi, Sarojini Choudhury and Ramamani Devi.18 It may be noted that while the role
of upper class, middle class women in the nationalist movement has been recognized, the
participation of poor and depressed class women in it has not so far received due recognition.
By the passage of time they were influenced with the nationalistic spirit, out of their purdah,
became more active and energetic at the poetic challenge of poetess Kuntala Kumari Sabat
to the British Government and at the inspiration of Mrs. Annie Besant who gave strength,
encouragement to women to participate in the freedom movement. So these impact of new
environment created by the women for women made our Oriya mothers and daughters more
patriotic and nationalistic day by day.
The Oriya women started their political life and career being initiated by Gandhi during
the non-cooperation movement, became very active at the time of the civil Disobedience
Movement and during the Quit India Movement their political activities crossed all limits and
reached its climax.
The Elite leadership of women in Orissa was recognized in All India National Congress
Conference. This resurgence of women not only influenced individual man and women but
also the whole family and this eventually created an atmosphere for a new social order.19 The
Utkal Womens Conference founded in 1924 when connected with All India Womens
Conference20 in 1927, formed a milestone in structuring womens consciousness. The growing
consciousness among women was reflected as a collective mass action at the civil Disobedience
movement or salt Satyagraha of 1930. In a meeting at Kathajodi river bed, Cuttack on 13th
April 1930 which was attended by the women workers as Sarojini Choudhury, Rama Devi,
Malati Devi, Prafulla Kumari Devi and Laxmi Devi. Sarojini Choudhury and Malati Devi
appealed to the men and women in the audience to prove themselves worthy citizens by
joining civil Disobedience Movement21, and to their response two hundred pieces of foreign
clothes were surrendered by the people for the sake of bonfire.22 At the leadership and
inspiration of these women leaders even illiterate women belonging to the lower strata of
society came in large number to collect salt. About 1500 rural women participated in the
campaign23 to prepare salt at Inchudi and Srijang (a near by village of Inchudi) of Balasore.
Many Oriya women took active part in preparing salt at different centres like Tundra, Boita,
Puanrpur, Kolingaon, Rasulpur and Keshada.

107
It may be noted that there arised the peack of rising tide of womens mass action and
consciousness in the coastal belt. Sarala Devi, Rama Devi traveled widely in Orissa and
spread the issue of Salt Movement. Vagyabati pata Mohadei, the Kujanga queen volunteered
and prepared salt campaign at Kujanga. At the Ranis call hundres of house wife came out
with baskets and took part in the salt campaign at Kaliapat and Kujanga.24 Side by side the
queen of Paradeep inspired the Satyagrahis at Gandakipura25 to break the salt law and
attracted a large number of rural women to join this movement. In Ganjam District Sarala
Devi made extensive tours in the interiors enrolling volunteers and collecting money and
drilled the ideas and ideals of Satyagraha in the minds of the rural womenfolk there.26 Hundreds
of marched to Huma27, picketing carried on at Berhmpur before the liquor ship. Here Sarala
Devi was arrested. During the first phase of the civil disobedience movement protesting
Gandhijis arrest of 1930, Malati Devi was arrested. Rama Devi, the Director of Congress
party, Sarala Devi28 alongwith Sunamani Devi, Chandramani Devi, Subhadra Mahatab and
Maina Devi were arrested and sentenced to six month imprisonment.29 In comparison to the
movement of 1930, the number of active female participants in the movement of 1932 was
much large. By 24th Nov. 1932 in Balasore District 129 civil registers30, in Cuttack Town 28,
out of forty revolutionaries including Jahnavi Devi, Kiran Bala Devi31 and other leading leaders
for distributing leaflets and bulletins at Cuttack town, were arrested and imprisoned. While
addressing at different gatherings at Puri Sunamani Devi, Subhadra Devi and Sobha Devi32
with other leading Oriya women leaders were arrested and imprisoned.
It was marked that a sense of nationalistic attitude with commitment among women was
so strong that they were not discouraged by fines, arrest, trial, imprisonment, summons or
atrocities of the police but they showed greater determination and courage as expected by
Gandhiji and gave a universal colour to the law breaking. The rural house wives, those are
not allowed to break the family conservatism they were also attracted towards the nationalistic
attitude. They hid weapons, sheltered fugitives and encouraged the men, their domestic roles
providing cover for these subversive and revolutionary acts.33 Gandhiji also reassured families
that their women would not sacrifice family honour or prestige.
The poetic works of Kuntala Kumari Sabat like spulinga, Ahwana etc. and Annapuna
Devis Jagarana were full of nationalistic and patriotic feelings and ideas which also infused
a revolutionary zeal and spirit in the masses. In some cases it is noted that Oriya women from
extremely traditional and conservative families who never had been out of home and seclusion
walked unveiled in public procession giving up their caste and religious prejudices. Even the
teenage girls formed Banarasena or Monkey Brigade, that is the childrens voluntary army
performed wonderful job by popularizing khadi, collecting subscriptions for the congress
fund, cooking food for the congress workers, pasting posters, carrying secret letters, distributing

108
congress bulletins, pamphlets, leaflets etc.34 They also hoisted the congress flag in the
Collectorate Office35 in one occasion out of emotionally influenced by the nationalistic sentiment.
As compared to other parts of Orissa the Nationalistic movement or freedom struggle
spread in the tribal areas a little late.36 Tribal women were very sincere and devoted themselves
to spinning, weaving khadi and propagating the message of Gandhiji in villages. They were
influenced by the patriotic tribal women leaders like Sukel Dei Bhatra of Bardei (Kodinga
Police Station), Sunadei Amanatya and Sonai Amanatya of Baghseuri, Sunadei Bhatra of
Chatahandi, Jema Bhatra of Despur (Nawrangpur Police Station), Duti Gadaba of Murali
and Mukta Majhi of Dharndra (Tentulikhunti Police Station) etc.37 The tribal women of South
Orissa contributed to the freedom movement not only by directly participating in it but by
giving moral support to their family members who devoted themselves for the spirit of
Nationalism. They gathered sufficient courage not to disclose the hideout of their husbands,
sons or brothers who were in national movement, out of which the police in anger and
frustration, tourchured them physically abused them who refused to cooperate them. A number
of tribal women in places like Dabugam, Kodinga, Boipasiguda, Umerkote etc. were subjected
to barbaric treatment by the police, still then they were dedicated and patriotic for the mother
country.
A large number of women of western Orissa being influenced by Gandhian ideology and
leadership participated in the nationalist movement of Orissa with great zeal and enthusiasm
to free the motherland from the British hand. They came out from indoors throwing away of
their shackles even without causing their families and families conservatism for the National
struggle. The visit of Mahatma Gandhi to western Orissa in several occasions attracted and
encouraged the women to come to the front line of the nationalist movement. The most
prominent women leaders of Sambalpur who stood in the forefront were stalwart women
like Jambubati Devi from Jharsuguda, Pravabati from Sambalpur and Parvati Giri, a teen
aged girl from Samlipadar, Borgarh38. The women leaders of western Orissa were inspired
by Rama Devi and her dedication for the cause of freedom during her first visit to Sambalpur
in 1931. They engaged themselves in various constructive programmes as directed by Mahatma
Gandhi. Jambubati formed one women wing along with Tulsi Devi at Sambalpur and started
picketing for about a month in front of the liquour shop. It is interesting that the agitation was
so intense and strong that all the liquour shops and Bhatis were closed in Sambalpur and
Jharsuguda39. The nationalistic approach of the women of western Orissa was very remarkable
also.
During the last phase of the freedom movement the framework of action which Gandhiji
laid down was A Satyagrahi should go out to die and not live. It is only when individuals go
out to seek and face death, then the nation will servive40. His instruction Do or Die during

109
Quit India Movement was taken as a challenge by Rama Devi, she took the leadership to
propagate this in Orissa, and was arrested and kept in the Cuttack jail along with Bela Dei,
Bilasi Dei, Nisamani Dei, Khetramani Dei etc.41 Then a good number of women under the
leadership of Malati Devi and S. N. Dwivedi organized Quit India Movement in Orissa.42 At
that time the Oriya women were so courageous that they started strikes, hartals, picketing
and pasting of threatening posters which were carried on by both men and women. Mangala
Devi of Bari while setting fire to the seized properties and burning the uniform of police,
Annapuna Moharana, breaking the police order and insisting the people not to pay taxes to
the Govt., were arrested along with other women workers present there and kept at Cuttack
jail.43 In fact, the Cuttack jail on this historic occasion was filled with women satya grahis.
The women fought militantly, confronted police, exhibited heroism and asserted their rights
along with their honoured (elite) leadership. The process of structuring of their consciousness
was thus developed to patriotic sense.
In the princely states of Orissa the women participated in the prajamandala agitation
against the mal-administration and tyranny of its rule. Sulkhyan Satpathy of Kalapathar, Tulsi
Bewa of Sarakishorepal, Purjang, Budhi Bewa and Geeta Bewa of Shusuba, P.S.-Kaniha
and Hema Dei of Biru, P.S.-Kaniha, Durgamani Adhikari of Nakhara, Mayurbhanja were
very prominent women leaders of prajamandala agitation who worked in Sonepur Boud,
Kaniha, Dhenkanal and Mayurbhanj District. Malati Devi and Navakrishna Choudhury
encouraged fifty thousand agitated people from all over Dhenkanal to cross the forest, river
with Lathi and siege the palace of the king and out of fear, the Raja left the palace which
showed the mental power and courage of Oriya women during the freedom struggle.
To secure the Nation both externally and internally in a pure and real sense of consciousness
is considered as the spirit of Nationality. Oriya women were very dedicated for the Nation
both in struggling against Britishers for freedom and constructive works inside the state. They
took part in almost every sphere of activity at the hints of their leaders and for the sake of
freedom. They propagated and implemented such items of constructive programmes as
promotion of khadar, service to the Harizans, made and sold salt, boycotted foreign goods
and picketed liquour shops, emboldened the weak and the resistant, organized classes and
trained congress workers to uplift the Basic Education, adult education, tanning and distribution
of medicines etc. They persuaded the untouchable parents to send their daughters to the
schools.45 The women workers also were trained by Rama Devi to eradicate Leprosy among
the people of the Adivasi areas of Koraput.41 They defied Government laws and violated
orders, held meetings and demonstrations, started processions and led propaganda campaigns,
faced the police atrocities and filled the jails. They became very strong and dedicated to the
motherland being influenced by the spirit of nationalism.

110
Conclusion :-
The part played by Oriya women with the Nationalistic approach in the freedom movement
of India was a Saga of patriotism. Their national spirit and their participation in the freedom
struggle legitimized their claim to a place in the Governance of India. Once Sarala Devi
Choudhurani told : by the strength of our agitation, we must force menfolk to concede to our
demands and at the same time carry on propaganda among ourselves.46 Womens activities
validated Indian unity and satyagraha. It also shaped the movement for womens right. Women
won respect for their political work and social benefits followed. The legal structure for
family law was reviewed and efforts to modify it were undertaken. The resurgence of women
not only influenced individual man and women but also the whole family and this eventually
created an atmosphere for a new social order.47 Developing the spirit of nationalism among
women, Gandhiji never ignored the basic need of the people and gave it the highest priority.
The key to Gandhian thought and concept of man can be expressed in one word Sarvodaya
upliftment of all which is reflected by the constructive work of the patriotic Oriya women
taking in almost every sphere of activity. They offered their best services and made worst
sacrifices as devoted, dedicated disciplined volunteers, members workers, organizers and
leaders. Their courage and mental determination was exemplary.
Reference:
1. K. C. Panigrahi History of Orissa, Kitab Mahal, Cuttack, 1986, P-11.
2. Bharati Pal Position of women in the ancient and medieval Orissa (based on Orissan
epigraphy) proceedings of the Orissa History Congress, XXXII, Annual Session, Feb
26-27, 2011, P-78.
3. Ibid P-78.
4. Prafulla Das Bharatara Nari Biplabi Raktasnata (Oriya) Agnisikha Prakasani,
Cuttack, 1992, P-6.
5. J. K. Baral & B. K. Mishra The Role of Tribal women of Koraput District in the
Freedom Movement Reflections on the National Movement in Orissa, Orissa State
Archives, Bhubaneswar, 1997, P-199-200.
6. Bharati Roy Freedom Movement and womens awakening in Bengal 1911-29. Indian
Historical Review, Vol.XII, Nos.1-12, July, 1985 to January 1986, P-132.
7. Sharma B.K. Role of women in the Freedom Movement in Orissa, Reflections on
the National Movement in Orissa, (ed) Orissa State Archives, Bhubaneswar, 1997, P-
115.
8. Devid A Womens participation in Nationalist Movement, A study in Orissa, A paper
presented in III NCWS, 1-4 October 1986, P-5, Punjab University.
111
9. Rama Devi Choudhury Jivana Pathe, Oriya, Cuttack, 1984, P-53.
10. Ibid P-53.
11. Special Branch Officers Report, 28th March, 1921, File No.39, Pol, Special Deptt.
Govt. of Bihar & Orissa, 1921.
12. Samaj, 16th April, 1921.
13. Utkal Dipika, 17th May, 1924.
14. Ibid.
15. Atual Chandra Pradhan The Civil Disobedience Movement in Orissa : The participation
and Awakening of women. Utkal Historical Research Journal, Vol.IV, 1993, P-64, Deptt.
of History, Utkal University.
16. S. C. Das Pandit Gopabandhu, a biography 1964, Cuttack, P-182.
17. Rama Devi Choudhury Jivana Pathe, Oriya, 1984, Cuttack, P-85.
18. H. K. Mahatab Dasa Barasara Odisa (Oriya), Cuttack, 1977, P-80
19. K. M. Patra Orissa Legislature and Freedom struggle, P-132, New Delhi, 1979.
20. S. Panda Women and social change in India, Asish Publishing House, New Delhi,
1985, P-14.
21. Utkal Dipika 19th April, 1930.
22. Ibid.
23. Young India, 8th May, 1930.
24. Utkal Dipika 14th June 1930.
25. H. K. Mahatab (ed) History of the freedom movement in Orissa, Vol-V, 1957, P-4.
26. Asha 7th April, 1930.
27. Desa Katha, 25th April, 1930.
28. Utkal Dipika 7th June 1930.
29. H. K. Mahatab Sadhanara Pathe (Oriya), Cuttack, 1972, P-133.
30. Utkal Dipika 17th December 1932.
31. Choudhury Rama Devi Jivana Pathe (Oriya), Cuttack, 1984, P-103.
32. Utkal Dipika, 27th February, 1932.

112
33. Geraldine Forbes The new Cambridge History of India Women in Modern India,
P-123, Cambridge University Press, 2004.
34. B. K. Sharma Role of women in the freedom movement in Orissa Reflections on
the National Movement in Orissa, P-121. (ed) Orissa State Archieves, Bhubaneswar,
Pub-1997.
35. Purushottam Singh Swadhinata Sangramre Banarasena (Oriya).
36. N. Senapati and N. K. Sahoo Orissa District of Gazetters, Koraput, Cuttack
Government Press, 1966, P-75.
37. J. K. Baral & B. K. Mishra The role of Tribal Women of Koraput District in the
freedom movement. Reflections on the National Movement in Orissa, (ed) Orissa
State Archaives, Bhubaneswar, 1997, P-205.
38. Dr. D. B. Mishra History of West Orissa, Swayam Publications, Cuttack-2010, P-
210.
39. Proceedings of Orissa History Congress-XXXII Annual Session, 2011, P-114.
40. B. K. Sharma Role of women in the Freedom Movement in Orissa Reflections on
the National Movement in Orissa (ed) Orissa State Archives, Bhubaneswar 1997,
P-123.
41. Kumudini Baral Participation of women of Orissa in the Freedom Movement,
Reflections on the National Movement in Orissa, (ed) Orissa State Archives, 1997, P-
131.
42. Surendra Nath Dwivedi August Biplab Mo Jibanara Eka Adhaya (Oriya).
43. Sarat Chandra Moharana Mukti Sangrama re Bari Anchala (Oriya)-1943, P-34.
44. Kumudini Baral Participation of women of Orissa in the Freedom Movement
Reflections on the National Movement in Orissa, P-130, (ed) Orissa State Archives,
Bhubaneswar, 1997.
45. Nilamani Pradhan (Acting Secretary, U.P.C.C.), Report of Satyagraha Movement in
Utkal (January 1930 March 1931) A.I.C.C. Files Nehru Memorial Museum Library,
New Delhi.
46. GOL, Home Department, Political file No.253/30/1930.
47. K. M. Patra Orissa Legislature & Freedom struggle, New Delhi, 1979, P-132.

113
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
MAYURBHANJ IN TRANSITION (1949-1966)
Sujit Kumar Chhatia
Mayurbhanj was the largest and the most populous princely state that merged with
Orissa in 1949 after the Independence of India. Mayurbhanj was ruled by the Bhanja dynasty
until its merger with Orissa.1 It has been a tribal district inhabited by various tribes. The most
important tribes are the Santals, Ho, Bhumija, Kolha, Bathudi, Bhuiyan etc. The schemes
(1951-66) sponsored by both the State Government of Orissa and the Central Government
in various departmental fields have activated the economic life of Mayurbhanj. Plans outlays
for different sector specially for the district of Mayurbhanj, their utilization and baseline survey
of their impact each sector.
Agriculture and irrigation
Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of the district of Mayurbhanj. About
85% of the total working population is engaged in agricultural labourers. Out of the total area
of 2,569,000 acres the district has a forest area of 560,000 acres and the net area sown is1,
053,00acres of which 129,000 acres are being irrigated.During 1949-1965 nearly 60,000
acres of land had been leased out to the people of the district for agricultural reclamation and
other purposes. Lands have been given on Amalnama lease for the purpose of clearing and
bringing the unwanted forest lands under cultivation.2
On 14th December 1950, the Khhanua Agricultural Refugee colony was opened.
Sandeuli seed multiplication agricultural farm started working on 20th June 1957 in the district.
After one year on 1958 the Dhanapana Paddy Seed Multiplication farm started functioning
with an area of 43.06 acres of land. On 24th December 1958, the Special Investigation of
Medium Irrigation sub-division started at Baripada.3 The ex-state Government had undertaken
two notable irrigation projects, one at Balidiha and the other at Haldia. But in 1964-65 there
were 370 minor Irrigation projects in the district. Out of these 164 projects having ayacut of
above 60 acres each were being maintained by the Rural Engineering Organization. Two
hundred six projects had ayacut of less than sixty acres each and were being maintained by
the Panchayat Samitis.
In the district the major sources which can be tapped for irrigation are Burhabalanga,
Kharkai, Subarnarekha, Salchua, Tangana and Khair Bandha rivers.4 In 1964-65 there was
a provision in Community Development Block for loans for reclamation of lands in the ayacut
of irrigation projects.

114
The State Government was given advance tacavi loans under the Agriculturists Loans
Act and Land Improvement Loans Act to the cultivators for construction of wells, tanks,
other work for storage of water, reclamation of land for agricultural purpose and other
purposes for improvement of Agriculture. Loans were advanced through the Co- operative
Credit Societies since 1963-64. 1965-66 was the year of draught and Government had
sanctioned full remission of land rent in the areas where more than 75 % of crops had damaged.
In certain selected community Development Blocks, expanded Nutrition Programme Scheme
was taken up where Mahila Samitis were encouraged to take up poultry rearing for the
benefit of expectants mothers and small children. The scheme was in operation in five
Community Development Blocks, viz., Raruan, Kaptipada, Bahalada, Badasahi and Udala.
Under expanded Nutrition Programme thirty Mahila Samitis functioned during 1964-65. To
further intensify the poultry development work, the Tribal and Rural Welfare Department had
also established poultry units in Ashram school and Sub-division in villages. For the treatment
of animal diseases, there were twenty four Veterinary Dispensaries was set up in the four
Sub-division of Mayurbhanj.
The Mayurbhanj district was fully surveyed for an assessment of fisheries potentiality.
In the year 1965-66 the demonstration fish farms and fish seed farms had been opened by
the Fisheries Department to assist the Grama Panchayat. Since Grama Panchayats were
increasingly taking to pisciculture in their respective tank they had also established ten fish
seed centres. Demonstration farms were located at Kathpal and Amanda, Fish seed farms
exist at Sirsa, Betnoti, Uadla, Khadikapada, Rairangpur, Karanjia, Godupalsa and Badadalima.
Grama Panchayat fish seed farms were located at Bhanjakia, Anlakuda, Basipitha, Pokhoria,
Jashipur, Sukruli, Raruan and Baidyanath.5
Forestry
The Mayurbhanj forests came under the administrative control of the Orissa Government in
January 1949. Forest gives employment to the people of Mayurbhanj in one way or another,
much more than all natural resources of Mayurbhanj. The area covered by different types of
forest is 875 Squares miles. About 580 square miles are under reserved forests, 252 square
miles under protected forest and forty square miles under other forests.6
As early as 1907, the Reserved Forests in Mayurbhanj were under the management
and control of the Forest Department, where as the protected forest were under the charge
of the Revenue Department. The Reserved forests of the ex-State of Mayurbhanj had no
working plan of any kind till February 1946. There were only Sketchy Schemes for some
reserved forests which failed to ensure continuity of policy and management. A working plan
for Simlipal and Noto Reserved forests was introduced from 1946-47 at the expiry of the

115
lease period to M/S. Borooah Timber and Co. The working plan was not very useful and
was replaced by another working plan in1953-54 which covers the entire Mayurbhanj district.
The working plans continued to operate with amendment whenever necessary. The main
objects of management were to conserve and improve the forest by the scientific management,
so that the forest will ultimately produce the maximum possible sustained yield.
Education
The first College in the district was established in 1948-49 at Baripada and named after
the late Maharaja Purna Chandra Bhanja Deo. Its Management was taken over by the
Education Department from 1st January, 1949. There were three privately managed Colleges
in the district located at Rairangpur, Karanjia and Udala. The Rairangpur College started in
1963-64 with Pre-University Classes in both Science and Humanities. The Karanjia College
started in 1964-65 with Pre-University Humanities classes only. The Udala College started
during 1965-66 with provisions in both Pre-University Science and Humanities classes.
The Purnachandra Industrial Institute was established at Baripada on 16th July 1931.
This institute was under the administrative control of the Industries Department from 1949 to
1956, after which its management was transferred to the Tribal and Rural Welfare Department.
Technical Training Institute was started functioning at Takatpur near Baripada from 15th
October 1957.
The Community Development Department operates a scheme according to which one
Adult Literacy Centre for men and one for women set-up in each Grama Panchayat. These
centres run for six months in a year. In Adivasi populated villages the centres run for nine
months in a year. Night Schools for the poor children who were engaged for other works
during the day were in existence in Mayurbhanj till 1949. In order to make people socially
more conscious and to spread Adult Literacy an officer designated as District Social Education.7
For improving the educational standards of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes
and Backward Classes number of Ashram Schools were opened in Nalagaja on 3rd March,
Baspita on 7th December, Jamda on 1st August 1950 and Sevashrams was established in the
district by the State Government. The High school at Betnoti was opened in 1951. The
Kendumundi Asram School and Chandua Asram School was opened on 18th April and 10th
December, 1951 respectively. The Kanyasram at Rairangpur was opened on 15th March
1955. On 1st July 1957 a Higher Asram School was opened at Bisoi. In 1961 an Elementary
Training School started at Baripada.8 Facilities were provided for free education in these
institutions. Reading and writing materials, such as, books, slates, pencils etc., were also
supplied free of cost.
116
Administration
The former State of Mayurbhanj merged with the State of Orissa, with effect from 1st
January 1949. So far as Pre-Constitution Acts are concerned they are made applicable to
the former State of Mayurbhanj by means of the Merged States Laws Act, 1949, the Orissa
Merged States Laws Act, 1950 and the Administration of Mayurbhanj States Order, 1949.
Since the date of its merger Mayurbhanj has been organized and is administered as one of the
districts of Orissa.
After the merger of Mayurbhanj with Orissa the Collector and the District Magistrate
has taken over-all charges of the General, Revenue and Development administration of the
district. Major portion of the developmental administration had been made over to the Zilla
Parishad which had an executive officer of the rank of an Additional District Magistrate. In
matters of Revenue and Exercise Administration the Collector functioned under the board of
revenue and revenue divisional Commissioner, Central Division Cuttack. The Orissa act XXIII
of 1951 and the Act XIX of 1957 laid down the power of the Board of Revenue and Revenue
Divisional Commissioner vis--vis the Collector.
For the purpose of the Revenue and General administration of the district the Collector
was assisted by the Additional District Magistrate and Sub-divisional Officers of Baripada,
Bamanghaty, Panchapir, Kaptipada. The Collector remained in over-all charge of control
and supervision of work of all officers of Revenue, Welfare, Panchayat, Small Savings, Public
Relations, Community Development and Panchayat Raj Departments. For the purpose of
Revenue Administration the District was divided into four Sub-divisions, namely, Baripada,
Kaptipada, Bamanghaty, and Panchapir, each under the charge of one Sub-divisional Officer
who was usually a senior Deputy Collector.
In Baripada Sub-division there were three Sub-Deputy Collectors to assist the Sub-
divisional officer. Of them one was in charge of revenue and criminal cases, Nizarat and
development section of the Sub-divisional office, while the other two were in charge of the
Tahasil Offices of Baripada and Betnoti. In each of the other three Sub-divisions there were
one Deputy Collector and one Sub-Deputy Collector in addition to the Sub-divisional Officer.
The Deputy Collectors were in charge of Revenue, Criminal, Development and Nizarat
sections of their respective Sub-divisional offices, while the Sub-Deputy Collectors were in
charge of the Tahasil offices of Karanjia, Rairangpur and Udala.
The Kaptipada Block was started on 1st April 1954. The Khunta Block on 1st April,
Betnoti and Karanjia Blocks, 1st October 1955 were started. On 4th October 1956, Raruan
special multipurpose block was started. On 1st April 1956, Rairangpur Community
Development (N.E.S.) Blocks and 1st April 1957, Bangriposi Community Develipment

117
(N.E.S.) Block established. In 1958, the Kunta C.D. Block was bifurcated as Khunta Block
I and Khunta Block II. On 1st April 1959 the Jashipur Suliapada pre-extension Blocks opened
and on 1st October the Kuliana Block was opened. On 1st April 1960, Bangriposi II Block
and Bahalda pre-extension, Bisoi II, Thakurmunda Pre-extension and Kaptipada II Blocks
were established. On 1st October 1960, Baripada and Badasahi pre-extension Blocks were
established.9
The functions of development of the district are now looked into by the Zilla Parishad,
Panchayat Samiti and Grama Panchayats for which there is the Mayurbhanj Zilla Parishad at
the District level and Panchayat Samitis at Block level. On 26th January 1961 there were 26
Panchayat Samities in the district were constituted and inaugurated and in the same year the
Zilla Parishad was constituted.10
Industry and mines
Agriculture with its infrastructure allies is the prime mover of Indian economy, but its
contribution to national economy is gradually declining. Similar is the case with Mayurbhanj
district. So it is rightly said that without solid industrial base, it is not possible to achieve
excellence in economic prosperity.
But in Mayurbhanj district existing natural resources have not been mobilized to the
optimum point for lack of dynamic entrepreneurship, deficiency of long term industrial credit,
non-availability of skilled workers and power crisis. And also the cause of industrial
backwardness is the apathetic attitude of both Central and State Government towards the
establishment of large and medium industries.
The Iron ore deposits of India are amongst the largest in the world.11 Very good quality
of Iron ore is found in many parts of this Country. But the most important iron ore fields are
found in Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar districts of Orissa and in Singbhum of Bihar (present
Jharkhand). Both in quality and in quantity these areas are thought to excel any other areas of
the same kind including the great America occurrence of Minnesota, Wisconsin and
Michigan.12In Mayurbhanj there are three important places of iron ore deposit, namely
Gorumahisani, Badampahar and Suleipat. As regards the quality and quantity of iron ore of
these sites of Mayurbhanj, Elwin comments, that the explorers of these three sites had found
a treasure house more potentially valuable than most gold mines.
The deposits of ore of these places were first traced in the year 1904 by P. N. Bose,
Geologist of Government of India. In 1910 Maharaja Srirama Chandra Bhanja Deo granted
permission to Tata Iron and Steel Co. for iron ore explorations in Badampahar, Suleipahar
and Gorumahisani.

118
With the riches in mineral wealth and great forest wealth there was no large and medium
scale industries developed in this district after the post-merger period. There were only few
Small Scale Industries started during the first three Five Year Plans.
There were some Iron and Steel Industries established during this period in Mayurbhanj.
The Monorama Foundary Works was established in 1959 at Rairangpur under the pilot
programme of the State Government to manufacture pipes and electrical base plates. The
Khandelwal Iron and Steel Co. were started at Baripada in 1959 to manufacture wire netting
and agricultural implements. The Ispat Udyog was established in 1960 at Rairangpur. The
Mayurbhanj Textile Mills which started in 1942 was taken over by the state government for
its management in 1960. The factory manufactures steel trunks, boxes and house hold utensils.
The Mayurbhanj Bucket Manufacturing Co. was established in 1961 at Baripada as a sister
concern of Khandelwal Iron and Steel Co. The factory manufactures buckets, drums, etc.,
for which raw material ore, obtained mostly through quotas sanctioned by the Government.
And the Mayurbhanj Industries was started at Baripada in 1960. It manufactures wire, stainless
steel articles, hospital implements etc.
Besides Iron and Steel Industry there were number of textile industries developed in
Mayurbhanj after post- merger period. The Mayurbhanj Textile was established by the Darbar
Government as the first hosiery factory in Orissa and was being managed by Managing
agents. The factory started production in August 1943. After the merger, the shares of the ex-
state were transferred to the Government of Orissa. The terms of the Managing agents ended
on the 15th august1960. In pursuance of the Companies Act, 1956, the management was
taken over by the Government of Orissa. After 1949 there are nineteen saw mills and seven
rice mills in the district. There are six Printing Presses in the district, four of which are at
Baripada and two at Rairangpur. The Mayurbhanj State Press owned by the ex-state of
Mayurbhanj was donated to Utkal University after merger and is at present running at
Cuttack.13
The Kasiabana Iron Mine was started on 11th January 1954. On 6th October 1955, the
Jamkeswan China Mines was opened. On 4th October 1956, the Katupit Iron Mine was
started. On 11th February 1957, the grant of first mining lease to Joria Iron Mine, on 24th
March, the grant of first lease to Nargalsila Iron Mine and on 1st July 1957, the grant of first
lease to Maharajpur Iron Mine set up and also Dadpahar-Dhulia Iron Mines were started in
the same year. On 25th November 1958, the grant of first mining lease to Jayadhanposi Iron
Mine set up. On 28th Februsry, the Asurghaty Asbetos Mine and on 19th May 1959, the
Khendrdera Iron Mine was started. The Vesurkacha Iron Mine and Asuki Iron Mine were
started its work on 2nd April, 1960.14

119
Inspite of vast mineral resources, the district lags far behind in respect of industry. Almost all
minerals are exported to the States of Jharkhand and West Bengal. As the district is not
industrially developed the process of urbanization is very slow.
Transport and communication
Movement facilities are important components for socio-economic development of any
society. Societies having primitive transport system are poor and backward. For rapid growth
of the economy, a well infrastructure of transport and communication should be organized.
Roads are the best media of transport and communication. They are designated as the
carriers of development. Except the central hill terrain the district, has a net-work of good
roads in the peripheral plains. The district headquarters at Baripada is well connected with
Sub-divisional headquarters through all-weather roads. The Calcutta (Kolkata) -Madras
(Chennai) National Highway No.5 passes through the eastern side touching Kuliana, Baripada,
Betnoti and Baisinga. The National Highway No-6 (Kolkata-Mumbai) passes through the
western side touching Bangiriposi, Bisoi, Joshipur and Singra. The headquarters at Baripada
is well connected with Sub-divisional headquarters through major district roads. The central
hilly terrain is generally inaccessible and major part of Karanjia and parts of Kaptipada Sub-
divisions remain cut-off from the rest of the district during monsoon. The Kolkata-Mumbai
and the Kolkata- Chennai railway lines are flanking the district on its east and north-west.
The narrow gause line connects Rupsa with Talbandh through Baripada Sub-division. The
broad gause line connects Tata Nagar with Gorumahisani and Badampahar in the Bamanghaty
Sub-division.
The first three Five Year Plans did little to improve the existing railway link in Mayurbhanj-
a heritage of Maharajas-during the any of the first three Five Year Plans. It is only from the
9th Five Year Plan period that the Central Government realise and did something about this
incumbent need had it came earlier in Mayurbhanj mines, metalogy and forestry would definitely
have elevated Mayurbhanj to one of the richest district of the Country.
From the point of view of transport, external contacts are highly developed where as
internal contacts are very weak. The minerals and products of cottage industries such as
sabai ropes, plot-leaf plates are exported to the places of demand either by railway or by
trucks.
As regards other means of communications, almost all facilities are available. Post Offices,
Telegraph Offices, and Information-centres are established. Even public telephone facility is
available in the urban centres to the district. By 1956 there were nine sub-offices including
three non-delivery sub-offices and three Telegraphs Sub-offices with telephone facilities in
120
two sub-offices. In 1st April 1957, the Head Post Office was opened at Baripada. By 1961
the office at Baripada had been raised to the status of Head Office and excluding this, there
were eleven sub-offices and 218 branch Post Offices. In 1965, besides Head Post Office at
Baripada there were twenty Sub-Post Offices and 223 branch Post offices in the district.15
Banking, trade and commerce
The Mayurbhanj State Bank was started on 2nd May 1938 and amalgamated with the
State Bank of India in 1961. The State Bank of India established three branches in the
district, in Baripada(1957), Rairangpur and Karanjia in 1958. Beside State Bank of India,
the Mayurbhanj Central Co-operative Bank was established at Baripada on the 20th January
1951 and the Baripada Urban Co-operative Bank was registered in 1958-59. The Primary
Land Mortgage Bank was organized at Baripada in January1960 under the agency of Orissa
Provincial Law Mortgage Bank, Berhampur.16
Trade was controlled by the Government and import and export were conducted through
Government agencies. Timber, one of the most important exports of the district was mainly
carried by railways to West Bengal, Bihar and other States. During the 1st three Five Year
Plans Iron-ore was the most important article of export from Mayurbhanj to various steel
factories located in Bihar and West Bengal.
Medical and public health
Malaria is the most prevalent disease in the district, specially in jungle and hill tract, and
it causes the largest number of deaths. Before 1958, there was no arrangement for taking
anti-malaria measures except treatment of such cases in hospital and dispensaries. During the
Second Plan period, 1956-57 to 1960-61, the district was included under the National
Malaria Eradication Programme and antimalarial operation started from 1958. Several
rounds of D. D. T. spray were conducted and anti-malarial drugs distributed as a curative
measure. After the completion of D. D. T. spray, surveillance operation was taken up from
November 1960. According to this programme house to house visit was made for treatment
of malaria cases.
Prior to Merger there was a Leprosy colony at Baripada with 106 beds managed by a
Christian Missionary. After merger, the Leprosy Colony at Baripada continued to function
with financial assistance from the Government of Orissa. The Government of Orissa opened
Leprosy centres at Deuli, Khunta and Raghunathpur. During the Second Five-Year Plan a
Leprosy Pilot Scheme was started with its headquarters at Betnoti.17

121
Representation of the district to the state and union legislatures
The basic ingredient of good governance in a democratic system is based on concept of
political consciousness. The former rulers of Mayurbhanj were politically very conscious and
democratic in their attitude.
They realized that their state can never prosper or be saved through their efforts only but
the subjects must be associated at all stages with the formulation and implementation of
policies. So they were first time introduced the participatory democracy in their state.
But after the merger the first General Election was held in 1951-52. For purpose of
election to the States Legislative Assembly, the district was divided into ten constituencies.
Out of the total ten seats, five were reserved for STs, two for SCs and the remaining three
were general seats. The pattern of party support in this election was divided among the major
contenders. Congress and Socialist party secured four seats each and of the remaining two
seats, one went to the Ganatantra Parishad and the other to the Independent. The district
was represented by one member in Lok Sabha and for this election the candidate put up by
the Congress party was elected.
For the second Legislative Assembly election held in the year 1957, the total number of seats
allotted to this district remained unchanged, but there were a few changes in the party position.
The Congress party had lost two seats, one to Ganatantra Parishad and the other to the
Jharkhand Party, and retained two seats of the previous elections. The Praja Socialist party,
which was formerly known as Socialist party came down to two while the Ganatantra Parishad
increased its hold in the district by capturing three seats. The Jharkhand Party also captured
three seats. The seat in the Lok Sabha was captured by an Independent candidate.
The two-member constituencies were abolished in 1961, but the total seats allotted to this
district remained unchanged. Out of the ten seats, six were reserved for STs. The mid-term
1961 elections witnessed a remarkable change. The Congress party captured seven seats
and the Praja Socialist party obtained the other three. In the election to the Lok Sabha, the
Congress Party captured the seat.
In the fourth General Election to the Orissa Legislative Assembly of 1967, total seats of
Mayurbhanj district remained unchanged. But out of ten seats, eight seats were reserved for
the STs. The Congress partys performance was very miserable, in this election. The Congress
Party had got only one seat in 1967 election. The Regional Political parties had dominated
the political scene in this election. While the Swatantra Party had won as many as four seats,
the Praja Socialist Party bagged three seats; the Jana Congress captured two seats.
The years following 1966 have been developmental works in all avenues spiralling: but
whether its benefit has actually filtered to the level of the common people remains a point to
under.
122
References
1. N. Senapati and N. K. Sahu, (ed.), Orissa District Gazetteers, Orissa Government
Press, Cuttack, 1967, p.1.
2. Ibid., P.198.
3. Directorate of Census Operations Bhubaneswar Report, Mayurbhanj District
Calendar of Events for the Years 1936-1961.
4. N. Senapati and N. K. Sahu, (ed.), Op. Cit., p.p.199, 200.
5. Ibid., p.p.209-221.
6. Ibid., p.p. 223,224.
7. Ibid., p.p.422-427.
8. Directorate of Census Operations Bhubaneswar Report, Op. Cit.
9. Ibid
10. N. Senapati and N. K. Sahu, Op. Cit., p.p.342, 343.
11. Coal and Iron Resources of Asia and the Far East, United Nation Publication, Bangtok,
1962, p.56.
12. Mineral Resources of the Indian for Domestic Steel Industry Report of the Indian Tariff
Board, 1924, p.91.
13. N. Senapati and N. K. Sahu, Op. Cit., p.p. 240,241.
14. Directorate of Census Operations Bhubaneswar Report, Op. Cit.
15. N. Senapati and N. K. Sahu, Op. Cit., p.287.
16. Ibid, p. p.248-255.
17. Ibid., p.p.436-439.

123
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
A STUDY OF THE REVENUE POLICY OF
THE MARATHAS IN ODISHA
Shyama Prasad Mishra
The Marathas, those dominated the political scene of Odisha from1751 to 1803 A.D.
On this historical back ground here in this small paper an in-depth attempt has been made to
present the land revenue system of Odisha under the Maratha rule, the rule that is well known
in the history of Odisha as a period of misrule and anarchy. An honest attempt is made herein
to examine how in spite of happy signs of prosperity on the surface of the socio-economic
hierarchy in general of which revenue played an important role.
The period from 1751 A.D to 1803 A.D. witnessed a period of anarchy and lawlessness,
for which people in general and peasant community in par5ticular suffer untold miseries. As
the prime objective of the Marahatta or Maratha administration was to collect as much revenue
as could be possible even by using force. They had virtually no time to look into the
administrative affairs of Odisha, because of their frequent involvement in constant war with
the neighboring rulers. To meet the heavy burden of war they had no other alternative but to
extract more and more revenue even by using force. Plunder and looting was the common
trend of the Maratha rule in Odisha. Under the Maratha administration Odisha was divided
into two divisions, namely Garjat and Mughalbandi. Maratha Odisha was bounded by sea in
the east, the Maratha province of Chatisgarh in the west, Lake Chilika in the south and
Jaleswar, Midnapur and Birbhum in the north.1
Under the Marathas Garjats were ruled by 24 Chieftains.2 Among all these Chiefs of
Odisha the Raja of Khurda was the most powerful one. It is recorded that whole of Khurda
which from the days of its rule under the native princes was parceled put into Jagirs and this
practice continued so during the Maratha government. The Jagirdars were bound by the
terms and conditions imposed on them by the Raja of Nagpur and were to pay rent in kauris,
denominated tanki or paid some quantities of grains, cloths etc. to the Raja of Nagpur. During
the Maratha period the most important hereditary military chief of Odisha was Dalabehera
and next to him was Dalai.3 Maratha Government also allowed the Jagirdars to grant land to
the native Paiks, as they were employed in the agricultural field like other common raiyats in
the normal time.4
Instead of introducing any change in the existing form of government the Marathas simply
followed the existing Mughal pattern of feudal government, with nominal variation. The chiefs
were the intermediary between the Marathas and the common people. The Rajas were forced
to pay rents as dictated by the Raja of Nagpur. It is recorded that the Raja of Nilgiri, a small
Jagir or estate, was forced to pay 30,000 rupees per annum, where as a bigger estate like
124
Mayurbhanja was asked to pay a nominal amount of rules 6,000 only.5 However during their
fifty years of rule the Marathas never tried to hurt the religious sentiment of the people of
Odisha. As the Raja of Daspalla was providing wooden logs to the Cars of Lord Jagannath,
Balabhadra and Subhadra at Puri free of cost, he was exempted from the tribute.6 This
clearly shows that under the Marathas there was no common and definite principle relating to
the collection of tribute, which was their prime concern.
Similarly instead of interfering in the internal administration of the Rajas the Maratha
Governors wanted to act as an umpire, if any dispute arose between the Rajas of Odisha.7
The dispute between Padmanava Dev, Birabara Mangaraj Mahapatra, the Raja of Baramba
and the Raja of Rarasinghapur, and the dispute between the Raja of Anugul and the Raja of
Daspalla over the issue of the possession of Jormuha can be taken as an example. In both
these case Raghuji Bhonsla mediated and settled the dispute by granting a Sanad.8 But if
there was any lunacy or inability on the part of the Raja to rule over his domain Marathas not
only interfered in that estate but also replaced the Raja by a suitable person. In many occasion
they even hanged the Rajas for creating violence, like that of the Raja of Khurda, named Bira
Kishore Dev, who had beheaded his two sons.9 Like the Mughals the Marathas had also
declared war against the rebel Rajas of Odisha. Instances of such steps were not rare during
Maratha rule. It is now an established fact that among all, the Rajas of Khurda, Mayurbhanj,
Keonjhar, Kujanga, Kanika, Dhenkanal, Hindol, and Angul were most troublesome throughout
the Maratha rule.10 While the other estates of Odisha were under full control and submissive.11
They normally used to pay their dues or tribute in time. Under the Marathas the
Mughalbandi states covers the plain and open areas from the river Subarnarekha to the
border of Khurda. These areas were under the direct control o the Maratha Government and
were liable to pay regular assessment as fixed by the Raja of Nagpur.12 Here in Odisha,
Marathas tried to destroy the smaller garhs or forts to over come trouble of any short.13 For
the purpose of smooth revenue collection, they divided the Mughalbandi territories into 150
Praganas under 32 Amils and each Pragana was again sub-divided into some Mahals or
allotments.14 Amils were solely responsible for the assessment of the revenue. Amil of the
Maratha administration was equivalent to modern Revenue Commissioner.15 Some of the
hereditary supporting staffs of the Amil were Chaudhuris, Kanungoes or Talukdars. They
were the hereditary revenue collectors.16 The duty of the Talukdar was to collect the revenue
from the raiyats through the Muquaddams.17 But the Marathas never respected the Zamindari,
the hereditary Maquaddams and the Maquaddami villages.18 For that reason during the rule
of Rajaram Pandit many hereditary Chaudhuries and Kanungos or Talukdars were dismissed
and the rent was collected directly by the heads of the villages, as determined by the Nagpur
Court.19 These Amils and the Talukdars were given rent free lands, known as Nankar as
125
remuneration and were allowed certain perquisites deduction of account on expenses incurred
for the collection of revenue.20
It is an established fact that during the Maratha rule land holders had no proprietary right
in their estates. Transfer of land was expensive and very difficult. Even the legal heir could not
obtain the estate of his ancestors with out paying fine. As to this practice of collecting fine
from the legal heirs, there was no common and fixed principle. Fine was also colleted from
each and every transfer of properties. This fine from the transfer of land formed another
source of the revenue of the Maratha Government.21 During the Maratha rule a yearly settlement
known as Hustabud was made. In this settlement the demand of the Government was
based on the amount of land actually under cultivation.22 It was estimated that the gross
collection of the land revenue during the last twelve years of their rule, including the collection
from the Tributary estates was much higher than the preceding years and it increased suddenly
up to 1500,000 rupees.23 But no information is yet available as to the reasons of this sudden
increase in the revenue collection. From the available source it is known that some of the
landholders once met the Subhadar of Odisha at Cuttack and convinced him that the Zamindars
were capable enough to pay larger revenue, as they were collecting more. The Subhadar,
being convinced that the land would bear the increase, passed an order in the presence of the
landholders, and the Zamindars were asked to pay the increased amount per year, i.e sicca
Rs 20,000 to the Government as the land revenue.24 It is estimated that during the last twelve
years of the Maratha rule, the average annual income of the Maratha Government from the
land revenue was near about Rs. 13,90,000.25
Similarly like previous years during the Maratha rule Odisha also witnessed failure of
crops due to flood, leading to the scarcity, followed byfamine.26 But the measures taken by
the Maratha Government to over come this problem was not adequate to check or ward of
the natural calamities. In 1769 A.D.-1770 A.D. Odisha witnessed a severe famine and rice
became so dear that one can procure it at the rate of two seers a rupee, not known in Odisha
before 1769 A.D. In 1182 Amali or 1775 A.D. Odisha once again witnessed another dreadful
scarcity of gains. Rice was hardly available to be purchased from the bazar by the common
people. In the Cuttack Bazar one seer of rice costs ten pans of cowries. In the rural areas or
muffasil areas the price of the paddy even raised up to twelve pans per a gauni. To overcome
this problem Maratha Government granted a remission of seven lakhs of rupees from the
revenue of that year.27 This was not only insufficient to meet the bare necessities of the peasants.
Unlike the Muslim period the Marathas granted deduction of revenue from the raiyats and
also from the Zamindars during the period of natural calamities, like excessive rain, drought,
flood etc.28 Besides this concession Marathas also granted takavi advances29 to the cultivators
to overcome the loss and sufferings caused by the natural calamities.
126
When the Marathas occupied Odisha the state of affairs of this region was not good. It
was totally devastated due to long twelve years Mughal-Maratha struggle and Marathas
occupied Odisha it was quite natural to expect good administration from them to heel the
wound. Instead of that the Maratha Governors utilized their resources to collect more and
more revenue without paying any heed to the real problem of the common people in general
and peasant community in particular. No doubt some Governors like Sivaram tried to give
systematic administration to save this country from utter ruin.30
The Maratha interest to raise more and more revenue can be understood from their
negotiation with the British. In order to collect the Chauth from the British, Maratha Governor
sent a clever envoy named Udepuri Gosain to Mursidabad to negotiate with the British for
the payment of Chauth.31 Even though the English were prepared to pay twelve lakhs of
rupees to the Marathas. But they refused to it on the ground that the British demanded that
the Marathas to cede Odisha and demanded a larger amount as Chauth. Similarly in 1768
A.D. the British proposed to give thirty six lakhs of rupees to the Marathas for three years if
they agreed to cede Odisha to the British. But Januji opposed to these conditions and demanded
a larger amount of Chauth if Odisha was to be ceded. As a result negotiation failed.32 This
proves that even at the cost of Odisha Maratha authority was ready to hand over it to the
British. Had the British conceded to their demand of a larger amount Odisha might have been
passed away to the British in 1768. Towards the end of 1768 a direct conflict started between
Peshwa Madhav Rao and Januji. Situation became more and more critical in 1772 when
Januji Bhonsla and Peshwa Madhav Rao died, and their family plunged into a war of succession
and its echo of which was heard in Odisha. During this period of internecine strife at Nagpur
Odisha became very weak. Law and order completely broke down. At this time in 1773 a
severe famine broke out in Cuttack resulting in the death of thousands of people. At the same
time a mutiny broke out in the Maratha army posted in Odisha that worsen the situation,
thereby dragging the people to be the victim of suffering and miseries.33 Taking advantage of
this situation, the Zamindars of Odisha took the law into their own hands in their respective
areas. They began to plunder the country while in their turn they were plundered by the
Marathas. At this time of great chaos administrative machinery was almost at a standstill. At
this critical juncture Odisha again witnessed severe famines in 1780, 1792 and 1793. These
famines of severe magnitude not only took away a heavy tool of life but also broke the back
bone of the people. But unfortunately Maratha administration failed to reach the people. As
the collection of more and revenue was their prime concern without having any concrete
policy, they were always found entangled in wars with the British on the issue of Chauth.
Taking advantage of the this situation the Rajas of Odisha like Mayurbhanj, Dhenkanal,
Keonjhar and other parts evaded payment of tribute, as a result the Marathas used to collect
revenue by using force. From Sterlings remark it reveals that the Marathas inflicted most
sanguinary punishments and destructive ravages.34
127
From the letter of Ray Govinda it reveals that Sheo Bhat was engaged in looting out
the Khandaits and Ray Govinda was sent to settle the affairs of Keonjhar and Mayurbhanj.35This
indicates the Marathas action against the troublesome Zamindars relating to the payment of
tribute. In spite of this the problem continued in the Praganas of Jhankar, Hariharapur and in
other area. Similarly the Chief of Mayurbhanj continued to defy the Maratha authority and
refused to pay tribute.36 The confrontation between the Raja of Mayurbhanj and Maratha
over the issue of tribute reached to such extent that the Raja tried to conciliate the English for
securing their help against the Marathas. This struggle between the Raja and the Marathas
continued till 1796.37 These are some of the examples that proves that the prime objectives
of the Maratha rule in Odisha was only to collect as much revenue as possible without caring
for the general interest of the people of this country and for that reason they had neither the
time nor any interest to bring about any major change in the existing system of administration,
thereby increasing the miseries of the people of Odisha.
References
1. Bengal Secret and Political Consultations, 1.March 104, 41;12 April 1804,No.13
2. Ibid.
3. Ray, B,.C., Orissa Under Marathas, p.128, Allahabad,1960
4. Boards Colletions, Vol. 586, No.14,189, pp. 88-95; Ray, B,.C.op. cit, p.12
5. Early European Travelers in Nagpur Territories, p. 6; Selection from officials Letters
and Records Relating to the History of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, L.No. 241
6. Orissa Tributary States, Bengal Gazetteers, p.159
7. Ray, B.C., op.cit, p. 128
8. Orissa Tributary States, Bengal Gazetteers, pp. 126-130 & 159
9. Mahanty, A, (ed) Madala Panji, pp. 18-79; Boards Collection, Vol. 585, No. 14,185,
p. 250
10. Sarkar, J, Studies in Mughal India, pp. 205-214; C.P.C.Vol. II. No. 2484; Bengal
Secret and Political Consultation, 12 April, 1804, No. 13
11. Ibid
12. Bengal Secret and political Consultations, 1 March, 1804, No. 41.
13. Boards Collections, Vol. 586, No.14,189,p. 96
14. Bengal Revenue Consultations, 1 August, 1822, No. 5; 15 October, 1821, Sterling to
Government

128
15. Ray, B.C.op. cit, p.132
16. Bengal Revenue Consultations, 1 August, 1822, No. 5, 15 October, 1821, Sterling to
Government
17. Ibid.
18. Ray, B.C., op. cit, p.133
19. Boards Collections, Vol. 586, No. 14,189, p.300; Sterling. A., An Account of Orissa
Proper, App. P. XI, p.93
20. Sterling A., An Account of Orissa Proper, App. P. XXXVIII; Boards Collections, Vol.
586, No.14,189, p.300
21. Bengal Secret and Political Consultations, 29 December, 1803 No. 45
22. Boards Collection, Vol. 586 No.14,189, p. 300
23. Ibid, pp. 182-183
24. Bengal Secret and Political Consultations, 29 December, 1804 No. 45
25. Boards Collections, Vol, 586, No.14,189, pp. 182-185
26. C.P.C.Vol. VIII, No. 1,018
27. Bengal District Gazetteers, Balesore, p. 111, Calcutta, 1907
28. Boards Collections, Vol. 586, No.14, 187, p. 24
29. Fifth Report from the Select Committee, p. 435
30. Mahatab, H.K., History of Orissa, Vol.II, pp.414-415, Cuttack.1960
31. Ibid, p.416
32. Benarji,R.D., History of Orissa, Vol.II, p.168
33. Ibid,pp.186-190; Mahatab, H.K.,op.cit, p.417
34. Sterling, A., An Account of Orissa Proper, p.91
35. Calendar of Persian Correspondence, Vol.I, No.2012, p.271
36. Sterling, A., op.cit, p.92
37. Chanda, History of Mayurbhanj (1761-1861),p.59

129
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
NEO-CHALCOLITHIC SITE ON THE MAHANADI RIVER
SYSTEM FROM BAGHAMARI TO BANKI
Anam Behera
The study area lies between the Baghamary and Banki along river Rana .The area north
of Baghamary is webbed by a network of streams, the streams from the north; south and
west united few k.m below there and formed a river known as Rana. The River Rana rises in
Khurda and eventually joins the Mahanadi after following the Banki Tahsil in the district of
Cuttack. When the Mahanadi is in flood, forces back its waters and inundate low laying area
in Khurda1. In summer, the channel of the river dry and reduce to insignificant streams dotted
here and there with stagnant pools. But during rains it brings down an enormous mass of
water from the high table land in which it takes its rise. Another feature is relatively plain
lateritic country around the periphery of hill region to the south of Mahanadi near Banki2.
There is poor lateralization and less lithomarge can be seen in the formation of laterite in this
region. Laterite of the valley of the River Rana is younger than the laterite formation of the
valley of the river Daya.
The swampy shallow land which run parallel to the Simar-Banki road is being full with
water during rainy season, sometimes this region became over flooded with spill water from
the river Mahanadi. The wide of the shallow land is more than two to three kilometers along
the river Rana. During summer most part of it became dry. Location of the sites on the either
bank of the river Rana is full of natural resources, having fertile alluvial soil, forest and river as
highway for travel by the way of navigation. For that reason man selected these ideal places
as their habitat. By utilizing these available potential Natural resources, Primitive man started
agriculture and domestication of animal in addition to their previous practices of livelihood
hunting, gathering and fishing in this part of the world. This state of human evolution culturally
known as Neolithic Culture.
At the end of the Neolithic culture; when
a great civilization flourished in all the cultures
characterized by design of pottery the
chalcolithic culture brought great changes to the
mountain peoples. At the time when the
Technique of ceramic production we are being
diffused, the ceramicists and potters had already
established road of communication and served
as intermediaries between the great centers of
the plains. Now the mountain peoples, no longer

130
simple intermediaries but proud of their monopoly of metal working became active and
important work3. In this state of material culture human being also spread and registers their
existence in this Geographical setting, which proves on the basis of the findings of antiquity in
this region. The present researcher conducted a survey in this region. Collection of pottery
and other remains from the surface and exposed section.
Asuri Dhipa or Asala Dhipa situated on
Latitude 200 18 02.15 N and Longitude 850 31
48.07E is on the left bank of river Rana, tributary
of river Mahanadi, 8 Km south of Banki and 14
Km North of Baghamari . It is in Tulasipur village,
Podadiha Panchayat and Begunia Block of
Khurdha district of Odisha. The site is located in
the edge of the small laterite highland and to its
east a vast stretches of swampy land is there, which
is the part of the course of the river Rana. Presently
the site is covered with big mango trees all around
except in its west side. In the north side of the site
in its edge there is a big banyan tree; half of the roots of this tree are exposed due to erosion
caused by the water. The place around the tree revealed interesting findings such as stone
tools, pottery and bone.
Parbatihuda is situated on latitude 2001435. 60 N, longitude 850 29 35.83 E, at a
distance of 2 k.m from Simar, 15 k.m from Banki, and 7 k.m south of Asuri Dhipa connected
by Simar- Banki road. This site is again located on the west bank of the river Rana, at village
Ustapur, Podadihi panchayat of Begunia Block
in Khurdha district. Previously this site was
visited by present writer no substantial findings
were made. But visit of the site during second
week of January 2014, revealed an interesting
findings such as cord impressed pottry, verities
of colour pottery, two fragmented Neolithic tools
and bone pieces .These findings were possible
there because of the digging of a deep well on
the site and uprooted tree at the time of sever
cyclone the Filine in November 2014.
Diankahuda latitude 200 14 16.40 N and longitude 850 29 18.39E is located on the
left bank of the river Rana, which belong to Mahanadi river system. It is 1 k.m north of Simar

131
and is situated the village Kanta Malima-Malisahi,
panchayat Simar, block Begunia in Khurdha district.
It is just 800 meters south to the Parbatihuda, here
one can see the overlapping of a monument in form
of Samantha temple. The mound is about more than
thirty feet in height. At the top there is a medieval
temple which was constructed probably during the
Gajapati period. Besides this, the mound is intact
and well preserves one and also revealed identical
antiquities like other mound on the valley.
Masha padia, Gahirbhagai padia and
Kathakhuntia or Khalamunda are three site
situated close to each other in the opposite site of
the Diankahuda, on the right bank of the same
river Rana. These sites belong to the village Sarua,
panchayat Sarua, Block Begunia in Khurdha
district.
Masha padia, latitude 200 13 30.56N,
longitude 850 31 26.77E, First site in the group
was circular in shape and some trees are planted
few years back on it. This mound revealed
identical pottery found from Asuri Dhipa, Parbatihuda and Diankahuda in this valley.
Gahirbhagai Padia latitude 20 13 33.23N, longitude 85 31 36.54E, the second site
in the group is rectangular in shape. East side of the site covered with big tree on the heap of
the soil. At a distance of fifty meter a small mound is situated to the north of the site. Pottery
found on the surface of the site is different from the pottery of other sites of the valley. It
seems to be belonging to historical period. Kathakhuntia or Khalamundia, Last site of the
groups situated to the east of Mashapadia and Gahirbhagai at the edge of the highland. This
highland is not properly lateralization, or is in the process of lateralization. Very less number
of potteries revealed from there.
Ceramics
Before discussion on the ceramics of the study area, lets illuminated something about it
and its importance in archeological research. The term CERAMICS from XEPAVOS
(clay earthenware is generally used to designate objects modeled of clay and hardened by
fire, clay is used principally for containers and useful objects made primarily for practical
purpose. Whose esthetic quality is a product of traditional taste. Broadly considered; ceramic
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wares represent current taste in both form and
decoration and therefore an integral part of the
history of culture and the history of Art. Pottery
making first made its appearance with the
stabilization of food-gathering communities and
among agricultural peoples. Pottery is a craft of
considerable antiquity known almost universally to
agricultural peoples it is generally absent among
hunters, it is uncommon among nomadic herdsmen;
for whom the transport of heavy and fragile objects
is both burdensome and uneconomic. Most
pottery made by primitive peoples is utilitarian in
purpose. Its principal functions are for cooking and
containing liquids. The question of esthetic values
among primitive peoples has been little studied,
but the decoration of pottery is intended to please.
The eye of the beholder and of satisfies the artistic
impulse of the maker. Plastic decoration is the more
ancient and widespread. It is produced by incising,
punching combing, stamping, or impressing dots,
lines, or other patterns on the soft surface of the
clay before it is dried and fired certain kinds of
plastic decoration are the automatic results of the process of Manufacture, others may be
functional as well as ornamental. When a pot is made on a basket or textile fabric, its surface
receives an impression of the texture which may be retained for the sake of its decorative,
effect. Again, the impressions made by rolling a piece of cord over the soft clay not only are
ornamental but enable the pot to be grasped more firmly4.
The earliest sets of ceramics of the study
area were cord impressed pottery repotted from
Asuri Dhipa and Parbatihuda. Finding of corded
ware at spirit cave in northern Thailand belong
to 6000 B.C, 5 similar type of corded ware along
with rounded Celts are complex at Daojali
Hading in North Cachar district of Assam. The
corded ware has also been traced from the
Neolithic reported from koldihwa and Mahagara,
Allahabad district in Uttarprades in Neolithic
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context and dated 5440 B.C-4530B.C.Neolithic occupation of these two sites has been
found stratified beneath Chalcolithic deposit which is dated 1600-1500 by excavator G.R
Sharma6.Interestingly cord impressed pottery were found from above mentioned two sites
on the river valley of Rana along with Neolithic tool, that push back antiquity of the sites to
other well dated Neolithic sites of India .
A large number of pottery specimens were collected during the survey. Specimens from
Asuri Dhipa , Parbatihuda ,Diankahuda and Masha padia were included in this study.
According to the treatment of the potteries, we can be divided them in to Black and Red
Ware, Grey Ware, Red Slipped Ware and Micaceous Red Ware. The important shapes
include storage jar, vase, basin, dish and bows. The potsherds consist of rim, body and base.
Similar pottery has been repotted from many chalcolithic sites on Daya and Rusikulya valley
including Golobai and Gopalpur.
Stone tools-during the surface exploration five
stone tools were found, among them one fragmented
chipped Celt, one ground Celt and three Blade.
Several pieces of bone fragments are found on
surface of the mound, such as Asuri Dhipa near
Tulasipur and Parbayihuda. Teeth of cattles are cut
into pieces ,the cut marks clearly indicate that these
were cutting in a inferior material probably copper
implement, and few of them showed miner soil
encrustations.
Conclusion
The archaeological investigation in the area between Baghamari and Banki suggest that
this region witnessed the emergence of settled life from the Neolithic period, and that continues
to the present day having the practice cattle breading and fishing. The sites which are so
closely located on the bank of the river Rana,it is no doubt that people inhabited in their most
have use river for navigation.The question was first raised bt B.k. sihna that people of Golobai
were earliest boat people of Orissa. These people came to Golobai from sea and later a
group from among them migrated to middle Gangetic plain taking the sea route upto mouthof
river Ganga.7It is beloved that there was some cert of communication during Neo-Chalcolithic
peoples of Daya valley and Rana valley,may be by the way of navigation through small
streams.Becase of similarity of the material remains found in both the region ,such as findings
of cord impressed pottery, Neolithic tool and similar of pottery assembles.According to
B.K. Sihna this leaves Golobai Sasan,in present state of our knowledge an isolated
134
settlement.8New the scenario became change with discovery of more than 35 Chalcolithic
sites in this region,nologer Golobai became an isolated example of Chalcolithic site in east
cost of Odisha.
References:
1. N.Senapati, Chief Editor, Orissa District Gazetteers, Puri, Bhubaneswar, 1977, P.15.
2. N.C.Behuria. Chief Editor. Orissa District Gazetteer Cuttack, Bhubaneswar, 1996,
P.20.
3. Encyclopedia of world Art. Vol.1. Asiatic Protohistory Byzantine Art. McGraw-Hill
Book, Company, INC New York, Toronto, London. 1960. P.22.
4. Encyclopedia of world Art Vol.III. Calder-Cosmology and cartography, McGraw-
Hill Book, Company, INC New York, Toronto, London .1960. P.P.P.186, 205,206.
5. D.P. Agrawal and J.S.Kharakwal, Bronze and iron Ages in South Asia, New Delhi,
2003, P.185.
6. B.Allchin and R.Allchin,The Rise of Civilization In India and Pakistan, New Delhi,
1996, p.p.117,118 .
7. B.K.Shina, Golobai:A protohistoric site on the coast of Orissa in Archaeology of
Orissa(ed)by K.K.Basa and P.Mahanty,Delhi,2000,p.347.
8. Ibid. P.346.

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
LOKAMANYA TILAK ON THE BHAGAVAD GITA
Debaraj Swain
The Bhagvad Gita, the main strand of Hindu religious scripture, has been a great
source of inspiration and sustenance for centuries to the people of all shades in India and
abroad. Saints, scholars,thinkers and even the commoners draw intellectual and spiritual
feeding, nay, solace from it.It is the quintessence of all Upanishad and Vedic literature and
depicts the Hindu way of life with all its nuances. The Bhagavad Gita defies time and space in
its relevance for mankind. To all intents and purposes it is a way of life rather than a set of faith
and worship. It is much more concerned with social norms and code of conduct than with
metaphysics and religion. While the Vedas and Vedantas remain all Greek to a large section
of Hindus, The Gita is enthusiastically and intensively studied by all. In their hours of perils
and predicaments people turn to the Gita for finding out a solution to wriggle out of the
situation.The Gita has become a part of their outlook towards life.
The Bhagavad Gita is essentially a part of the Mahabharata. It is supposed to have
been delivered just before the commencement of the great Mahabharata war.Seeing both the
armies arrayed in the battle field Arjuna, the chief warrior of the Pandavas, refuses to fight.
He shrinks from the war with an ethical question.He finds himself in a forked situation and
refuses to kill his kith and kins for the sake of throne. Krishna convinces Arjuna to fight for a
just cause and fulfil his social obligation for fighting. The pall of gloom and despondency
disappears from Arjunas mind and he agrees to fight with all his military prowess. The whole
book is captioned as Vishada Yoga and provides the skill how to get rid of negative thought
and overcome depression. Thus Bhagavad Gita has remained a practical guide for millions of
Hindus and even for others over centuries.
The Bhagavad Gita dispels illusion of attachment and marshals one into activity.
Arjuna refused to fight as he was faced with a volley of enervating questions. Arjuna said to
Krishna, as I see these kinsmen arrayed for battle, my limbs give way, and my mouth is
getting parched; nay, a shiver runs through my body and I get goosebumped.(ch-1, canto
28-29) I do not covet victory, or kingdom, or pleasures, Govinda, of what use will kingdom
or luxuries or even life be to us! (ch-1, canto-32) oh, what a pity!Though possessed of
intelligence we have set our mind on the commission of a great sin; that due to lust for throne
and enjoyment we are intent on killing our own kinsmen. (ch-1, canto-45) It would be
better for me if the sons of Dhritarastra, armed with weapons, kill me in battle, while I am
unarmed and unresisting.(ch-1, canto-46)

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Having said this, enunciates Sanjay, Arjuna cast aside his bow and arrow and sank
into the hinder part of his chariot. (ch-1, canto-47). This indicates how abysmally diffident
Arjuna was. A sense of dejection and depression had seized the mind of Arjuna and he had
developed all the syndromes of pessimism. The crux of the matter is that the predicament of
Arjuna in the Bhagavad Gita is in fact independent of time, space and person. In our modern
time such problems are rife. Under the rough and tumble of life one is apt to undergo a feeling
of depression and dejection as did Arjuna. It is important to note that after a lot of counselling
by Krishna, Arjuna was able to come out of the dilemma by shedding all his fear and
despondency. Krishna advised him to maintain equanimity of mind and remain at peace with
him and the world around like a Yogi. He explains that man is mortal but the soul is immortal.
Death is like discarding worn out garments and getting into new ones. Neither weapons and
fire nor water and wind can destroy the soul. Death is inevitable for the born. So backtracking
from a righteous war is morally unjustified and practically unwise. He further says that the
wise do not pine for the dead or the living. Victory and defeat, gain and loss, and pleasure
and pain are treated alike by the wise. If he fights in that spirit he will not incur sin.
Lokamanya Tilak has earned enduring fame as an outstanding scholar by his scholarly
works like the Orion or Researchers into the antiquity of Vedas, Vedanga-Jyotisa and Vedic
Chronology and Gita Rahasya. The last one is his monumental work which Tilak wrote in
Mandalaya Jail during his period of compulsory cessation from active political life. It was the
vindictive attitude of the Britishers which gave Tilak a chance to devote his scholarly talents to
a worthy cause, undisturbed by political occupation. Tilak was the first to infuse Indian politics
with Indian religious fervour and spirituality for powerful political awakening in India not only
through social and cultural activities but also through his academic work like Gita Rahasya.
The prodigality of Tilaks thought is well reflected in the Gita Rahashya. It is more an
original criticism and presentation of ethical truths than a commentary on Gita. In his childhood
Tilak was told by his elders and preceptors that strictly religious and philosophic life was
incompatible with the humdrum life of every day. If one strives to attain Mokshya one has to
renounce this world and give up all earthly desires. The sooner the world was given up the
better. This dichotomy between the world and the God as preached to Tilak made him think,
Is day to day life incompatible with philosophic life of attaining the highest goal of human life
i.e. Moksha? Does our religion really want us to give up this world and renounce in order to
attain the perfection of manhood?2 He took up the study of Gita and as he approached it
with open mind without any prepossessed ideas or prejudices, he found answers to his queries.
Tilak ransacked all the related literature including the great commentaries in Sanskrit of five
great Acharyas and Jnaneshwari of Jnanadev in Marathi. Much to his astonishment, Tilak

137
discovered that each one of them interpreted Gita to suit ones own pet theory. They highlighted
the importance of Jnana or of Bhakti or of both but ignored that of Karma or performance
of duties. Further, his predecessors didnt take into consideration the time and circumstances
and the purpose for which Gita was preached. Gita was taught to desponding Arjuna to spur
him to fight. So the import of Gita cannt be confined to Jnana alone or Bhakti alone. Of
course Jnanayoga as well as Bhakityoga are mentioned in Gita, they are all subservient to
Karmayoga. Gita enjoins the performance of action in this world even after one attains the
highest union with the Supreme Deity through Jnana or Bhakti or both. Citing his own
example Srikrishna says that although he has nothing to acquire in this world, he continues to
act for the welfare of the world. He further impresses on Arjuna that unity among the man, the
world and the Almighty is perfectly achieved only when one continues to serve the interest of
the world by serving His will through performance of ones duties by remaining in the world
and not by renouncing it, by following Karmayoga.
Tilak presents a Kaleidoscopic picture of commentaries on Gita in his introductory chapter
of Gita Rahasya. Among them Sanskrit Commentaries of five great Acharyas and Jnaneshwari
of Jnaneswara in Marathi are widely acclaimed. Each commentary is nonpareil in its own
way. Sanakaracharya preaches non-dualism based on the theory of Maya coupled with
renunciation of action. Ramanujacharya advocates qualified monism based on the reality of
illusion coupled with devotion to Vasudeo. Madhavacharya preaches in favour of the theory
of duality. He says that although desireless action is only a means and devotion is the true and
ultimate cult, and that when, once one has become perfect by following the path of devotion,
whether one thereafter performs or does not perform action is just the same3. Vallabhacharya
was the exponent of Pure Non-dual theory. According to him the conscious Ego (Jiva) when
pure and unblinded by illusion (Maya) and the parambrahman are one and are not two
distinct things. Nimbarka preaches the theory of Dual-Non-Dual. He says that although the
conscious ego (Jiva), the Cosmos (jagat) and the Iswara are different from each other, yet
the existence and activity of the conscious Ego and of the Cosmos are not independent but
depend upon the desire of the Isvara; and that the subtle elements of the conscious Ego
(Jiva) and of the Cosmos are contained in the fundamental Isvara.4 Jnaneswar bases his
doctrine of Advaita coupled with devotion and Yoga of Patanjali as the most effective path
for achievement of highest goal Moksha. But none of them looks upon Karmayoga as
advocated in Gita as the main import of Gita as demanded by the context and circumstances
in which Gita was preached to Arjuna. That Ajuna was on the horns of a dilemma of conflicting
principles of morality and was confused about his proper duties is evident from his own
statement shall I do this or shall I do that?5 He was rendered paralysed by this intractable
problem. He desired to find a sinless path of duty and perform them as enjoined on his status
138
as a warrior. So it is obvious that proper teaching under the circumstances would be to
induce him to action and inspire him to perform his duties. That was what was exactly preached
to him. He acknowledges the same at the end as he gets ready to fight after shedding all his
doubts. The philosophy of Karmayoga based on metaphysics or Brahmavidya and supported
by devotion taught Arjun as to how he should perform his duties. Thus knowledge and devotion
are just supplementary to main purport of Karmayoga. Tilak adduces his thesis by citing
modern Indian and foreign scholars like S. Radhakrishnan and Prof. Paul Deussesn and
others. He quotes Krishnananda Swami of Varanasi from his Gitartha Paramasara that: Tasmat
Gita nama Brahmavidyamulam nitisastram. i.e., Therefore, the Gita is the philosophy of
Duty, that is, the philosophy of Ethics based on the science of the Brahman.
In normal situation actions of Individuals are guided by rules of morality. But in certain
situation men are required to make a choice between two virtues or commandments. Situations
of this kind defy a simple solution, since neither of the two virtues can be denied at the cost of
the other.6 V. P. Varma gives a long list of such difficult situations. To quote him, Should
Parsuram obey his father and kill his mother or should he disobey his father and not commit
the heinous crime of matricide? Should Viswamitra steal flesh of a dog from the house of
Chandal and thus save his life or should he abstain from stealing even for the purpose of self-
preservation ? Should Arjuna kill his respected preceptors and dear ralatives and thus perform
the duties of a Kshatriya householder or should he renounce the world and adopt the path of
mendicancy? Should the canons and criteria of truth and non-violence be regarded as absolutely
irrevocable or are there exceptions even to them? If non-violence is absolute then why does
Manu say that an oppressor should be killed regardless of the fact that he be a teacher, a
brahman, a child or an old man ? If forgiveness is universally applicable then why does
Prahalad teach in the Mahabharat that neither anger nor forgivness is absolute ? If truth is
absolute then why does Krishna, who is regarded as the incarnation of God, exhort Yudhisthira
to proclaim the false statement in the battlefield that Ashvatthama is dead? Hence it is clear
that the moral problem of a rational choice amidst alternative and sometimes even contrary
courses of action is a difficult one. The problem of ethics receives its foundation and justification
in the constant emergence of much divergent alternatives in the course of life of any man who
has moral sensibilities.
The main theme of the Gita is Karma Yoga. After defining Karma and Yoga (Karma-
yoga) Tilak emphasizes the Karma-Yoga-Sastra the science of right action. According
to the Gita both Karmayoga and Sanyasa lead to salvation. But Karmayoga is superior to
Sanyasa. The reason is obvious. Sanyasa is not merely a renunciation of family life but a
renunciation of action that is necessary to sustain the moral-social setup of human life. As

139
tradition interpretes the Gita in favour of Sanyasa Tilak places the Gita in the context of the
Mahabharat to support his stand i.e. the doctrine of Karmayoga which means, a selfless
performance of the duties of ones own station and / or a fulfillment of ones social political
obligations in a spirit of dedication.
Tilak has explained the nature of pain and pleasure in the fourth and fifth chapters of his
Gita Rahasya. He gives various divisions of the school of material happiness. The first of
these divisions Pure selfish happiness is proclaimed by scholars like Carvaka, Jabali and
Kanikaniti. This school of thought believes that there is nothing as life after death and the only
thing which is real in this world is ones own interest and its promotion is the most desirable
action. The second school of thought is farsighted selfishness. According to this school we
help others with the internal motive that if we found ourselves in the same position other
people should help us. Hobbes and Helvetius are the protagonists of this school of thought.
The third one is Enlightened selfishness. This school enjoins its adherents to take into account
both self-interest (Svartha) and others interest (Parartha) in determining question of morality.
Again the utilitarians like Bentham, Mill and Shaftesbury stress the greatest good of the greatest
number. Tilak criticizes the above mentioned strains of thought. He thinks that the stress
should be put on the moralization and rationalization of mans intentions and not on the external
results attained by a certain course of concrete action.
Tilak points out that both happiness and unhappiness come upon man. But in mans life
theres the preponderance of unhappiness. If one desire is satisfied today, another new desire
takes its place tomorrow, and we want to satisfy this new desire, and as human desire is thus
always one step ahead of life, man is never free from unhappiness. The desire for happiness
is never satisfied only by enjoying happiness; one has to put a restraint on the enjoyment of
pleasure. Man can get highest measure of happiness by preventing unhappiness to the greatest
possible extent. According to Tilak that happiness which is to be found in the extremely noble
activities and in the purest state of the mind and of the reason is the highest happiness. This
kind of happiness is superior to material or organic happiness. Thus the science of Karmayoga
advocates the metaphysical approach to problems of happiness. According to the Gita when
a person experiences this beatific (Satvika) happiness, his peaceful mental frame remains
unperturbed even in the face of great misfortunes. Similar approaches have been adopted by
Yajnavalkya in India and Green in England.
The author of Gitarahasya recognizes that knowledge and devotion are required for
desireless action. He points out that the realization of the absolute self and knowledge of
identity of Atman with all the created beings as pathway to imperceptible God form part of
Jnanayoga. But this knowledge is beyond the comprehension of the common man who
wants the perceptible form of God which he can worship. So Bhakti or love is required to

140
purify the knowledge obtained through pure reason. The element of Bhakti has been analyzed
from different angle from 6th to 12th chapter. Both knowledge and Bhakti lead to the realization
of the God; both are complementary to each other nay identical. In the 13th chapter of Gita
Rahasya Tilak discusses the path of devotion. The 14th chapter discusses about the continuity
of all the chapters of the Gita. Tilak says that the various statements supporting three yoga
are scattered through-out the eighteen chapters of the text, and as such there is continuity of
the topic of Karmayoga and Bhaktiyoga, as interlinked with Karmayoga.
In fifteenth chapter Tilak concludes that the secret of Gita lies in harmonizing the
Karmayoga with both Jnanayoga and Bhaktiyoga. He considers the exposition of the
doctrine of the Gita incomplete, unless one compares the ethical principles propounded by
Western philosophers with the fundamental spiritual principles of the Doable and the not-
Doable enunciated in the Gita. So he compares the opinions of Kant, Green, Mill and others
on the science of ethics pertaining to the most salient and important points. All are of the
opinion that motive or reason behind any action and not action itself determines any action
as right or wrong, good or bad. However, Tilak cites instances from the Mahabharata where
moral principles like speaking the truth or observance of non-violence are not adhered to for
greater sake -the welfare of all. Even Christianity supports this view. Tilak points out that
though Moralists views like Greatest good of greatest number, or enlightened self interest
etc. find tally with some of the views of Mahabharata, they lack the metaphysical concept of
treating all beings as oneself. The chief conclusion of the ethics of the Gita is, that one must
perform all ones duties according to the sastras, desirelessly, and by self identification; and
this applies equally well to all persons in all countries.
The religion of the Gita does not make any distinction between caste, creed or countries.
It is a religion which shows proper forbearance towards other religions. Through Arjuna it
advises everybody that perform lifelong your several worldly duties according to your
respective positions desirelessly, with self identifying vision for the universal good. Therein
lies your happiness in this world and in the next. Thereby ones own life should be turned into
a sacrifice (Yajna) whose main purpose is the well being of all created things. In the end
Tilak wishes that noble and pure people should take birth in this country for they will worship
the Parameswar as per the religion of Gita which strikes a chord of harmony among devotion,
spiritual knowledge and energism. This is the mystic import or (Rahasya) of the Gita Tilak
gave to his countrymen through his Gita Rahasya.
The Bhagavad Gita not only inspired Tilak but it was the very foundations of Gandhijis
and Aurobindos political philosophy. Gandhi constantly claimed to have drawn sustenance
from Bhagavad Gita. He wrote a series of articles on Bhagavad Gita in Gujurati.Sri Aurobindo
also wrote essays on GIta.Almost all great modern Indian thinkers wrote on Bhagavat Gita.

141
And as such Tilaks writing on Bhagavad Gita assumes great importance. Tilak had a deep
knowledge of Sanskrit, and in contrast Gandhi had none. Both Tilak and Aurobindo were
inspired by Bhagavad Gita.They advocated action for the freedom struggle and not prayer
and petition. Tilak firmly believed that the Bhagavad Gita is a historical reality. He was even
prepared to accept violence (though he did not preach violence).Gandhi in contrast advocated
non violence and justified even nonviolence on the ground that Bhagavad Gita is not a historical
situation. For him it was symbolic. Like Tilak, for Sri Aurobindo Bhagavad Gita did not
support non- violence. Views of Sri Aurobindo and Tilak converged on the generalities.The
Vagavad Gita continues to inspire Indians and others even to-day. Numerous contemporary
thinkers have penned excellent essays on the Vagavad Gita.In the interpretation of Vagavad
Gita Tilak occupies an important place in Modern India.
References
1. Radhakrishnan, S., The Bhagavad Gita, (English), Oxford University Press, 1989.
2. Maheswar, (Ed.) Bhagavad Gita- in the Light of Sri Aurobindo, Sri Aurobindo Ashram
Press, Pondichery.
3. Sharma, Arvind (comp.)., New Essays in the Bhagavad Gita, Books and Books,
New Delhi.
4. Srimad Bhagavad Gita(Tr.), Geeta Press, Gorakhpur.
5. Aralikatti, R.N., Gitarahasya or Karmayogasastra Tilaks unique contribution to
Indian Ethics in Shripad Bhat(ed.), contribution of Lokamanya Tilak to Indian
studies, Tilak Maharastra Vidyapeeth, Pune, 2006.
6. Tilaks Speech on the Gita Rahasya at Amravati (1917) cited by V.P.Varma in Modern
Indian Political Thought, Laxmi Narain Agarwal Educational publishers, Agra, 1995.
7. Tilak, B.G., Gita Rahasya, Tilak Brothers, Poona, 2004.
8. S.N. Gajendragadkar and Veena S. Gajendragadkar, Gita- Rahasya of Lokamanya
Tilak in essence, Tilak Brothers, Pune.
9. Varma, V.P., Modern Indian Political thought, Laxmi Narain Agarwal Educational
Publishers, Agra.
10. Bhave, Vinoba., Talks on the Gita, Paramdham Prakashan, Wardha, 2003.
11. Gandhi- Aurobindo- Radhakrishnan on Bhagavad Gita, S.P.Pani, A N Mishra, G.
Satapathy.


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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
DOCTRINE OF NON-VIOLENCE AND MAHATMA GANDHI
Krushna Chandra Das
In Colonial British India there was no end to the sufferings of Indian people. The cause
of freedom was either professed by the Indian National Congress or by a few insignificant
groups of self-sacrificing young men.1 The post-mutiny struggle against the Raj began in the
later half of the nineteenth century but it was confined in the certain regions only like
Maharashtra, Bengal and Punjab alone where local organizations like Abhinav Bharat,
Anusheelan Samiti comprising few self-sacrificing young men who believed that assassinations
of some British officers will force them to leave India. Besides, such militant organization
there was Indian National Congress founded in 1885, which also was restricted to the elite,
visible and superficial layer of society.2 Its members were mostly big businessmen, traders,
landholders and the emerging middle class. These common people living mostly in the villages
of India were far away from the national consciousness among the aristocratic members of
the Indian National Congress. Apart from this, the Indian National Congress was also the
victim of the difference of ideology within itself regarding means and end of the protest
popularly designated as moderates and radicals. In fact, it was lacking the unity of direction
and leadership.3 Moreover, the common agenda of all the pre-Gandhi nationalists was the
transfer of power and the absence of the vision beyond political independence4 for India
was removed only after the entry of Gandhi in the Indian political scene.
Mahatma Gandhi firmly believed in the philosophy of truth and non-violence, the
twin ideals upon which he had invented his invincible weapon of Satyagraha in South
Africa. His truth was not GOD but a human society, devoid of war, violence and exploitation.
The way to achieve this truth was non-violence or Ahimsa. To the followers of this path, he
subscribed the title of Satyagrahi.5 Gandhi introduced the non-violence as the means for
people of India to achieve the goal of political freedom. He elucidated his concept of non-
violence in following words: Non-violence is the law of our species as violence is the law of
brutes....I have therefore ventured to place before India the ancient law of self-sacrifice. For
satyagrah and its offshoots, non-cooperation and civil resistance, are nothing but new names
for the law of suffering.6 Gandhi admitted and elaborated the impact of various individuals
and philosophies which had contributed in shaping his concept of non-violence. He
acknowledged that he followed an ancient ideal, which he also read, in the teaching of all
the greatest teachers of the world Zoroaster, Mahavir, Daniel, Jesus, Mohammed, Nanak
and a host of others.7
Besides the influence of religion and spirituality on his concept of non-violence, he was
also influenced by certain individuals and philosophers like Tolstoy, Thoreau, and Ruskin
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whose works had profound impact upon Gandhis philosophy of non-violence, which helped
him also to invent a weapon like Satyagrah in his struggle against injustices of British colonial
government. Gandhis concept of non-violence, was an amalgam of key Gandhian (Gandhis)
concepts like Truth, love and self-suffering.8
The essence of truth and love got a significant place in Gandhis philosophy after his
encounter with Raychand bhai, a jeweller and businessman, who had a quest for self
knowledge and dharma in human life. His commitment towards non-violence, which was
not only restricted to the slaughter of the animals and was extended to the welfare of all the
humanity, influenced Gandhi. He advocated that no change in the individual can be permanent
if it has not transformed by truth and love.9 Later Gandhi emphasized on the need of these
two major elements which could help the transformation of individuals as he said that, You
cannot inject new ideas into a mans head by chopping it off: neither will you infuse a new
spirit into his heart by piercing it with a dagger.10 Gandhi found non-violence as the only
means which could be universally valid and applicable to reach the end as it would never
distort the end.11
Gandhi emphasized that he believed in the dynamism of man. Hence, instead of defending
the inactive form of non-violence by any means, he presented and elaborated the positive
and active aspect of the idea of non-violence. Consequently he explained the concept of
non-violence in following words: Ahimsa is not the crude thing it had been made to appear.
Not to hurt any living thing is no doubt a part of ahimsa, it is its least expression.12
Gandhi had experimented in South Africa with the idea of non-violence and satyagrah to get
justice for the Indians including indentured labours. In India he used Satyagraha against
local issues of Champaran, Ahmadabad and Kheda in 1917 and 1918, which demonstrated
invincibility of his newly invented weapon to his countrymen. The British Government provided
that opportunity by presenting the Rowlett Bills in 1919, curtailing the civil liberties of the
Indians in the name of curbing the terrorist menace. In 1919, Gandhi wrote regarding the
Rowlett Bill which had been brought right after the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms that: If
the Rowlett Bills were passed into law, the reforms, whatever their value, would be absolutely
worthless. It was absurd to find on one side the enlargement of the powers of the public and
on the other, to put unbearable restraints on their powers.13
When the British Government passed the Rowlett Bills into Act, Gandhi outlined a
programme of action to oppose the legislation by satyagrah and on 6th April, 1919, the
whole of India from one end to the other, towns as well as the villages, observed a complete
hurtle.14 Encouraged by the Rowlatt satyagrah, Gandhi wrote about the aim of the satyagrah
as to, place before the public the principle of truth and non-violence as far as possible and
144
when we are sure that these principles have been grasped, we will again break the law
civilly.15 Despite the explained philosophy of non-violence given by Gandhi, it was a great
task to convey the exact nature which Gandhi wanted to be followed by the people. Gandhi
admonished his followers in following words: We have been throwing stone we have
obstructed tram ears by putting obstructs in the way. This is not satyagrah. We have demanded
the release of about fifty men who had been arrested for the deeds of violence. But our duty
is chiefly to get ourselves arrested. ..if we cannot conduct this movement without the
slightest violence from our side, the movement might have to be abandoned.16
Despite the atrocities of the British Government, Gandhi decided to follow a plan of
action which would compel the British Government to take notice of the demand of the
Indian people. For uniting Hindus and Muslims, Gandhi supported the Khilafat movement.
In a meeting of the movement he introduced the idea of non-cooperation with the British
Government in these words:
Non-cooperation is the only remedy left open to us. It is the cleanest remedy as it is the
most effective, when it is absolutely free form all violence. It becomes a duty when cooperation
means degradation or humiliation or an injury to ones cherished religions sentiments. England
cannot accept a meek submission by us to an unjust usurpation of rights which to Muslims
mean a matter of life and death.17 Gandhi concluded the manifesto with a stern warning
against the negative means that: The cause is doomed if anger, hatred, ill-will, recklessness
and finally violence are to reign supreme. My goal is friendship with world and I can combine
the greatest love with the greatest opposition to wrong.18
Gandhi presented the resolution on non-cooperation in September, 1920 which was
accepted by both, the Khilafat conference and the Indian National Congress. The non-
cooperation movement began and its progress depended upon the level of discipline and
organization achieved and non-violence was to be its fundamental basis.19 Gandhi at one
place had observed the need and importance of the non-cooperation movement in these
words:
I consider non-cooperation to be such a powerful and pure instrument, that if it is
enforced in an earnest spirit. They would have leant the value of discipline, self control, joint
action, non-violence, organization and everything else that goes to make a nation great and
good, and not merely great.20 To convince the masses for accepting a mean based on non-
violent philosophy to attain major goals which would compel the British Imperial Government
to consider their demands, was not an easy thing. Throwing light on the importance of non-
violence Gandhi elaborated it in these words that: observation and experiments shows that
man yields to love more naturally than to violence. Since the practice of ahimsa requires as
well as brings a radical change in man.21 Gandhi called it soul force.
145
Gandhi untiringly and ceaselessly explained the non-violent nature of the non-cooperation
movement through his speeches delivered on various occasions and through the editorials
written by him in the newspapers. He defined the non-cooperation and presented its value in
following words: Non-cooperation in the sense used by me, must be non-violent and therefore
neither punitive nor vindictive nor based on malice, ill-will or hatred.22 Gandhi emphasized
that the movement of non-cooperation was nothing but an attempt to isolate the brute force
of British from all the trappings under which it is hidden and to show that brute force by itself
cannot for one single moment hold India.23 Responding to the Government communiqu on
non-cooperation, Gandhis dignified reply was, till.clear repentance comes,.so far as I
can read the national mind, non-violent non-cooperation will and must remain the creed of
the nation.24
The non-cooperation movement made considerable impact all over the nation. Thus
Gandhi enhanced the objectives of the struggle. At the annual session of Congress at Nagpur,
the congress under the leadership of Gandhi, accepted a new objective for the national struggle,
the attainment of swaraj by the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means.25 The
Congress decided a time frame for programme of action for non-cooperation movement. A
meeting of All India Congress Committee held at Bezwada on March 31, 1921, laid down a
definite programme of action to be completed before June 30, 1921.26
The non-cooperation movement advanced in 1921 and the advancement was not only
in the form of enthusiastic development of this movement but in the accompanying rising
forms of mass struggle in all parts of the country. Encouraged by the success of the non-
cooperation movement which had deprived the British authorities of their sleep, Mahatma
Gandhi took the momentous decision of taking the ongoing movement one step ahead by
introducing mass civil disobedience. On February 1, 1922, Mahatma Gandhi addressed a
letter to the viceroy which was published in the press on February 4, 1922, in which he
announced his intention, failing certain concessions on the part of the Government, to resort
to aggressive civil disobedience at Bardoli within seven days time.27
The whole programme, however, collapsed in a few days with the tragic incident of
Chauri-chaura. Scarcely had Mahatma Gandhis rejoinder to the Government been
dispatched, when the newspapers conveyed the news of the tragedy of Chauri-chaura, a
village in Gorakhpur district of U.P., where a mob of 2,000 men, headed by several hundreds
of Congress volunteers after being fired upon by the police, set fire to the thane, burning alive
twenty one policemen on the spot.28
Gandhi was highly disturbed by the violence. He was greatly concerned about the
indiscipline in the country and the mounting wave of violence in thought and words. Thus the
Congress abandoned the movement on February 12, 1922. Gandhi was criticized on taking
146
back the movement which was otherwise running successfully. On this, Gandhi had clarified
his viewpoint in these words: if the things had not suspended, we could have been leading
not a non-violent struggle but essentially a violent struggle.29
Mahatma Gandhi comprehend that the people had not understood the philosophy of
suffering and again emphasized the self control which the person practicing non-violence
needs. Non-violence is no way dependent upon the ability of the opponents. The success or
failure in exercising non-violence is solely depended on the individual itself. Gandhi was a firm
believer of non-violence. Gandhi adopted the non-violent mean to achieve the goal and was
not ready to compromise on that even on the price of abandoning a movement which had
disturbed the British Government. Gandhi advocated the means which was peaceful in manner
yet effective.
References
1. Kumar, Pramod, Mahatma Betrayed, National Publishing House, New Delhi, p.-7
2. Ibid., p.-7
3. Ibid., p.-7
4. Ibid., p.-8
5. Kumar, Pramod, op.cit., p.-4
6. Young India, August 11, 1920
7. Young India, March 23, 1922
8. Quoted in Rohmetra, Seema, Gandhian Philosophy of Non-Violence: Theoretical Basis
and Practical Dimensions, Gandhi Marg, vol. 33(2), July-September 2011, p.-253
9. Brown, Judith, Prisoner of hope, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1990, p.-78
10. Quoted in Rohmetra, seema, Gandhi an Philosophy of Non-Violence: Theoretical Basis
and Practical Dimensions, Gandhi Marg, vol. 33(2), p.-254
11. B.Judith, op.cit., p.-84
12. Kher, V.B., (edit.), Gandhi, The search of the supreme, vol. II, p.-26
13. The Bombay Chronicle, February 14, 1919
14. Gandhi, op. cit., p.-563
15. Rani, Asha, Gandhi an non-violence and Indias freedom struggle, Delhi, 1981, p.-133
16. Ibid., p.-133

147
17. Young India, March 10, 1920
18. Ibid.
19. Prasad, Bisheswar, Changing. Modes of Indian National Movement, Peoples publishing
House, p.-92
20. The collected works of Mahatma Gandhi, (Hereafter CWMG), vol. XVII, Publication
division, Ahmadabad, 1967, p.-92
21. Das, Diptymoyee, Gandhis doctrine of truth and non-violence, Dominant Publication,
New Delhi, 2008, pp.-66-67
22. Young India, August 25, 1920
23. Tendulkar, D,G., Mahatma, vol. II, Ahmadabad, 1951, p.-26
24. Young India, November 17, 1920
25. Report of the Thirty Fifth session of the Indian National Congress, Resolution no. I
26. CWMG, vol. XIX, op.cit., pp.-495-496
27. Taunk, B.M., Non-cooperation Movement in Indian Politics (1919-1924), Sun deep
Prakashan, Delhi, p.-112
28. Ibid., pp.-113-114
29. Bakshi, S.R., Gandhi and Non-Cooperation Movement, Capital Publishers, New Delhi,
1983, p.-226

148
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS AT TIRTHA MATHA,
TURANGA-TANARA, JAGATSINGHPUR
Chandra Apolo Mohanty
Jagatsinghpur, a coastal district of Odisha lays to the east of the Indian subcontinent. Its
geographical co-ordinates are 190 58 and 200 23 North latitude and 860 03and 860 45
East longitude. Its boundary is marked by the beautiful coastline of Bay of Bengal in the east
and the district of Cuttack in west, the district of Kendrapada in the north and the district of
Khurda in the south. Jagatsinghpur was created as a new district of Orissa in 1993 in the
political map of Orissa, before that it was a sub-division of Cuttack district. This region is
very rich with archaeological remains and monuments including various religious and secular
groups such as Buddhism, Jainism, Saivism, Saktism, Vaishnavism and Muhammadianism.
The archaeological mound at Turanga-
Tanara is situated in t he district of
Jagatsinghpur, of Tirtol block at a latitude of
200 1314 N. and longitude of 860 20 23
E. The archaeological mound is located on the
bank of the river Hansua. Turanga-Tanara is
9 km away from Tirtol block. Presently there
is a Matha called Tirtha Matha maintained by
Odisha State Archaeology bearing the images
ranging from 9th to 12th C. A.D. The village
Turanga and Tanara are presently situated on
the archaeological mound which approximately
measures 5acres of land. The mound is
surrounded by the villagers in the eastern, western, northern and southern side. There are
more than 2000 of people are living in that village. Most of the villagers are farmers and
depends over the cultivation for their lively hood. The mound was accidentally discovered by
the present scholar when engaged with the documentation work of the matha. Just in front of
the matha there was a mound and the Matha Mahanta was clearing the mound with the help
of the bulldogger. Accidentally the author came across the various kinds of potsherds scattered
all over the mound. The potsherds of red ware, black ware, and red slipped ware are found
in a large scale. Potsherd of various varieties such as rim, base and bailey portions of the
vase, dishes, bowl and cooking vassals are found. The concentration red polished ware was
very high. These are made of well levitated clay and well fired having a shining red slip over

149
inside and outside of the potsherds. The black ware found from here are also well levitated
and well fired. Accidentally a terracotta wheel was found from the mound where the digging
work was on progresses.
Tirthamatha of the village contains a large number of Buddhist and Brahmanical sculptures
arranged within thatched shed. The Odisha State Archaeology has constructed an
archaeological shed for the proper preservation of the images. The houses of the matha are
erected on all sides of inner courtyard. The room built of clay are provided with thatched
roofs. A Mahanta is looking after the management of the matha. To the left side of the
matha complex there is a tank. The area in front of the right side still remains unprotected
without any compound wall.
There is a votive stupa containing an image of Padmapani Avalokitesvara being
worshipped by a kneeling devotee. The fragment of doorjamb kept near the votive stupa is
depicted with a figure of Tara displaying lotus flower in her left hand1. The terracotta Tulasi
pedestal under the tree is depicted with scroll works and human figurines.
There is a Ganesha (2-3 1-6) image kept in the sculpture shed wich is badly eroded
that one cannot recognise the attributes held in each of the hands2.
The first room of the right side while entering into the inner courtyard, houses linga and
its saktipitha. The Sivalinga however, is not placed in the saktipitha but kept very close to
it. A wooden decorative vimana has been preserved in this shrine for use during ceremonial
occasions. The figures of Mahishamardini Durga, deula charini and Hakasura vadha Siva
and Chamunda are found near the matha3. The Andhakasuravadha murti of Lord Siva is
carved with urdhalinga, bull and a series of gana attendants. The trisula of Siva is shown
lifting demon Andhakasura to the sky. Siva is encircled by a garland of human skulls.
The ten armed Mahishamardini Durga (2-31-
6) image of this place is badly mutilated. Of her ten hands
four have already gone along with the attributes held in
them4. The remaining hands represent disc, trident, bow,
kuthara, mala and one pressing the head of the demon
Mahisasura who after emerging from the decapitated
body of buffalo and her mount, the lion are carved over
lotus pedestal.

150
The Chamunda (31-6) image of this group is designed seated
over a prostate human body. She is wearing a garland of human
skulls. Gajacharma has been drawn over the back slab. Her eight
hands including the attributes held in them have been damaged beyond
recognition5. Her emaciated body with sunken belly and gaping mouth
appears to be awe inspiring.
The Parbati image (2-91-6) of this place is worshipped as
Renuka, the mother of Parasurama. The Parvati image has been
designed seated in lalitasana over multi pedalled lotus pedestal. She
is flanked by two attaining lady figurines standing over the same
pedestal. Of her eight hands, the four of the right side represent conch, sward, varada
mudra and rosary while the other four of the left side display trident, shield, snake
Andvaradamudra6. Her personal ornaments are beautifully fashioned.
The ten armed image of Mahishamardini Durga (31-6) of this
place on the other hand display Khadga, sara, trisula, aksamala and
dagger on the right and shield, bow and snake on the left. One of her
left hand has damaged and other passing the head of demon Mahishasura
who has emerged from the decapitated body of the buffalo. The
chopped off head of the buffalo is lying over the lotus pedestal. Lion
the conventional mount of the goddesses is depicted to the right of
pedestal in the attitude of attacking the buffalo demon. Goddess Durga
is firmly planted her right leg on the back of the lion. Both the figures
convey the artistic tradition and iconographic features of the heavy
Somavansi period7.
The newly constructed temple contains the images of wooden,
brass, manuscripts and a wooden image of lord Jagannatha. The stone idols include three
images of Vishnu, two of Parasurama one each of Surya and Trivikrama-Vishnu. The three
Vishnu images are uniformly fashioned on lotus pedestals flanked by Sridevi and Bhudevi.
They display conch, disc, lotus, and Varadamudra in hands. Garuda the conventional mount
of lord Vishnu has been carved seated to the right of the pedestal in folded hands. Personal
ornaments and drapery of all these figures are remarkably executed8.
The two Parasurama (31-6) images are also carved standing over doubled lotus
pedestals. They display Parasu in upper right hand arrow in lower right hand, conch in upper
left hand and bow in lower left hand. The attendants of the first Parasurama image are provided
with quiver filled with arrow and Gada, where as the attendants of the other figure are shown
in Gada and anjali mudra. In addition, the two images of the deity are provided with the
elliptical decorative hallos, flying figures holding garlands, multi-stranded upavita, a rich set
of personal ornaments and well knitted drapery9. Independent images of Parusurama are
rarely found elsewhere in Odisha.
The Trivikrama Vishnu (2-31-6) image of this place is designed in conventional posture.
It displays sankha, chakra, gada and padma in four hands. Lower part of this image represents
151
the figure of Bali. The elliptical halo behind the head is decorated with beads10. The top portion
of the slab contains flying Apsaras holding garlands in hand.
The Surya image (31-6) of this place is fashioned in standing pose over a chariot
drawn by seven spirited horses. Aruna, the charioteer is seated in front. Usha and Pratyusha in
the attitude of shooting arrows are standing on either side of the Sun-god. Both the hands of the
Surya are represented by full-blown lotus. The elliptical halo behind head
is decorated with a beaded border11.
The brass idol preserved here includes figures of Radha-krishna,
Balagopala, Gajalaxmi, and Gopis. The outer niches of this shrine contain
figures of Narasimha in Uttnasayi pose, Brahma seated on lotus emerging
from the naval region of Vishnu and a lady seated in kneeling position
with folded hands. In addition, a much damaged Ganesha image and
three lion figures are kept in front of the present temple12. The Ganesh
image carved standing on a crudely fashioned lotus pedestal displays
bhagnadanta, aksamala, parasu and pot containing lotus in hands. He
is flanked by devotees on either side, offering jack fruits.
By looking to the loose sculptures preserved in the matha it is concluded that Saivism,
Saktism and Vaisnavism had a strong base at the locality. The Saiva and Sakta images though
represent artistic tradition and iconographical features of the late Bhaumakara or early Somavansi
period, the Vaisnavite status indicate to their fashioning in the Ganga period13. The Buddhist
relics referred to earlier were possibly brought from some other site of the locality. Due to the
availability of two independent Parasurama images and the worship of Parvati image as Renuka,
the mother of Parasurama, local people attribute great religious significance to the places as the
Parasurama Kshetra.
References
1. R.P. Mohapatra, Archaeology in Orissa, Vol. II, Delhi, 1986, p. 92.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. P.K. Roy Annual Archaeological Survey Report, Vol.1, State Archaeology, Bhubaneswar,
(1971-75), p.23.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. R.P. Mohapatra, op. cit., p. 93.
9. Ibid., p. 93.
10. P.K. Roy, op. cit., p. 23.
11. B.K Rath, Jagatsinghpur Jillara Pratna Tattik Bibhab, Jagatsinghpur, Atita O
Bartamana (Odia), ed. Bholanath Rout etal Vol-I, Cuttack, 2006, p.70.
12. R.P. Mohapatra, op.cit., p. 93.
13. Ibid.
152
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
FORTS OF GANJAM DISTRICT
Ramesh Chandra Sahu
The fundamental principles of fortification were known and practasied in India as early
as chalcolithic period and the towns and settlements were sometimes protected by walls both
for strategic reasons and protection of like and property of the inhabitants from neighbours
and invaders. In the life of modern era with computers and others electrical devices the
original significance and importance of the fortification may seenreduadant . To know that is
a fort and intercacies of fortification and has to go deep into the past and to these remote
periods when lives of men were quite different from that of ours. In those days in India, things
did not exist or vast empires, as there did in Europe. On the contrary, there were as in Greece
alarge number of principalities, which were always engaged in warfare with one another.
Besides, there were raids by robbers invaders making the life of the citizens more insecure.
Add to this, the wild animals often entered and created havoc in the human habitation. All
theses causes led to the Indispensability of effectivedefence mechanism. Consequently almost
every village or town had its own fortification in ancient India1.
The metropolis in ancient India was invariable surrounded by the fortification either
natural or artificial. The eastern with which the fort was held in India can well be gauged from
the fact that it has been recognized as one of the constitution of a state. More over in India
military science which lays more emphasis on defence rather than offence it is natural forts
enjoyed a position equal to the treasury if not higher2.Numerous ports have been imported
during the course of archaeological excavations at Pataliputra , SisupalagarhRajgiri, Kosmbi,
Unchadip depictions some of these places also corroborate fort building activities of the
contemporary period. The sculptors of at Sanchi present the city of Kapilavastu as fortied by
massive walls, ramparts water towers and ditches. The Kusinagara reveals even the ditches
of the fort3.
In Orissa nothing was known about ancient fortification. Although we have the fort of
Sisupalgarh yet no literary evidence or source material is available on the technique of fort
building for defensive purpose. The manner of the construction of some forts of Orissa has
been laid down in a voluminous book called Vimsarvasva by GopinathTunga , Raja of Tigima
who flourished in the 17th century which classify the sites suitable for human habitation of the
various castes4.
Ganjam is situated at a distance of 8 kms to the north of Chtrapur. When Orissa was
under the British rule of Ganjam fort was an important center. The accounts ofArab geographer
IbnKhurdaba Bin relating to the to the reign of the Bhauma queen TribhubanMahadevi II 846
A.D. mentions the same placenames of Orissa in order of their situation including Kanja

153
which has been identified with Ganjam. Some Scholars have located the capital of Kangoda
at Ganjam. This fort is known as Potagada located on the bank of the river Rushikulya. The
fort with respect to the town appears to be extremely well situated5.
Builder and History
The construction of the fort was commenced in 1768 by Mr.Catsford , the first English
Resident commissioner of Ganjam on assuming possession of Catsford realized that his position
was somewhat precarious, for to the north of at Cuttack there was a large force of Maraths,
while in the province itself there were nineteen Zamindars. All of them were more or less
turbulent in character .His authority in the district was therefor in danger at the least appearance
of any trouble .The Zaimndars, being semi-independent rulers ,entertained considerable bodies
of feudal retainers commonly called Paiks and in all could muster among them no less than
32,170 soldiers , while they held possession of 34 forts for the protection of their respective
territories. It was therefore the residentschiefcare to provoke as little opposition possible in
his management of the Ganjam ad by gradually destroying the country forts he hoped to force
the Zamindars to obiedence. To assist the resident in governing the country and collecting its
revenues an aggreagate force of 2000 men commanded by captain Bondinell, the senior
officer, were located in difference parts of the country, but chiefly at Ganjam , chatrapur&Aska
. To add to the difficulties of the residents position it was reported that the Marathas at
Cuttack were about to invade the district Mr. Cotsford first care was to secure the revenue
of the country, which in the first year of their occupation amounted to about 5 lakhs of rupees.
His second choice was to set about building a fort at Ganjam for the security of the second
settlement and its stores. Politicallyboth internal & external disturbance created problem to
Mr. Cotsford to builtGanjam fort at the river Rushikulya6.
Till 1815, Ganjam was headquarters and the chief town of the Ganjam and also a centre
of international trade and commerce. It was at first a French settlement. In 1759 the English
drive out the French and settled there .In June 1815 due to the out brake of a great an
epidemic a large number of people dead. The population was reduced from 30,000 to 6,000
consequently in November 1815, the English shifted their establishment to Bam and deserted
the town.
It was a water fort built more for trade and commerce than for defence. It was built on
the strategic point of the center of the river Rushikully with the sea. The sea is at a distance of
about few hundred yards from the port which made transportation of goods easier and
convenient. Besides, the Forts has been built in a such a way that article could be carried into
its interior by water route very secretly.

154
The fort recalls to mind the memories of the former residents and chiefs in council who
were engaged here partly in political at partly in commercial enterprises for the East-India
company. It was a port of the English East-India company mainly to be used against the
French Mr. Cots ford was finally able to built the fort7.
At a time it was one of the busiest trade centres. Boats can be loaded in quiet water and
dragged up out of the surf conveniently. Times rolled on and Ganjam fort was damaged.
Repeated floods in the Rushikullya river and saline effect of the sea breeze caused enough
damages to the fortified area. Orissa state Archaeology has repaired to fallen parts of the
buildings with in the fort area. The most surrounding this unique star shaped fort has been
silted up8.
Description of Fort
Though Ganjam fort a modern one its constructional design was rather traditional. Ganjam
fort orpotagers was a water fort or aidkadurga because it was located near river The Ganjam
fort was built in a star shaped design with a small filled water in all direction. The inner area
contained residential houses magazine building artilarry park store house etc.
The exterior wall was about eight feet thick and comprised of strong clays within, and sands
laid horizontally about 31/2 on the outsides ,well built and watered so as to make it very solid.
The magazine was sufficiently larges to contain about 40,000lbs of gun power and from
its construction, it can be taken as bomb-proof.
The wall of the lodging was of clay with the timber beams, supporting the roof, the roofs were
covered with tiles9.
Recent Archaeological Remains
Presently Ganjam fort is in ruin. The ruins of the main gate of the fort, a temple, a masjid, a
prison house, some portion of the office building and a tunnels and the remains of the fort10.
The work of preservation of the ganjam fort was taken up by state department of
Archaeologicalfrom the year 1967-68 and continued in full swing. The central block within
the fort containing big halls was thoroughly repaired .The repair of the fort walls and rampant
has been started. The old wall inside the fort premises which was completely silted up has
been satisfactory renovated11.
The forts like Potagarh near the town of Ganjam, Athagarh,Malatigarh, Jaugada are
most important.

155
Potagarh Fort
Potagarh near the town of Ganjam is the place of Archaeological importance. The town
Ganja or Ganjam is situated on the east-coast at a distance of 8 km from Chatrapur, the head
quarter of the Ganjam district. Till the beginning of the 19th century Ganjam was the chief
town and head quarters of the district. We found here the old fort, commonly known as
Potagada which was commenced in 1768. By Mr. Cots ford, the first British resident in
Ganjam. Before the English this fort was under the control of Muslim and the French. This
star like fort with five projecting concerns is surrounded by a water ditches. It is believed that
they used the water of near byRushikulya for the ditch.
The ruins to Ganjam show that it had a harbor and custom house. It was at first a French
settlement. Towards the end of 1759 being attacked by the English, the French left this place,
unfortunately due to great epidemic in 1815, the population of Ganjam was reduced to 6000
from a total of 30,000. Consequently in November 1815 all the offices were shifted to
Berhampur and the population also migrated deserting the city which gradually lost its
prosperity and fame.
The Ganjam fort was envisaged in star shaped design with a moalt filled with water on
all directions. The inner area contained residential house, Magazine building, artillery part,
store houses,etc. The exterior wall is near eight feet thick and comprised of strong clay within
and soil laid horizontally about 3 feet thick on the outward side, well beat and watered so as
to make it very solid. The magazine is sufficiently large as to contain 40,000lbs guns and its
construction is bomb prof. The walls of the residential building area of clay through within are
large timbers on which the beam supporting roof rest. The roofs are covered with tiles. The
artillery parts consist of a building with thatched roof. There are four drains for the passage of
water out of the fort in the rainy season12.
Orissa state Archaeology has taken over the maintenance of this fort from the
Archaeological survey of India. In the recent years they have repaired several fallen parts of
the building within the fortified area after through clearance of wild bushes and brickbats. The
moat around the fort has now been silted up. Repeated floods in the Rushikulyariver and the
saline effect of the sea breeze caused immense damage to the fort. The British people abandoded
this fort in a subsequent period due to unhealthy climate, lack of drinking water and out break
of an epidemic fever in prafenenceto Berhampur. Since then the place lost its former grandeur.
Besides the ruined fort the adjoining Christian cematary contains some interesting monuments
which are gradually falling to decay13. Besides these monuments one can notice at Ganjam a
Muslim mosque the temple of KhandevarMahadeva and a few vaishnavites shrines of much
later date.

156
Considering the description of the capital of Kongada by HiuenTsang ,panditBinayak
Mishra located the capital of Kongada at Ganjam. Cunningham also stated that the capital of
Kongada was Ganjam itself.
With the help of Ganjam fort MrCotsford maintained law and order of Ganjam during
British period. Being situated near the river as well as sea, trade and commerce were conducted
smoothly. Financially Britishers were benefitted by the Ganjam force. They effectly warded
off internal and external invasion as well as insurgents of Local Zamindars. Ganjam fort was
a military establishment of Britishers. It stands silent centinel of and a mute witness to the
military glory of the Britisher.
Malatigada
At Kesaripali near Kendupadara , about 15 kms to the south east of Bhanjanagar, is
situated the Malati hill at the top of which is found the remains of an old fort called Malatigada.
Though it is belivedtotaly that the fort was built by the Keshari king of Orissa. It was perhaps
built by the Bhanja Kings of Ghumusara .On the Malati hill there is a lamp carved in stone
which is said to have contained two hundred fifty seers of oil . The oil pen is turned upside
down and set on the stone pillar of the pedestal of the lamp. This lamp was lighting the entire
campus of the fort. A number of coins and fragments of golden images were discovered at
malatigada.The image of Biranchinarayana(sun gold) was taken away from this hill to Buguda
and it was installed in the temple of Biranchinarayana during the time of Raja SrikaraBhanja
. Life size images of Parvati, Kartikeya and Ganesh were discovered at Malatigada which
have been shifted to the nearby villages like NeminaMunigadi and Kantikapalli. At Malatigada
there is a dilapidated Shiva temple called Utkeshawara and Shakti shrine dedicated to the
goddess Ratnei.
Langalabeni of Athgarh
The Langalabenifort of Athagarh seem to have been well protected by high walls. The
kings residence was secured from any sudden attack due to its location between two hills.It
was almost entirelyinasccessiable because a stone wall of twenty feet high was carried to a
length of 100 yards in the direction of north and south from one hill from the other. The wall
itself was pierced by a large gate way with square tower on each side of it. The British forces
marched against the ruler of Athagarh and captured the fort in May 1769 A.D.
Jaugada(fort in ancient periods)
Location-: Jaugadaia an important and ancient fort of Kalinga. It was situated in the
kingdom of Kalinga. Now it is situated near Purusottampur at a distance of 25 kms from
Berhampur. It is in ruins now14.

157
Builder and History
Who built it is still uncertain. Inside this fort we find separate Kalinga edict no 11 of King
Asoka. It is situated almost on the bank of river Rushikulyafor which it has strategic importance.
Besides this can be taken as a forest fort. The sea is verynear to the fortas the river Rushikulya
enters into the sea few kilometers away from Jaugada . The spot was ideal for the construction
of a fort because the escape route through the river was accessiable to the sea. The dense
forest cover made it further suitable. The most important reason for the selection of the spot
was its location on the border of the kingdom. It was meant to safeguard the kingdom on its
southern borders. Along with defending the kingdom it also acted as an offensive base from
where Kalingans leta number of invasions. Hence the fort was on offensive as well as defensive
fort.
It seems quite likely that the fort was built for military purposes. After the invasion of
Kalinga, Ashok made Jaugada, a provincial head quarters for the smooth conduct of the
southern most part of his kingdom, especially for the welfare of the unconquered tribals
whom he refers to in his edict no11 as the AbijitaBanyaPraja he appointed a prince of the
royal image to over see the administration . Jaugada inscription was addressed to the
Mahamatras of sompa which was a city of Kalinga which may be identified with the village
sammanar Jaugada15.
This is the second of the two records found at Kalinga where instead of Rock edicts XI-
XII of the series do not occur. Where as the separate Kalinga edict occurs. All men are his
children. Just as the regards his own children. He desires that they might be provided for him
with all kinds of welfare and happiness in this world and in the world here after and the same
he desires in respect of all men. He wished that the king describe them not to be worried on
his account, that they should have confidence in him and that they should expect from him
only happiness and no misery16.
Asoka built this separate KalingaedcitIIin Jaugadaas it was a bordering provience in
those days. Special attention was paid by him about the safety of the front and care was
taken to provincial war equipment to the fort and replenishes it with regular supply of food-
stuff round the year. The localtadition regarding the fort states that it was demanded by walls
built of Lac and hence acquired the name of Jaugada or Lac fort and therefore Lac made fort
very vulnerable and no enemy could scale the walls. They were two smooth and slippery but
its impregnability was destroyed by a spy who divulged the adversary the secret that fire
would melt the stuff17.
A very interesting legend relating to Jaugada says that the fort was built by Rajkeshari,
who built the walls of Lac instead of bricks in order that an enemys canon balls might bury
themselves harmless inside. Close by, on the Ruab Pilli hills, lived another king who quarreled
158
with Keshari and besieged him for a long time invain. It showed itself that it was very strong
which cannot be easily assaulted or destroyed by enemy. At last a milk woman whose milk
has been forcibly taken away by one of the soldiers revealed that the fort was built of lac. The
besiegens then applied fire to the fort and caused destruction. When the fort was destroyed
Raja Kesari cursed the milk woman for it. She was at once turned into a stone.
The fort site has been described by W.F.Grame published with G.O. of 22nd February
1872.It is situated on the site of the large city surrounded by a foot wall. The inscribed rock
is one of a group inside the fort. It rises vertically and inscribed surfaces the south-east, near
it lies the modern village of Nuagam, belonging to purusottampur near Berhampur town18.
No precise chronology limits has yet determined about the fort, no neolithic or ceramic
evidences to indicate its origin.Further the free occurrence of PuriKrushnacoins in the levels
of period II not only suggestion era of prosperity. When these cities were in currency but also
sets the upper limits of the periods19. The occurrence of PuriKrushna coins is an indication of
the prosperous condition of township. Here it may be pointed out that Palur, a place of little
away from here was a harbor in ancient times. Hence the possibility of Jaugada being a
center for trade and commerce could not be ruled out. Soon after the conquest of Kalinga
Asoka made Tosali the capital of the state and Jaugada a provincial headquarters as it was
expedient for him to administer the vanquished country proposely. For instruction of his
officials stationed at the place he inscribed the rock Edict. Thus the date of occupation of the
fort may be assignable to the period between 3rd century B.C and 2nd century A.D. The
history and culture of the fort beyond this period are difficult to recount20.
Among the types of forts elucidated in KautilyasArthasastra andNitisara, Jaugada
confirms to the second category, ; the Vanadurga or forest fort21.Jaugada is an old quadrangular
earthern forest nearly square with two entrances in each face or eight entrance in all. The fort
was originally sorrounde by a wide and deep moat. Hence no doubt, the earth was dug up to
form the ramparts the moat was not continuously unexcavated slips being left at various
entrances for ingress and regress. The walls had tower also to earth at each of the four
corners and also on each flank of each of the eight entrances. All these still exist through of
course, the rain of centuries has reduced them to high shapeless mounds. It is slightly elevated
above the line of ramparts22. The moat has got generally filled in but so great was its depth
and extended that to this day it is more than 7 feet deep towards the middle. The walls are
exclusively of earth. It is difficult to say about the exact dimension of the fortified area. It
seems too large for a fort. It is a long square the opposite faces being 858 yards by 814 yards
respectively. The bank of eastern one even now at places is 18 feet high and 1481/2feet
across at the base23.
159
Present Archaeological Remains
The Archaeological survey of India under DevalMitra took trial excavation in the site
in the years 1956-57. Five cuttings were made in different parts of the site and a trench was
laid across the defensive rampart. A Neolithic culture was found at the sitiching vaguely
represented by a few stone cells of oblong section and the surface finds seemingly associated
with the black and red ware.
Period I represents a full-fledged iron using culture. The pottery was essentially plain
and totally devoid of paintings and was utilitarian in character. Three distinct wares were
recognizable with an ordinary dull red ware of medium to coarse fabric with or without slip .
A black and red was mostly of fine and well burnt fabric oftenwith a polished surface. The
common shapes being the dish and boat and a red polished ware. Among other industries
special mention may be made of bead making. A large number of beads made of shell,bone,
carnellion, agate, crystal, quartz etc, were remarkable for their workmanship. From the
presence of unfinished beads it was clear that they had been manufactured locally. No brick
structure was met with, though pot holes of Flooringsrammed gravelor burnt earth were often
encountered.
The principal ceramic industry of period II made red ware of medium grained clay. It
was mostly under fire and had a tendency to get rubbed off easily the decoration. The knobbed
vessel which made its appearance in period I survived in this period as well but the fabric
degenerated considerably. The other cultural equipments included brick and stone structures
(fine specimen of beads, mostly of semi-precious beads, semi-precious stones, steel and
terracotta and copper and iron) objects of peace and war . A punchmarked coin was found
in an early level of the period. The so called Purikushancoin, eleven in all, were found scattered
throughout.
The fortification wall around the town was built of earthern rampart consisting of laterite
gravel, stone, chips and hard earth surviving to an average height of 25 and breadth of 70
feet. The town was square in plan each side measuring approximately half a mile in length24.
The excavation of a trench 117 feet long laid across the southern side of the rampart
between its two gate ways laid to the provisional conclusions.
On the natural soil was a sandy layer, with flimsy occupational debris consisting of
sherdsof five black and red ware. Over it was built the first defensive rampart its extant
maximum height being 14 feet 6 inches and base width 70 feet. The material to form the
rampart was obtained by the cutting of a ditch into the sandy layer and the varied natural
deposits of clay earth with kankar nodules, laterite gravel and stone chips.

160
Thus the rampart contained stray shreds of the same nature as the sandy layer. The inner
brick of the ditch has been traced in the extreme outer end of the trench but its width and
depth have not been ascertained.
The next important phase of the rampart separated from the initially one by an intermediate
phase during which the existing top was covered by a thick deposit of earth after some
occupational layers had accumulated on the inner face, saw the construction of a 2 feet high
wall of rubble and stone chips with a cap of large boulders and the major part of its top were
covered up with varied deposits, leaving only one side of the top bouldersexposed, one of
such deposits yielded a Puri-Kushan coin, the only indication of the date of the phase.
That the fortification did not cease to play its part in the later history of the town was
indicated by its subsequent heightening, the tops of which were formed intact25.
In Jaugada , the excavation reveled a full-fledged from using culture in the first period
the pottery was essentially plain and devoid of any paintings. In the second period a decorated
pottery consisting of incised and applied pattern were found. The knobbed vessel which was
found in the early phase continued to exist during the second period too with a degenerated
fabric. Other cultural equipment were iron implements and beads of shell, bone cornelian
agent crystal, quartz, terracotta and copper. The punch marked coin and PuriKushana coins
collected from Jaugada26.
Conclusion
Jaugada is an important tourist place of Ganjam. It is famous for Asokaninscription.
Although inscription is mute but it tells of the glorious period of ancient Orissa. The monument
work which Asoka did inspires the modern thinkers to find out religious, political and military
history of the above mention period. This inscription never mentioned the existence of a fort
here. Tourist either local or foreign no doubt derives pleasure while visiting this site.
The Kushana coins found at Jaugada suggest that Ganjam too was under the Kushana
rule in the 1st century A.D. Jaugada provides amelancholic picture of a sudden and sad end.
The countless small fragments of pottery spread in a wide area and burnt earthen pots indicate
the possible occurrence of a tragic event in the past. By the help of Jaugada, the provincial
headquarters of administrative unit of Asoka the rule over this part. Kalinga was very peace
full and avoided foreign war. Because it is nearness to the riverRushikulyaKalingas perhaps
used this fort for commercial purpose.

161
References:
1. R.P.Mohapatra , Military History of Orissa , New Delhi, 1986, p-241.
2. S.T.Das, An Introduction to the Art of the war, New Delhi,1970, p-109.
3. A.K.Srivastava,Ancient Indian Army ,its administration and organization New
Delhi.1985, p-60.
4. A.DasBhaliagarh, The Orissa Historical review journal, Vol-XIV, 1966,P-3.
5. M.N.Das(ed.) Sidelights on History and culture of Orissa, Cuttack,1977,p-536.
6. T.J.Maltby, Ganjam District Manual, Madras 1918, pp-91-92.
7. M.N.Das(ed.),op.cit,p-536.
8. R.P.Mohapatra, op.cit, pp-277-79.
9. T.J.Maltby, op.cit,p-96.
10. A.K.Rath ,Studies on some aspects of t he History and culture and
Orissa,Calcutta,1987,p-175.
11. Annual Administration Report of the Department of Cultural affairs1967-68,pp-24-25.
12. Epigraphiaindica, vol-XX, pp.41-45.
13. R.Swells Archaeological survey of south India vol-I Delhi ,1882, pp.2-3.
14. M.N.Das(ed.) op.cit. pp-533-34.
15. A.K.Rath ,op.cit. pp-170-71.
16. H.K.Mahatab , History of Orissa , Cuttack. 1959,pp-45-46.
17. A.K.Rath, op.cit,p-171.
18. R.Swell ,op.cit,p-4.
19. R.P.Mohapatra, op.cit,pp-275-76.
20. H.C.Das, Urban centre in Ancient Orissa, The Orissa Historical Research Jounal,vol-
XXIX. P-87.
21. B.K.Majumdar , The Military System in Ancient India , Calcutta , 1960, p-65.
22. J.D.Beglar, Archaeological survey of India Report, 1875,vol-XIII, PP-112-116.
23. R.P.Mohapatra, op.cit,pp-275-76.
24. H.C.Das ,op.cit, p-86.
25. R.P.Mohapatra, op.cit,pp-275-77.
26. S.K.Panda , Early Economy of Orissa-A Reassessment of Archaeological Evidence ,
South Indian History Congress ,vol-XIX, PP-196-197.

162
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
SAKSHI-GOPALA TEMPLE AT SATYABADI
Ratnakar Mohapatra
Introduction
The temple of Sakshi-Gopala is one of
the important Vaishnava shrines in the coastal-
belt of Odisha. It is situated at Satyabadi of the
sadara sub-division of Puri district. The site of
the temple is about 40 kms away from
Bhubaneswar and 10 miles to the north of Puri
town.1 This shrine attracts a large number of
pilgrims from all over the country throughout the
year. Satyabadi is the centre of many Brahmin
sasanas and it attained considerable reputation
as the seat of Lord Sakshi-Gopala. It is generally
believed that ones pilgrimage to the kshetra of
Jagannath-Puri remains incomplete without a visit to Lord Sakshi-Gopala of Satyabadi.2 The
temple is located in the midest of a large garden, surrounded by a board ditch and well
stocked with fruit trees. The earlier temple is known to have been built in the Maratha period
of Odishan history. Prior to that the image Sakshi-Gopala was kept at places like Varanasi-
Kataka, Rathipura Garh, Kantalabai near Chilika lake and within the Jagannatha temple
complex of Puri.3 The original Sakshi-Gopala temple at Varanasi-Kataka (present Cuttack)
was visited by Lord Chaitanya prior to its destruction by the iconoclasts.4 After the Muslim
conquest of Odisha, the image Sakshi-Gopala was moved from place to place and subsequently
removed to the village of Alasa (the old name of Satyabadi) at the instruction of one religious
minded Brahmachari.5
The idol Sakshi-Gopala of Satyabadi is closely associated with the Kanchi-Kaveri
tradition of Odisha. There is a popular belief (tradition) that the image Sakshi-Gopala of
Satyabadi was brought from Kanchi, the capital of Vidyanagar (Vijayanagara) by Gajapati
Purushottama Deva.6 The presiding deity of the temple is widely famous for the legend of
giving evidence (sakshi) on the quarrel between the old Brahmana and his proposed son-in-
law.7 The present temple of Sakshi-Gopala has been erected on the ruins of the earlier small
shrine of that site. It represents both the rekha and pidha types of the Odishan temple
architecture. Now, this temple is a protected monument under the Odisha State Archaeology,
Bhubaneswar.The temple consists of three structures such as vimana, jagamohana and
natamandapa. It faces to east. The present article attempts to highlight the detailed architectural
features, sculptures and paintings of the temple of Lord Sakshi-Gopala.
163
Architectural features of the temple
A. Vimana
The vimana is a full-fledged panhcaratha rekha deula and its height is 88 ft and 6
inches from the ground level of the temple.8 It is also about 70 feet high from the surface of the
temple complex.9 The vimana has fourfold vertical divisions viz pishta or platform, bada,
gandi or sikhara and mastaka. The base of the vimana is square and each side measures
32 feet and 8 inches.10 The pishta of the vimana is 3 feet in height and it is completely plain.
The vimana has panchanga type of bada consisting of pabhaga, tala jangha, bandhana,
upara jangha and baranda. The pabhaga comprised five mouldings such as khura, kumbha,
patta, kani and basanta. The tala garbhika or below the central niche contains a rekha
mundi on each side of the bada. The patta portion of the pabhaga is decorated with small
Rahu heads in three sides. The tala jangha niches of the bada are relieved with pidha
mundis and rekha mundis. The intervening recesses between the pagas of tala jangha are
filled with naravidalas, gaja-vidalas, asva-vidalas, simha vidalas and amorous couples.
The central niches of the three sides of the bada are housed with the parsvadevata images
of Trivikrama, Narasimha and Varaha.
The bandhana portion of the bada consists of three decorative horizontal mouldings.
The upper jangha niches are relieved with pidha mundis and its intervening recesses are
filled with the figures of dancing girls (nayikas). The kanika paga of the baranda portion
contains seven decorative horizontal mouldings. The central (raha) and the anuratha pagas
are left plain. The raha paga of the western side baranda portion is decorated with an image
of Narayana who is flanked on either side by a female attendant figure.
The gandi of the vimana is a curvilinear superstructure, which displays five pagas. The
base of the raha paga of the gandi contains angasikhara on each side. The northern side
raha paga is depicted with three projected jhapa simhas in its surface. The raha paga of
the eastern side contains two angasikharas being superimposed by one above the other.
The raha paga of the western and eastern sides contain three jhapa simhas arranged in
vertical manner from the base of the gandi to the top. The large sized gaja simha figures are
projected out on the top portion of the raha pagas. The middle portion raha paga of the
southern side gandi is relieved with the images of Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subhadra.
The kanika paga contains seven angasikharas, which are superimposed one above another
on each corner. The recesses between the pagas are decorated with seven miniature pidha
deulas on each side. The dopicha lions are fixed on the top of kanika pagas of the gandi.
Garuda figures in folded hands are inserted above the raha pagas. They are acting as the
supporting elements to the amalaka sila of the mastaka. The entire body of vimana has
been deplastered in 2000 A.D. Due to untiring efforts of the Odisha State
164
Archaeology;Bhubaneswar, it is possible to identify the above said decorative elements of
the vimana of temple.
The mastaka of the vimana consists of beki, amalaka sila, khapuri, kalasa, ayudha
(chakra) and dhvaja. The chakra of the mastaka measures 5 feet 3 inches in height.11
Inner walls of the sanctum are completely plain. Out of the two layers of ceiling found
the lower one is known as garbhamuda and the upper one is called ratnamuda respectively.
B. Jagamohana
The jagamohana or mukhasala of the Sakshi-Gopala temple was in a dilapidated
ruinous condition in 1868 A.D.12 Now this structure is a pancharatha pidha deula and its
height is 58 feet from the ground of the temple.13 The base of the mukhasala is square and it
measures 33 feet and 6 inches on each side.14 The structure is erected on a platform of 3 feet
high and it is completely renovated in the later period. The mukhasala has panchanga
bada, which consists of pabhaga, tala jangha, bandhana, upper jangha and baranda.
The pabhaga portion of the bada is completely plain. The tala jangha niches are relieved
with the pidha mundis. The bandhana of the bada comprised of three horizontal mouldings
and its middle portion is relieved with some floral devices. The upper jangha of the bada
contains pidha mundis in its niches. The baranda portion of the bada is mostly plain. There
are lions shown standing on hind legs under which are carved with diminutive female figures
on the four side corners of the baranda.
The pyramidal superstructure is surmounted on the bada of the mukhasala and it consists
of two potalas; the lower and the upper potalas, which comprise five and four pidhas
respectively. The jhapa simhas are finely projected on the upper pidha of each potala and
one on each side. The pidha mastaka design is also decorated just above the jhapa simha
in the kanthi portion of the two potalas of the gandi. The dopicha lions are fixed on the top
of kanika pagas of the gandi. The figures of Deula Charinis are also inserted in the four
cardinal directions of the beki above rahas.
The mastaka of the jagamohana consists of usual elements prescribed by canonical
texts are beki, ghanta (bell shaped member) above which there is another beki, kalasa,
ayudha (chakra) and dhvaja placed one above another. The chakra of the mastaka
measures 3 feet 4 inches in height.15
C. Natamandapa
The natamandapa is an open pidha deula and its height is about 25 feet from the
surface of the temple complex. The structure is also erected on the pishta of 3 feet high and
it is constructed in much later period. The outer top walls of the bada are decorated with cult

165
icons of very late period. The cult icons are mostly dasavataras of Lord Vishnu depicted on
all sides of the outer walls. The mandapa is opened towards all directions. The arch-shaped
openings are designed in three sides of the natamandapa. The bada of the natamandapa is
surmounted by the pyramidal superstructure, which is supported by four square sized pillars.
The gandi of the natamandapa contains of four flat shaped pidhas and each pidha is
decorated by tankus. The mastaka of it consists of beki, khapuri, kalasa and ayudha
(chakra).
There is a Garuda pillar of 8 feet high installed on the floor of the natamandapa. A
small marble Garuda figure, the conventional mount of Lord Vishnu has been kept on the top
of the pillar.
Besides the main temple, some other small additional shrines are also erected within the
temple premises of Sakshi-Gopala. They are viz. the shrines of Ganesa and Navagraha,
Suryanarayana, Siva and foot prints of Gopinatha. The Ganesa and Navagraha shrines are
located on the north-east corner of the main deula. A modern shrine of Rama-Laxmana-Sita
is built in the outside north-east corner of the temple complex.
Boundary Wall
The temple complex of Sakshi-Gopala is enclosed by a boundary wall, which is 10
feet in height. The measurement of the eastern and western side walls are 186 feet and the
southern and northern side walls are 145 feet.16 The temple complex has one main entrance
porch on the eastern side. This gateway is shaped like a pidha deula, which is about 35 feet
high. Two huge lion figures are prominently projected on both sides of the entrance porch as
gatekeepers of the temple.
There is a monolithic Aruna pillar or stambha installed in front of the entrance porch.
The shaft of pillar is vertically segmented into seventeen divisions. This pillar was installed at
later period by imitating the Konarka Aruna stambha, which is now installed in front of the
present Jagannatha temple at Puri.17 According to the Puranas and other Texts, Garuda
stambha should remain in front of the Vaishnavite temple but here the artisans followed the
tradition of installing Aruna pillar as it was placed in front of the Jagannatha temple of Puri.
This stambha is a fine specimen of the Odishan traditional art. There is a small figure of
Aruna, the conventional mount of Sun god installed on the top of the pillar.
Sculptures of the temple
The santum preserves the image of Lord Gopala (Krishna) as the presiding deity of the
temple. The name Sakshi-Gopala literally means the witness Gopala i.e. Krishna .18 The
image Sakshi-Gopala is made with the features of South Indian art tradition.19 The four

166
armed image of Sakshi-Gopala is carved in standing posture on a plain pedestal of 1 feet
high and its height is about 5 feet.20 Two of its hands are in the attitude of playing the flute. The
other two hands have attributes of conch and disc supposed to be held in those hands are
marked on the upper part of the slab.21 The back slab is decorated with figures of Dasavatara
form of Lord Vishnu.22 Near the base are seen two cows standing very close to the attending
figures.23 The image Sakshi-Gopala is made of black chlorite stone. A brass image of Radha
devi has also been installed with the image of Gopala. Like the Sakshi-Gopala image, it is
also designed in standing posture. This brass idol of Radha devi has been kept later on. The
image of Radha devi is about four feet in height and it is said to have been prepared with the
donations of the king of Ranapur some times between A.D.1850-1870.24 The circular lotus
pedestal of the goddess (Radha devi) is very remarkably executed. Her personal ornaments
like mathamani, katisutra and khadu represent the traditional art style of Odisha. This
image is installed on the left side of the Sakshi-Gopala image on the same kanaka mandapa,
which is supported by the four circular pillars. Both the images are provided with silver
prabhavali. The backside of these two deities is finely decorated with trefoil makara headed
arch, scroll motifs and floral devices. The figures of Hanumana and Garuda are carved at the
base of arch. The conventional kadamba tree, cows and calves, gopis and vanamala are
not noticed on the pedestal. This suggests that the image had come from a place outside
Odisha and particularly of South India.25
Regarding the presiding deity of the temple , Chaitanya Charitamrita , the Bengali
poem written by the Vaishnava saint Krishnadas Kaviraja mentions that Purushottama Deva
conquered Vijayanagara and brought an idol named Sakshi-Gopala and took the image to
Cuttack for worship.26 Here Gopabandhu Das opines that the image of Sakshi-Gopala at
Satyabadi temple was brought from Vijayanagar, which is identified with Rajamundry, by
Gajapati Purushottama Deva.27 There is no doubt about the fact that the image of Gopala
was brought from Rajamundry.28 It is believed that Lord Gopala was also known as Lord
Gopinatha in South India. It appears that in the later medieval period Venu-Gopala was also
called Gopinatha in the Telgu country.29 The image of Gopinatha at Rajamundry was the
tutelary deity of the Reddy kings.30 The sanctity and the name of the presiding deity are due
to a romantic story recorded in Chaitanya Caritamrita and Bhaktamala. Since then the
image of the presiding deity became the most revered object of adoration and its fame for
working miracles spread far and wide.31Further the tradition of Kanchi Kaveri also states
that Gajapati Purushottama Deva brought from Kanchi an image of Sakshi-Gopala now to
be found in the temple of Sakshi-Gopala in the Puri district.32 Really, the Sakshi-Gopala
image of the temple is peculiar from the iconographical point of view. Such type of image
(Gopinatha or Gopala) is not found in other parts of Odisha. Iconographic features of the
Sakshi-Gopala image certainly contain the artistic tradition of South India. This image does
167
not possess the artistic features of the Odishan traditional art of the medieval period. The
Lord Sakshi-Gopala of Satyabadi is famous in Odisha for His miracles.
The temple of Sakshi-Gopala is also adorned with some sculptures in the walls of its
structures. The parsvadevatas of the presiding deity are housed in the central niches of the
three sides of the bada of vimana. The images of Trivikrama, Narasimha and Varaha are
housed in the central niches of the bada and worshipped as the parsvadevatas of the main
deity. The four handed image of Varaha has been installed on the central niche of the southern
side of bada. His two hands hold chakra and gada. The left lower hand holds the arm of a
female figure, possibly Lakshmi while the image of Prithivi has been installed on the elbow of
the upraised upper right hand. The panel portrays the scene of the rescue of the goddess
Earth by Varaha from the deep Ocean. The four handed image of Narasimha has been
installed on the central niche of the western side of the bada. Here the deity is in ferocious
form. The lower two hands of the deity are engaged to take out the entrails of Hiranyakasyapu,
the demon king while the upper two hands possess conch and chakra. The image Trivikrama
or Vamana has been housed in the niche of the northern side as the parsvadevata of the
deity. His four hands display the usual elements such as sankha, chakra, gada and padma.
One of his feet firmly plants on the ground and another is lifted upwards. On the top of the
uplifted foot is carved with the image of Brahma. Beneath the uplifted leg is depicted with the
scene of king Bali who is presenting gift to Vamana and accompanied by his queen. At that
time saint Sukracharya has raised his hands up with dismay. Iconographically, these side
deities possess the features of the Odishan art of the modern period.
The central niche of the western side baranda of vimana is decorated with the image of
Narayana and two female attendant figures carved on either side of the deity. The image
Srikrishna has been depicted on the western side wall of the natamandapa. The figure of
Hanumana is finely carved on the top portion of the southern wall of the natamandapa. Two
excellent figures of Mahavira (Hanumana) and Ganesa are installed in the inner walls of the
southern and northern sides of the entrance porch respectively.
The pagas and intervening recesses of the bada of vimana are relieved with pidha
mundis, rekha mundis, naravidalas, gaja vidalas, asva vidalas, simha vidalas, amorous
couples and nayikas in various poses.
Portal Decoration
The sanctum has one doorway towards the jagamohana. The doorjambs of the sanctum
are mostly plain. The figures of Brahma and Vishnu are installed on either side of the doorway
of the sanctum. There is a figure of Garuda carved on the architrave above the doorway
lintel. Ganga and Yamuna figures with their respective mounts are depicted at the base of the
doorjambs.
168
The mukhasala has three doorways and there is an additional exit door on the southern
side. The figures of Krishna with the gopis are elegantly carved on the architrave above the
southern side doorway lintel of the mukhasala. The figures of Ganga and Yamuna are found
on either side of the doorway. The rest three doorways of the mukhasala are completely
plain. The natamandapa has arch shaped openings towards three sides. The middle portion
of the western side doorway lintel is carved with the image of Gaja-Lakshmi in abhisheka
pose. Navagrahas are finely carved on the architrave above the doorway lintel of the western
side. Two figures of Sarasvati are portrayed at the base of the doorjambs. Jaya and Vijaya
figures are acting as the dvarapalas of the western side doorway. The navagrahas are also
carved on the architrave above the eastern side doorway lintel. The figures of Jaya and
Vijaya are also standing as the doorkeepers of the eastern side doorway. The natamandapa
is constructed in much later period of the main deula. The approachable steps at the entrance
are on three sides of the natamandapa. Two lions are prominently projected on the ground
of three side openings viz. northern, southern and eastern sides of the natamandapa
respectively.
Paintings of the temple
Inner walls of the jagamohana of the temple are depicted with the traditional paintings
based on the episodes derived from the life story of Lord Krishna, dasavatara panel, legends
and myths associated with Lord Sakshi-Gopala. The ceiling of the jagamohana is finely
painted in various floral and other scenes such as Kaliya dalana scene of Lord Krishna,
Krishna with Tamala tree, four armed Gaja-Lakshmi image, scene of the two Brahmanas are
swearing at Brindavana, Gopalaji with the young Brahmana (as a witness of promise), etc.
The figures of Ganga and Yamuna are finely painted on either side of the doorway wall.
Inner walls as well as the square sized pillars of the natamandapa are excellently depicted
with some paintings such as vanabhoji scene of Krishna, Yasoda is fondling to Kriishna and
Balarama, scene of Kansabadha, the picture of Krishna and Sudama, vastraharana scene
of Draupadi, Pancha-Pandava with Draupadi, dasabhuja Gayatri, Radha-Krishna yugala
murti, Krishna eating dusts from his feet, preaching scene of Lord Krishna, etc. Most of the
scenes (paintings) of the temple are derived from the life story of Lord Krishna.
Date of the Temple
At first, Baba Brahmacari constructed a small temple for Gopalji at Satyabadi by the
recommendation of King Ramachandra Deva of Puri. 33 He collected stones from all the
Brahmin villages around the Bakulavana region. A small temple was initially constructed
within a few days by the supervision of Baba Brahmacari. This small temple was constructed
during the Maratha period from 1751 to 1803 A.D. The image of Gopala was consecrated
169
in this new temple. From that day, this place came to be known as Satyabadi by the local
people. Thereafter, another big temple was constructed in this place by breaking the earlier
temple, which was very small. The stones of earlier temple were carefully recovered and
again used in the construction of the new temple. Harinarayana Brahmacari was a saint who
made arrangement for the construction of new temple of Gopalji at Satyabadi. At that time
Hare Krishna Dash was the Assistant Superintendent of Garhjat Mahala. Baba Harinarayana
Brahmacari collected huge amount of money from the wealthy people of Garhjata Mahal
through the help of Assistant Superintendent (Hare Krishna Dash) who heartily cooperated
Brahmachari for the construction of the present Sakshi-Gopala temple of Satyabadi. Hari
babu was a staunch devotee of Lord Gopala and sometimes he had also supervised the
construction work of this temple.34 The temple of Sakshi-Gopala is made of sand stones,
which were brought from the Khurda region. Black chlorites were brought from Nilagiri hill
of Balasore district for this temple. Some chlorites were used in making the throne of Lord
Gopala and the surplus stones were sent for the construction of the jagamohana floor of the
Jagannatha temple of Puri. Some sand stones were also brought from the Garhjata region,
which is referred to by Krupasindhu Mishra in his book Konarka. 35 This new temple was
constructed during the second half of the 19th century A.D. There is no literary evidence with
regard to the exact date of the construction period of the temple. Here the public opinions
and hearsay accounts provide some data about the construction period of the present Sakshi-
Gopala temple (deula) of Satyabadi. It took five years from 1860-1865 A.D. for the completion
of the construction.36 The structures of jagamohana and natamandapa have been built in
the later period of the construction of vimana.The last two structures of the temple have also
been modified in the twentieth century.
Now, the temple is being managed by a Trust Board under the Endowment Commission
of the Government of Odisha.
Conclusion
Thus, it is known from the above discussion that the Sakshi-Gopala temple of Satyabadi
is a notable Vaishnava shrine of the Puri district. Although the temple belongs to the modern
period but it preserves an excellent image of Lord Sakshi-Gopala of the medieval period.
The present temple is not older than 200 years before the present. There is no tradition of
worshipping Radha with Krishna or Gopinatha in the early period of Odishan history. Here
the brass image of Radha has been added to this temple in a later date. Lord Sakshi-Gopala
is famous for the witness of the quarrel between an old Brahmana and his proposed son-in-
law. Iconographic feature of the Sakshi-Gopala image (presiding deity) is completely different
from other Krishna or Gopinatha images of Odisha. Most probably, this image contains the
iconographic features of the South Indian art. From the religious point of view, the temple of

170
Sakshi-Gopala is one of the important shrines of Odisha. Generally, pilgrims visit Lord Sakshi-
Gopala and His temple at Satyabadi when they go on the way to Lord Jagannatha temple of
Puri. On the specific festival days like Ratha yatra, Chandana yatra, Anlanavami,
Dolapurnima and Kartika purnima, there is a large influx of pilgrims in the shrine of Sakshi-
Gopala. Initially, the image of presiding deity had been kept at different places of Odisha and
finally it was preserved at this place (Satyabadi). The temple is partly decorated with sculptural
elements and also depicted with some paintings of different mythological scenes mostly derived
from the life story of Lord Krishna. From the artistic point of view, the Sakshi-Gopala temple
is a good representative of the Kalinga style temple architecture of the modern period. On
the whole, the Sakshi-Gopala temple of Satyabadi is a unique Vaishnava shrine of Odisha.
References
1. R. L. Mitra, The Antiquities of Orissa, Vol.II, New Delhi, Reprint-1984, p.235.
2. N. Senapati &D.C. Kuanr (eds.), Orissa District Gazetteer, Puri, p.705.
3. R.P. Mohapatra, Archaeology in Orissa (Sites and Monuments), Vol.l, New Delhi,
1986, p.183.
4. Ibid. See N. Senapati & D. C. Kuanr (eds.), op.cit.,1977, p.705. And also see
Jayananda , Chaitanya Mangala (Bengali), Bangiya Sahitya Parisada, pp.97-101.
5. N. Senapati & D.C. Kuanr (eds.), op.cit.,1977, pp.705-706. Also see P. Mukherjee,
The History of the Gajapati Kings of Orissa, Cuttack, 1981, p.65.
6. R. P. Mohapatra, op.cit.,1986, p.183.
7. Ibid. Also see R.P. Mohapatra, Temple Legends of Orissa, Odisha Sahitya Akademi;
Bhubaneswar, 1989. p.73. Tradition in Odisha has ascribed to Lord Gopala or Gopinatha
the role of witness (Sakshi) regarding the promise made by an old Brahmana before his
proposed son-in-law.
8. Krupasindhu Mishra, Satyabadi, 1917, p.194.
9. R.L. Mitra, op.cit., Vol. II, p.235. Also see L.S.S. O Malley, Puri, A Gazetteer, The
Bengal Secretariate Book Depot, 1908, reprinted at Usha Publication, New Delhi,
1984, p.299.
10. Krupasindhu Mishra, op.cit., 1917, p.194.
11. R. R. Mohapatra, Satyabadi Ba Sakshi-Gopala(Odiya) , Bhubaneswar, 1999, p.40.
12. R. L. Mitra, op.cit., Vol. II, p.235.
13. R. R. Mohapatra, op.cit., 1999, p.40.
14. Krupasindhu Mishra, op.cit., 1917, p.194. Also see R. R. Mohapatra, op.cit., 1999, p.40.
15. R. R. Mohapatra, op.cit., 1999, p.40.
171
16. Ibid. Also see Krupasindhu Mishra, op.cit.,1917, p.194.
17. R. R. Mohapatra, op.cit., 1999, p.40.
18. R. L. Mitra, op.cit., Vol. II, p.235. Also see N. Senapati & D.C. Kuanr (eds.), op.cit.,
1977, p.705.
19. R. P. Mohapatra, op.cit.,Vol.I, 1986, p.184.
20. R. L. Mitra, op.cit., Vol. II, p.235.
21. R. P. Mohapatra, op.cit., Vol.I, 1986, p.184.
22. Ibid.
23. N. Senapati & D.C. Kuanr (eds.), op.cit., 1977, p.706. Also see R. P. Mohapatra,
op.cit., Vol.I, 1986, p.184.
24. R. P. Mohapatra, op.cit., Vol.I, 1986, p.184. Also see N. Senapati & D. C. Kuanr
(eds.), op.cit., 1977, p.706.
25. R. P. Mohapatra, op.cit., Vol.I, 1986, p.184.
26. Epigraphica Indica, Vol.XIII, Edited by Department of Archaeology, pp. 157-58.
See Krishnadasa Kaviraja, Chaitanya Charitamrita; Madhyalila, Bangavasi Edition,
p.98. And also see R.D. Benerjee, History of Orissa, Cuttack, New print: 2006, pp.
283-284.
27. Gopabandhu Das, Satyabadi (a monthly Odiya Magazine), Vol.I; No.5, Berhampur,
1915, pp.156-160.
28. P. Mukherjee, op.cit., Cuttack, 1981, pp.64-65.
29. Temples of Venu-Gopala in the Guntur District were previously known as temples of
Gopinatha . See P. Mukherjee, op.cit., Cuttack, 1981, p.65.
30. The great god Gopinatha whose shrine stood within the walls of Raja Mahendravarmana
was the cause of ever increasing prosperity of the Reddies. See The Anaparte Plate of
Kumaragiri Reddy, in JAHRS, Vol. XI, Plates-3 & 4. Also see P. Mukherjee, op.cit.,
Cuttack, 1981, p.65.
31. R. L. Mitra, op.cit., Vol. II, p.237.
32. K. C. Panigrahi, History of Orissa, Cuttack, New print: 2008, pp.164-165.
33. Satyabadi Mishra, Sakshi-Gopala (Odiya), Bhubaneswar, 1997, p.13.
34. R. R. Mohapatra, op.cit., 1999, pp.38-39.
35. Krupasindhu Mishra, Konarka (Odiya), Fourth Edition, 1984, p.5.
36. Krupasindhu Mishra, op.cit., 1917, p.191.

172
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
CONSERVATION OF THE SUN TEMPLE OF KONARK
DURING THE COLONIAL PERIOD
Manas Kumar Das
Orissa had the pride possession of the cultural heritage in the form of temples, stupas,
monoliths, monasteries, etc., some of which were over thousand years old. Some of the
monumental edifices of the past which were scattered all round the state had gone to the
oblivion of time because of various factors including climatic conditions. And yet many are
still standing due to the conservation of monuments by the colonial masters. Thus, apart from
studying antiquities, conservation of Indian art historic heritage was also considered important.1
During the colonial period, it was particularly the British who first expressed their concern by
initiating the process of conservation and protection of the Sun temple of Konark and other
notable monuments of Orissa. The present article attempts to focus on the conservation
work of the Sun temple of Konarak, which had been undertaken by the British authorities of
India during the colonial period.
In the First Report of the Curator of Ancient Monuments in India for the year
1881-82, H.H. Cole wrote we are, I submit, responsible for Indian monuments and that
they are preserved in situ, when possible. Moreover, the encouragement of local interest
in monuments is the more essential to secure the fabrics from damage.2 Appendix H ii of the
above Report stated that under conservation may be included custody, preservation,
restoration, and illustration. Although Cole had not visited Konark, he recommended to secure
funds for the Black Pagoda of Konark as one of the most important monuments.3
It was M.H. Arnot who reported the repair work for some principal temples of
Bhubaneswar between 1898 and 1903. Bishan Swarup (in Chauley 1997:93-95) wrote that
the excavation of sand around the jagamohana of Sun temple of Konark was begun in 1901
and fine carvings, horses of the chariot of the Sun God and the wheels were recovered.4 The
urgent work of preserving the jagamohana by sand filling and masonry work was completed
in 1905.5 The next work taken up early in 1906 was the removal of the stone heap to the
west of the jagamohana in order to view the portion of the main tower still standing. Along
with the work of preserving the temple was started a plantation of casuarinas and poonang
trees all around the compound in order to check the drift of sand. Swarup further stated that
Rs 96,000 was spent in the conservation work at Konark which was a large sum at that
time.6 In his list of Ancient Monuments Protected in Bihar and Orissa, Kuraishi recorded,
among other things, various theories of the ruin of the Black Pagoda (1931:291).7

173
According to Kuraishi To the right of the Ganesha figure carved on the back wall of the
right-hand chamber is engraved a Nagari inscription.8 But it was unfortunately in a very bad
state of preservation, and consequently the purport of inscription is not very clear.9
While concluding this account Kuraishi has given a brief extract from a conservation note by
Sir John Marshall dated 28th February, 1905, may be quoted:-
There is no monument of Hinduism I think that is at once so stupendous and so perfectly
proportioned as the Black Pagoda, and none which leaves so deep an impression on the
memory. When Fergusson wrote of it so admiringly, he had seen but half of its beauty. The
deep and richly carved basement with the horses and chariots of the Sun God had not been
unearthed in his day, nor were any traces visible of the massive dancing hall in front of which
makes such a splendid addition to the main building.10
Further Kuraishi mentioned Besides the dancing hall mentioned above, the clearance
of the temple Compound also revealed the temple of Maya Devi and the basements of some
other structures. The work of conservation carried out at the temple has been a particularly
arduous and extensive one. In order to prevent the strong drift of sand from covering these
monuments again, it was considered advisable to plant casuarinas sides of the temple court.
They have grown up very well and afford a real and permanent protection. 11
The extensive conservation work of the Sun temple of Konarak has become a part of
the monument history of Orissa. In this regard, Chauley mentioned, curiously the first
suggestion for the conservation of the temple comes not from an antiquarian but from the
Marine Board, in 1806, purely with the utilitarian motive as the temple called the Black
Pagoda by the European mariners, served as an essential landmark on the shallow coast of
Orissa, but proved futile. Attempts were again made in 1881 and 1882 consequent to the
visit of the respective Lt. Governors to the temple but appreciable repair works could not be
done.12
Further Chauley mentioned, The visit of Sir John Woodburn, the Lt. Governor, to
Konarak, in December, 1900, put an end to this stalemate and augured bright prospects for
the temple. Fully impressed with the necessity and urgency of the structural repairs of the
shattering fabric of the temple by replacing the missing stones and restoring the fallen pieces
of the original spots, and issued an order to this effect. Shortly thereafter, in February 1901,
the Archaeological Surveyor of Bengal Circle, submitted a note to the Government of Bengal
suggesting the unearthing of the buried portion of the temple and the compound wall, the
clearance of sand from the compound, the re-fixing of the broken mouldings on the walls of
the porch and the preservation of the portions standing in a dangerous position. The Government
of Bengal accepted the suggestion and an estimate was prepared almost immediately for

174
clearing the sand around the porch and the compound wall and excavating debris and stones
from the basement of the porch. As early as in April, 1901 was exposed a wheel by excavating
a trench at the base of the porch.13
From the conservation point of view the year 1901 was a memorable year in the life of
the temple as it witnessed for the first time the firm launching of a well planned campaign to
save the temple by adopting suitable measures with a keen archaeological conscience. The
clearance of sand and stones on the sides of the porch gradually brought to light the superb
platform along with the horses and wheels and several structures including the natamandapa.
To prevent its collapse, it was decided to fill the interior permanently. Thus, after repairing of
the damaged portion of the ceiling, the jagamohana was filled with sand. Externally large
scale stone work was done to support the overhanging parts and to restore the missing
stones. The loose stones were reset and the damaged cornice over the eastern door was
secured by building corbelled abutments bellow. By 1910 the initial task of conservation was
completed which was the time of need.14
Extensive conservation measures were taken from the year 1901 and works were
executed with meticulous care as per the available means of that time and the monument was
gradually restored for the posterity with great dedication and steadfast will. The strenuous
effort of Bishan Swarup and his team of P.W.D. Bengal rescued this stupendous master piece
of Indian Architecture from the clutch of nature and the present Konarak has stood only
because of their Herculean effort. The clearance of sand and stone brought to light not only
the superb work with exquisitely carved huge wheels and horses but also a number of smaller
temples. The following conservation measures had been taken to maintain this historic
monument for the posterity on yearly basis.15
In the year 1900-01, the sands from around the jagamohana were excavated resulting
in the discovery of some wheels and horses. In 1901-02, excavation of sands from
jagamohana was done and the unidentified structure of natamandira was found. During
1902-03 excavation of sand was done resulting in the discovery of the remains of other
structures and carved pieces. In 1903-04, the interior of the jagamohana was filled up with
sand after providing inside with a 15 thick lining of dry stone masonry and by boring a hole
through the 25 thickness of solid stone masonry, weighing about 2000 tons. This costs Rs.
13480/-. An amount of Rs.2, 210/- was spent for other works to the jagamohana, Rs. 75/
- in making drawings of the temple, and Rs.205/- towards further excavations and removal
of sands. Other works possibly meant the proper placing of lions. Removal of sand from the
mandapa brought to light its true character of a pillared hall. It also revealed the famous
chlorite images of Surya. The year 1904-05 marked the preservation of the jagamohana
and clearing of debris from the vimana and the natamandira brought to view the small

175
subsidiary shrine on the north, the broken statue of Surya on horse back and a drain from the
interior of the garbhagriha. Casuarinas trees were planted to prevent the drift of sand. A lot
of patch work with masonry had to be done outside to support and strengthen the tottering
portions. The southern doorway had to be closed with a strong buttressed wall.16
In 1905-06, the preservation of the jagamohana was done by the removal of loose
stones from the heap west of the jagamohana brought to light very beautiful sculptures,
mostly in green chlorite stone. An amount of Rs.2, 959/- was spent this year towards the
construction of an Inspection Bungalow. In the year1906-07, the clearance of debris brought
to light other chlorite image of the Sun, which were found standing loose and were therefore
enclosed in niches built of plain masonry. Corbelled abutements were erected to support the
overhanging cornice over the eastern doors of the jagamohana. Steps were also provided
from the back of the main temple to provide access to the interior of the vimana. Rs. 263/-
was spent towards the completion of the Inspection Bongalow. Further trees were planted
and those existing were maintained. Also the compound was cleared from the debris in 1907-
08. During the year1908-09 the clearance of sand from the compound of the temple was
done at a cost of Rs.6, 192/-. The removal of stone heaps was completed involving an
expenditure of Rs. 485/-. The beautiful temple of Mayadevi was unearthed after removal of
sand, and the two chlorite images of the Sun on the south and north of this temple came to
light and were duly encased in niches rebuilt with new and old stones. Some repairs at a cost
of Rs.551/- were done to the main temple.17
In 1909-10 the clearance of sand from the compound continued at the cost of Rs.1,
832/- and certain repairs were also done to the temple at a cost of Rs.463/-. Repairs were
also done to the damage brought by a cyclone. More casuarinas were planted to prevent
sand drift. Copies of drawings, etc. were made at a cost of Rs.654/-. In 1910-11 the further
clearance of sand and stone was also done this year by spending Rs.449/-. An amount of
Rs.245/- was spent in obtaining photographs of the temple. During the year1911-12 the
irregular broken surface of the main temple was repaired in many places and the top of the
main and Mayadevis temples were rebuilt to a regular level. Certain other repairs were also
done by securing the tops of the broken walls of the natamandira. In the year1912-13
collection of materials and structural repairs to the main temple and the natamandira was
done. In 1913-14 construction of the sculpture shed was started and an amount of Rs.4,031/
- was spent. In the structural repairs of the main temple and the natamandira Rs.3,123/-
was spent. More casuarinas trees were planted on the south-east of the temple. In the
year1914-15 more sands were removed from the compound; and a further sum of Rs. 10,005/
- was spent in constructing the sculpture shed which was in progress. A lightning conductor
was provided for the jagamohana at the cost of Rs.709/-. The three missing stones in the
simhasana of the main temple were replaced by new chlorite-stones. The year 1915-16
176
was marked for the completion of the sculpture shed, which was taken up in the year 1913-
14. However, nothing is known about the nature of work done except that annual repairs
were done to the temple during 1916-17. In 1917-18 the exposed core of the main structure
was refaced at several places, which were in danger. The open joints in the lowest tier of the
cornice of the jagamohana were also pointed from above to prevent the percolation of rain
water. The minor shrine on the south of the vimana also appears to have been partly dismantled
and rebuilt. An amount of Rs. 50/- was also spent towards annual repairs including clearance
of sand from parts of the courtyard.18
In 1918-19 a series of small masonry pillars were erected at regular intervals underneath
the amalka of the jagamohana which was in a precarious condition. The open joints on the
amalaka and the cronices were filled with pieces of stones and pointed with cement from
above. The damaged portion of the jagamohana was refaced with fresh stones to protect
the core. Certain cracks were also grouted. Further in 1919-20 Rs.3/- spent in carrying out
some minor repair to the temple and Rs.50/- was spent towards annual maintenance of the
sculpture shed. Sands were removed as usual and certain displaced images reset in 1920-
21. In the year 1921-22 Rs.996/- was spent in clearing the sand from the west of the temple.
The scattered sculptures were collected and properly arranged on the platform of certain
remains and in the sculpture shed. The Mayadevi temple also received some attention, and
the corbelled stones inside its corners and lintels were placed on iron rails and dry ashlar
pillars. Rs.343/- was spent on annual repairs possibly for the maintenance of malies and
chowkidars to guard against the removal of antiquities by miscreants. Nothing could be
done in 1922-23 except the maintenance of malies and chowkidars to look after the
monuments. Again the details of the sculptural repairs are not known in 1923-24. The major
part of the money went to meet the pay of mali and chowkidar, and repairs to chowkidars
shed and sculpture shed, and the work sarkars shed, etc. In the year1924-25 about Rs.100/
- were spent on grass cutting, jungle clearance, repairs to walls and provision of a lightening
conductor. The rest went to meet the pay of establishment and repairs to chowkidars shed,
work sarkars shed and sculpture shed etc. In 1925-26 about Rs.75/- were spent on jungle
clearance, grass cutting, fixing loose stones of temple and repairing of lightening conductor.
The rest went to meet the pay of establishment, repairs to work-sarkars shed, sculpture
shed, etc.19
In 1926-27 about Rs.80/- were spent on grass cutting, jungle clearing, repairs to
lightening conductor and the fixing of broken images with resin solution. The rest went to
meet the pay of the establishment, and repairs to work sarkars shed, chowkidars shed,
sculpture shed, etc. In the year1927-28 about Rs.114/- were spent on uprooting plants,
clearing shrubs, repairs to the lightening conductor, and fixing broken images with solution.
The rest amount spent for the payment of establishment, and repairs to work sarkars shed,
177
chowkidars shed, sculpture shed, etc. In 1928-29 about Rs.80/- were spent on uprooting
plants, jungle clearing, repairs to lightening conductor. The rest went to meet the pay of the
establishment, and repairs to sculpture shed, etc. In the year 1929-30 a sum of Rs.54/- were
spent on uprooting plants, shrubs, etc. and repairing, lightening of conductor. The rest went
to meet the pay of establishment and repairs to sculpture shed. However, the details of the
structural repairs are not known. The major portion went to meet the pay of establishment
and cost of repairs to sculpture shed , etc. in the budget of 1930-31.During 1931-32 about
Rs.15/- were spent on jungle clearance and repairs to lightening of conductor. The rest went
to meet the pay of establishments and cost of repair to sculpture shed, etc. In the year1932-
33 about Rs.10/- were spent on jungle clearance and repairs to lightening conductor. The
rest went to meet the pay of establishment and cost of repairs to sculpture shed, etc. During
1933-34 the details of structural repairs not known but the major portion went to meet the
pay of establishment and cost of repairs in chowkidars shed, etc.20
During 1934-35 the details of structural repairs not known but the major portion went
to meet the pay of establishment and cost of repairs in work sarkars shed, etc. During
1935-36 the details of structural repairs are not known. The major portion went to meet the
pay of establishment and cost of repairs in chowkidars shed, etc. During 1936-37 the
details of structural repairs not known but the major portion went to meet the pay of
establishment and cost of repairs in sculpture shed, etc. In 1937-38 the details of structural
repairs not known but the major portion went to meet the pay of establishment and cost of
repairs in sculpture shed, etc. In the year1938-39 the expenditure was on payment for
establishment etc. and the same expenditure was also in 1939-40. During 1940-41 about
Rs.104/- were spent on repairing and fixing the loose stones, grouting the floor with cement
mortar, removing lichens in places, making arrangements for draining the water from the
foundation, and fixing copper clips to the lightening conductor. The rest went to meet the pay
of establishment, etc. In 1941-42 about Rs.9/- were spent on repairing, resetting, grouting
and providing new dressed stones to the Black Pagoda, and preparing and fixing copper
clamps and nails for lightening conductor. The rest went to meet the pay of establishment, etc.
During 1942-43 usual annual repairs to keep the monument in good order and payment of
establishment was done. In the year1943-44 about Rs.225/- were spent on repairing, resetting,
grouting and providing new dressed stones and resetting the images; providing iron nail for
the support of cracked ornamental stones at natamandira and jagamohana; clearance of
linchens, dirt and vegetation, etc., preparing and fixing copper clamps and nails for lightening
conductor, removal of sand, around natamandira, jagamohana and Mayadevi temple and
application for 2pc.solution of copper sulphate. The rest were spent on pay of establishment
and repairs to sculpture shed , etc.21
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During 1944-45 about Rs.370/- were spent on the repairing, resetting, grouting and
providing new dressed stones and resetting the images, providing iron nail for supporting
cracked stones and removing moss, lichen ,etc. from the temple; spraying 2pc. solution of
copper sulphate on the jagamohana, natamadira and Mayadevi temple; fixing copper
clamps with nails for lightening conductor; and removal of sand from the temple compound.
The rest went to meet the pay of establishment and cost of repairs to sculpture shed, etc.
In1945-46 about Rs.200/- were spent on removing a portion of the decayed and fractured
facing in the west facade of Mayadevis temple from old stones at site; resetting properly the
dislodged jamb of a niche in the south face of the temple, grouting the cracks in Mayadevis
temple with cement or cement mortar. The rest was spent to meet the payment of establishment
and cost of repairs to sculpture shed, etc. In the year1946-47 the sanctioned amount was
spent mainly on payment of establishment and clearance of compound. Lastly during 1947-
48 a sum of Rs.539/- on annual repairs, Rs.466/- on chemical treatment and Rs.1284/- on
chowkidars payment were sanctioned and spent accordingly.22
In the context of Konaraka temple, it is said that to erect a structure of such enormous
dimensions and to make it really durable required of course great engineering skill, and it is
very likely that the greatest damage done is due to faulty construction. Thus, it appears that
the spire gradually collapsed and that about one-third of it will be found to be still extant,
when the big heap of stones has been removed. However, it is also evident that human
agency contributed to the downfall of this magnificent temple. Kittoe in his journal of a tour
through Orissa, mentions that the Raja of Khurda was then demolishing the entrances to the
temple.23
The pillar of Black Pagoda was shifted to Puri. Likewise, many other materials from
Konarak have been used in Puri, and stolen stones or carvings may be found set up as
objects of worship in the village shrines for a long distance around. Up to 1902-03 very few
preventive measures were taken to arrest further destruction. Twice it was determined to
transport the big Navagraha stone, which originally formed the lintel over the eastern door,
to the Indian Museum. The first attempt was soon given up for want of funds. The second,
made about 10 years ago, was suddenly abandoned on the discovery that the stone had
come to be used as an object of local worship, a man of Puri having been cured by its
miraculous virtues. The lions, elephant and horses were placed in a wrong position, facing the
temple, not, as they should stand with their backs towards the temple. In 1893 Babu P.C.
Mukharji was deputed to Konarak to take detailed drawings of the temple who noticed that
the entire plinth of the temple was buried beneath the sand and the southern side of the temple
with one of the horses was stood. He laid open about half of the wheel and also a portion of
the building and made drawings of both. His report recommended the further excavation of
all the hidden parts of the structure, but no action was taken, the temple was still in the same
179
state as it was in 1901. However, a proposal was made to excavate the courtyard around the
temple which was readily taken up by the Local Government, and operations were started in
the next winter. The result of the excavation as follows:24
The plinth of the temple was still fairly intact. It was full of elaborate carvings, the most
striking of which were the representations of eight wheels, 9 feet 8 inches in diameter, four on
each side, and seven horses, three on the northern and four on the southern side. The only
complete wheel was on the northern side. Others as well as the horses could be restored.
The horses run in front along the steps leading up to the eastern door; then follows the
wheels, which terminate at the junctions of the northern and southern sides of the plinth with
the flanks of the northern and southern stairs. The temple thus represented the chariot of the
Sun-god, drawn by his seven chargers. In front of the eastern stairs stands a very fine hall
with elaborate carvings. Before the excavation began it was completely hidden by sand. It is
a square of 52 feet, standing upon a platform, with two windows, closed or open. The roof
evidently was pyramidal, consisting of several bands of cornices as that of the mandapa, but
it could not be restored. The lions had been re-erected there by mistake, and it was proposed
to set up them in their correct places in front of the eastern door, as also the elephants in front
of the northern door, and the horses in front of the southern door. The building was evidently
used as a dancing hall, as many carved figures around it represent musicians and dancers,
and for which it is called as natamandira in Orissan temple architecture. The excavation also
laid open a multitude of terraces and outhouses, and a great number of carvings up to a line
drawn across the courtyard and running along the eastern side of the northern and western
stairs, which was about 1/3 of the total area. What it would mean to carry out the excavations
to the end might be gathered from the dimensions of the court walls, which were 535 to 885
feet. A further difficulty was experienced by the strong drift of sand from the sea re-filling the
excavations. So, it was thought up that probably continuous digging would be necessary or
else some preventive measures could be devised against the sand drift. As an experiment it
was proposed to plant trees and shrubs along the east, south and west sides, and to defer
further operations until the sufficient growth to provide shelter.
With regard to the mandapa of the temple, it was decided to fill up the interior with
stones and later on with sand. This was considered as the best means of supporting it against
collapse. Of course the interior would be blocked up, which was not a matter of much
concern. The total expenditure incurred at Konarak up to the end of the financial year 1902-
03 was Rs.27,033/-.25
In the Annual Report of 1902-03 the beautiful dancing hall in front of the temple could
be shown only in its unfinished state with lion on top, and with all the doors and windows
blocked up by stones, to prevent the interior, which was then filled with sand and debris from

180
collapsing. According to the Annual Report of 1903-04 since that time the lions have been
taken down and the interior emptied. The lions now stand in front of the eastern stair leading
up to the dancing hall. Whether this really was their original position, or whether they should
have flanked the eastern stair of the main temple, cannot be made out accurately. Fergussons
drawing is not reliable enough in regard to details, and Abu-l-Fazls account cannot be
depended upon. He leaves out the dancing hall altogether and merely gives a confused
description of the mandapa and sikhara of the temple.26
The three gates of the mandapa were blocked up with stones, and the interior was shut
up from view forever. To fill up the top of it with sand a hole had to be bored through the top
piece of the roof, which consists of several huge blocks of stones, joined together and weighing
not less than 2,000 tons. The thickness of stone through which the boring was made was 25
feet and the hole measured 5 inches in diameter. The loose stones of the roof were reset and
their broken facings restored by plain work. To get stones to fill up the interior of the mandapa,
some portions of the big heap of debris to the west of the mandapa were removed. This
accidentally disclosed the interesting fact that about one third of the spire is still found standing
beneath it. Near the top of the stone heap, on its northern side the workmen came across a
small chamber and above this chamber stood a fine chlorite statue of a man on horseback
whose position had become a little shifted and the head of the man was missing but was
afterwards found from the debris. The statue seems to represent Aruna, the fore rider of the
rising sun. The walls all around the chamber show the inner courses quite intact, and there can
be no doubt that the chamber formed part of the spire in an outside niche of which the statue
was placed. This discovery goes far to show that the spire collapsed only gradually and
slowly, and that the break down of its upper portions did not cause considerable damage to
its lower parts. The programme of work for the next year includes the removal debris west of
the mandapa, and there is every chance that in unearthing the portion of the spire, which
remains would light upon further interesting discoveries, of which this fascinating ruin. It should
be added that an attempt has been made to plant small trees and shrubs around the temple
court to protect from the strong drift of sand.27
As per the Annual Report during 1906-07 due to the unfortunate absence of Dr. Bloch
on sick leave, the exploration of Rajagriha could not be resumed. However, the work of
excavating the Black Pagoda at Konarak continued uninterruptedly and was to its close.
While the Dancing Hall and mandapa of the temple were being cleared, it was merely a
matter of lading out sand and carting it away; but as soon as the shrine was reached, the
undertaking entered on a far more laborious phase, as the spire above it had long ago collapsed
and buried the sanctum in a vast heap of debris more than fifty feet high. Fortunately, it was
possible to lay down a light railway and remove all the most colossal blocks of stone by the
aid of a running crane, with the result that the work was pushed during that session far more
181
rapidly and the whole of this stupendous temple- at least that remains of it-was once more
exposed to view. Indeed, it was an imposing and magnificent fabric. The garbhagriha, which
was still standing to a third, roughly, of its original height, proves to be decorated with the
same class of erotic reliefs as the rest of the temple, but it possesses also large niches on the
north, south and west sides, in which the statues were placed, while bellow them were
doorways giving access to the shrine. Among the debris around the spire was found some
twenty statues of the same green chlorite stone that was used in the construction of the temple
and of excellent workmanship.28
The Annual Report 1922-23 mentioned that the works were being undertaken to
complete the repairs commenced some years ago on the notification of the monuments as
protected under the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act VII of 1904. However, objection
was raised to this procedure by the Hindu custodians of the shrines and as no satisfactory
settlement could be reached. The notification was withdrawn, and the repairs then started
were abandoned. As a special case, the Government of India got agreed to the completion of
these works at a cost of Rs.2, 410 and to the correction of certain faulty repairs carried out
on several of the temples by the Bengal Government between the years 1898 and 1902,
which will entail a further expenditure of Rs. 3,777 quoted above, is to be spent on the works
necessitated on the Somesvara temple, which the Public Works reports to be the property of
the Government. Of all the temples enumerated above, only the Raja Rani shrine was notified
under the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (vide Government Notification No. 2488.E.,
dated the first November 1913).29
Regarding the Konarak temple, the Annual Report of 1922-23 mentions that the work
of conserving this monument was begun in 1901, since which date a sum of Rs. 1,10, 500/-
in all has been spent on its repair. The work involved the removal of the great quantity of sand
which covered the whole site and obscured the basement of the temple, as well as
comprehensive structural measures for the security of the buildings themselves; while, with a
view to preventing the future accumulation of wind-blown sand, a range of small trees was
planted around the site to act as a protective screen. The many fallen sculptures recovered on
the site were also collected and transferred to a museum built in 1914-15 at a cost of Rs.
10,000/- to accommodate them in the immediate vicinity. On the maintenance of the Konark
museum, a sum of Rs.37/- was spent in the year under review.30
Conclusion
Thus, besides studying the monuments of Orissa in general and the Konark Sun temple
in particular, the conservation of the cultural heritage had become a cultural policy of the
colonial rulers. The benign attempt of the colonial rulers particularly the British to preserve
the cultural heritage of Orissa intact is adorable. In this connection, it is worthy to note that
182
the early part of the 19th century was lamented by Stirling and others with regard to the
conservation of monuments. Towards the late part of 19th and early parts of 20th century,
concrete actions were taken for conservation work of Sun temple of Konarak as well as
other monuments of Orissa. It was due to the strenuous effort and financial aid, the conservation
work of the monuments in and around Orissa could be done and remained as a symbol of
dignity for posterity. Be it the world famous Black Pagoda of Konarak and other notable
temples of Orissa, which were very close to destruction or already destroyed got a new life
with the timely conservation and preservation work of the colonial rulers. Besides government
funding, the private funding was also given importance for the preservation of old monuments.
The timely helping hands of the British Government of India could save the extant Sun temple
of Konark of the medieval period.
References
1. K.K. Basa , History of Archaeology in Orissa, in K.K. Basa & P.Mohanty (eds.),
Archaeology of Orissa , Pratibha Publication, New Delhi, 2000,p.36.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid., pp.36-37.
8. M.M.H. Kuraishi,, List of Ancient Monuments Protected Under Act VII of 1904 in
the Province of Bihar and Orissa( Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial
Series, Vol. LI), Eastern Book House, Patna, 1931, pp.259-62..
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. G.C. Chauley, Sun Temple of Konarak(History of Conservation and Preservation),
Om Publications, New Delhi,1997,p.13.
13. Ibid.,p.17.
14. Ibid.,pp.17-18.
15. Ibid.,p.25.
183
16. Ibid.,pp.25-26.
17. Ibid.,p.26.
18. Ibid.,pp.26-27.
19. Ibid.,p.28.
20. Ibid.,p.29..
21. Ibid.,pp.29-30.
22. Ibid.,pp.30-31.
23. M. Kittoe, Accounts of the Ruins and Pillar of Jajipur, in Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal ,Vol.. JLVII, Kolkata, 1838, p.68.
24. Conservation in Bengal, in Annual Archaeological Report,1902-03, pp.49-50.
25. Ibid.,p.50.
26. Ibid.,p.48.
27. Conservation in Bengal, in Annual Archaeological Report,1903-04, p.48.
28. Conservation in Bengal, in Annual Archaeological Report,1906-07,p.41.
29. Conservation, in Annual Archaeological Report,1922-23, p.42.
30. Ibid., p.45.

184
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
CULT OF SITALA MATA IN INDIAN FOLKLORE
Puspita Rani Behera
Introduction
Folklore is a medium through which the soul of a people expresses itself colourfully,
and in such creation they find an artistic fulfilment and entertainment. Folklore is conceived
variously by various scholars and by different disciplines. Folklore, to the anthropologists, is
a part of culture but not the whole of culture. It includes myths, legends, tales, proverbs,
riddles, the texts of ballads and other songs and other forms of lesser importance. All folklore
is orally transmitted, but not all that orally transmitted is folklore.1It is a common belief
among the rural folk of India that every phase of human life is directly controlled by some
divine power. If man suffers from any disease, it is due to an evil spirit or the working of a
sorcerer or believed to be brought on by the wrath of an angry god. The various village
deities or the tutelary deities of the villages of India are supposed to be the cause of the
various diseases. It is surprising to note that almost all village deities are regarded as Mother
or Mata and usually worshipped by the women folk of India. Their origin, method of worship
and folk beliefs about their uncertain temper pose a bewildering complexity in explaining their
relationship to the goddesses of the Hindu pantheon.
Origin Stories
The stories regarding the worship of Sitala are different from one another, representing
the diversity of popular imagination. For the most part, Sitala was originally a simple local
goddess who like other such goddesses, was worshipped in connection with diseases and
other troubles, as in the case of the cholera Mother worshipped as a jar under a tree in the
form of a stone, before which goats are sacrificed. That Sitala was incorporated into the
Brahmanic pantheon and highly venerated at a later date is evident throughout northern India
by the erection of temples dedicated to her. There is a story behind the Sitala Mata origin in
Northern India. It is said that, Sitala is considered to have been the wife of a Muslim emperor,
in her previous birth. She was a Hindu woman and as such devoted to the Hindu gods. As a
reward for her piety she was deified as a manifestation of Sitala after her death.2 In Raewal in
Northern India, she is considered as a mythical woman, Gandhari, the wife of Dhritarashtra
of the famous epic Mahabharata, in her previous birth.3
In Gujrat, Sitalas shrine is identified with the famous hero Bariha Bapji or Babribahan
of the Mahabharata.4In Konkan she is identified with the Hindu goddess Laxmi.5

185
In Punjab during the small pox period, the housewife makes a vow to propitiate Sitala
by doing service at Gurudwara (the temple of the Sikhs) and recite the holy book Grantha
Sahib of the Sikhs.6
In Bengal, it is believed that since the people did not pay proper respect to Sitala, she
summoned the fever demon and consulted with him. The fever demon called sixty four kinds
of pox. It was decided that the fever demon should first go to the earth and enter into a human
body after which the pox deity should follow. According to the decision they reached the
kingdom of Chandraketu. After their arrival the people of the kingdom suffered from small
pox. Sitala in the disguise of a woman went to the king and advised him to worship her. After
the worship was made the people of the kingdom recovered.7
The etymology of the name of Sitala is given in the Sitala Mangala of Dvija Nityananda,
an 18th century text in Bengali. Accordingly, she emerged holding a winnowing fan on her
head, from the fire-pit after the sacrificial fire was estinguished. In that her birth was at the
time of the cooling of the sacrificial fire, she was named Sitala.8 Her repulsive side is explicitly
delineated in the same Mangala when she appears in a dream of the king of Virata and offers
to extend her maya to him.I am the mistress of all diseases. I will give you the four great goals
of life, I will be your final deliverance, and I will prevent untimely death. Rise in the morning,
O King, and worship Sitala with offerings of countless male goats and rams.The King,
unfortunately ,did not heed this warning and sitala reduced his kingdom to shambles.9
Name and Variants
Shitala is worshipped under different names all through the subcontinent. Shitala
(Sheetala), also called Sitala is a Hindu goddess widely worshipped in North India, West
Bengal, Maharastra, South India, Rajasthan, Odisha, Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan as the
pox goddess. She is the Goddess of sores, ghouls, postules and diseases in Hindu mythology.
Sitala is more often called ma or amma (mother) and is worshipped by
Hindus,Buddhists, Muslim and tribal communities. The goddess is mentioned in early Tantric
and Puranic literature and her later appearance in vernacular texts (such as the Bengali 17th
century Sitala-Mangala Kavyas, auspicious poetry) has contributed to strengthen her role in
village Hinduism. Sitala is worshipped as a protector.10In some traditions she is identified
with an aspect of Parvati, the consort of Shiva. Ferrari (2009: 146-147) reports that Shitala
is addressed with the following titles:
The names implying a maternal conditions Ma, Amma, Ai, Padmavti Ma( Mother born
from a lotus), Bari Ma (Great mother) and Moti Ma (pearl mother);

186
The names implying a relation with a particular season: Vasanta Ray (Queen of Vasanta),
Vasanta Buri (The Beldam of Vasanta) and among Munda speaking tribes-Magh-bonga
(spirit of Magh);
Honorific titles: Thakurani (Notre Dame), Jagrani (Queen of the world), Karunamayi
(she who is full of mercy), Mangala (The Auspicious one), Bhagavati (The Blessed
one), Dayamayi (she who is full of Grace and Kindness);
The role of Shitala in south India is taken by the Goddess Mariamman, who is worshipped
by the Dravidian-speaking people in the Indian subcontinent and abroad (i.e. in the West but
particularly in Malaysia, Indonesia, Bali).11
In Buddhist culture Jvarasura and Shitala are depicted sometimes as companions of
Paranasabari, the Buddhist goddess of diseases. Jvarasura and Shitala are shown escorting
her to her right and left side, respectively. In some images these deities are shown as flying
away from wrath of the Buddhist goddess Vajrayogini, destroyer of diseases.12
Iconography and Symbolism
Shitala literally means small pox in Sanskrit. The name connotes cold or shivering a
condition proceeding the high fever of small pox. The earliest references to the goddess
appear in the Puranas, such as the Narada Purana, the Skanda Purana, and the Bhavisya
Purana. In the Narada purana description she is nude and rides on a donkey. She holds a
pitcher (Kalasa) and a broom and she is invoked for curing smallpox. Her iconographic
features, as given in the Skanda Purana (Kasi-Khanda), include a white body and she is
seated on an ass. She holds a broomstick in one hand and a vessel full of water in the other.
She is nude, three eyed and is decked with golden ornaments and pearls. Elsewhere, she is
associated with a winnowing fan and is affiliated with Parnasavari, a Buddhist goddess of
diseases, with Hariti and with Jyestha, an inauspicious goddess popular in south India.13 In
the Sritattavanidhi (S.T. 106), she is similarly described with a winnowing fan over her head
but is of black complexion.14In a Tantra quoted by N.N. Vasu in which he has given description
of Shitala Mata of a village in Mayurbhanj district. Shitala is worshipped of white complexion,
who rides on a donkey, holds a besom and a full pitcher in her hand, and is sprinkling nectar
from the pitcher with the help of the besom for the purpose of soothing burning pains, who is
nude, holds a winnowing basket over her head, and is decorated with (ornaments of) gold
and jewels, and who has three eyes, and is the soother of all terrible burning pains arising out
of smallpox and similar other diseases. Vasu illustrates an image from Badasahi that corresponds
to this description except she is not nude, she is standing and her mouth is behind her. According

187
to Vasu, she holds a besom in her right hand and a pitcher in the left hand while above her
head is a winnowing basket. She is worshipped by the local populace today as the goddess
Kalika with puja being performed by dehuries of the Bathuri or other lower caste.15 Again
Vasu describes that he fails to see the winnowing basket, however, and the mount looks more
like a ram while the besom could be a torch to suggest that she may represent the patni of
Agni, the water vessel, obviously, is used for a cooling function in causing the disease while
the broom is associated with cleanliness and sanitation, which are required at the time of the
disease. The winnowing basket is also suggestive of cleanliess as well as eradication of
misfortune by the goddess. Even today, the custom is popular of beating the winnowing fans
the morning after Dipavalis for driving out Alaksmi or Daridrya from the house. Her mount,
the donkey is also considered beneficial in smallpox and other diseases. It is believed that the
milk of the she ass is useful in small pox by way of drinking and its application on the body. It
is further believed that there is little possibility of the disease occurring around donkeys. In the
Ayurveda, the smoke of ass-dung is accepted as a medical remedy for cooling down the pain
and heat of small pox.16
Iconographically, Sitala has affinities with numerous other goddesses, including Jyestha,
who not only has a donkey as her mount, but also in some instances holds a broom. In the
Vamana Purana (29.67-70), the goddess Cadambari, created to battle the demons Canda
and Munda likewise has a donkey as a mount.17 In the Devi-mahatmya section of the
Markandeya Purana, the goddess Mahamari is worshipped as the destroyer of severe calamity
and all sorts of illness while Mahamaya, Bhadrakali and Kalaratri are said to afflict disease
and calamities when displeased. Kalaratri is in addition visualized as naked and seated on a
donkey. Dhumavati, one of the Mahavidyas, is worshipped as the goddess of poverty,
frustration, and despair. She rides in a chariot and in one of her hands she holds a winnowing
fan.18
Rites and Rituals
For the most part, Sitala was originally a simple local goddess who, like other such
goddesses, was worshipped in connection with diseases and other troubles, as in the case of
the cholera-mother worshipped as a jar under a tree in the form of a stone.Sitala is propitiated
four times a year, in the months of Caitra, Vaisakha (April-May), Jyestha and Asadha, either
on Saptami ,astami or navami. People take only stale and cold food on these days. Margose
(nima) leaves and twigs are offered to the goddess. Sitala is worshipped under trees, where
she may be represented by a stone, clay image or even a piece of pine. She is believed to
reside under the acacia tree which women water. They are believed to get benedictions of the
goddess from this act.19
188
It is believed that on the day of Sitala Saptami, Sitala visits every house and lies inside
the hearth. If anybody lights the hearth by mistake, she becomes angry and curses the family,
as a result of which some member fo the family suffers from small pox. When small pox
appears in the village ,or on the body of somebody else ,the people of Odisha go to a person
known as kalisi who is supposed to be possessed person,through which people know the
wishes of the Shitala mata.According to the direction of the Kalisi,the villagers perform the
worship of Sitala.The sick person in Odisha is made to lie on a bed of nim leaves.Brahmin
prists are invited to recite Sitalastaka in the house.On this day the women folk go to Sitala
temple to worship the goddess .In some parts of India, the women prepare an idol of Sitala
made of earth and cow dung with eyes made of cotton seeds or cowry shells. They places
the image of the deity in the court yard of the house and worship it. They very often sing songs
in praise of the deity. Certain vows are made to abstain from doing certain things till the
patient recovers.The member of the household do not shave,women in their monthly course
are not allowed to visit the patient,women do not comb their hair.Indulgence in sexual
intercourse during this period is prohibited.Women do not wear black clothes.In recent times,
though the people are taking the help of scientific medicines, the ritual still goes on, as a
reminiscence of the primitive disease concept and as reverential attitude towards tradition.
Sitala Temple in Odisha and other parts of India
In every district of Odisha we can find small temples of Sitala. In Sambalpur, Deogarh,
Kalahandi, Bolangir, Jharsuguda, Bargarh, Nuapada, Cuttack etc. wherever the Marwadi
community is there. Shitala is generally worshipped under trees, where she may be represented
by a stone. Somewhere small temples are being erected for her by the local people. Sometimes
Sitala finds place inside the temple of other deity. Such as in Somaleswari temple of Sambalpur
town, we can see Sitala in inconic form, represented by a stone.20 In the Jagannath temple
compound of Puri, we can see a Sitala temple . In the rathayatra or car festival of Jagannatha,
water taken from a well in front of the Sitala temple is utilized in the bathing festival of the
images. The water from the well of Sitala is only used by worshippers who come to Sitala
when illness has stricken someone in their family.In Varanasi there is a famous temple of Sitala
Mata which is one of the most visited temple in tht region.In Gurgaon,Haryana also has many
temples of Shitala mata.We can find temples in Mumbai ,Khandwa of Maharashtra,Indore
,Gwalior of M.P.,and many more.
Concluding Remarks
The foregoing accounts of the beliefs, magical practices, the taboos, the remedies
connected with the small pox constitute such a pattern around Sitala that it is difficult to
interprete the Sitala complex. The beliefs of the people in the spirits and demons have been
189
interpreted by the priestly class in such a manner that a Sitala-cult has evolved during the
passage of time. The concept of Sitala might have originated from the concept of an earth
goddess. The worship of Sitala is not done for any sense of gratitude or spiritual attainment,
but due to a fear complex, the only desire being to get rid of the disease. Though Sitala is
supposed to be a terror to the villagers, she is still regarded as divine mother. This is a
common feature of all mythologies. Even in Greek mythology, deities of terror being regarded
as mother. The primitive mind, being incapable of any reasoning or logical analysis, believed
in invisible and malicious spirits. This may be considered as nothing else than the existential
meaning of religion in the folk-mind.
From the above discussion it has been revealed that the worship of Sitala, the primitive
disease deity, through the lapse of time has been identified with Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist and
Sikh faith. It is still a problem for the researchers in India to structure the functioning role of
Sitala. Before making a final remark about the cult all over India, it needs further fields work,
and to locate the distribution of this cult in India.
Reference
1. K.B.Das and L.K.Mahapatra,1979,Folklore of Orissa,p.1.
2. W. Crooke, 1896, The Popular Religion and Folkore of Nortehrn India, Vol. I,
P-127.
3. Ibid.
4. Informant: Ambalal, J. Patel, Baroda.
5. R.E Enthoven, 1915, folklore Notes, Vol-11, Konkan, p-31.
6. Informant- B.R. Khusman, Punjab.
7. A. Bhattacharya, 1962, Legends on Cure Deities of Bengal,Folklore, (Calcutta),
Vol-3 No. 3, p-123.
8. Edward C. Dimock, Jr., A Theology of the Repulsive: The Myth of the Goddess
Sitala, in the Divine Consrot: Radha and the Goddesses of India, ed. J.S. Hawley
and D.M. Wulff, p-184.
9. E.C. Dimock, The Divine consort, pp.193-4.
10. Wikipedia,the free encyclopedia.
11. Ibid.

190
12. Ibid.
13. Nalini Kanta Bhattasali, Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical sculptures in
the Dacca Museum, 1972 reprint, pp-60-1, and Jitendra Nath Banerjee, Some Folk
goddesses of Ancient and Medieval India, IHQ, Vol.14 (1938), pp-101-9.
14. B. Srivastava, Sritattvanidhi, p-53.
15. N.N. Vasu, Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanjapp.xcvi-xcvii and fig.51 (plate
27).
16. Jeannine Auhoyer and M.T. de Mallmann, Sitala-la Froide Deese Indienne de la
petite Verol Artibus Asiae, Vol .13(1950), pp.214-16.
17. Vamana Purana, ed. Anand Swarup Gupta, tr. S.M. Mukhopadhyaya, A. Bhattacharya,
N.C. Nath, V.K. Verma, 1968, pp.276-77.
18. Tiwari and Giri, OHRJ, Vol XXX, no.1 ,pp .57-58.
19. Maruti Nandan Tiwari and Kamal Giri, Iconography of Sitala, OHRJ, Vol .XXX,
No .1.(1984),pp.58-59.
20. Personal observation.
21. F.Marglin ,Wives of the God king ,p.271.

191
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
VIRASARVASVAM : A WAR TREATISE OF GOPINATH
CHAMUPATI SINGH
Manugayatri Rath
War is a political institution and necessary evil, created by the destructive intention of
man. The history of war is as old as human race. Different war techniques and strategies were
followed in different parts of the world through the ages. Man has formulated scientific principles
in an effort to overcome his enemies and their sinister designs from time to time1.Through the
trial and error method different attacking and defensive techniques have been incorporated
with and without weapons. In Orissa different dynasties and brave military and learned persons
have enriched the military history of Orissa.2 The present article will focus about Gopinath
Chamupati Singh and the theme of his work on Virasarvasvam .
The present work Virasarvasvam written by Gopinath Chamupati Singh is an unpublished
palm leaf manuscript which is based on war and its related subjects. Gopinath Chamupati
Singh, the author of Virasarvasvam was a royal descendant of Tigiria royal dynasty of
Tigiria garh of the present Cuttack district. The text enlightened Virasarvasvam was a
treatise on war. The author of this text was Gopinath Tunga otherwise known as Gopinath
Chamupati Singh. He belonged to moon linear. He was a great lover of learning and was
eminent for knowledge and for his literary activities. In the beginning of the text of
Virasarvasvam , he has given his dynastical identification 3. From that text it is known that
Svarasingh, Divya Singh, Govinda Tunga, Nanda Tunga, Pitambara Tunga, Sridhar Tunga
and Krupasindhu Tunga etc 4 were the prominent kings who had ruled the Tigiria dynasty. In
this dynasty Gopinath Tunga was born from Sankarshan Tunga.
From the account of Mahamahopadhya Gobinda Mishra, the court poet of Gopinath
Tunga, we get some information about Gopinath Tunga or Gopinath Chamupati Singh. Gobinda
Mishra was a learned man and he had excellence in different shastras. He is said to have
copied the patanjalibruti of Rojadeva at the order of Gopinath Tunga. In the end of this copy,
Gobinda Mishra has given the time of Gopinath Tunga 6.
From the above statement it is known that Goninda Mishra had copied the patanjalibruti
of Bhojaraja. However, it is known that towards 1778 A.D. Gopinath Tunga had already
adorned the throne of Tigiria. Further Nilamani Mishra has expressed doubt by stating that
during his reign, Gopinath Tunga might have written the Virasarvasram text by somebody in
his name 8. But it may not be true.

192
Gopinath Tunga had composed the treatise named Virasarvasvam to raise the prestige
of the khatriya kings knowledge on samarasastras. In this manuscript, the author has described
in detail about the kshatriya race, hereditary origin of the kshatriyas, division of states origin
of somavamsi and suryavamsi kshatriyas, and description about the Tunga dynasty. Besides
this, he has also described about the forts, choosing of place inside the forts, inhabitations,
determination of exercises, swastika, padma, determination of Birabhadradiasana, origin of
weapons, the rules for preparing bow, origin of bow and arrows, pasa (snare) goad (ankusa),
symptoms of sword and other things, mace or club (pasa), peg (salya), knife (chhurika), stick
(danda), spear (kunta or barchha), lance (Tenta), Thenderbolt (Bajra), double-bleded sword
(pattisha), club (mudgara), axe (kuthara), battle axe (parasu), Bill-hook (kartari), bedpost
(khatwanga), bhusanda (the name of a mythological crow), villipala (the leader of a wild
tribe) , the sheldrake (chakra) peg (sula), forehead (valla), Killer-sharp edged (yamadadha),
crow-bar (sabeli), Parigha (a weapon used in fighting in ancient India), sataghni (a weapon
used in fighting in ancient India), armour (kabacha) etc. He has also described in detail about
the symptoms of eighty four types of movements of feet (chaurasi prakara padagati), four
spheres (chaturbidha mandala), accomplishment in sword technique (khadga sadhana), gallop
injury (pllutaghata), light injury (laghughata), speed injury (drutaghata) etc. Besides this the
hymns of arrow and fireworks (bana o sara mantra), symptoms of seven types of war
(saptabidha yudha lakshyana), protection of weapons (sastra rakshya), Liberation of weapons
(sastra mochana), west pill (Gutika Barani), the victory hymns of war (Ranajaya mantra), the
victory drum (jaya dhakka), murraz (a kind of drum), the victory trumpet (Jayakahali), the
symptoms of Dundubhi (Dundubhi Laksyana) etc. have widely been described 10.
The creation of battle array is a special act in times of war. It is because the
defeat or victory in a war depended upon it in ancient system of warfare. The author of the
Virasarvasvam has explained about different types of battle arrays and their importance
in the war. In this connection, he has mentioned about the means and types of sarvatobhadra
vyuha (all gentle array), Karkata vyuha (cancer array), Sarvatomukha vyuha (all faced array),
Srunga vyuha (horn array), Ardhavartaka vyuha (half-circle array), vajra vyuha (thunderbolt
array), Chhurika vyuha (knife array), Kakapada vyuha (crows feet array), Gomutra vyuha
(Cow urinal array), Ahisanchari vyuha (Serpent creating array), Makara array (shark array),
Kukhi vyuha (stomach array), musika vyuha (rat array), Balaya vyuha (ring array), Garuda
Vyuha (Garuda array) or king of birds array), padma vyuha ((lotus array), Bhujanga array
(Garuda array), Suchi vyuha (needle array), Sakata vyuha (cart array), Swena vyuha (hawk
array), Jalandhar vyuha (Jalandhar array), Balaka vyuha (Balaka array), Kaka vyuha (row
array) krouncha vyuha (krouncha array), Singha vyuha (Lion array), Varaha vyuha (wild

193
boar array), Puskarini vyuha (pond array), Agni vyuha (fire array) and chakra vyuha (circular
array) etc. Here, the author has described about the above arrays and arrangement of the
soldiers accordingly to the rules of the Aryans. Besides this, in the Virasarvasvam the
author has mentioned how to create ones own battle array or vyuha and how to penetrate
the different arrays or vyuhas of the enemy side being informed about the enemys array or
vyuha. In the Vivasarvasvam, the author has not only described about the different techniques
of war, but also how to suppress the enemy by chanting different hymns or mantras like
sadakshara Narayan mantra, Dwadasakshara Basudeva mantra, saptakshara vamana mantra,
Dwatringsakshara varaha mantra, sadakshara Ramataraka mantra, Viswaksen mantra, Garuda
mantra, shashrakshara Nrusingha mantra, Pasupata mantra, Mrutyunjaya mantra, Chandogra
mantra, Manjughosa mantra etc. By chanting the above mantras, the author has described
how to create revolutions, epidemic etc among the enemy camps. Besides this, the author
has also mentioned about different sastrachalana mantras (hymns for proper handling of
weapons) and their application in parasu (battle axe), Kuthara (axe), parigha musala (club),
vajra (thunder bolt) khatwanga (bedpost), bhusandi (the name of a mythological crow) and
vindipala etc 11.
The kings of those days were giving emphasis on different omens before going for any
victorious campaign. Accordingly masa, Dina, Tithi, Nakshatra, Yoga and karana were decided
for taking any decision good or bad.12 The author has not forgotten to write all these things
rather he has given special emphasis on it. Though, composed in the middle of 18th century,
Virasarvasvam written by Gopinath Tunga was a very useful book on war and war
techniques 13.
Thus, the Virasarvasvam written by Gopinath Chamupati Singh is a essence of
knowledge on warfare and other fields of valuable knowledge. It deals within its territorial
divisions, the four varnas, three types of forts etc It also describes the uniforms of soldiers,
auspicious times for starting battles and leading expeditions, organization of the army, use of
war-drums, recitation of mantras, making of arms and ammunitions etc. To conclude,
Virasarvasvam , is an attempt and first of its kind which contain infinite riches in a little
room. It is a miniature universe of knowledge which rages from music to medicine, military
science to veterinary science, war to peace, poetry to philosophy and so on.
References
1. S. S., Rath, Martial Arts: A Critical Analysis of Orissa, Kalpaz Publications,
Delhi,2005, p-1
2. M. Rath, Dynastical Description of the Author of Virasarvasvam , Lokaprajna- Journal
of Indology, Sarasvati, 2012, p.141-49.
194
3. Nilamani Mishra, Samara Sastra (Odshara Samarika Sanskruti), (Odia), Grantha Mandir
Publication, Cuttack, 1981, p-75-79
4. ibid. p-75-76
5. ibid. , p-76
6. ibid.
7. ibid.
8. ibid.
9. ibid.
10. ibid.
11. ibid. , p-77-78
12. ibid.
13. P. M. Nayak, The Voice Of Silence: Sonepur Durbar and Indian Cultural
Traditions, Orissa Sahitya Academy, 2001, p-76-77

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
RESISTENCE MOVEMENT IN BARGARH- THE FIRST WAR
OF INDEPENDENCE
Jagdish Mishra
The firld of action for Surendra Sai were Ulgulan, Barapahar, Singoda and Papanga hill
ranges and the Zamindars of Ghenss, Bisekela,Lakhanpur, Pahad srigida, Kharsal , Patkulunda
etc.were his dedicated associates. Kamal Singh and Kunjal Singh were his right and left
hands. The only man of Odisha during this revolt deported to Andaman and Nicobar was
Hatte Singh of Ghenss.
But till now neither Bargarh with neither its different hill ranges nor her great sons have
given due place and weightage in the history of Odisha and India as well. More over in recent
time regional history is getting more and more importance to widen the root of the national
history. In this context it requires sincere research to throw light on the above aspect.
This paper has made honest attempt to reveal the glory of Bargarh and her dedicated
sons during the first war of independence. through extensive field work through personal visit
to the related places and people along with references to the original letters ,literature ,legends
etc.
Bargarh is situated in the western part of Odisha bordering the state of Chhattisgarh. It
became a separate district on 1ts April 1993. The district of Bargarh had played a vital role in
the resistence movement against the English, particularly in the first war of independence.
The battle field of Plassey in 1757 marked the beginning of the expansion of British
India. The chauhan kingdom of SambalpurBargarh merged with the British empire in 1849,
under the Doctrine of lapse of Lord Dalhousie. Of course, the British had political interference
in the SambalpurBargarh chauhan state a half century before it . The last great chauhan king
of the kingdom died issueless in 18271. With that, there started a controversy over the issue
of succession to the throne. Three important heir apparent claimed their right over the throne
were:- First, Surendra Sai of Khinda royal family. He was the son of Dharam Sing, a descendant
of 4th chauhan king of Bargarh-Sambalpur Madhukara Sai. Second was the young zamindar
of jharsuguda royal family Govinda Singh2.He was the descendant of Harivamsalal, the third
son of 7th chauhan king Chhatra Sai. Third was Narayan Singh, uncle of Barpali zamindar
Bhabani Singh. He was the descendant of Bikram Singh the 2nd son of king Baliar Singh3. In
fact he had not placed his claim for the throne rather was instigated to do so by the English
and the Queen Mohan Kumari. Of these the claim of Surendra Sai was rightful. He was fittest
for the throne for his work management, personality and above all by the law of succession.

196
He was not lenient to be a puppet at the hand of the British. They accordingly favoured
widow queen Mohan Kumari to the throne. Against it the zamindars of Bargarh Sambalpur
rised their voice under Surendra Sai. Moreover tyranny crossed its limit during her rule. The
whole state became anarchical. Many of the Brahmana, Gond, and Binjhal zamindars lost
their zamindaries.
Against it in the distct of Bargarh, Bheden zamindar Avdut Singh and Lakhanpur zamindar
Balabhadra Singh Deo were the first to join their hands with Surendra Sai. Avadut Singh
zamindar of Bheden was the first reble to meet queen Mohan Kumari in a battle near the
Papanga hill on 16 of Dec. 18304. Queens troop was handled by Banamali Rai. In the battle
Avadut Singh being defeated fled to the fort of Debrigarh. Papanga hill was vaccated from
the hand of the rebels and the zamindary of Avadut Singh was taken away. Before returning
to Bheden Avadut Singh on 22nd Dec. 1830 participated with Balabhadra Singh in a battle
against the Ramgarh battalion. Jamadar Gangadhar Mishra of Ramgarh battalion advised
Avadut Singh not to go against the Rani. But on 27th Dec.1830, Avadut Singh attackad on
him in which three sipoys were injured 5. However as a part of the attempt made by Capt.
Wilkinson to establish peace in Sambalpur, Avadut Singh got back his zamindary on 5th
March 1831.
In the meantime being pressurised by the rebels the English enthroned the old zamindar
of Barpali Narayan Singh in place of the queen, on 11th Oct. 1833, 6. on the throne of
Sambalpur. Narayan Singh had no rightful claim over the throne. More over he was born
from a conqubine. He was called Baboo and for sometimes was the body guard of the
queen Mohan Kumari. He was astonished when was made king and asked the English not to
do so. In fact the queen had suggested for Narayan Singh brother of Ranjit Singh of Jharsuguda
but the Dewan and English wera dissatisfied with Jharsuguda.So they accepted it with another
Narayan Singh7. Rebellion grew up every where in the kingdom against it under Surendra
Sai. Resistence movement under Surendra Sai had two phases action. The first phase was
from 1827 to 1840 against queen Mohan Kumari and king Narayan Singh. The Second
phase was the 1st war of independence began in 1857 and continued up to 1864 against the
British Raj.
In the first phase of Surendra Sais rebellion, from the district of Bargarh, Avadut Singh
the zamindar of Bheden and Balabhadra Singh the zamindar of Lakhanpur had participated.
Balabhadra Singh Dao had a strong archery troop. He along with Surendra was fighting
gurrila warfare against the English concentrating them to the fort of Debrigarh in the Barapahar
range. It was difficult for the company or royal troops to captured them. But a close follower
of Surendra named. Pahadu Ganda treacherously provided information to the English about
197
the movement of Balabhadra and Surendra. Accordingly on the Rasa Purnima night of 1837,
while Surendra Sai, Balabhadra Singh Dao, Balaram and others were planning for the future,
the combine forces of the English, King Narayan Singh & zamindar of Rampur and Barpali
suddenly attacked over them. Although the rebels fled away, Balabhadra Singh Dao was
killed. He was the first martyr of the district of Bargarh and that of western Odisha 8.
It annoyed Surendra. He attacked over Rampur and killed the father & son of zamindar
Durjaya Singh. While returning faced the English in a battle at Deheripali near Budharaja.
Surendra and others were defeated and imprisoned. In 1840, Surendra & others were sent
to Hajaribag jail. In the mean time in 1849 Narayan Singh died issueless. Accordingly Bargarh
Sambalpur was annexed to the British empire under Doctrine of Lapse.
In 1857 the 1st war of independence began in india. The rebels destroyed the jail and
released the prisoners on 30th july 1857. Surendra and his brothers retuned back to Sambalpur
9
and united the supporters. The district of Bargarh was the nuclei centre of his new movement.
The zamindars who participated from this region were :- the three worthy sons of Balabhadra
Singh Dao Kamal Singh, Nilambar Singh and Khageswar Singh, Ghenss zamindar Madho
Singh, with his four sons Hatte Singh, Kunjel Singh. Airi Singh and Bairi Singh, Mundomahul
zamindar Ananta Singh, Paharsrigida zamindar Janardhan Singh, Kharsal zamindar Dial Sardar,
Kharmunda zamindar Markanda Bariha, Bheden zamindar Manohar Singh Pradhan,
Patkulunda zamindar and many gauntias and common people.
In the meantime Surendra appealed the commissioner of Chhotnagpur through the
assistant commissioner of Sambalpur capt. Leigh to pardon him and to retuned the throne of
Sambalpur. But instead army was deployed to captured him. It compelled the rebels to fight
the British. They decided to blockade Sambalpur. The communication between Sambalpur
Ranchi, Sambalpur Cuttack and Sambalpur Nagpur were cutoff. The Nagpur Sambalpur
via Bargarh communication was blocked by Ghenss zamindar Madho Singh and his sons at
Singoda ghatti-the frontier line of the district of Bargarh.
However the fort of Debrigarh in the Barpahar range was the most prominent place of the
first war of independence of Bargarh. It is a height of 2267ft10. It has a cave called
Barabakhara, wich was giving shelter to 500 persons. Now it is in dilapitated condition
.flanked stone roof has been broken in to pieces. In addition it has a all season stream. The
three sons of the zamindar of Lakhanpur were in charge of it.
In the 1st war of independence, the zamindar families of Ghenss and Lakhanpur
contributed equally. Neither of them were less to each other in their valour, sacrifice, movement
and selflessness. From Ghenss, zamindar Madho Singh, his four sons Hatte Singh, Kanjel

198
Singh, Bairi Singh, and Airi Singh along with his son-in-law Narayan Singh and his son Govinda
Singh.- Zamindar of Sonakhan-Raipur, had participated in the movement. The sacrifice of
Narayan Singh was a heart touching event. As because he had marriage relation with Ghenss,
he was supposed to be anti English. Due to the conspiracy played by the zamindar of Deori
he was arrested and short dead in the town of Raipur, on 29th Dec. 1857 by the English. His
son Govinda Singh joined the war of independence. He had married to Purnima, daughter of
Kunjel Singh and Grand daughter of Madho Singh. Finally he was arrested and hanged in the
town of Raipur. The place at present is called Jayastambha chowk11. His wife Purnima
committed Suicide by putting herself in to the well. His mother Ttulasi also was unsuccessful
in participating the rebellion. The sacrifice made by this family is ever memorable. Because
before them a peaceful, luxurious life was lying to enjoy. More over they had no political
relation with the kingdom of Bargarh Sambalpur. But sacrificing that they joihed the movement
to give due respect to the relation of blood with Ghenss zamindary of Bargarh12.
The sons, Madho Singh had provided ample help to Surendra, blockading the singoda
Ghatti. It had becom the death knell for the English captains. It turned the English revengeful.
In late 1858 they attacked and burnt down Ghenss. Madho Singh himself was arrested while
proceeding to the village Matiabhata. Later, on 31st Dec. 1858 he was hanged at the jail
chowk of Sambalpur 13.(Accroing to others he was hanged in the Mandalay jail). This day at
present is observed as Veerata Divas in Odisha. Before to it his fourth son Airi Singh had
died. Singoda Ghatti then was controlled by his other three sons Hatte, kunjel and Bairi
Singh. Hatte Singh was known for his valour. But he had lost his hearing power being injured
by a piece of stone in a battle with capt. Shakespeare in late 1858. Gradually he became
weak. Udanta Sai advised him to Surrender. He did so and got back his zamindary14. But
after the Surrender of Surendra Sai, as he was thought up, has secret relation with his second
brother Kunjel Singh who had not surrender, was arrested on 20th January. 1865. After
forged trial he was sent for life imprisonment to Cellular jail at Kalapani i.e. Andaman
Nicobar. He was the first and the only Odia during the 1st war of independence,to be imprisoned
there 15.
Kunjel Singh did not surrendered till the end. Finally he was arrested and hanged in the
Sambalpur jail. In fact Kunjel Singh was the left hand of Surendra Sai (Kamal Singh of
Lakhan Pur being the right hand). The third son of Madho Singh Bairi Singh was hanged
without being any trial. His fourth son had died earlier because of the treachery played by
Shrimad Chaukidar, Shanu Bhat and Phagni Bhaten. The injustice they did for Airi Singh with
a hope to get zamindary from the English is very rare in history16. Airi Singh had given the
work to collect &supply food materials to the rebels in the ghatti. More over he was the

199
medium of communication between Surendra and Madho Singh. Once the above traitors by
chance looking him informed the English staying near to it in the Saheb Dera. Few English
soldiers came with them, but did not find Airi Singh. At the moment the faithful dog of Airi was
coming out of a hole. The traitors said Airi Singh has hidden himself inside there. The soldiers
put dried wood, leaves and branches in to it. Placing a big stone at the mouth burnt down it.
It began to produce heat and smoke. Out of suffocation Airi Singh died inside. With his death
there is no doubt that half of the war of independence of Ghenss zamindary got finished. The
news was given by Pitkabri to Kunjel Singh who was at Debrigarh. He returned back to
Ghenss on the same right. The event made Kunjel Singh much more suffocated than what Airi
Singh had suffocated to faced death in the hole. Kunjel attacked over the Bhat couple, killed
Phagni. Shanu Bhat being injured escaped. The place is even today called Bhaten Durguri
and the hole as Sai Duel17.The killing of Phagni was possibly the only woman murder in the
country, during the 1st war of independence.
In the 1st war of independence the contributions and sacrifice made by Lakhanpur
zamindary of Barpahar range of Bargarh was no less important. The central place of Surendar
Sais Ulgulan Debrigarh was situated in this zamindary . After the death of Balabhadra Singh
Dao, it was under the control of his three sons Kamal, Nilambar and Khagewar. It was such
a fort where the enemies had to face guarented defeat. As it was impregnable and far from
easy communication the rebels were taking there shelter peacefully. The zamindar brothers of
Lakhanpur were in charge of such a strategic place. They had taken away sleep from the
eyes of the English. Of the three brothers Nilambar and Khageswar were imprisoned in 1864
and sent to Raipur jail. But Kamal Singh did not Surrender. He was the last flame in the
ungulan of Surendra Sai and of the 1st war of independence in Bargarh and India as well. He
continued the war even after the surrender of Surendra Sai. He had declared that he will take
rest only after the occupation of Sambalpur throne by Surendra. Keeping sharpe sword in
the hand he was moving in the. Barpahar range to bring freedom to the mother land. He was
just as a nail in the throat of the English. It is known to us from a letter of major lmpey where
it is written that the English are lacking of arm forces to capture Kamal Singh running behind
him18. The secretary of chief commissioner in his letter no. 1273 dt. 8th may 1860 to the
foreign secretary of India had confessed that Kamal Singh was the source of the rebellion
continuing years together in the region. To captured him the govt. had announced a cash prize
of Rs. 2000/-19. About his sad demise two different views are there. It says, once he was
wandering at Sarangagarh in disguise of a Fakir. The king of Sarangagarh a loyal of the
English identifing, captured him and handed over to the English 20. He spent his last life in the
jail of Asurgarh. The cheif commissioner rewarded the king of Sarangagarh with Rupees
2000/- and a certificate of appreciation. According to another popular saying, being tired
200
due to hungry balley for last three days while he was sleeping under a peepal tree at
Sambardarha a traitor, from a village called Bardol cut down his head. Giving it to the English
he received the village Bordol & Tarakana as mafi brutti21. The English had hanged the
headless body in the branch of a pipal tree at the entrance of the village Lakhanpur. Even
today, the place where he was beheaded is called Mundakati. It reveals the glorious role
played by Kamal Singh in the 1st war of independence.
The family left Lakhanpur after the end of the rebellion with the abolition of zamindary.
The son of Kamal Singh Kalyan Singh stayed at village Kushmuda, that of the son of
Khageswar at Antaradi and Nilambars son at Dwari village of Ambabhana. Son of Kalyan
Singh, Dalganjan Singh was the last flame of the line of Kamal Singh. Even today many
evidences are there at Kushmuda of their living in the village. A field is called there as Dau
gharar tikira. Dau is the title used by this family. Their revered Goddess panrapat, and
pundapat are eventoday worshipped as village deities of Kushmuda. A stone worshipped by
the villagers in the south of the village is called Dau Devata or Kamal Singh Dau. Facts and
figures are not available so far about the descendant of Nilambar Singh,living at Dwari. Howerer
the family line of Khageswar Singh living at Antaradi continued for a long. The last flame of
this line Dibya Singh Dev Dau22. passed away few years ago. He was suffering from poverty
and the then collector of Bargarh Surendra Nath padhee had been to him personally when
got information. Such was the panic story of a great dedicated family who are not given due
place in history.
The role and sacrifice made by Kharsal zamindar Dial sardar in the 1st war of
independence has made the history of Bargarh glorioys. The English hanged him on 3rd march
1858. His two sons Gardan and Mardan were also hanged in a pipal tree on the way to
Kesheipali. The place because of that became famous as Phasimal23.
Paharsrigida zamindar Janardan Singh and his two brothers Khageswar Singh alias Nunha
Dewan and Fate Sing were another sacrificed family of the district of Bargarh during the 1st
war of independence. At Paharsigida there was another place of shelter for the revolutionaries.
It was situated in a dense forest in between two hills. On the front it was covered with a wall
of 30 in length and 7 feet in height. On the way to the place of shelter situated another wall
that had fortified more to the place. To have a vigilant watch over the English soldiers they
had cleared the jungle in the front. On 12th Feb, 1858 capt. Woodbridge and capt. Wood
attacked to Paharsrigida ghatti but were defeated. Ramgarh battalion was completely destroyed.
Janardan Singh killed capt. Woodbridge. After two days his head less body was recovered
by Ensing warlow24. Janardan Singh died after jan 17th and before 16th May 1862. His two
brothers Surrendered to the English in May 1862.

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The contributions of Bheden zamindar Manohar Singh padhan was not less significant.
He was the son of zamindar Avadut Singh who had rised his voice against queen Mohan
Kumari. Manohar was attacked suddenly in late 1858 by colonel Foster. Resisting
courageously he died 25.
Surendras Jamadar and zamindar of Sohela Mohan Singh had a prominent role on the
movement. He had Surrendered to the English in 1862 May after he was guarented to get
back his zamindari. But Major Impey did not do it for which Mohan Singh with drew his
Surrender and joined Kamal Singh 26. Kunjel Singh was arrested. Nothing is known about
Shalikram Bariha of Ghenss. Besides, zamindar of Kharmunda and Patkulunda of Ghenss
were some other great fighters from the district of Bargarh.
The new Deputy commissioner of Sambalpur Major Impey brought a new change in
English policy. He declared royal pardon to those who will Surrender in between Oct 1861.
Surendra and his brothers Surrendered against a pension of Rs. 1200/-. Major lmpey died in
Dec. 1863. His place was taken by capt. Camberley. He looked suspiciously to the rebels.
His proposal to arrest all was approved by the chief Commissioner. He arrested Surendra his
brothers, son, along with Khageswar Dao and Lokanath panda in the mid night of 23rd Jan
1864. It was followed by the arrest of Hatte Singh and his brother Kunjel Singh. Many of
them died in the dark room of jail with out any trial. Hatte Singh was sent to cellular jail.
Surendra with other Six were first sent to Nagpur and later shifted to Asurgarh jail. Surendra
died on 28th Feb. 1884. With this the flame of the 1st war of independence blown out.
References
1. S.P. Dash, Sambalpur ltihas, P.347.
2. N.K. Sahu, Veer Surendra Sai, P.94.
3. ibid, P.100, The Bengal and Agra Annual guide and gazetteer, vol.II (1841) P.313.
4. LSS, O Malley, BODG, Sambalpur,P.79.
5. Ibid.
6. The Bengal and Agra Annual guide, P.313.
7. N.K. Sahu, OP.cit. P.100.
8. Dr.J. Mishr, Baraputra, 2008, Bargarh, P.17.
9. Surendra Sai, R.K. Mishra, P.78.
10. S.P. Dash, OP. cit. P.

202
11. Baraputra, 1996, P.2.
12. Ibid. PP. 18-19.
13. this day is observed statewide as Veerata Divas.
14. A. Dash, Veer Surendra Sai, P.140.
15. Dr. J. Mishra, Baraputra, 2008, P.19.
16. Katha O Katha, Hemachandra Acharya, Sambada, 11 Jan 2004. P.5.
17. Ibid.
18. A. Dash, OP. cit. P.173.
19. A. Dash, OP. cit. P.195.
20. Ibid.
21. Baraputra, 1995, P.6.
22. Ibid.
23. A Village in the name Phasimal is there near Bhatli.
24. letter of J.P. En Sign warlow From Camp Paharsrigida, No.1, Dt. 15.02.1858 to capt.
Michloills.
25. N.K. Sahu, OP. cit. P.182.
26. Ibid. P.345.

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
CONSERVATION OF RAJARANI TEMPLE
AT BHUBANESWAR
Linu Mohanty
Temples constitute an integral part of the cultural heritage of Odisha. They provide the
bulk of archaeological evidences for reconstruction of the history and culture of the state.
Temples of Odisha face the problem of decay due to different reasons such as inherent
weakness of stones used in construction,effect of salt laden sea breeze,growth of biological
agents, rainfall,humidity , temperature,soil erosion, human vandalism. Therefore, the
conservation of temples of Odisha was started under the initiative of British towards the end
of the 19th century. In the post independence era the Archaeological Survey of India(ASI)
,State Archaeology of Department of Culture,Government of Odisha and organizations like
Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage ( INTACH) have undertaken conservation
of historical monuments including the temples in Odisha.
The eleventh century Rajarani temple is located to the south of Tankapani road in the
revenue village Rajarani of Bhubaneswar Municipal Corporation area. Tankapani Road runs
to the east of National Highway- 203 from Ravi Talkies square upto the bridge across the
Bhargavi river. National Highway- 203, connects Bhubaneswar with Puri and Rajarani temple
is about 250 meters away from the National Highway.
Rajarani temple is located in a densely populated area with residential buildings and
markets around it. This temple is a protected Archeological site.
Conservation of Rajarani temple during the British Era
Details of the earliest work of restoration of Rajarani temple can be obtained from the
Report with photographs of the repairs executed to some of the principal temples at
Bhubanasvar and caves in the Khandagiri and Udaigiri Hills, Orissa, India, between
1898 and 1903 by M.H. Arnott, , Executive Engineer, Bengal Public Works1.According to
Arnotts report , Sir John Woodburn ,Lt.Governor of Bengal after his visit to Bhubaneswar in
1898 ordered for restoration of four principal temples such as Rajarani
,Brahmesvara,Muktesvara and Parsuramesvara which were in dilapidated condition but had
great archaeological value.Restoration work of these temples were undertaken during 1899
and 1901.Commenting on the method of repairs of these temples M.H. Arnott who was
Executive Engineer ,Bengal Public Works at that time and supervised the restoration work of
the temples at Bhubaneswar has stated that no attempt was made to alter or improve,but
simply to restore. Whenever a temple had to be completely or partially dismantled and rebuilt

204
,each stone while being taken out was numbered.This ensured that while the stone was put
back it was put in its proper place.By this all the temples had exactly the same appearance
that they had when originally erected.
Arnotts report makes the following observations about the restoration work undertaken
at Rajarani temple:-
This temple was in a bad state of repair, as is seen in Photograph No.9. But this
is only the exterior; the interior portion was also in a precarious condition, three out of
four lintels over the openings were cracked and the Temple looked quite unsafe. Trees
were on both Deul and Jagamohan and were responsible for a great deal of the
havoc done. The Amla, Khapuri and Beki had all fallen down and the
Rahapagas on all four sides had their stones displaced. The pinnacle and coronets,
with which this Temple abounds, were all out of plumb and separated from the main
structure ;the East Rahapaga being by far the worst. The Jagamohan had its stones
displaced and hanging from the inside and its floor had many of its stones removed.
The plinth on which the Temple rests was broken in several places. The upper Laharis
of the Jagamohan were in disrepair and the Kalas was missing. The repairs
executed were as follow:-
The basement was dismantled as far as necessary all around the Jagamohan
and Deula for an average height of 3ft and penetrating 6 ins, the structure being
underpinned where this 6 ins of stone was removed. The basement stones were joggled
with stone joggles. The porch of the Jagamohan rebuilt mostly of old stones, use
being made of only a few new ones. Those supporting the Navagrahas which were
out of plumb were put in position by judicious ramming. On the North East face of the
Jagamohan three new stones were put in to replace those that had fallen out. The
North and South Rahapagas of the Jagamohan were dismantled and rebuilt
with old and new stones and the cornices (Laharis) after the third layer from the
bottom were also dismantled and reset, the last four layers from the top being of entirely
new stone. A new Kalas was provided. The greater portion of the work on the Deul
was on its Eastern face as can be seen in Photographs Nos.10, 11, 12 and 13. The
whole of this face was renewed except for 20 ft. from the basement. On the North face
nearly half the Rahapagas was taken down and replaced to remove the roots of
trees; on the South, both sides of the Rahapaga about 10 ft. from the top of the first
Amla were rebuilt for the same reason. The main structure was removed for about
10 ft. below the Ghat-Chakda and put together again with old and new stones and
a new Beki Amla Khapuri and Kalas given from old and new material. In
the inside of the Temple a new lintel with pillars had to be erected underneath the

205
North recess (Gumpti) and although there was no crack in the South one for
uniformitys sake a lintel similar to that on the North was there erected. The lintel in
the passage leading to the Deul from the Jagamahoan was very badly cracked
and it was found impossible to remove it, so another one in strict in keeping with the
rest of the interior had to be erected. This reduced the width of the passage from 6 ft. to
3 ins.to 3ft 3ins, but the colour of the stones shows at once which is original work and
which repair. A low enclosure wall was placed round the Temple. The total cost of the
repairs came to Rs.3,096/-.
Rajarani temple was declared as a protected monument under Ancient Monuments
Preservation Act(Act VII) of 1904 by the Education Department of the then Government of
Bihar and Orissa vide Notification No 578 E dated 8th April 1913 and 2488 E dated 1st
November 1913.
Maintenance of Rajarani temple premises
As the temple is without any deity, the Rajarani temple is not a place of worship.
Yet it is a major centre of tourist attraction on account of its exotic architecture and exquisite
sculpture which have been preserved on account of the conservation work meticulously
carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). The ASI has also beautifully
designed the landscape within the premises of the temple.
The premises of Rajarani temple is enclosed within a low height laterite stone wall with
iron angle and wire mesh fence above it. This allows visibility of the temple and the garden
surrounding it from all sides while preventing cattle and unauthorised persons from intruding
into the premises. However,unlike Lingaraj temple where the boundary wall with lofty gates
are part of the architecture of the temple ,the boundary wall of Rajarani temple has been
recently built by the Archaeological Survey of India primarily to protect the temple premises
and hence it lacks architectural significance.
On both sides of a pathway leading from the gate to the temple as well as on the area
surrounding the temple, the Archaeological Survey of India has developed a beautiful garden.
As per the data available with the Archaeological Survey of India ,Bhubaneswar, the garden
area of Rajarani temple premises is about Ac4.27.
The beautiful garden of Rajarani temple premises developed by the Archaeological Survey
of India as suggested by P.K.Dikhit is the best example of its kind in Bhubaneswar2 and it
has enhanced attraction of this temple for the tourists. This garden has flowering plants and
lush green lawns. According to Dikhit an additional benefit of this garden is that the attributive
and abrasive effect of wind is neutralised by the tree cover and the faade of the monument
is thus saved from this injurious effect of the atmospheric pollutants and piercing winds.3
206
Chemical preservation
J.S.Bhargav, R.C.Mishra and C.R.Das in the paper Environmental Deterioration of Stone
Monuments of Bhubaneswar,The temple City of India4 have studied the effects of environmental
parameters such as wind, rain, temperature gradient, relative humidity ,acidic gas pollutants
etc. on deterioration of stone monuments in a tropical climate. This study conducted with the
data obtained from Bharateswar temple ,Vaital temple ,Parasurameswar temple and
Mukteswar temple also throw some light on the kind of environmental degradation which the
temple Rajarani has been subjected to.The structure and fine carvings have developed
exfoliation, breakage, chipping and cracks. Exfoliations are mostly due to thermal dilations of
the stones. Breakage can be attributed partly to human negligence as well as caused by
natural calamities. Structural deterioration takes place due to biological factors like growth of
small plants on monuments.
Bhargav et.al have pointed out that the Rajarania stone used in the Rajarani temple consisted
of two varieties of fine-grained sand stones. The reddish variety has been used in the temples
of Mukteswara and sparingly in Rajarani temple. The yellowish variety has been largely used
in the temples of Rajarani and sparingly in Mukteswar. These stones contain silica, iron,
alumina, calcium oxide and magnesium oxide which react to different environmental conditions.
The large number of vehicles plying on the roads adjacent to the monuments emit pollutants
like SO2,CO2 etc which react with iron in the stone in presence of moisture and contribute
considerably towards the high amount of deposition on the surface of the monuments. In
summer, monsoon and post-monsoon seasons the atmosphere at Bhubaneswar gets more
saltladen air from the Bay of Begal. Marine salt (CaCl2)carried by the salt laden air from the
sea gets into the crust of the stone and gets crystallized into higher hydrate,i.e. CaCl26H2O
due to variations in temperature. Crystalization of this salt could finally result in the exfoliation
of the stone surface5.
The ASI has carried out chemical conservation of Rajarani temple taking into account the
effects of different forces of nature on the rajarania stone with which this temple has been
built6.
Conservation Problems :
The ASI has identified the following conservation problems of Rajarani temple:
i. Due to heavy rainfall and high humidity the structures are covered with micro vegetation
growth, along with dust, dirt & black accretions which obliterates the aesthetic value &
beauty of the temple. As the micro-vegetation secretes acid, hence deterioration of the
stone is more acute.

207
ii. High humidity leads the minerals present in stone to undergo hydrolysis and loss of
Cementing materials which ultimately diminish the strength of the stone.
iii. Pigeons dropping are a special problem in this monument.
Conservation Measures :
The ASI has undertaken the following measures for chemical conservation of Rajarani
temple.
i) Removal of micro-vegetation growth by 2% aqueous ammonia solution.
ii) Removal of dust, dirt etc. by non-ionic detergent by soft brushing.
iii) To strengthen the age old stone, wacker OH-100 is applied as surface consolidant.
iv) Fungicidal application by spraying 2% aqueous sodium pentachlorophenate solution for
arresting further micro-vegetation growth.
v) The hydrophobic treatment of stone surface by applying two coats of Wacker bs - 290
(wet-on-wet) diluted with Mineral Turpentine Oil in 1:16 ratio.
Physical conservation
The information obtained from the office of Archaeological Survey of India,Bhubaneswar
reveal that the following items of work have been undertaken during the last two decades for
physical conservation of the Rajarani temple and its premises.
i. Dismantling old damaged laterite stone apron average 10 cm thick .
ii. Laying 20 cm thick stone apron with new stone block(Rajarania stone) duly dressed
and cut to required size in 4 sides over sand padding with 50cm thick cement
concrete(1:4:3) as cushion and ride joints with cement and sand mortar.
iii. Pointing to stone joints of the apron with combination mortar(1:1:3) mixing colour to
match the existing structure.
iv. Renewing the stone pavement all around the temple wherever settled and sunken with
removing and restting of the required area over existing sand padding with 50 cm thick
cc(1:4:8) as cushion and side joints with cement and sand mortar(1:4)
Selection of materials for Rajarani temple conforms to the standard specification laid
down in various codes such as Bureau of Indian Standard,Conservation Manual of Sir John
Marshall ,Archaeological Works Code. Where ever stones are missing, new stones of the
same texture and colour have been cut, dressed and finished into shape to be fixed properly
in their original place. Chemical preservation has reduced pace of decay and chances of
disintegration and disfigurement due to natural process.
208
From the facts regarding the conservation work undertaken in respect of the Rajarani
temple ,it is clear that ASI has taken utmost care to maintain the sanctity of this monument
.This helps us to make an effective study and interpretation of architecture ,art and iconography
of Rajarani temple as they existed in their original form.
Changing perspectives of conservation
The study of conservation of Rajarani temple at Bhubaneswar should lead us to design a
sound policy in respect of conservation of temples of Odisha.In this regard some new
perspectives have already started emerging. Designing of Special Heritage Zone is part of
such novel initiatives. In order to protect Rajarani and its surrounding temples from
encroachment and to maintain the cultural ethos of the area of Ekamra-Bhubaneswar apart
from Archaeological Survey of India,Tourism and Culture Department of Government of
Odisha and the Bhubaneswar Development Authority are making efforts.According to the
Comprehensive Development Plan(CDP) of Bhubaneswar prepared by the Bhubaneswar
Development Authority, Rajarani temple and its surrounding area have been declared as part
of Special Heritage Zone7.
While demarcating the Special Heritage Zone in CDP of Bhubaneswar, the Consultants
have taken into account a concept of Asta ayatanas which is believed to be in existence at
Ekamra-Bhubaneswar since medieval period. It is suggested that medieval texts mentioned
about a concept of Asta ayatana according to which temples and ponds of Bhubaneswar
were organized under eight sacred precincts each of which through its prescribed pilgrim
route was ritualistically and symbolically connected to the Lingaraj temple. It is therefore
found that the area surrounding Rajarani temple is being designed in a manner to enhance its
cultural significance and to develop it as an attractive tourist destination.
Still a number of issues regarding conservation of the temples need to be addressed.
It is necessary that preventive conservation should be taken up in the temples so that there is
regular maintenance and repairs before any damage is caused in them. Conservation should
stress the temple as well as its environment. There is a tendency of people to encroach the
government land out side the premises of the temples for using that for different commercial
purposes.Such type of encroachment should be prevented as government land out side temples
is necessary for creating different facilities for the visitors of the temples.
In the surrounding area particularly the prohibited and regulated zone existing upto
300meters beyond the protected limit of the monuments, it is now mandated that the National
Monument Authority would consider matters of construction related activity and interventions.
This process also involves framing of heritage bye-laws in respect of each protected monument/
site and such bye-laws would cover different aspects of heritage control such as elevation,
facade, drainage system, conservation infrastructure etc.
209
Any new building or facility to be added within or around the monument should be done
with great care and in a way that it does not reduce the significance of the monument, its
fabric as well as its environment in terms of incompatible intervention as seen in terms of
design, material, colour or scale.Within the designated area the conservation of cultural heritage
becomes an essential component of all developmental schemes affecting the peripheral areas
also, so that these areas continue to maintain their visual qualities and traditional character.
Conservation of a monument being a multi-disciplinary and scientific enterprise demands
regular training of human resource such as archaeologists, engineers, conservation architects,
scientists, horticulturists, planner, surveyors, etc. Capacity building has to be undertaken for
professionals of the organizations engaged in conservation work as well as that of the craft
persons comprising traditional builders and masons such as Sthapatis and stone carvers,
etc., so as to update and upgrade present conservation methods and to enable the adoption
and adaptation to the best conservation practices available anywhere nationally or
internationally.
There is a necessity to develop public awareness about the significance of temples as
the source of cultural heritage of the state so that the local communities and visitors become
aware about their responsibility towards conservation. Local communities are important stake
holders of heritage and can play a critical role in the conservation and management of a
monument. Hence local communities should be engaged in the decision-making processes
with regard to conservation and management as well as use of the monuments.
Temples possess tremendous potential to promote religious tourism in the state of Odisha
which can contribute significantly to enhance the financial condition of the temples, the stake
holders associated with the temples, the area in which the temples are located as well as to
the economy of the state. For convenience of the visitors, suitable facilities / infrastructure
should be created within or near the temples . Facilities such as parking that allows for a
sufficient number of vehicles, toilets, cloak room, potable water, audio-guide facilities, ticket
booths, souvenir counter, etc., should be located in a way that these are easily accessible
prior to entering a monument. Similarly, guidebooks or pamphlets indicating a monuments
history, its architecture and planning, and various dos and donts, should be provided to a
visitor to enhance his / her understanding of the site. Temples may be illuminated for enabling
the visitors view their features even during the evening and also for the purpose of security.
While conservation and upkeep of the temples may remain with government agencies
such as ASI, and State Archaeology, other aspects such as visitor amenities, signages,
amelioration of the environment around monument etc., can be undertaken by adopting the

210
Public Private Partnership (PPP) model wherein human and financial resources can be tapped
from outside government for such a purpose. More over different departments of Government
should collaborate for conservation of temples and their surrounding areas so that the temples
become effective means for preserving the cultural heritage of Odisha for the posterity and
projecting the state adequately in the national and the international arena.
References:
1. Henry Marmaduke Arnott, Report with photographs of the repairs executed to some
of the principal temples at Bhubanasvar and caves in the Khandagiri and Udaigiri
Hills, Orissa, India, between 1898 and 1903 ,London,1903.
2. Prasanna Kumar Dikhit, Monuments of Orissa and their Conservation, (From the
earliest times till 1435), Unpblished Ph.D thesis submitted in Utkal University
,2007,p.140
1. Ibid.
2. J.S.Bhargav,R.C.Mishra and C.R.Das, Environmental Deterioration of Stone
Monuments of Bhubaneswar, the Temple City of India published in Studies in
Conservation, The Journal of the International Institute for Conservation of Historic and
Artistic Works, London, Volume 44 ,Number1,1999,pp.1 to 11.
3. Ibid.p.10.
4. Information on the chemical conservation of Rajarani temple obtained from
ASI,Bhubaneswar.
5. Comprehensive Development Plan for Bhubaneswar Development Plan Area(BDPA)
prepared by Indian Institute of Technology ,Kharagpur,p.243.

211
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
KORAPUT BEFORE THE ADVENT OF THE BRITISH
Sirisa Kumar Shadangi
Koraput is one of the largest undivided districts of South Odish.1Itissituatedinbetween
200 3&170 50 South latitudes2and8024Eand8402longitudes3Itcoversanareaof
9875 square miles.4This diststrict is bounded by Kalahandi and Raipur Districts in the North,
on the West by Baster district. On the South by the districts of East Godavari and
Visakhapatnam and on the East by the districts of Srikakulam and Ganjam.5
Several theories speak on the origin of the word Koraput. It is derived from the word
Koraput meaning the hamlet of Nux-Vomica. These trees were prominent near the
site6Besides,onepersonnamedKharaNaikolaidthefoundationofthevillageKoraput
during the time of Nandpur Kings, who hailed from Ranapur and served under Kings.7For
his meritorious and faithful services Khara was permitted to establish the village which was
named after him.8
The district of Koraput was constituted on the creation of Orissa province in 1st April of
1936.This was a part of the Vizagapatam district till 31 March, 1936. The district was
constituted of the estates of Jeypore, Kotpad, Pargan, Salmi,Multha and Pachipenta. They
were held by a single Zamindar known as Maharaj of Jeypore9The district administration of
Koraput of depended for its functioning mainly administrative machinery of Maharaja.10In
the 19thand in the early part of the 20thcenturytherewasnogrowthanddevelopmentofthis
district due to unfavorable geographical and its climate.11The official records mentioned about
the unhygienic climate of the forest and hill regions.12
The original inhabitants of this district were the tribal who can be divided into three
major groups. One such group belongs to the Dravidian family like Konds, Parajas, Gonds,
and Koyas. The other groups who belong to Munda and Kolha species comprise the Savaras
and Gadvas. The third group mostly belongs to Bhuyan and Matia tribes.13
Before the formation of Orissa province there was no such district called Koraput. It
was then being under the Madras presidency and was included in the Vizagpatam district.
The district of Vizagpatam was divided into five divisions like Narasimhapatanam,
Vijayanagaram, Pravatpuram, Vizagpatam and the Agency division of Koraput.14On1
December, 1920 an Agency division was formed consisting of the Agency tracts of Districts
of Ganjam, Visakhapatam and Godavari. The Agency tracts were administered by the Agency
Commissioner. Therefore the Agency commission had got special power.15Among all the
districts of Odisha Koraput is an unique region where seasons play a vital role in beautifying
the district and making its life joyous.16For that reason in 1817 the Britishers selected this
place for their better health prospects.17
212
In ancient times Koraput was a part of the ancient Atavika land which is referred in the
special Rock Edicts of Asoka.18The Atavikas were a great source of strength of Kalinga in
the third century B.C. Asoka occupied Kalinga in 261 B.C. But the land of the Atavikas
could not be conquered and it remained outside of his empire. The land of Atavikas was a
constant source of anxiety for him and he was trying his best to appease them. Very little is
known about the history of this region after Asoka till the rise of Mahameghavahan dynasty
in first century B.C. under Kharavela, Kalinga became one of the strongest power in India
and the Atavika land comprised important part of Kalinga Empire. This territory referred to
as the Invincible Vidyadhar region in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela.
Koraput was a part of the empire of Gautamiputra Satakarni of Satavahans and it was
extended from the Western Ghats to the Eastern Ghats. This is indicated in the Nasik inscription
of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi dated in his 19th regnal year.of Gautamiputra Satakarni who was
succeeded by Vasisthiputra Pulumavi. The next great king of this dynasty was Sri Yajna.19
In the 3rd century A.D. Koraput region passed from the hands of the Satavahans to
those of Ikshvakus. The epigraphic records of the Ikshavakus are found in the Eastern Deccan
which proves that the Ikshvaku dominion comprised the Eastern part of the Satavahans
empires B.V. Krishna Rao is of the opinion that it extended over Andhra Desa. Kalinga and
Kosala and from the banks of Penna or Pinakini on the South to the foot of the Makla range
on the North.20
By the middle of the third century A.D. the Vakatakas came to power in North Deccan.
But the Koraput region was not under the rule of the Vakatakas at the time of Samudragupta
campaign in Cir 350 A.D. At that time Koraput region was a part of the Mahakantara territory.
Its ruler was Vyagharaja to whom Samudragupta had defeated.21The Nagarjunakonda
inscription refers that the Mahakantara territory is very likely the same as the land of Mahavana.
The land Mahavana comprised the modern Koraput and Kalahandi tracts.22
The Nala rose to prominence in the fourth and fifth century A.D. Their headquarter was
at Pushkari which corresponds to modern Umarkote tahasil of Koraput district.23A copper
plate grant has been discovered from the village Pandiyapathara near Aska reveals that the
Nalas were ruling up to the 10th century A.D. A Nala king named Bhimsena was ruling over
the territory known as KhindiraSriyamandala comprising parts of modern Ganjam and Koraput
districts.24
InthehistoryofOrissatheEasternGangasforthefirsttimecametothepicturebythe
end of 6th century A.D. as the ruler of Trikalinga. Trikalinga has been identified by some

213
scholars with the western part of Odisha and Eastern part of Madhya Pradesh, while some
other identified it with the territory lying between river Rushikulya in the north and the river
Lingullya in the South. It consists of areas covering modern Ganjam and Jeypore region.25Their
rule started from Cir. 498A.D. The earliest known king of this dynasty in Trikalinga was
Indravarmn whose copper plate has been discovered at Jirjingi near Tikkali in Ganjam district.
It was issued in 537 A.D.26
Trikalinga or Koraput came to prominence under Somavamsis in South Kosala.
Mahabhagupta Jannamejaya 1 consilidated the powers of the Somavansis in Sambalpur
Sonepur regions by the middle of the 9th century A.D. and extended his authority over
Koraput regions and declared himself as Trikalingadhipati.27
In the middle of the 14th century A.D. a branch of Saila Vamsis or Silvamsis migrated
towards Trikalinga, the modern Koraput region and made their capital Nandpur.28Pratapaganga
Raju was the last king of the Silavmsa and he was succeeded to the throne by Sri Vinayaka
Deo, who ruled over Nandpur the ancient capital of Jeypore. He founded a new dynasty
known as Suryavamsa which was continued till the end of the British period.29This kingdom
however lost its independence in 1571 and became a feudatory of the Qutab Shahis of
Golkunda and Nandpur kings started paying annual tribute to the Sultans. It was during the
rule of Vikram Deo II that the capital of the kingdom was finally transferred to Jeypore.30
IN 1752, Viziram Rauz, the Raja of Vizianagram had obtained the Jeypore Zamindary
from Subeder of Deccan. The Jeypore territory came under British occupations a result of
the military campaign of Captain Richard Mathew in 1775. After which large portions of the
estate was placed under the control of the Raja of Vizianagram who helped the British during
the campaign.31But frequent revolts and disturbances arose in Jeypore territory. So it was
restored to the Raja Vikram Deo before 1777. He paid a sum of Rs.40, 000/-annually to the
Raja of Vizanagaram.32
The Madras Government appointed a circuit Committee in 1776 and another in 1783.
The circuit committee in its report of 1784, expressed the maladministration of the chiefs in
council of Vizianagram district and condemned the oppressive rule of Sitaram Raju, Dewan
of Vizianagram Estate, in 1793 the Raja of Vizianagram due to his misrule and heavy arrears
was directed to leave his district .The Raja suddenly rose in rebellion and a battle took place
where the Raja was defeated and killed.33The followers of Sitaram Rauz, requested Rama
Chandra II, the Raja of Jeypore, to help him in an initial hour. But however Rama Chandra Deo
II maintained neutrality. The British Government satisfied with the Raja of Jeypore and granted
him a permanent Sanad for the Estate of Jeypore for an annual Peshkush of Rs.25,000/-.34

214
The district of Koraput was known as the Jeypore Zamindary or the Koraput Agency.
In 1919 it was declared as backward district by the Government of India Act 1919. In 1935
the Government of India Act, declared as a partial external region and local self Government
was introduced. But franchise was not given to the backward people. Since the district
remains at the border of the presidency it was neglected from developmental works.35
The idea of permanent settlement was introduced by Cornwallis. The British offices
thought by introducing this system, they were a great social contribution to the social and
economical life of the country. They thought that this system would bring a balance between
the cultivators and land holders.36
In the Vizagapatam district permanent settlement was introduced in 1802-03. Rama
Chandra Deo, the Zamindar of Jeypore accepted this settlement. As a result his Peshkush
was reduced to rupees 16,000/-.but the permanent settlement did not satisfy the Zamindars
and ryots. Chronic disturbances broke out throughout Koraput and Parlakhemundi Zamindary
of Ganjam district.
Disturbances in these parts of South Odisha took a serious turn in 1833. George Russell,
a member of the Board of Revenue was sent to find out measures for the suppression of
these troubles. On the advice of George Russell the Act XXVI was passed in 1839. By this
act 7/8th of the district was removed from the operation of the ordinary law and the
Administration was carried on directly by the collector. The collector was conferred with the
extraordinary power. And was empowered with the capacity of agent to the Governor.37
On 10th July 1855, the Government authorized the Agent to assume the control of
police and revenue of the tracts. Accordingly an Assistant Agent together with an Assistant
Superintendent of Police at Jeypore was sanctioned by Government.
In 1932, the Government of India appointed a Boundary commission under the
chairmanship of Sir ODonnell to enquiry into the amalgamation of different Oriya speaking
tracts. A separate province for Oriya was formed from 1st April 1936 including the Jeypore
Agency. R.C.S. Bell I.C.S. became the first Collector of Koraput. For some time he was the
special Agent for Koraput district.
Reference
1. Jnanmandal, Binoda Kanunogo, (Oriya), Cuttack, 1984, PP.144-145.
2. Orissa District Gazetters, Koraput, R.C.S.Bell, Cutttack, 1945, P.1.
3. Gazetters of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N. K. Sahu, 1995, p.1.
215
4. Orissa, District Gazetters, Koraput, R.C.S. Bell, P.1.
5. Jnanmand, Binoda Kanunogo (Oriya) PP.144.
6. Gazatter of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N. K. Sahu, P.1.
7. Jnamandal Binod kanungo (Oriya),P.144. Orissa History, J. K .Sahu (Oriya), Part II,
Cuttack, 1988 PP.206-208
8. Gazetteers of India, Orissa Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N.K. Sahu. P. 1.
9. Lakshaman Nayak-The Martyr of August Revolution, B.C.Rath Orissa review, Vol.XlIX-
No.6, January 1993, p.13.
10. Land Tenure and Reforms in Orissa, Board of Revune, Cuttack, 1962, P.30.
11. Lakshman Nayak-A Study of Tribal Patriotism, Nihar Ranjan Patanayak, Bhubaneswar,
1992 P.8.
12. Accession No.2196, con. Government of Orissa, Special Section confidential file No.169/
42, 1942, J.S.Wilcock, District Magistrate, Koraput to C.H.Masterman, District
Magistrate, Nizagpatam, 7th march 1942.
13. Koraputiraro Swaraja Sangram, Satyapriyo Das (oriya), Nawarangpur, 1985, pp 6-8,
14. Jnanmandal, Binod Kanungo,(Oriya),p,145.
15. Koraputiraro Swaraj Sangram, Satyapriyo Das, (Oriya) P.9.
16. Gazetter of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N. K. Sahu, p.2.
17. Karagara Kahani, Surendra Nath Dwivedy (Oriya), Cuttack, 1987, P.2.
18. Gazetter of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N. K. Sahu P.42.
19. Successors of the Satavahans, D.C. Sarkar pp. 161-164.
20. Ibid.
21. Gazetter of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N.K.Sahu P.42.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Orissa Historical Research Journal.Vol, 4.PP97-102.
25. The history of Orissa upto 1568, H.K. Mahatab, Vol.1. Cuttack, 1959, PP.110-118.
26. Orissa Historical Research Journel, Vol. VI, No.4, PP. 251-54.

216
27. Gazetteer of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N. K. Sahu, P.50.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. The Orissa District Gazetteers, Koraput, N. Senapati, Cuttack, 1996, P, 111.
31. Ibid PP.3-4.
32. Report of the Circuit Committee, 1783-84, Report on Nandpur Zamindary by William
Oram, P.188.Vol.18-B-18/17854.
33. Gazetter of India, Orissa, Koraput, Nilamani Senapati and N.K. Sahu, PP.270-281.
34. The Bhanjas (The House of Upendra Bhanja) and the Khondas of Orissa, D.Behaara,
1987, P.18
35. Koraputiaro Swaraj Sangram, Satyapriyo das (Oriya) P.10
36. The permanent settlement of Bengal, William Kaya1890, P.90.
37. Gazetteer of India, Orissa, Koraput by Nilamani Senapati and N.K.sahu,P.70. Russells
Reports on the Disturbances in Parlakhemundi, Vizagapatam and Goomsar (1132-36),
(1856), collector of Ganjam to the court of Wards, 21 February 1831, Ganjam
Collectorate Record.

217
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
BRAHMANICAL TEMPLES OF BHADRAK: AN APPRAISAL
Harekrushna Aich
Odisha is known for her temples as well for its distinct Kalingan style of architecture.
Bhubaneswar, the capital city of the state is famous as the temple city where the specimens
of the architectural style starting from 6th century A.D to 13th century A.D are found. Other
parts of Odisha also posses such temples of greater significance from the view point of art
and architecture.
Bhadrak, situated in 21o37IN and 86O31IE presently a coastal district in northern Odisha,
is known to have a significant past in different phases of history since early Christian era not
only as an administrative segment but also a distinct culture-unit. The paper presents a micro-
level study of some important temples here.
Viranchi Narayan Temple at Palia:
Solar worship is a very ancient form of worship as it is gleaned from the legends. The
images of Surya have been found from the length and breadth of the state. And after the
world famous sun temple at Konark, the Viranchi Narayan Temple at Palia is considered as
the second such monuments in Odisha1.
Palia is a small village at a distance of 15 kms to the south of Bhadrak. The temple here
is dedicated to god Viranchi Narayan. The dilapidated temple has been renovated and
restored with the keen interest of the local zamidar. Two door jambs of the eastern door
which seems to be originally belonging to a Siva temple were used in the present temple at the
time of renovation. The sculptures and carvings of the door jambs are of the type we find in
the Siva temples of Bhubaneswar and Khiching of the 10th /11th century A.D2.
Inside the temple is installed the image of Sun God, popularly known as Viranchi
Narayan. On a square sized stone slightly tapering towards the top are carved four images
of the Sun God in relief on the four sides of the slab. The figures hold two lotuses in two hands
as usual3. The lower portions of the images below the waist portion are carved with a piece
of cloth debarring visitors to study them properly. It is difficult to date this piece of sculpture
with any amount of certainty.
The temple has the unique distinction of four doors, absence of jagamohana, provision
of a platform and installation of the God Viranchi Narayan facing to all directions.

218
Inside the sanctum the figures of Anantasayi Vishnu, Maahisamardini image and
Krishna lifting mount govardhana are kept. They were probably collected from other places
and conveniently preserved here for worship4. The image of Durga is having ten hands with
attributes like khadga, chakra, sula, skull, bow, sanke, samkha and the tail of the buffalo
demon.
The Devi is evidently in the attitude of killing the demon who is emerging out of the neck
of the buffalo in human form. The figure of Anantasayi Vishnu is found resting on the coils
of the snake Ananta. Brahma is seated on the lotus flower originating from the naval region
of Vishnu while Sridevi and Bhudevi are standing on the sides in anjali hasta. The third
piece is an interesting piece of sculpture, in the centre stands a four-handed male deity. He is
flanked on two sides by two female figures standing gracefully in tribhanga attitude. The
upper right hand of the deity holds a chakra and the upper left is raised up with the palm
upturned as if some heavy object is resting on it. This image has been tentatively identified by
S.C. De with figures of Rati and Trisha or Krishna uplifting Govardhana5.
Kumaresvar Mahadev Temple of Guamala:
The temple is located at village Guamala, under Tihidi P.S. of Bhadrak district. The
temple facing west stands close to the paddy field evidently at one end of the village. The
dried up Salandi river was passing by the side of the temple and it is understood from the
local people that the present temple was originally constructed on the mouth of the said river.
The remnants of the river at present carry the name of Budha Salandi. Since stones are not
available at the temple site people generally believe that they have been carried to the place
through this river for the construction of the temple6.
The main temple is of rekha style with five projecting rathas, the jagamohana and
mukhasala. The approximate height of the temple from the ground level would be around
50ft. The jagamohana has no roof but its walls have been renovated by the local people. Of
the three parsvadevatas only Parvati is available in the northern niche. The presiding deity
is a Siva linga having the name of Kumaresvar Mahadev. The padukanala, the bull and
several decorative fragments of the original temple are still preserved within the premises.
The inner and outer walls of the jagamohana preserve figures of Vaman, Varaha, Yama
and a few decorative fragments. Another miniature Siva linga along with its sakti pitha is
kept near the entrance door. A large piece of stone depicting gajasimha and an erotic scene
is laying near the pipal tree in front of the temple.

219
The main temple has been plastered with lime leaving very little traces of decorative art
or architectural features. The mandira charanis and projecting lion on the top of the main
temple are of recent origin. But the kalasa seems to have the traits of original design. Three
line of writings on a piece of stone slab fixed to the inner wall of the jagamohana, the correct
decipherment of which may render it possible to arrive at the date of its construction. The
inner door jambs of the temple display figures of Ganga and Yamuna. The present temple
may be assigned to 12th to 13th century A.D7.
At a distance of 50 yards from this place two images are kept under a Varuna tree of
which the one associated with Manasa is particularly note worthy. It has the canopy of seven
hooded snake, lotus seat and a symbol of snakes below pedestal. Sivaratri, Makara and
Dola are the chief festival occasions of the place.
Akhandalamani Temple at Aradi:
It is located on the river Baitarani under Chandabali block and about thirty seven kms
to the south- west of Bhadrak, is the most important Saivite centre where the linga of lord
Akhandalamani is housed in a temple which was reconstructed on the ruins of a collapsed
temple. Some of the sculptures of the collapsed temple have been used at the time of
reconstruction of the temple. The present temple consists of the garbhagriha, jagamohana,
natamandira and bhogamandapa. The garbhagriha (a pidha deula) can be dated to 17th
century A.D8. whereas the remaining components are of later additions. The parsvadevatas
are in situ among which mention may be made of six armed Mahisamardini Durga made of
chlorite stone. The gajabidala motifs and other erotic sculptures adorn main temple. The
linga seems to have been established during the time of Somavamsi rule9 (9th to 10th century
A.D).
Bhadrakali Temple:
It is one of the famous sakta shrines in Odisha, stands in the village Bhadrakali about 10
kms to the south of Bhadrak town. The present deity, which is usually kept under coverage of
heavy costumes, is a four-armed Goddess seated in lalitasana on a lotus pedestal. She
holds a sword and a shield in upper two arms, a rosary in the lower right arm and carries a
baby with left arm on her lap. Her mount lion is placed on the pedestal.
The inscribed Bhadrak stone inscription of Gana was recovered by S.C.De from the
premises of Bhadrakali temple and sent to Odisha State Museum for preservation. The stone
slab containing inscription originally appears to have formed the lintel of an ancient temple
door. The inscription reveals that in the 8th regnal year of Maharaja Gana a pious lady named
Rangholi donated some objects to the Goddess Parnadevati by a special arrangement
220
with Mahakulapati Agnisarma. Historical importance of the inscription lays in the fact that it
throws some light on the history of Odisha in general and of Bhadrak in particular in 3rd
century A.D. which is considered as the dark period in Odishan history. It throws light on the
political history as is evident from the inscription that during this period Bhadrak region was
under the rule of one Maharaja Gana of unknown dynasty who was probably the ruler of
Utkal10.
In northern Odisha, the temple building activity strictly followed the Kalingan style barring a
few of which are influenced by the Vishnupura style of Bengal.11
References
1. B. Tripathy, Bhadrakara Pratnatatvika Vibhava, an article in Odia published in the
Odia daily the Samaj on 14th January, 2001.
2. R.P.Mohapatra, Temples of Balasore District, S. Pani (ed.), Glimpses of History
and culture of Balasore, Bhubaneswar, 1988, p.109.
3. T.E. Donaldson, The Hindu temple art of Orissa, Vol-II, Leiden, 1986,p.695.
4. K.S. Behera &T.E.Donaldson, Sculpture Master Pieces from Orissa, New Delhi,
1998, p.134.
5. S.C. De, Some Antiquities of South Balasore, OHRJ, Vol-I, No.4, p.262.
6. R. P. Mohapatra, Kumaresvara Mahadeva (Odia), Matrubhumi, dated 28-08-1967.
7. P.K.Mohanty, History of Bhadrak. A study from 1568 A.D to 1947A.D, Ph.D
thesis submitted Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, 2004, p.304.
8. S. Pani (ed.), Op Cit., p.110.
9. Prajatantra Saptahika (Odia), July 2-8, 1989, p.34.
10. P.K.Mohanty, A study of some important archaeological sies in Bhadrak District B.
Tripathy &R. Mohapatra(ed.), The Archaeological Remains in Northern Orissa,
Bhadrak, 2005, p.89.
11. B.Tripathy, North Orissan Temples, Proceedings of Odisha History Congress,Annual
session, 2011, p.53.

221
Photographs

Akhandalamani Temple at Aradi Viranchi Narayan Temple at Palia

Bhadrakali Temple at Bhadrak Kumarsvar Mahadev Temple of Guamala

222
DEVELOPMENT, LAND ACQUISITION AND
DISPLACEMENT FOR BUILDING A NEW ODISHA,
HIRAKUD DAM PROJECT -A HISTORICAL STUDY
Dharanidhar Nanda
Development is a modern phenomenon and as such every country tries her best to
remain on the path of development. It requires the acquisition of land which necessitates
displacement of individuals out of their homes and often their lands in large numbers. It has
more often been historically associated with the establishment and construction of multi-
purpose dams for generation of power, irrigation and other activities such as mining, military
installations, ports and industrial plants.1 The displaced people often internalize a sense of
helplessness and feeling of insecurity all through because of their encounter with the forces of
the so-called powerful external world. The article tries to bring out the historical needs of
Hirakud Dam Project, land acquisition and displacement required for its construction, Peoples
resistance and the socio-cultural and environmental ramifications on the displaced lot.
Historical backdrop of the construction of Hirakud Dam
Odisha with a hoary past and cultural legacy became a separate province in the year
1936, after a long travail under British colonial regime.2It inherited backwardness under long
years of foreign rule and deprivation, which was caused due to multifarious factors. However,
the creation of the new province gave rise to new hopes and aspirations among the people
under a new leadership. But no substantial economic development could be attempted because
of political unrest and the national struggle for independence. The devastation caused by
World War II jeopardized the global economy and Odisha was no exception to it.However,
the end of World War II brought certain blessings in disguise for the people of the province
such as the appointment of Dr. B. R Ambedkar as Member, Governor-Generals Executive
Council in 1945 and formation of the Second Congress Ministry in the year 1946, under
the premiership of Harekrushna Mahtab . They took the task and responsibility to give a
new identity to Odisha and trace it in the industrial map of India. The national movement was
in the fag end and the country was heading towards Independence, which was attained very
soon in the year 1947.The Ministry adopted certain measures to meet the hopes and
aspirations of the people of the province. The most controversial achievement of the ministry
was implementation of Hirakud Dam project - the largest earthen dam in the world.

223
Implementation of the Project
Odisha is a land of rivers that is traversed by eleven river basins. But it is ironic that it has
too much water during rains and too little in the rest of the year. This gambling with rain
invited flood and drought in regular intervals. The river Mahanadi is one of the largest rivers
of the world with a length of 533 miles, has a catchment area of about 51,000 square miles.
The annual rainfall in the area was 5317 inches. The annual discharge of Mahanadi was about
one lakh cusecs, which was nearly two third of all the canals and irrigation wells in India. It
used to irrigate 70 miles acres of the land by each year.3 Such huge potentiality of the water
wealth needed to be harnessed for effective use for irrigation and mass use for hydro-power
generation.
During 1911 -1937, there were nine years of huge flood with loss of rupees 20 lakhs to
66 lakhs in each occasion. There were several flood enquiry committee appointed by the
Government of Odisha in the year 1928, 1938 and 1939 1942 to suggest measures to act
upon the recommendations for relief and rehabilitation. In 1937, the Government of Odisha
requisitioned the service of Sir Visveswaraya, who investigated the matter and submitted the
report to the Adams William committee, in which he envisaged that the construction of a
dam would prove useful in extending irrigation, generating electricity and controlling the
flood. In 1945 under the chairmanship of Dr. B.R Ambedkar, the then member of Labour , it
was decided to invest in the potential benefits of controlling the Mahanadi for multi purpose
use.4 On 14 November 1947, a conference was held under chairmanship of Irrigation and
power minister of India N.V Gadgil at Delhi and decided to begin the Hirakud Dam
project on the river Mahanadi. The necessary resources should be provided to the Government
of Orissa in the form of loan and Central Waterways, Irrigation and Navigation Commission
was entrusted with the task of execution of the Project.5 On 12 April 1948, Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru himself began the cement concrete work in the dam site and observed The Hirakud
is a great project and immense possibilities The work of preparation of the design of the
dam at Hirakud was handed over to the international Engineering Company, Denver of
USA, which submitted the design on December 1949. The cost of the project was estimated
around 60 crores at that time which amounted to twenty five years of the states revenue.
Construction of Hirakud dam
The Hirakud Dam project was a state government scheme but the government of Odisha
had no sufficient resources to construct the Dam. The Government of India executed the
project and the capital was provided to the state by the Government of India. The total
project was regulated by two organizations viz. the construction organization and land and
development Organization.
224
The construction organization was placed under Central water and power commission,
which was in charge of construction of the dam, the power house, canals, transmission systems
and all works connected with its construction. The land and development organization was
placed under the Government of Orissa, which dealt the matters relating to land acquisition
reclamation and resettlement work and development of Hikakud Dam. The Member, Board
of Revenue, Odisha at Sambalpur was placed in direct charge of the organization assisted by
an officer in the rank of Deputy commissioner. A separate department, the River valley
development department was created in order to look after all matters concerning the Hirakud
Dam under State Government control. The construction organization was headed by a chief
Engineer appointed by the Government of India. However, finally a control Board was set up
under the chairmanship of the Chief minister of Odisha to decide all policy matters of the
project.
The construction of the dam took places in three important phases. The preliminary
survey and operation, construction of building, roads and railway sidings and its approaches
and creation of a work shop and power house which were completed by the year 1949. The
real work started in the years 1947-48 and final work took place from years 1947 to 1956,
with the total expenditure amounting to tune of Rs.53.68 crores.
Land acquisition, Displacement and Rehabilitation
It was estimated in the feasibility report that about 168 villages would be submerged in
the process covering 1,35,000 acres of land under Hirakud dam reservoir. But after the
construction, the dam actually submerged 325 villages covering 1,83,000 acres of land out
of which 291 villages were of Odisha ( Sambalpur) and 34 villages of Madhya Pradesh.
Further, it displaced about 26,501 families approximately with 100000 people. Most of the
displaced villagers were dependent on agriculture and who lived for many centuries in close
proximity of the Mahanadi and its tributaries. The rate of compensation for the proposed
submergible land ranged from Rs.50/- to Rs.1000/- per acre, according to their classification
in terms of productivity and those were bahal, berna, barcha, mal, bari and hat.
The responsibility of resettlement for the displaced lot was vested with the Government of
Odisha and a new department was established called Hirakud Land Organization Department
for evacuation, resettlement and rehabilitation of the displaced. The member, Board of Revenue,
Odisha at Sambalpur remained in charge of the project. The real evacuation started in the
summer of the year 1955 and there was arrangement made for their resettlement in the model
villages .The people of these villages, were very much emotionally attached to their land and
they thought that leaving their villages was like leaving their deities .However, when they
realized that there was no alternative but to leave the villages and they finally agreed .The
great task of evacuation could be successful due to the zeal and leadership Harekrushna
Mahatab.6
225
Peoples Resistance
When the people of Sambalpur district heard the proposed project, there was
substantial mass agitation, as they thought that it would be a positive gain for the coastal
districts that would deprive the highland districts like Sambalpur and Bolangir. There were
several demonstrations and their ultimate demand was the separation of Sambalpur district
from rest of Odisha, which was strongly resisted by the Congress ministry. However, all
agitations were fizzled out in due course of time and finally, the Assembly unanimously adopted
the Resolution on construction of Hirakud Dam.
Socio-economic and cultural ramifications
The construction of Hirakud dam required land for acquisition, it gave rise to problem of
displacement. The people who displaced for the project faced a series of problems: 7
1. Landlessness
2. Homelessness
3. Joblessness
4. Marginalization
5. Food insecurity
6. Increased morbidity
7. Social deprivation
8. Social disarticulation
The affected people felt victimized, discriminated, dispossessed and marginalized. They
claimed that they were not happy with the compensation paid for their land, house and other
assets and felt that they were completely alien in the new locality and suffered from stigma of
reservoir oustees.8 Their overall life span became low as they suffered from mental trauma
and hard physical work. Women suffered more than men and kids lost their previous childhood
without proper schooling and other amenities. People those who were used to plenty of
water near the river banks were dumped on forest cleared highland and they kept on recounting
the memories of their bygone days. They felt social deprivation and food insecurity as they
lost their agricultural and homestead lands. They were thoroughly dissatisfied with the
development initiative of Government of Odisha and felt that the people of Cuttack district
were responsible for their present sufferings. They developed a strong anti-coastal and anti-
Kataki feeling and considered the coastal people as colonizers. The feeling of deprivation
became more evident, when the people started criticizing that the natural resources were
being exploited by the coastal people and all modern industries were getting established
there, barring certain polluting industries in their area.
226
Recent Trends
There occurs political uproars on occasions to regarding the management of flood and
distribution of water in Hirakud dam.9 The opposition parties create issues relating to the
management of flood water and pro-industry attitude of the party in power, sacrificing the
interest of the farmers. The news capture the caption almost all leading Newspapers and the
various political parties arranged rallies and demonstrations demanding stoppage of water
supply to the industries. Further on one occasion even they pray for interference of Honourable
Governor of Odisha in the matter and the governor also called for a detailed report on the
matter.10
Evaluation
It is inconceivable today to think of the state minus the Hirakud dam The temple of
modern India. The project no doubt relegated the specter of famine from Bargarh and
Sambalpur districts and substantially improved the standard of living of the farmers.11 The
project made possible the use of electricity for mass consumption, improved flood control,
agriculture and industries.12 Hence, in spite of some criticisms, the Hirakud Dam has proved
itself as a boon in the post-independence period. The Government of Odisha should take
urgent steps settle the issues of displacement and compensation fully and finally at an early
date otherwise the ghost of Hirakud will make its appearance in proposed future projects
like Sindol and others which are in the anvil.
References
1. Asger Chistensen and Niels Harild,Forced Displacement The Development
Challenge, Washington,D.C, 2009,pp.5-6
2. Amal Kumar Mishra, The Raj, Nationalists & Reforms Land, Law and
Governenment Orissa, 1912-1939, Bhubaneswar, 2007,p.63
3. Ganesh Chandra Sahu, History of Irrigation Development in Orissa, New Delhi,
2009,pp.33-35
4. Multi-purpose Plan for Development of Orissas Rivers, Dr. B.R Amedkar speeches
at Cuttack,1945, Hon,ble Labour Member to Government of India,pp.53-70
5. Second Five Year Plan, Chapter, 17, Irrigation and Power, Government of India,
Planning Commission, Yojana Bhawan, New Delhi,1958,pp.45-50
6. H.K Mohapatra, Mahatabs, First Innings in Power (Second Congress Ministry in
Orissa, 1946- 1950), Cuttack, 2006,pp.65-76

227
7. Balgovinda Baboo, Technology and Social Transformation: The Case of the
Hirakud multi-purpose Dam project in Orissa, New Delhi, 1992,pp.1-70
8. Wide Research Group (World Bank Compiled), Rehabilitation and Resettlement
Issues of People Affected in Project Land Acquisition: Administration:
Administrative, Social and Regulatory Mechanism, Wasington, 2011.pp.95-98
9. The Times of India,New Delhi,23 March 2011
10. The Hindhusthan standard,Calcutta,13 April,1948
11. The Bhagirathi,Vol.III January 8,1957,p. 331
12. Orissa Review,February,1998,p.37

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
COSTUME AND ORNAMENTS OF
YOGINISATCHAUSATHIYOGINI TEMPLE, HIRAPUR
Sasmita Mishra
Costumes and ornaments depicted through sculptures are regarded as visible index of
the society. It reflects both personal choice and designers personality.1 In Kalingan art, both
costumes and ornaments have a special placefor the sculptor, and this is clearly visible in
different sculptures of Odishan temples. Discovery of the unique circular hypaethral
ChausathiYogini Temple atHirapurby K.N. Mohapatra in 1953 and subsequent conservation
and preservation activities by ASI to secure this temple for our posterity is an outstanding
achievement. Hirapur village is about 16 K.M. south-east of Bhubaneswar and south of river
Bhargavi. The village Hirapur was established by Hiradevi, one of the queens of Bhumakara
family in the 9th century A. D.2
The location of this temple is
Longitude- 85 52' 43.43?
Latitude- 20 13' 29.73?
Altitude- 24 meters approx.
This temple resembles a circular Gauri-Patta having a projection on the east which is
the entrance (Image. 1). This structure is built of coarse grained sand stone and the Images
are of black chlorite. Out of 64 Yoginis, 63 are present at this site. Sixty Yoginifigures are
present in the inner circle and three are present on the walls of the central Mandapa(Image2).
We have numbered these Yoginis from 1 to 60 in a clock wise manner from the eastern
entrance gate. The three Yoginis present on the wall of the Mandapa have been numbered as
61 to 63 moving in a clockwise direction from the eastern wall of the Mandapa. This temple
exhibits one of the best existing designs of dress and ornaments of Kalingan art in general and
Somavamsi period in particular.
Costumes-On close observation of these Yogini sculptures,we find the figures are adorned
withsari.This is covering the body below the navel. A separate upper garment is visible only
on two of the Yoginis, but their bosom is prominently visible like other Yoginis.On most of the
figures the folding of the lower garment, hanging down at the back is visible from the side.
The lower garmentscan be grouped under different categories.
In some Yoginifigures the loose ends of the lower-garment are visible either on the right
side(Image3) or on the left side (Image4) or in the centre (Image5).In many cases the
nature of the sariis diaphanous and in some cases designs are visible over the lower garment.

229
Nature- Nature- Nature- Diaphanous. Nature- Diaphanous. Nature- designed lower
Diaphanous. Diaphanous. garment with Loose ends
Loose ends visible in No loose ends and
visible either on the right
Loose ends visible Loose ends visible the centre between garment rims are visible
or on the left side of the
on the right side of on the left side of legs of the Yogini on the Yogini Figure
Yogini.
the Yogini the Yogini

Yogini No. 7 Yogini No. 1 Yogini No. 39 Yogini No. 4 Yogini No. 2

Yogini No. 11 Yogini No. 3 Yogini No. 63 Yogini No. 9 Yogini No. 5 wearing a
skirt

Yogini No. 13 Yogini No. 35 Yogini No. 10 Yogini No. 6 wearing a


skirt

Yogini No. 15 Yogini No. 45 Yogini No. 16 Yogini No. 8

Yogini No. 17 Yogini No. 47 Yogini No. 18 Yogini No. 12

Yogini No.23 Yogini No. 58 Yogini No. 20 Yogini No. 14

Yogini No. 27 Yogini No. 60 Yogini No. 21 Yogini No. 19 loose ends
on her right side

Yogini No. 34 Yogini No. 22 Yogini No. 25 loose ends


on her left side

Yogini No. 44 Yogini No. 24 Yogini No. 28

Yogini No. 50 Yogini No. 26 Yogini No. 30 loose ends


on her right side

Yogini No. 54 Yogini No. 29 Yogini No. 37

Yogini No. 62 Yogini No. 32 Yogini No. 41 loose ends


on her right side

Yogini No. 33 border Yogini No. 43 loose ends


end is not clearly visible on her right side

Yogini No. 36 Yogini No. 51 loose ends


on her right side

Yogini No. 38 Yogini No. 53 loose ends


on her right side

Yogini No. 40 Yogini No. 55

Yogini No. 42 Yogini No. 59 wearing a


skirt

Yogini No. 46 Yogini No. 61

Yogini No. 48 borders


are not visible

Yogini No. 49

Yogini No. 52

Yogini No. 57

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In many of the Yoginifigures, the thighs and legs are bare and only border lines of the
lower garment are visible on the legs. To create the see-through effect of the garment worn
by these figure, these limbs were carved first on the stone and then the sculpture wasgiven a
finishing touch by designing over the limbs.3
The upper garment is distinctly visible in two cases, i.e. Yogini No. 2 (Image6) and
Yogini No. 8 (Image7). No part of the lower garment covers the upper part of the body.
The saricoversonly the waist, thigh and legs. But in case of other Yoginis we do not see any
kind of designs or rim of the upper garment on the body (Image8). We can safely assume
this as an artistic convention of the time. Breasts wereconsidered the most significant symbol
of motherhood and the artists of this period wanted them uncovered in their art work to
facilitate the task of fully exhibiting the beauty of the female form without any indecency. It
also gave the artist an opportunity to show variety of beautiful ornaments worn on the chest,
neck andshoulders.This was not a convention which was followed rigorously. In the sculptures
of the same period, we can see the end folding of the upper garment is either hanging from the
shoulders or behind the upper arms e.g.Muktesvara temple:Salabhanjika andYamunafigures
drawn on northern wall.
It is therefore clear from these contemporary figures present at other sites that nudity
was not the order of the day and that the nude forms of the Hirapur sculptures were only
artistic expressions of the period.
Ornament:Adorning the body with jewellery is apredilection of human society. It allows
a person to display their prosperity and accentuates theirappearance.Artistry involved in
creating these ornaments,reflects the creative conditions prevalent in the society of the period.
Though the dresses of Yoginis are very simple, they wear very ornate and beautiful
ornaments on their body4. The Yoginis are mostly decorated with ornaments like diadem,
armlets, necklace, griddle, anklets etc.
The ornaments can be grouped and sub grouped on the basis of their type and styles.
Diadem-These are one of the most common adornments found on the Yoginis heads.
Group1-Thediadem is either made of beaded strings or beaded pearl-strands alternated
with plane rims. Three crests with beautiful floral design are placed equidistant to tie this
diadem on the forehead. The central crest is taller than the side ones. The crenelated loose
ends of the diadem are secured by semi-circular designed rings on both sides of the head.
Curls of hair can be seen at the fringes of the diadem. The following Yoginiswearthis type of
diadem on their head-

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Yogini No.- 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21(Image 9), 23, 24, 28,
29, 30, 33, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 58.
Group2- A serpentine or twisted cord or central ring ties the hairat the base of the
coiffure, from where a double-strand beaded festoons drops onto the front of the fore-head.
Curls of hair are visible on the forehead. The YoginisNo. 4(Image 10), 22, 38 and 51 wear
such type of ornaments.
Group3- The diadem of the Yogini is made up of large coin shaped rings strand. 1 Its
loose ends pass through a spokedring near the ears.Yogini No. 10 (Image 11) and 57 wear
this type of ornament.
Group4- Large coin shaped bead intersected by thin rings can be seenon Yogini No.
61(Image 12).
Group5- Only clips with bead strands design are found on the head. Yogini No. 19, 27
and 60(Image 13) wear such type of ornaments5.
Group6- Asimple band with designs on upper and lower sides is found on Yogini No. 36
Group7- Diadem could not recognised properly- Yogini No. 11, 20, 31, 52, 55, 59, 62
Group8- No diadem is decorating their head due to the animal face of the Yogini or
pattern of hair style. Yogini No 25, 26, 32, 34(animal face) (Image 14) and 44, 56 (hair
style)(Image 15) are included in this group.
Earrings- We find many different styles of earrings on the Yogini sculptures.
Group1- It is a circular hollow stud with beaded rim. Its spirals move beyond the
circular design with tear-shaped terminals facing outward. It has a rectangular bracket design
on the helix of the ear with horizontal bar flanked by beaded strands. This type of earring is
found on both sides of the YoginisNo. 1, 7, 29, 40, 47, 58, 60 (Image 13), 63, only on the
left ear of YoginisNo. 10, 14, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 34, 35, 37, 39, 41, 42, 43, and only on the
right ear of Yogini No. 33.
Group2- The earring is designed like a circular solid stud of medium size, rimmed with
beads. At the upper portion of the ear a bracket shaped ornament, consisting of two horizontal
bars invariably beaded, flanked above and below by pearls strands.This earring is found on
the both sides of Yogini No. 2, 3, and only on the right ear of Yogini No. 10, 14, 16, 21, 23,
34, 35, 41, 42, 43 (Image 16),44, 46, 53, 54 and only on the left ear of Yogini No. 49.
Group 3- The earring is made of solid (plain or designs on inner part) stud with plain
outer rim and a rectangular bracket is visible on the upper part of the ear. This bracket is
made of three horizontal bars flanked by two beaded lines both above and below. We find
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this type of earring on the ears of Yogini No. 4 (Image 17), 9, 12, 17, 28, 30, only on the
right ear of Yogini No. 19, 24, 27, 37, 39, 43(swan is carved on the inner side),48, 50 and
only on the left ear of 33, and 44.
Group 4-The earrings of Yogini No. 5 (Image 18)is of solid stud with bulge at the
centre; probably it is designed as Sarpa-Kundala. A bracket shaped ornament made of two
horizontal bars alternated with beaded lines i.e. one beaded line in between the plain bars and
two beaded lines flanking on outer sides placed on her helix.
Group5- Earrings of the Yogini No. 6 (Image 19) are designed as a circular-solid stud
with beaded spiralling strings on her right ear. These spiralling strings have tear-shaped terminals.
Above this stud, a rectangular bracket shaped ornament made of three horizontal bars is
present and is flanked above and below by beaded lines and behind the bracket a dropping
Asoka-leafappears.
On her left ear a circular solid stud of medium size rimmed with beads is shown. At the
upper portion of the ear a bracket type ornament, consisting of two horizontal bars invariably
beaded, flanked above and below by beaded strands and a dropping Asoka-leaf behind the
bracket is shown. This particular design is also found in Yogini No. 8 and 18.
Group6- It is a piece of bone used as earring which can be seen on the Yoginis 20
(Image 20), 52, 56 and 61.
Group7- A simple tear shaped earring with inner side hollow is found in the Yogini No.
59 (Image 21).
It is not possible toidentify the earring designs of Yogini No. 13, 15, 22, 31.
YoginisNo. 11, 25, 26, 32, 34, 38, 51 are not wearing any earrings.
Two different designs are visible in case of Yogini No. 6, 10, 14, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 33
to 37, 39, 41, to 46, 48, 49, 53 and 54. The right earrings of Yogini No. 45 may be included
in group 2 or group 3 of the list.
Necklace-We find some kind of necklace on most of the Yoginifigures necks and shoulders.
Group1- It consists of two necklaces. The first one is a simple strand of beads. The
second one is two strands of beads with an elaborate jewelled centre piece. The medallion is
joined to the beaded strands through clips. One additional beaded strand runs along the
principal necklace, moves in between the breast and encircles the lower contour of the breasts.
From the pointed end of the medallion a beaded strand drops down straight through
thecleavage. Such type of necklaces are found on Yogini No. 11 (Figure 1), 18 and 32
Group2- It consists of two necklaces. The first one is a single strand of beaded necklace.
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The second one is more elaborately designed and beautiful, made of three beaded strands
attached to a floral medallion with decorated clasps and from its pointed end a beaded string
flows downwards between the breasts. An additional beaded string is moving along the
second necklace and passes through the cleavage and encircles the lower contour of the
breast. The YoginisNo. 1, 3, 6, 10, 12, 14 (Figure 2), 23, 37, 39, 42, 44, 47, 50, 51, 52,
53, 58, 60 and 61 are wearing thesetypes of necklaces.
We find a little variation in Yogini No. 6.She is wearing three beautiful necklaces. The
first one is a close fitting double strand beaded necklace called mukta-Chapasari, second
one is little longer than the previous one and its a single strand beaded necklace, The third
one is more elaborate and beautiful. The third necklace is longer than the other two and is
made of three strands attached to a floral medallion with decorated clasps. From its pointed
end a beaded string flows downwards between the breasts. An additional beaded string
moves along the third necklace, passes through the cleavage and encircles the lower contour
of the breasts.
Group3- Abeautiful necklace made of four beaded-strands attached to a floral central
clasp with decorated clips. An additional beaded string is running along the central necklace
and encircles the breasts. A single beaded string is swinging through the cleavageup to a few
inches below the breasts. This type of necklace is found on Yogini No. 2, 13, 41 (Image 22)
and 54.
Group4- It consists of two necklaces. The first one is a single strand of beads. The
second one is more elaborately designed and beautiful, made of three beaded strands attached
to a floral medallion with decorated clasps. The Yogini No. 16 (Image 23) and 24 are
wearing these types of necklaces.
Group 5- It consists of two necklaces. The first one is a single strand of beads. The
second one is more elaborately designed and beautiful, made of four beaded strands attached
to a floral medallion with decorated clasps and from its pointed end, a beaded string flow
downwards in-between breasts. An additional beaded string moving along the second necklace
passes through the cleavage and encircles the lower contour of the breasts. The YoginisNo.
15, 21(Figure 3),29, 33, 36, 43 and 55 are included in this group.
Group 6- This group consists of two necklaces. The first one is a single strand of
beaded necklace. The second one is more elaborately designed and beautiful, made of three
beaded strands attached to a floral medallion with decorated clasps and from its pointed end,
a beaded string flows downwards in-between the breasts. An additional double-beaded
stringmoves along the second necklace and passes through the cleavage and encircles the
breasts lower contour. The YoginisNo. 17 (Figure 4) and 27 are wearing these types of
necklaces.
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Group7- A beautiful necklace made of three beaded-strands attached to the floral central
clasp with decorated clips. An additional beaded string is running along the central necklace
and encircles the breasts. A single beaded string is swinging through the cleavage up to a few
inches below the breasts. This type of necklace is found in Figures of Yogini No.4, 9, 19, 20,
25(Figure 5), 30, 34, 35, 46, 48, 57 and 59.
Group8- This group consists of two necklaces. The first necklace is a single strand of
beads. The second necklace is more elaborately designed and beautiful one, made of four
beaded strands attached to a floral medallion with decorated clasps and a single beaded
strand dropping down straight from the pointed end of the central medallion. The Yogini No.
28(Figure 6) is wearing these types of necklaces.
Group9- This group includes a single necklace made of four beaded strand attached to
a central floral medallion by clasps. Two beaded strand drops down straight from the pointed
end of this medallion, passes through the cleavage and encircles the breasts. Yogini No. 38
(Image 24) is wearing this type of necklace.
Group10- This consists of two necklaces. The first necklace is a single strand of beads.
The second necklace is more decorative and beautiful one, made of four beaded strands
attached to a floral medallion with decorated clasps and a single beaded strand dropping
down straight from the pointed end of the central medallion. Two beaded strands start from
the end point of the floral medallion and encircle the breasts. The Yogini No.40 (Image 25)
is wearing these types of necklaces.
Group 11- This group includes two necklaces. The first one is a single strand of beads.
The second one is more elaborately designed and beautiful, made of five beaded strands
attached to a floral medallion with decorative clasps and from its pointed end three beaded
strings flow down-wards between the breasts. There is an additional single-beaded string
that moves along the second necklace and passes through the cleavage encirclingthe breasts
lower contour. The Yogini No.45 (Image 26) and 49 are wearing these types of necklaces.
Group12- This group includes three necklaces. The first one is a single strand of beads.
The second one is more elaborately designed and beautiful, made of two beaded strands
attached to a floral medallion with decorative clasps. The third necklace is longer than the
second one. This is made of a single-beaded string, which moves along the second necklace
and passes through the cleavage and makes a loop down the cleavage. The Yogini No. 5
(Image 27) is wearing these types of necklaces.
Group13- This consists of two necklaces. A beautiful necklace made of two beaded-
strands attached to the floral central clasp with decorative clips. An additional beaded string
is running along with the central necklace and encircles the breasts. A single beaded string
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drops down from the pointed end of the medallion and is swinging through the cleavage up to
a few inches below the breasts. These types of necklaces are found onYogini No. 7 (Image 28).
Group14- A beautiful necklace made of three beaded-strands attached to the floral central
clasp with decorative clasps. This type of necklace is worn by Yogini No. 8 (Image 7).
Yogini No. 22 either included in group 13 or in group 14.
The necklace of Yogini No. 62 is damaged. Yogini No. 26 and 56 are not wearing any
necklaces.
Armlet- The armlets can be grouped under twelve different styles. They are found on the
arms of the Yoginifigures.
Group1- Beaded strands with bell shaped pendants found on the hands of Yogini No. 1, 2,
12, 24, 25, 35, 37, 45 (Image26), 57, 58.
Group 2-Armlets arein the shape of a band with a crest. We find the following variations.
a. Armlet is designed like three strand plain cord attached to a floral central crest. This
type of armlet is found on Yogini No. 3, 7, 8 and 43(Image29).
b. Three beaded strands alternate with two plain cords attached to a floral crest found on
the hands of Yogini No. 49(Figure 7).
c. Three plain cords attached to a plain crest found on the hands of Yogini No. 13(Image
30).
d. Two plain rims separated by a beaded string attached with a floral crest design are
found on the hands of Yogini No. 16, 17, 18, 22, 26, 32, 46 and 51. (Image 31)
e. Three beaded strands attached to a floral crest found on the hands of Yogini No. 23
(Image 32), 52.
Group3- Large size beaded strand used as armlet found on the hands of Yogini No. 4,
19, 30 (Figure 8), 34, 47, 48, 59, 61, 62, 63. A little variation of this style where beads are
separated by thin band found on the hands of Yogini No. 20 (Image 20)
Group4- Yogini No. 5 (Figure 9) wearing a Sarpa- Keyura type of armlet.
Group5- Yogini No. 6 (Figure 10), 14, 41 are wearing an armlet made of beaded
string of the angada type with overlapping ends2
Group6- Plain band super imposed by large size beads found on the hands of Yogini
No. 9, 11, 15(Image 33), 44, 50, 60. The same style with bell shaped pendants added is
found on the hands of Yogini No. 21(Image 34).

236
Group7- The armlet is made of large size beads followed by small beads and then a
pendant. The pendant has some variations:
a. Tear shaped pendant. Found on the hands of Yogini No. 27(Image 35).
b. Bell shaped pendant. Found on the hands of Yogini No. 33(Figure 11).
c. The armlet is made of large size beads followed by small beaded strands. Found on the
hands of Yogini No. 57(Image 36).
Group 8
a. The armlet is made of large size beads followed by a plain rim, small beaded strand and
then bell shaped pendant. Found on the hands of Yogini No. 42(Figure12).
b. The armlet is made of large size beads followed by a plain rim and then bell shaped
pendant. Found on the hands of Yogini No. 28, 29, 40 and 55(Figure13).
Group9- Plain band with a shell shaped crest armlet found on the hands of Yogini No.
36(Figure 14).
Group10- Floral armlet found on the hands of Yogini No. 39(Image 37).
Yogini No. 10 and 56 are not wearing any kind of armlet.
Arm lets are not clearly visible in the hands of Yogini No. 31, 38and 53.
Bangles- The bangles have been grouped into 8 categories. They are found on the wrists of
the Yoginifigures.
Group 1- AShanka-Balaya of medium size in which the first and last annulets are quite
broad in size and connected by a vertical bar. YoginisNo. 2, 8(Image 7), 20 and 37 are
wearing this type of bangle.
Group2- Yogini No. 3 is wearing a thin bangle bordered by beaded strands(Figure 15).
Group3- Yogini No. 29(Figure 16), 38, and 53 are wearing a beaded bangle
Group4- Two continuous beaded bangles are followed by plain annulets. These types
of bangles are found on the hands of Yogini No. 4 (Image17).
Group5- The first annulet is broader than other annulets. This type of Sankha-Balaya
is found on the hands of Yogini No. 9, 47 and 52(Figure 17).
Group6- Two beaded broad annulets separated by plain bangles found on the hands of
Yogini No. 10(Image 11).

237
Group7
a. A beaded broad annulet and a broad plain annulet is separated by plain bangles and
connected by a vertical bar found on the hands of Yogini No. 21, 30 and 42(Figure
18).
b. This pattern is alternated on the hands of Yogini No. 39 and 59.
Group8- Simple plain ring bangle is found on the hands of Yogini No. 56(Figure 19).
We could not trace the style of bangle in the hands of Yogini No. 22, 31 due to external
covering on the Image. As the hands are broken, trace of bangle design cannot be traced on
YoginisNo. 1, 5, 6, 7, 11 to 19, 23 to 28, 32 to 36, 40, 41, 45, 46, 48 to 51, 54, 55, 57, 58,
and 60 to 63.
Waist Band- Found around the waists of the Yoginis, they have been grouped into 14
categories.
Group 1- The waistband consists of three braided cords with jewelled central piece
and plain clasps at the sides. The lower fringe is made up ofa beaded strand. The urumala
consists of triple strands of pearl that hang straight down from the jewelled central piece to
the knees, in between the legs. Yogini No. 1 (Figure 20)is wearing this type of waist band.
Group 2 - The waistband consists of two braided cords with jewelled central piece and
plain clasps at the sides. The lower fringe is made up of beaded strand. The urumala consists
of triple strands of pearl that hang straight down from the jewelled central piece to the knees,
in between the legs.
We find different shapes of beads in the lower fringe of the band
(a) Circular beaded strand in the lower fringe with same upper braided pattern. Yogini No.
2, 7, 13, 15, 16, 17, 23, 29, 35, 44, 60(Figure 21). In Yogini No. 44 a plain band is
running along the beaded fringe, probably the artist had left this space to carve some
design.
(b) Bell shaped strand in the lower fringe with same upper braided pattern- Yogini No. 21,
22, 24, 25, 27, 28, 33, 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46. In case of Yogini No. 41 the bell
is more prominent and in Yogini No. 47 the bells are placed with some gap.
(c) Beads and bells are both used in the fringe in Yogini No. 30 and 49.
Group 3- The waistband consists of two braided cords with jewelled central piece and
plain clasps at the sides. It has no decorative strand at the lower fringe. The urumala consists
of triple strands of pearl that hangs straight down from the jewelled central piece to the

238
knees, in between the legs. This type of waist band is found onYogini No. 3(Image 38), 18,
26, 32, 34, 38, and 48.
Group 4- The waistband worn by the Yogini No. 4(Figure 22) consists of a cable type
double strands with a floral clasp and decorative buckles at sides. In lower fringe the alambika
motif i.e. a row of kirtimukha masks dripping festoons areshown. The urumala with
decorated terminals hangs straight down from the clasp and reaches to the knee.
Group5- The waistband of Yogini No. 5(Image 39) is a simple twisted cord followed
by single strand of beaded line holding a peacock feathered skirt in its place.
Group6- Yogini No. 6 (Image 40) is wearing a beautiful waist ornament made of cable
type double strands with a jewelled, floral central medallion, attached by jewelled clips.
Beaded buckles with decorated terminals are flanking the central medallion. The urumala
with large size beaded terminals hangs straight down from the clasp in between the legs. Over
her thigh a festoons of two beaded strings flanking the central medallion enhances her beauty.
Group7- The waistband consists of two twisted cord with elaborate jewelled central
piece and decorated clasp at the sides. This design is fixed over a plain broad belt, which is
clearly visible over the waist. The urumalais madeofthree beaded strings with large beads
used as terminals hanging down straight between the legs. This type of waistband is worn by
Yogini No. 9(Image 41).
Group8- The waist band is made of two braided bands with a central circular jewelled
medallion. Fringe of bell shaped beads appear as the outer design. Festoons of three and two
strands of beaded strings are separated by a single strand of beads with floral terminal
decorating the hip portion. Urumala is of three beaded strands flowing straight down in-
between the legs. Yogini No. 10 (Image 42)is wearing this type of waistband.
Group9- The waist band of Yogini No. 56(Image 43) is made of two braided bands
with a central small floral medallion. A plain cord hangs down as urumala, which is partly
broken.
Group10- Waist band is very simple in design made of double strands of beads attached
to a central medallion. The medallion and the urumalacanbeseen on Yogini No. 12 (Image
44) but presently mutilated.
Group11- The waistband of Yogini No. 19(Image 45) is a most ornate one. It consists
of two braided cord separated by a beaded string. A single beaded strand followed by bell
shaped strand appears at the lower fringe of the second braided cord. Over her thigh festoons
of two beaded strings flanking the central medallion and on sides of her thigh two beaded
strands drops down straight from waist, which enhances her beauty.

239
Group12- Three Beaded strands with some gaps in between them attached to a small
floral medallion. The urumala is of three beaded strands flowing straight down between the
legs from a kirtimukha attached below the medallion. This is seen on Yogini No. 20(Figure
23).
Group13- The waistband of Yogini No. 37(Figure 24) is quite ornate. It consists of
two braided cord attached to a small floral medallion. At the fringe we find a strand of beads
with bell shaped pendants. Festoons of two plain strands are separated by a single plain
strand with beaded terminals decorating her hip portion. Urumala is of three beaded strands
flowing straight down between the legs.
Group14- Two twisted cords placed at base of a plain band and attached to a medallion.
The urumala design hangs from the lower end of the medallion between the legs. Yogini No.
59 is wearing this type of ornament.
Anklet- Found on the ankles of the Yoginifigures. There are 8 groups.
Group1- It is made of two strands, the upper one is of beaded pattern and the lower
one is of bell design pendant. This design is very common and can be found on Yogini No. 1,
6, 8, 10, 14, 17, 20 24, 25(Figure 25), 33, 37 to 42, 45, 49, 54, 56, 62 and 63.
Group2- It is a large sized simple beaded strand used as anklet and found on Yogini
No. 3, 4, 5, 11, 16, 19, 26, 29(Figure 26), 32,35, 36, 44, 46, 55, 57, 58 and 60.
Group3- A twisted rope design found on the feet of Yogini No. 9.
Group4- Beads alternating with bells stringed together in a strand from which bell shaped
pendants are hanging with small gapsis found on the feet of Yogini No. 61(Figure 27).
Group5- Double strands of beads are used as anklet onYogini No. 21, 22, 23, 27, 43
and 47.
Group6- A beaded strand with a plain outer rim on lower side is found on the feet of
Yogini No. 30 and the design is alternated onYogini No. 50.
Group7- A beaded strand with rectangular blocks used as the outer rim in lower side is
found onYogini No. 51 and 52.
Group8- A thick single plane cord is used as anklet onYogini No. 53 and the same
design is pierced with round beads are found on Yogini No. 59.
Yogini No. 48 is not wearing any anklet.
We could not recognised the anklet design of YoginisNo. 2, 7, 12, 13, 18, 21, 28, 31,
34 as their feet are damaged.
Yajnopavita and different types of garlands used by the Yoginis- These arefound
around the neck and head of some YoginiFigures.

240
Yogini No. 50 wears a yajnopavita of beaded string. It hangs loosely on her left shoulder,
lyingthrough cleavage of her breasts and loops around both thighs. During this period major
female deities are wearing this ornament on their body.
Yogini No. 3 and 56 are wearing a mundamala type of garland that encircles their
heads, loosely hangs over both shoulders and extends up to middle part of the thighs on front
side. Yogini No. 29 is wearing a sarpamalaandYogini No. 58 is wearing a sarpamundamalain
the same manner.
Rings- Finger rings are visible in the hands of Yogini no 3, 4, 8, 10, 26, 29, 37, 39, 42 and
foot-finger rings are visible on some Yoginis like No 14, 17, 19, 20, 24, 26, 27, 29, 30, 33,
35 to 37, 39, 41, 43, to 45, 47, 49, 51, 55 etc.
The costume and ornaments of the Yoginisat Hirapur are the one of the best examples of
the Somavamsi period. Sculptural richness of this temple gives it a prominent place between
Muktesvara and Bramhesvara temples on stylistic grounds. The richness of the pattern of
self-ornamentation of the period is best exemplified by the sculptures of Hirapur.A further
comparative study of these sculptures with other sculptures of the Somavamsi period will
allow us a more in-depth knowledge about the artistic and aesthetic outlook prevalent in the
society of the period.
References
1. Ramesh Prasad Mohapatra, Thomas E. Donaldson(ed), Ornaments Of Orissa, B.R.
Publishing Corporation, 1998.
2. SulochanaAyyar ,Costumes and Ornaments as Depicted in the Sculptures of Gwalior
Museum,Mittal Publications, Delhi, 1987.
3. H.C. Das, SaktaPithas: a study, BharatiPrakashan, Varanasi, 1999.
4. Simmi Jain, Encyclopaedia of Indian Women Through the Ages: Ancient India,Vol.I,
Kalpaz Publications, Delhi, 2003.
5. Bhusan,J.B., Indian Jewellery Ornaments and Decorative Designs, Vol.1, Bombay,
1964.
6. Ibid.,Costume and Textiles of India, Bombay,1958.
7. Febry, C.L., History of Indian Dress, Bombay, 1960.
8. Ibid.,History of Art of Orissa, Calcutta,1974.
9. Ghurye, G. S., Indian Costume, Bombay, 1951.
10. Gupta, S. P., Costumes, textiles, cosmetics and coiffure in Ancient and medieval
India, Delhi, 1973.

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Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
EROTIC ART IN THE TEMPLES OF ODISHA
Siba Praasad Khuntia
Erotic imagery appears on the earliest surviving Orissan temples and continues to be a
major decorative motif throughout the long period of temple construction, even on temples
where most outer decorative motifs are eliminated, suggesting it is an obligatory decorative
device, which apparently had the sanction of the sacred texts. Erotic imagery as in the case of
other decorative motifs, serves the same auspicious function and likewise may be either
propitious or apostrophic, or both. It may equally be employed for prosperity or protection.
It is continuously stated in spiritual injections that rituals must be performed for the sake of
security and as a source of prosperity.1
Images thus function in a dual capacity. This dual
complementary symbolism is particularly evident in the motifs
decorating the doorways or entrance to a temple or sacred
compound, serving as a magical barrier and a beautiful frame for
the image enshrined within. The same is true of imagery appearing
elsewhere on the temple, as Kramrisch points out is not left unsaid
in the verbal tradition nor is any of the detail arbitrary or superfluous.
Each has a definite place and is part of the whole.2 The whole
architectural sculptural program of constructing a temple is replete
with magical incantations and rituals, from the initial selection of a
site and the living of the grabha pit with female stone. 3Just as
the parsva devatas , dikpalas and avarna devata form a
protecting ring around the installed divinity by emanating their power
outward, so does erotic imagery. In various texts, including the
Brihat samihita, the puranas such as Agni and Matshya, the
Agama, like the Vaikhanasagama, prescribed that erotic imagery
is to be carved on the outer walls of the temple. It is thus evident
that erotic imagery was not considered obscene, but former an essential element in the overall
decorative program.
The word mithuna means a couple or a pair who may or may not be involved in an
erotic relationship. Whenever used by us the word indicates a human couple unless specifically
state as naga-mithuna or a pair of snakes, hansa mithuna or a pair of swans and so on.
Maithuna means coitus; maithuna couple hence is used here as indicating couples in coitus
.The expression erotic group is used for scene, which depict more than two people in erotic
activities.
250
Like the parsvadevata enshrined in the side niches, the obscene figures were as a rule
to be represent in the temple, even though other types of decoration could be omitted4
It is always not possible to accept these sculptures, like other decorative imagery on
outer wall of a sacred place.
In order to avoid confusion it is necessary to define the precise meaning of erotic or
obscene figures. By obscene or erotic figures we mean here only those sculptures which
represent the different posses of the sexual act, as described in the Kamasutra, or otherwise
conceived by human mind .If we widen the connotation beyond this scope, many of the
religious sculptures including a large number of cult images, will have to be dubbed as obscene
and no school of Indian art and religion will be found free from them. Indeed the very conception
of saivism with which we are mainly concerned here, owes its origin to these elements,
which in common parlance, can be called obscene. We may even go a step further and agree
with some of the philosophers that the very conception of religion has generated from the
sexual impulse of human mind. We are not, however concerned with the metaphysical sense
of obscenity. The problem with which we are confronted here are; why has a particular class
of temple sculpture been so made as to make the sexual act visible to spectators weather any
religious sanction for these representation or where they only thoughtlessly allowed to be
carved on religious edifices? Weather they are confined to the religious structures of a particular
sect, time or country? They are the problems that we must discuss here.
The erotic sculptures by their number, variety, forthright voluptuousness and frank
nakedness, attract attention even at the first sight. Because of these obscene sculptures a
Commissioner of Orissa G.F. Cockburn, rejoiced at the dilapidation of the temple and officially
wrote in 1858, The beastly representations with which it is covered makes it, I think makes it
very desirable, that the whole of the remaining building should be leveled with the ground 5
W.W.Hunter, after spending a day and minutely investigating the ruined temple of the
sun, confessed in a private letter: I shall never forget the passionate sculptures of that famous
shrine6. In the present century, the American writer Lowell Thomas describes Konark as the
most beautiful and at the same time the most obscene building in the world7. Though the
greatness and total beauty of the monument in no way depend upon the erotic sculpture, the
statements are the honest expressions of the effect produced by such sculptures.
It is therefore a matter of concern to co-relate or justify the presence of such sculptures
on sacred temple walls. Early western explanations of erotic imagery on Indian temple are
influenced by puritanical Christian concept whereby sex is correlated with sin, as exemplified

251
by captain Moors, remarks made in 1794 we are totally unable and equally unwilling to
convey a full idea of these monstrous delineations8. James Fergusson in speaking of the
sculptures of the Surya Deul, states that it is of an obscurity of expression which is impossible
to describe and which it would be difficult for even a very depraved European imagination to
conceive.
Because of their revolting character the erotic figures on the religious edifices claim
greater attention and come in for greater criticism. To a discerning visitor they appear to be a
disturbing feature in the otherwise screen atmosphere of a religious shrine, and he is therefore
led to seek and explanation for their presence. But so far no satisfactory example seems to
have been available.9
Though love plays an important role in the life of Hindus, the erotic activities of queens
and princess even being described in temple inscriptions, and it is only natural that such
activities be carved on the temple walls. By depicting erotic imagery on temples the builder
(owner) expected spiritual good, prosperity, vigor, wealth and offspring, and also the fulfillment
of other desires including a long life for him and the temple. 10
M.M.Ganguly observes it, as one of the most perplexing features of Orissan Architecture
and Sculpture; is the presence of indecent figures defiling the sacred walls of the Jagamohana,
Nata mandira & except those of sanctum. The sight of such figures representing various
scenes of voluptuousness is puzzling and nauseating. One is at a loss to understand why they
have a place at all within the sacred enclosure. Not being able to account for this anomaly
one is surely to be led into the pitfall of an erroneous conclusion that the artists who designed
these ornaments to decorate the outer walls of temples must have belonged to race most
morally depraved, and vicious. He enquired of the local pundits for the reasonable explanation
who could offer none; He came to learn afterward that such indecent figures are prevalent
not only in Orissa but in other parts of India as well. As an illustration, the case of the temple
of the Kandarya Mahadeva at Khajuraho in Bundelkhand could be cited.
It is not a fact that obscene figures represent isolated phenomena in the temple of Orissa
alone. They occur in the temples of Khajuraho and Madras and in certain of the eleventh
century temple of Dekkan, as for instance, at Balsani in Khandesh, and in the Asvena at
Sinnar in the Nasik district.11. They are found in terracotta in modern temples of Bengal and
in the paintings and decoration of metal and wooden rathas of the Bengal Vaisnavas. 12They
appear on the modern Nepalese temples of which a wooden temple built by the Nepalese
near the observatory at Benaras is a notable example. The area of their occurrence thus
covers the whole of India. That of a particular sect is provided by their occurrence in the

252
Saiva and Sakta temple at Bhubaneswar, the vaisnava temple at Puri the surya temple at
Konark The chronological study of the Orissan temple, however enables us to conclude that
they started making, their appearance on the temple structures during a particular cultural
epoch and continued to be carved on them up to the end of the temple building period in
Orissa. In the earliest standing temple like Parsurameswar and the Swarnajaleswar in which
most of the sculptures have survived . The amorous couples are no doubt found on them but
they do not represent sexual posture. Careful observation will reveal that they are not nude
and that they have been provided with garments, the skirts of which have been indicated by
the incised lines both in the male and the female figures. They cannot be taken as obscene
figures as we define them.
Obscene or Erotic figures in the sense, as have taken them, first made their appearance
on the temple of Vaital and Siseraswra. One panel in the northern faade of the Sisireswar
even shows the sexual intercourse between a man and an animal which is probably a deer.
Hence erotic figures marked its appearance from 6th & 7th C.A.D.
The chronological position of their first occurrence enables us perhaps to find out a
possible explanation for their existence on the religious structures. We have already observed
that the Vaital and Sisweraswar were so a great extent influenced by the Bhauma tradition of
Art and culture. The Mahayana form of Buddhism became the dominant religion under the
patronage of the early Bhauma and there are obvious influences of this religion in the art and
architecture of these two monuments 13
In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad it is said that in the beginning the Primeval Person
alone and longing for companionship, he produced a wife by dividing himself. The significance
of mithuna as a source of creation is more clearly set forth the followings passage of
Brhadaranyaka Upnisada.14.He was not at all happy. Therefore people (still) are not happy
when alone. He desired a mate. He became as big as man and wife embracing each other. He
parted this very body into two. From that came husband and wife. Therefore, said Yagnavalkya,
this (body) is one-half of oneself, like one of the two halves of a split pea. Therefore this
space is indeed filled by the wife. He was united with her. From that men were born she
became a cow, the other become a bull and was united with her, from that cows were born
Thus did the project everything that existed in pairs, down to the ants.15. The Satapatha
Brahmana 16contains that statement that birth originates from a mithuna. Mithuna is
depicted as a productive couple. A mate is one half, of ones own self; for when one is
with a mate, he is whole and complete.17. This type of thing is also to be found in the religious
literature of subsequent epochs. The Sanskhya philosophy puts emphasis on the concept of
253
purusa and prakriti. Siva came to be worshipped trough the emblem of a male organ (linga)
and late on, the Sivalinga came to be associated with the yoni which represents the female
principle. The Lakulisa Pasupata sects of Saivas had among their vidhis or rules of conduct,
Kaula-Kapalika and Kalamukha sects were two extreme, schools of the Pasupat School
and ascetics belonging to those schools observed rites which are far more outlandish in
character.
The Sakti cult, of Orissa has a stronghold, laid emphasis on the concept of creation as
due to the union of the male and female principles. In a broader Indian context, the worship
of the Mother Goddess can be traced back to the time of Harrapan culture. In course of the
development of the cult, in the earlier phase, the pacific or the terrific aspects of the goddess
were given prominence, but there was no sexual element in her worship. Such practices were
incorporated at a later phase under the influence of Tantrism. In the tantric phase, sexual
union was prescribed as a part of the ritual in which the male takes the form of Siva and the
female his Sakti.( The conception of ritual mithuna was even known to the Satpatha-
Brahmana18, associated with the sacrificial horse and the mahisi; When the foot-water is
ready, they cause the Mahishi to lie down near the horse, and cover her up with the upper
cloth, with, In heaven ye envelop yourselves, for that indeed is heaven where they immolate
the victimMay the vigorous male, the layer of seed, lay seed! She says for the completeness
of union. The Aitareya Aranyaka, V. 1, 5, refers to ritual coitus in connection with the
Mahavrata festival. The Sankhyan-Griha-Sutra, IV 19, refers to making of meal images of
couples of animals on the full-moon day of Caitra.)
The depiction of erotic sculptures might have started in such a religious climate, and
sanctioned by religion and systematized by Silpa Sastra texts, continued as an indispensable
element of temple decoration in subsequent epochs. As we have already pointed out, the
detached erotic sculptures belonging to an earlier temple now kept inside Satrughanewar
temple compound and the erotic sculptures of the Varahi temple at Chaurasi had possible
links with the Kaula-Kapalika and the tantric Sakta rituals.
However we do not suggest that they were inspired by passages of Sanskrit literature;
what we wish to emphasize is that the erotic theme was common both to art and literature.
Apart from the sensuous quality of Sanskrit literature as a whole, several works were especially
devoted to the description of the art of love, of which the earliest appears to be the Kama
Sutra of Vtsyayana. Many other writers after Vatsyayana deal with the topic of sexual relations.
Among them mentioned may be made of Kokkoka, author of Ratirahashya, and
Kalayanamalla, the author of Anangaranga. The influence of Kamsastra literature is attested
by the erotic sculptures which follow pattern prescribed in the texts. The demand of such
literature may have increased when life became more luxurious in medieval Orissa.

254
The erotic sculptures are not confined to a particular portion
of the temple and there is no fixed principle governing their
distribution, though they appear mostly on the upper jangha
part of the platform as well as of the jagamohana. The theory
that the whole temple is divided into three planes corresponding
to sattva (virtue), rajas (passion), and tamas (darkness) and
that the erotic sculptures, representing the tamasika aspect of
life, are confined to a particular portion of the temple is not
confirmed by the actual examination of such sculptures. The
erotic sculptures are not seen on the upana, and they are
conspicuous by their absent on the pabhaga and baranda
moldings of the platform over which have been erected the
sanctuary and the jagamohana. In the lower jangha erotic
figures occur in the niches of the khaharamundis and on the
pilasters-like upright slabs: the latter ones sometimes also depict naga and nagi couples in
close embrace. In the bandhana, the vertical brackets connecting the three moldings contain
in their niches erotic figures, besides other female figures in attractive postures. In the upper
jangha the erotic figures appearing on pilaster-like slabs are the most numerous.
The different types of erotic sculptures that are seen have been categorized as follows.
We include individual figures of ladies or men exposing their nudity over an object which
represents a flame. It is difficult to determine whether they are associated with any religious
rites. Possibly the motif representing a nude lady or man over the flame, indicates the likeness
of burning passion to a flame, and justifies the term Kamagni.
Presumably the lady is warming her private parts in order to obtain
stimulation.
1) In this type we include sculptures where amorous couples
do not exhibit the act of coitus. The main feature of this type
is that, though the figures are shown in amorous attitudes,
they wear garments. The artists have successfully portrayed
their love by sober treatment. The couples usually stand close
to each other in an intimate pose. A tender love illumines
their faces and such panels representing mild love-play offer
a contrast to the more orgiastic scenes depicting love in every
conceivable form. Earlier prototypes of such amorous
couples are on the Parsurameswar, Swarnajaleswar and Vital

255
temples. On the Lingaraj and the Brahmeswar temples, a more refined and artistic
treatment of this type can be found, which shows its popularity among artists of different
ages.
Some of the panels appear to have been inspired by literature on erotic like the Kamasutra
of Vatsyayana. Some of the embracing couples seems to have followed he Kamasutra
texts in depicting sprstaka(light embrace),latavesthitaka (creeper like embrace) and
vriksadhirudhaka (tree climbing embrace).
2) Animal erotic are also seen above baranda where lion
is seen with lion, deer and elephant in Brahmeswar
temple which is not rampant in other temples.
3) The ascetics in the company of women, because of
their frequent recurrence, constitute a separate
class.
Considering all these facts, it may be said that the erotic
sculptures made their appearance and continued as
decorations on the walls of Indian temples through a
combination of factors, notions about their auspicious
character, influence of Tantrism, Kamsastra literature,
superstitions, convention, and especially the inherent human
weakness for earthly pleasures. The erotic sculptures should not be judged from our standards
of morality. Such obscene figures on the religious monument should be studied in their proper
perspective for whereas sensuality in art can uplift and enable, in life it will often deprave,
especially if it is detached from the ideal.19
Therefore M.M.Gaguly gives an explanation that, in the case of a building under
construction when the uprights for the scaffolding have just been set up we notice that a
basket, or a broomstick, and old rejected shoe, and such other filthy things are tied to the end
of a scaffolding pole so as to attract the notice of a passerby. They are meant to withstand the
evil effects of the jealous gaze of the observers, and to ward off the evil spirits that may
possess the building; under construction, hampers its progress by causing a catastrophe to
befall it. This superstition of the twentieth century furnishes the key to unravel the mystery of
indecent figures of the medieval times, and the Uriya architects and artists of the present day
have corroborated this view. They cited from their Silpa Sastras to bear out, and there is a
definite plan, or arrangement recommended for the relative position of such figures in respect
of the structure (I have very recently secured an old palm leaf manuscript of Silps Sastra

256
with several illustrations. I have not found time as yet to decipher it but hope to do so very
soon.) The Uriya artists say that the introduction of such obscene figures is not only to ward
off the evil spirits, but also to protect the structure against lighting, cyclone or other dire
visitation of nature. The pinnacle of the temple ending in a pointed metallic trident or discus,
the visitation of it by lighting was a phenomenon usual occurrence, and the people of those
days being unacquainted with the principle of a lighting conductor, restored to this superstitions
as an effective means of protection. This seems to be rational explanation of the anomaly,
perplexing the intellect of not only the students of architecture, but of an ordinary pilgrim.
He concluded saying that it is the weakness towards sex; if one fails to raise superior to
this frailties he cannot attain absolute truth, or reality represented by the deity enshrined in the
sanctum, and to see the image of the deity20
Prof R.D.Banerjee observes that presence of indecent figures on religious edifices is still
a puzzle 21Local enquires at Puri and Bhubaneswar generally elicit two kinds of explanations
of which the one given by the temple priests can be summerarily be rejected. The priest
maintains that the presence of obscene figures prevents the temple from being struck by
lightning.
The second type of explanation, which generally emanates from enlightened people, is
that the obscene figures are the results of the deliberate attempt of the sculptors to depict life
in all its naked reality. In support of their theory they exhibit the anatomical treatment of the
limbs and in which nudity is sometimes conspicuously shown. But they fail to perceive the
distinction between the nude images and the obscene or erotic figures, which appears on the
Orissan temples. The later form a class by themselves, in which obscenity has been represented
not as a necessary element of artistic requirement but do depict the sexual relation of men and
women in all their nakedness. They do not explain how the obscene sculptures were allowed
to exist on the religious edifices without a religious sanction for their existence.
The exact significance of these obscene figures and reason why they have been used
as decoration on the walls of religious monuments has inspired several interpretations. As one
writer observes, Written and spoken there is no end to list of explanations to the mithunas
beautiful, mysterious, and unquiet presence on these sacred walls.22 Some of the explanations
are nothing more than facile generalization or expressions of personal preferences, while
other offer new insights very helpful for understanding a limited number of such sculptures. In
the maze of explanations scholars have rarely been successful in asking the problem more
intelligible. The failure, we believe, is largely due to the fact that too much emphasis has been
given on finding a single cause or a complete explanation. In the following pages an attempt
is made to place some of the interpretations together and to study the evidence more broadly.
257
Though we must continue the search for a better understanding of the subject, the time has
come when we may pause to properly test the existing interpretations and to determine their
limits.23
Benjamin Rowland in the Art and Architecture of India has suggested that, at Konark,
the function of these endlessly repeated pairs in dalliance must have had something to do with
actual orgiastic rites conducted in association with a special cult of the sun as a universal
fructifying force.24. Percy Brown goes a step further when he asserts that in Orissa at this
period the maihtuna movement appears to have obtained a firm hold on a considerable
section of the community25. It is difficult to agree with Percy Brown in his attempt to explain
the erotic sculptures in the terms of a maithuna movement. No contemporary literary or
epigraphic data would support such a proposition. There is nothing to substantiate the belief
that sex was the be-all and end-all of life in mediaeval Orissa: the erotic sculptures alone need
not create such a misleading impression.
It is claimed that a thousand years of Buddhistic monasticism had left behind in Orissa
strong trends of celibacy and cloistral abuses in its degenerate and conventional phase. An
open portrayal of the legitimate and its opposite in life might have been conceived as an
educative remedy26. A similar explanation that the friezes may represent a call for renewed
fertility in a region where population had wilted after centuries of Buddhist chastity may not
command universal assent in view of the fact that erotic sculptures are not solely confined to
Orissan temples and are also known to have been carved on the temples when Buddhism
was a living force in the society. From the days of Ashok and for many centuries afterwards,
Budhism was a popular religion in Orissa, 27 but there is nothing to show that the entire
population turned to bhiksus and bhikusunis or accepted Buddhistic asceticism as an ideal,
for the Buddhism of the householders was different from the Buddhism of the recluses. Similarly
the occurrence of erotic sculptures on monuments separated by both time and space, precludes
the possibility of assuming that the life force was emphasized and advertised to increase the
population of Orissa after the loss of innumerable lives in the wars fought during the reign of
Narasimha I28
P.Rawson suggested that the erotic sculptures merely served the mundane purpose of
advertising the charms of the devadasis or temple prostitutes29. These opinions are more
open to dispute, for, as we have pointed out, the erotic sculptures are not generally found on
the Natamadira. The sculptures of female musicians and dancers of the Natamandira may
have been inspired by the beauty of the dancing girls once in the service of this temple. The
charms of the devadasis often mention in epigraphic literature, as for example the
Sobhanesvara temple inscription, which speaks of the beautiful devadasislike the fairies of
258
heaven in whose sweet lips there was nectar, in the ends of whose eyes was cupid, in whose
mouth and waist and other parts of the body were stambhana, mohana and other charms
and whose persons were decorated with various ornaments30,but there is nothing to suggest
that the artists have attempted to advertise their charms through the erotic sculptures. The
devadasis were the attendants of the God and were not meant for the pleasure of the people,
though at times deviation was made from this ideal.
It is often held that the purpose of carving erotic sculptures was mainly symbolic.
A.K.Coomarswamy observes, the Indian sex symbolism assumes two main form, the
recognition of which will assist the student of art: first, the desire and union of the individual
soul with God- this is the love of the herd girls for Krishna: and second, the creation of the
world, manifestation, lila, as the fruit of the union of male and female cosmic principles-
purusha and shakti.31. The representation of sexual union in sculptures is regarded as a
symbol of moksa32 because the ecstasy in sexual love was compared to the religious ecstasy
derived in the merging of the human soul with the ultimate reality. This philosophy finds
expression in the Bridaranyaka Upanishad which declares: As a man, fully embraced by
his beloved wife, does not know anything at all, either external or internal, so does this infinite
being (self), fully embraced by the Supreme Self, not know anything at all, either external or
internal33.
It is doubtful if the artists really wanted to elucidate this philosophy through the obscene
sculptures. Further such a theoretical rationalization can only explain limited number erotic
sculptures that are those which represent men and women in passionate embrace. It cannot
explain those sculpture which do not represent any union but are nevertheless obscene in
their treatment. The Doctrine of Divine bi-unity, 34that the male and female principle, purusha
and prakrit are the two sides of one Supreme Self, was widely recognized particularly through
the popularity of the sakta cult, but it is perhaps as oversimplification of the problem to
regard this Devine bi-unity as illustrated on the temple walls through the dichotomy of sex35.
The deeper symbolisms behind the images of Ardhanariswara, Laxminarayana or Siva-parvati,
which may seemingly appear vulgar to the non-Hindu, may rightly be understood in terms of
the philosophy of the divine bi-unity, but it cannot explain the erotic sculptures in their variety
of poses. Had this been the original intention of the artists they would have given simple
depiction of male and female figures in dignified poses to help the better realization of this
metaphysical concept, could not have been served satisfactorily by such sculptures as the
metaphysical symbolism could only be intelligible to the intellectual few and not to all.
Coomarswamy pointed out that the obscene figure on the exterior walls of the monument
symbolizes the illusory world of pleasure in contrast to the solemn character of the inner side
259
of the sanctuary. He observes: Love and desire are part of life. Life is a veil behind or within
which is God. The outside of the temple is an image of samsara and the carvings on it
represent everything that belongs to samsara and perpetuate illusion, every bond and each
desire of loveliness that binds men to the wheel of life and death. Within, in an empty chamber
the image of God is alone, lit up tiny lamp, seen from very far away by the approaching
worshipper. This symbolism of phenomenal life, as an embroidered veil, beyond which devotee
must pass to find his God perhaps, always and everywhere been present, whether consciously
or not the mind of Indian cathedral builders36. Viewed in this perspective the erotic sculptures
had a legitimate place on the temple walls. Their depiction appears to be deliberate: their
purpose is to awake a feeling of a version of the earthly life for which they stand and lead the
devotees to the calm atmosphere of the abode for the God. We cannot, however, over
emphasize or be sure about this intention, for no silpa sastra text gives such a view, but when
contrasted with the unadorned interior of the temple, the sculptures convey this effect.
K.C.Panigrahi on the analogy of obscene idol-house of the Lamas at Lahburg in Tibet
describes by Harrison Foreman, remarks37 The obscene figures in the Orissan temples
were in all probability meant to test the self-restraint of the visitor before he was entitled to
reap the merits of his visit to the God38. In the idol houses of Tibet, obscene images and later
on living women are employed to test whether a Lama could look upon them without desire
or passion. A similar purpose as it is suggested is served by the obscene images on the temple
walls; a real devotee can look unmoved at these emotional scenes, or his mind will be filled
with disgust for such sculptures and he will enter the temple to seek salivation. A person,
without passion is an ideal person to attain salvation. In the Puranas we hear of episodes
where beautiful Apsaras are sent to disturb the meditation of rishi. The real saints were those
who could concentrate in spite of such attractions. Marco Polo 39 also tells how temple girls
were utilized to test the moral purity of the naked ascetics before they were admitted to the
order.40
The view that the erotic sculptures are meant to attract people to the temple,41 hardly
deserves any serious consideration, for a temple is never visited for the sake of sensuous
pleasure. The sanctity of the place is mainly responsible for attracting pilgrims, who are
conscious of the Kshetra Mahatmya. The suggestion that the mithunas are there, for the
sexual education of the young and ignorant,(Francis Leeson, Kama Silpa, p 34) is hardly
convincing, for no real foundation exists for such a assumption. The theory that the erotic
sculptures served the purpose of a safety valve, a natural outlet for the immoral and evil
propensities of the people, is inspired by modern methods of psycho-analysis. This can hardly
give the correct insight, as it attempts to judge them from our standards. The erotic sculptures

260
on the temples are not, as some believe, due to the mere caprice of a prince42 or a ruler
making sex an ideal kingship.43 The Art of India, as Mervynlevy points out, like that of
Greece, was an integral part of a way of life, dependent far less upon individuals than the
society and religious concepts that bound individuals together, the society and its culture.44
Therefore it is hardly likely that the whim of the king or the artists accounted for the erotic
sculptures.
The suggestion that the erotic sculptures offer the picture of contemporary decadent
society is not convincing. They are not a sure sign of the moral laxity of their age. The theory
of moral decadence is incompatible with the religious urge to lavish wealth on the temples. In
fact the pursuit of sensual pleasure was never the deal of Indian society as a whole in any age.
Love no doubt had a legitimate place in the line of human action, and sexual activity was even
considered a positive religious duty.45. But the pursuit of pleasure had its place along with
Dharma, Artha and Moksha as the ideals of life46. Even in the case of the tantric rites, sensual
pleasure was considered only as a means to an end, which was salvation, Kama or the
pursuit of pleasure as an end in itself, was regarded by orthodoxy as a ripu(enemy), which
was to be controlled. In religious mythology as well as in secular literature, the evil resulting
from licentious life is emphasized. Mayura became a leper composing sringrasgtaka in praise
of the beauty of his own daughter; Samba experienced the same fate by looking at the dalliance
of Krishna; and Ravana reaped dire consequence by forcibly stealing Sita.
It is generally believed that the erotic sculptures are inspired by Tantric rituals which
emphasize sensual elements as a means to salvation. The Tantric mode of worship recommend
the use of Pancha Tattvas, that is Madya (wine), Mansa(meat), Matsya (fish), Mudra(grain),
and Maithuna(sexual intercourse). Another answer often given is that the erotic sculptures
are meant to ward off lighting and thunder. The following verse in the Skadapurana seems to
suggest that such sculptures, which are the symbols of virility, are to be depicted as a
prophylactic measure against thunderbolts;
Vajrapatadibhityadivaranartham yathodtam/
Silpisastrepi mayadivinyasam paurusakritim//
It is believed that lighting (vidyut), being a female, out of modesty would not approach
the temple covered with such obscene figures. The Bhagvata purana tells a story which can
help us to explain the erotic sculptures. It states that once, Indra being guilty of the sin of
brahmanicide, distributed his sin among the earth, water, trees and women. Through sharing
the sin of Indra, women became passionate and indulged in sexual pleasure, so it is believed
that the Vajra of Indra cannot affect the temple were the love play is depicted in sculpture.
Even if we admit the existence of these superstitious beliefs, it is difficult to explain the abundance

261
of such sculptures. Moreover, the navagraha slab and the dikplas were meant to protect
the temple from all forms of evil. Further, had these obscene sculptures been intended to
ward off lighting and thunder, they would have been carved on the upper part of the temple
but in fact, they are not to be seen on the Mastaka portion.
The practice of carving erotic sculptures seems to have been systematized and sanctioned
by texts dealing with architecture. The Brhatsmhita of Varaha mihira recommends that the
doorjambs of temples should be decorated with auspicious birds (mangalya vihaga.),
auspicious trees (sri vriksa), full vessels (ghata), foliage (patravali), and amorous couples
(mithuna). The Agni Purana47 enjoins that doorways should be embellished with mithunas
(mithnair bibhusayed). These injunctions, as has been pointed out, have been followed in
the decoration of the door jambs of the temples. It is interesting to note that SaralaDasa (15th
C. A.D) in his Oriya Mohabharata alludes to the injunctions of the Agni-purana while referring
to the obscene sculptures of the Chandrabhaga tirtha of Konark.48.
The vishnudharmottara while discussing about the representation of the nine rasas
(sentiments) through the art of painting, says that in the temples and in places all the sentiments
like sringara(erotic), hasya(laughable), karuna(pathetic),etc. may be represented. Bhoja
(11the Century) in the samranganasutradhara enjoins that women should be represented
as engaged in sexual activity, and lovers, if represented, should be shown as longing for
sexual pleasures.49.
The erotic sculptures should be interpreted and
understood in a broader context. The mithuna theme is not
confined to art alone but is common to religion and literature.
Our understanding of them cannot be complete till we
understand the religious, philosophical and intellectual
atmosphere from which sprang the concept of Mithuna so
popular in Indian art, but within the limited scope of this work
only a brief reference can be made to it.
In religion, sex played an important role. Even its purely
metaphysical aspects religion is indelibly and closely associated
with sex.50
Judged in this background, erotic sculptures had a
legitimate place on the temple walls, just as love and sex have
a legitimate place in life. Commenting, on the erotic sculptures,
A.Coomaswamy observes, They appear in Indian temple
sculpture, now rarely, now frequently, simply because

262
voluptuous ecstasy has also its due place in life, and those who interpreted life were artists.
To them such figures appeared appropriate equally for the happiness they represented and
for their deeper symbolism. Mithuna symbol of creation, life forces and auspiciousness,
occurs frequently in Indian art. 51As Nihar Ranjan Ray points out. mithuna subjects have
never been taboo in India art and a creative sensuousness has even been regarded as a
important source of energy, of vital urge in life- for expression-as much in religious and spiritual
quest, as in the quest in certain schools as an aspects of India Sadhana. Sanchi and Amaravati
knew it, Mathura was more than conscious about it and in the Ellora scenes of Siva and
Parvati in rapturous yet self-forgetful kissing embrace and mithuna idea of this sadhana,
finds a most creative expression52.
Kabi Samrat Upendra Bhanja had interpreted Sri Mandir of Puri and Konark temples erotic
sculptures during 17th C.A.D and prior to him Sarala Das in his Sarala Mohabharatas
Adiparva as the followings. They have considered this to be the test of motive or intention
(chittaparikshya)
1) The person who has a wrong motive behaves accordingly after witnessing erotic sculptures.
But those who are consistent and faithful to God consider these images as most auspicious.
2) Though it sounds irrelevant but the temple builders had a superstition that due to the
erotic images the temple could be saved from lighting.
3) Gradually when Hinduism and Buddhism, culminated into cheap Tantrasim. Then the
tantriks promulgated that, to overcome the lust for sex it is easier to enjoy it, till containment
than to subside the same.
4) The architect and the workers of Kalinga had to stay at site till the completion of temple
work, which takes several years for completion. They had to stay away from home for
a long period, therefore to satisfy their sexual feeling; they depicted the outer wall of
temples with erotic sculptures.
5) Mythological sequences are also depicted in obsence form, such as Biswammitra and
Menakas affair, kidnapping of Urvashi from Indrass meeting, Vysadeba and satyabati
story, Indra and Ahalya,Srikrushanas vastraharana posture and rape scene.
6) The figures of Saivacharya and Digambara jains who lived naked were also depicted
neatly on the temple.
7) The unmarried brahmacharis after witnessing this erotic scene; if do not feel excited
they are consider Indrajeet or the conqueror of the senses. This technique was
considered by some as the beginning of the family planning movement, by restraining
self.

263
8) For the amusement of Rajas and Pilgrims the erotic images were present on the walls of
temple.
9) Lots of people were shunning the world and becoming sadhus, hermitages and Fakirs,
therefore the sculptures were displayed, to excite them and to divert their mind towards
worldly affairs.
10) Maharshi vasthyanas Kamasutra was not known to all, therefore the depiction of
these images served as an open university for sex education.53
The phenomena appear at first sight to be a paradox, a contradiction between cultural
goals and the content of art. A pertinent question asked by all interested in the subject is that
if sex were considered a distraction and hindrance to self realization in the highest thoughts
and wisdom of our culture, why was it so fragrantly depicted on its religious buildings? Why
is that temple sculptures do not reflect the religious ideology expounded in the Upanishads
and the Gita?
Sex in the religious art of Indian culture presents an interesting problem to students of
society and culture, such widespread and righteous sexual depiction throughout India could
not obviously be the creation of the whims and caprices of a few individuals but must be the
reflection of the social reality of the period. What strikes us as a contradiction probably did
not appear so to Medieval Indians. The silpasastras, Vastusastras and other authoritative
texts embodying rules of sculptures and architecture, written after the Gupta period, refer to
the portrayal of erotic figures on doors and other architectural parts of religious monuments,
but none of them saw in this contradiction with cultural values. The erotic sculpture by the
critical and astute observers suggests that the depiction of sex was so widely accepted in the
socio-cultural setting of the period that it did not appear to them as a contradiction. This is a
common phenomenon. But when sex is depicted in religious monuments; that pose a problem,
for us.54
O.C.Ganguly, one of the first scholar to bring this subject to the fore, has traced the
historical development of erotic motifs and has suggested the possible connection of erotic
motifs in early art with those of Medieval Art. His treatment of mithuna as an architectural
motif is one significant contribution to the study of erotic art.55 All important religious sects
of the country Hindu, Bhudhists, and Jaina-have presented erotic motifs in their art.
A.Coomarswamy, considering the aspect of fertility in the society clearly puts it in his appraisal
of salabhanjika of Sanchi. In his words Or if we recognize in this very sensuousness with
which the art is saturated, a true religious feeling, then it is religious on a plane very far
removed from that of the aristocratic philosophy of the upanishhads and Budhism. It is
264
religious in the very real sense of the ancient cults of mother goddesses and fertility spirits, not
in the sense of the great Enlightenment.56 In the study of Greek culture also notes the shift in
the original fertility function of Greek festivals which gradually became occasion for sexual
gratification. From Vatsayanas Kamasutra57 we can infer a similar process in the urban
culture of time when the nagarak (cultured citizens) treated fertility festivals as Kridas(sports)
There was obviously a link between the primitive fertility rites and sexual drawings and depictions
but when this came to reflect in the art of the dominant class, they served a totally different
purpose. From this point of view the sextravagance of Khajuraho and Konark was mainly
the reflection of the abnormal sexual desires of the dominant class of men whos munificent
was responsible for the construction of the temples. Mithuna subjects are not rare in Indian
art. Sanchi, Amaravati, Mathura and Ellora bear testimony of this. But the Khajuraho figures
consciously and purposely sexual. So it is at Puri and Konark where in the depiction of
sexual acts one finds the widest possible verities of copulations poses and techniques.
Interestingly enough these copulative poses and techniques depict on the temple walls
are described only in the Kamasastras meant for the Nagarakas or wealthy city dwellers.
Most of the copulative posses described in the Kamasutras are absurd and it is impossible
to follow them in practice. Their sole propose was to excite perverse imagination relating to
sexual acts. Impossible crude and fantastic sexual imagination very often gives more sexual
pleasure than what is derived from actual sexual union. In fact what the licentious class wanted
to have in their fantastic imagination was supplied on the one hand by the writers of the
kamasutra and on the other hand by the designer of temple reliefs.
But why temples were selected for this? It appears that the ancient idea of the holiness of the
temples differed significantly from the modern. It is impossible to determine what exactly the
temple meant to the worshiper at different ages. The Cholo kings destroyed many temples in
the land of their enemies and also built magnificent temples in their own land which shows that
the idea of sacredness was not inherent in the temple themselves. Secondly there are some
reasons to belief that the vivid portrayal of sexual intercourse could be made only on the
temples, walls, and this was somehow related to the very structure of the temple itself. In
other words structurally the temples bore a special tradition with which the portrayal of
sexual intercourse was not inconsistent, and that is why temples were specially selected for
this purpose. This tradition must be very ancient and can be connected with the primitive
fertility conception with which it started but in course of time lost its original significance.
A sexual conception of the temples is met with in the cannons of Orissan temple
architecture. There are two major types of temple building in Orissa, the Rekha and the
Bhadra, joined to each other in a very intimate manner, and their junction is expressed by a
265
term which literally means a ceremonial knot tied between the garments of the bride and the
bridegroom. The rekha is male and bhadra female, attached to one another in a state of
sexual intercourse.58 The architecture of the temple differs from region to region but the
temples do not differ basically. As regards rule they are similar in construction and the various
parts are given the same name all over. The most important part of the temple is called the
garbhagriha(whomb). Its name describes it perfectly. The God in the form of the chief idol
is placed in the womb. Leading up to the grabha is a kind of corridor, which is persecuted by
a porch, through which one enters. We might dismiss these basic structures as irrelevant,
where it is not for the fact that the same design appeared outside of India also. Throughout
western Asia temples were divided into three parts porch representing the lower end of the
vagina up to the hymen, the hall or the vagina itself and the inner sanctum or the uterus.59
Functionally also the temples have something to suggest. An inscription of the Gupta age
records the construction of temple of Devine mothers which is described as a terrible abode
full of Dakinis(nymphs) and the goddesses themselves are represented uttering loud and
tremendous shouts of joy and stirring up the very oceans with the winds rising from the
tantra or magical rites60. Actual sexual acts were not rare in the temples. The Government of
India has recently abolished the custom of prostitution, prevalent in many Indian temples. The
women attached to the temples were called Devdasi, servant to the God. In the great temple
of Tanjore once 400 Devdasis were employed .The girls were formally married to the idol
and regarded as wives of God. The god, impersonated by the priests would have intercourse
with them. Their children by the priest often constituted a special caste.61 It is generally
believed that erotic motifs are placed only on the exterior walls and never on the garbhhagriha,
because they represent worldly life, which has to be renounced. Again it is believed that
figures in sexual act are involved in yogic asanas and exemplify the non-dual state of the
highest reality or Ananda, the supreme Bliss.62
Before concluding it will be legitimate to say that the exactness of the appearance of
erotic sculptures and its purpose; has not been thoroughly understood so far. Therefore it
requires in-depth studies to ascertain the reason of existence of theses obscene scene in a
pious place such as temple walls.
References:
1. P.K.Acharya, Architecture of Manasara,Allahabad, 1943, p.419.
2. T.E.Donaldsons, Hindu Temple Art Of Orissa, Vol III,Laiden,1985-7, p. 1152
3. H.Daniel Smith, A pancratra Text on temple building, Madras,1963, p-63

266
4. K.C.Paigrahi, Archaelogical Remains of Bhubaneswar ,Calcutta,1961,p.105
5. Board of Revenue MSS. Vol.No124, (1855 to 1859), Letter No. 221, December 25,
1858, G.F.Cockburn,Commissioner, Cuttack to Collector of Pooree.
6. Francis Henery Skrine, Life of Sri W.W.Hunter,p. 181, vide letter dated February 8,
1870.
7. India Land of Black Pagoda, p.328
8. Lawrnce Geihner, Erotic aspect of Hindu Sculptures, privately published, 1949,p-32
9. K.C.Panigrahi, Archaelogical Remains of Bhubaneswar , Calcutta,1961, pp 102
104
10. T.P.Bhattacharya, Mithuna figures in Indian Art, Lalit kala XIII ,1967, p-88
11. Percy Brown, Indian architecture Hindu and Buddhist , Bombay,1965,p.127
12. R.D.Banerjee ,History Of Orissa,Vol II ,Calcutta,1930-1,p. 401
13. (ibid)
14. Brihadaranayka upanishada 1.4.1-4Tr. By Rai Bahadur Suris Chandra Vasu with
commentary of Madhava, SBH 14, Newyork,1974.
15. Ibid,1.4.3-4. Trans, Swami Madhavaanda, p.99 ff
16. Satapatha Brahmana. IX 4,tr by Julius Engcling,SBE 44, part,Delhi,1966, 1, 2-5
17. ibid X, 5,2,8
18. ibid. 2
19. Mervyn Levy, The Moons of Paradise, London,1962,p.63
20. M.M.Ganguly,Orissa & Her Remains , Delhi,1986,pp227-28
21. R.D.Banerjee,History of Orissa,Calcutta ,1961, Vol II p-401
22. C.Ross Smith, In search of India, p.172
23. K.S.Behera, Konark, Vol II, Delhi,1996, p. 231
24. Benjain Rowland, Art and Architecture of India, Baltimore,1970, p.172
25. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture, Bombay,1965, p.108
26. The sun temple of Konark, (Orissa Govt. Publication), vide foreword by M.Asaf Ali,
p.IV

267
27. N.K.Sahu, Budhism in Orissa, Cuttack, 1958.
28. Kanwar Lal , Miracles of Konark, Delhi, 1967, p.62
29. A.L Basham, The wonder that was India, New York, 1968, p.362
30. S.N.Rajguru, ed. Inscriptions of Orissa Vol III part II,Bhubaneswar,1960, p.346
31. A.K.Coomarswamy, The art and Craft of India and Cylone, Wasington,1931, p.65
32. Stela Kramrisch, The Hindu Temple, Vol II, Calcutta,1946,p346
33. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, IV.3,21, Trans. Swami Madhabananda, pp.660-61
34. A.K.Coomsswamy, The Tantric Doctrine of Devine Bi-Unity,ABORI, Vol XIX,
pp. 173-83
35. Radhakamal Mukherjee, The flowering of Indian art, p.183
36. A.K.Coomarswamy, Four days in Orissa, Modern Review, April 1911, p.346,
37. Harrison Foreman, Through Forbidden Tibet, London, 1936, pp 107-9
38. K.C.Panigrahi, Archaelogical Remains at Bhubaneswar, Calcutta,1061,p 108
39. Travels of Marco Polo, II, p. 366
40. Ibid,C.1293 A.D
41. Alain Danielou, An approach to Hindu Erotic Sclupture, Marg, 1948, p.89
42. Max-Pol Fouchet, The erotic sculpture of India, New York,1959, p.12
43. L.Jha, Sex in Mediaval Indian Art, PIHC, 9th session, p.172
44. Mervyn Levy, The moons of Paradise, London,1962, p.49
45. A.L.Basham, The wonder that was India, New York, 1968 p.49
46. Cf.Kanasa. copperplate of Lokavigraha, El Vol XXVIII, pp.328 f.
47. Agni Purana, fr, and anno, by Gangadharan,ed. by L.Sastri and G.P.Bhatt,AITMS
Vols.27-30, Delhi,1984-86,Ch. 105-30
48. Sarala Dasa, Mahabharata, Oriya, Virata Parva, pp 75-76
49. samaranganasutradhara, XXXIV, pp.33-34
50. George Ryley, phallic worship- a history of sex ad sex rites in relation to the religions
of all races from antiquity to preset day. V. In Rig-veda the cosmic desire is said to
have been at the root of the creation (RV.X 129,4-5)

268
51. O.C.Ganguly. The mithuna in Indian Art Rupam, April July No 22-23, p.60ff.
K.K.Pillay. The mithuna in India Art, Transactions of the Archaeological Society of
South India, 1956-57. pp 21-24)
52. R.C.Majumdar,ed, The Struggle for Empire, p.653
53. Dhrubacharana Jaisingh,Pauranik-eitihasika o pratnatatwa bibhaga(Oriya), Ed.Prafulla
Paikaray,Jatani Itihasa, Khorda, 2006, pp.13-14
54. Devangna Desai, Erotic sculptures of India, Introduction ,New Delhi,1975, p.70
55. O.C.Ganguly, The mithuna in Indian Art,Rupam, 1925, p.61
56. A.K.Coomarswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art. London, 1969, p-36
57. Vatsayanas Kamasutra Tr. By Sd.C. Upadhaya, Bombay,1963,p.49,(I, IV, 42)
58. N.K.Bose,Cannons of Orissan architecture,Calcutta ,1932, pp.92- 154
59. N.N.Bhtacharya, History of Indian erotic literature, Delhi, 1975, p28
60. J.F.Fleet, Sorpus Insscriptioinum Indicarum,III, Varanasi,1971, p 47
61. N.N.Bhatacharya, History of Indian Erotic Literature, Delhi, 1975, p, 32
62. D.Desai, Erotic Sculptures of India, Delhi,1975, p 71

269
Journal of Odisha History Congress/ Vol-XXVI Dec. 2013/ ISSN 2277 5560
Book Review
Pathways of Empire, Circulation, Public works and social space in Colonial Orissa
(c. 1780- 1914) by Ravi Ahuja and has published by Oriental Black Swan press,
Hyderabad, 2009. Reviewed by
Manoj Kumar Sahoo
The present work Pathways of Empire, Circulation, Public works and social
space in Colonial Orissa(c. 1780- 1914), has published in 2009, is a major attempt for
social history of roads, canals and railways of Colonial Orissa in period between late eighteenth
century to early decades of the twentieth century. In this book the author Ravi Ahuja has
given vividly graphical picture about the development of social space and infrastructure and
which has been implemented through the circulation project of roads, canals, and railways in
Colonial Orissa.
Keeping this view, the author has divided the entire manuscript into two parts by an
empirical study. In the first part of the study, the author has given a theoretical and conceptual
framework, by giving the theories of Annales School historian of Henri Lefebvre, David
Harvey, Fernand Braudel, and Ernst Block on social space. By giving importance on Space
in human history the author argues that the present study has no use for either the reified
(suitcase-like) or the subjectivist concepts of space. Rather it seeks to proceed from
dialectical understanding of space as a dynamic as well as unitary phenomenon. By
giving importance of circulation the author argues that it is repeatable forms of movement in
space in order to resolve the problem of social space and martialzed the above mentioned
theories the author has testified the entire manuscript to seven hypotheses. These hypotheses
have practiced in the case of Colonial Orissa.
Part II of this monograph examines circulatory practices and infrastructure policies
between the final decades of the eighteenth century and world war I. it focuses on a
geographical area that has come to epitomize infrastructural underdevelopment in eastern
India in generally, Colonial Orissa, in particularly. It narrates all these circulatory practice and
infrastructure polices in elaborate and chronological manner. The narration starts by looking
at the slow transformation of an ancient regime of circulation that survived in Colonial
annexation of costal Orissa (1803) by half century in to a new regime of circulation and that
became well turned of Colonial Capitalism by World War I.

270
Parts II of this book starts from chapter 4, in which the author sketches the natural
constraints, the social underpinning as well as the spatial and temporal patterns of circulation
in ancient regime Orissa. In this chapter the author narrates that how in pre and early colonial
Orissa the channel of circulation was confided in North East and South West axis. It was only
after the great famine of 1866, the colonial government paid its attention for the development
of infrastructure in colonial Orissa. Further the author also argues that the initiative for the
construction of Bombay Nagpur Railway (B N Railway) was not for the public communication,
but for the short- cut means of communication in order to make connection between Bengal
Presidency to Madras Presidency via Orissa. The construction of road infrastructure was for
dual purposes like military as well as commercial. Military means to curb local insurgence
and to maintain law and order situation. Commercial purpose means, extraction of raw materials
and others from Orissa to other parts of India and Britain.
During the early second part of the nineteenth century the Colonial Government had
undertaken three categories of scheme like Metalling of the Jagannath road or Orissa trunk
road, the construction inland routs towards Garajats area, the construction of local roads in
the Orissa plains. Among the three schemes of road construction, according to author, local
roads (the third category) were certainly even more crucial for the social-economic, political
and cultural integration of the region than metalling the Orissa Trunk road and constructing
roads towards central India.
Chapter 7 and 8 are the key parts of the monograph, chapter 7 challenges the general
assumption that major infrastactural changes came to Orissa as a result of the drive by the
colonialist to end the regional isolation after the devastating famine in 1866. Here the author
argues that the production of a social space is a multi- authored, accumulative process
and thus irreducible to a single and unambiguously datable act of volition (p.224). In
contrast to the general notion that of the year 1866 as a turning point in the development of
Orissas transport infrastructure, the author has proceeds to connect changes in infrastructure
to border changes in circulation and producing going back to the 1840s and 1850s.
Chapter 8 examines the transformation of Orissa circulatory patterns and transport
infrastructure from the coastal plains to the interior hills and valleys of western and south
margins. These regions were basically under the sway of the local rajas. In the last decades of
the nineteenth century the transport circulation was not only confined in NE SW but it
spread to the interior areas of Orissa. When the agricultural of plains was commercialized
after the famine ports turned into major transshipment centers for rice trade in to the Bay of
Bengal the immediate effort had been made on the Gadajat (Princely) states of the present
day Orissa. British efforts had been practiced, when the local rajas of these areas were
became the harbinger of the Colonial practices.

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Further the author argues that in the last quarter of the century, the patron of circulation
were fundamentally transformed the tenders towards monoculture, in which rice into bulk of
Orissa exported and major infrastructural scheme like canals and roads became little and late
1880s onwards railways became the major scheme of infrastructure. The author suggests
that agriculture, commerce and improvement had become a generalized process in which the
local rajas and Indian entrepreneurs were equally invested along with the colonial regime.
Among all the Gadjata (Princely) States the author has more or less highlighted on Mayurbhanja
(biggest princely state of Orissa) and first princely state of Orissa had connected by railways
network. The local raja of this state had become commercialized. So, un-skilled forced
labours of that state were migrated to neighbor coal mines, iron ore mines, Jamshedpur, and
so on.
The expansion of railway infrastructure towards the Gadjata (Princely) States accelerated
the process of commercialization in hill tract areas, so that, huge amount rice were exported
from these area to other parts of India and Britain and also timbers were exported to many
parts of the provinces of colonial India for the construction of railway tracts, for that purpose
huge amount of forest were destroyed. Most important impact of the expansion of railways
was trance-migration of unskilled and indentured labours what is called bethi (unpaid labour)
to neighbor provinces like Chota Nagpur, Jamshedpur, Assam tea garden and so on.
The last few pages of the book particularly from 308 to 323 contain various maps of the
development of roads, railways, and navigation channels in Colonial Orissa. Further, the
author makes comparison (in pages 308-309) of the development of railways between India
and Great Britain. The author argues that, the railways and roads developed in India as
rectangular ways to connect the major presidencies like Bengal, Madras, Bombay, and Delhi
in India. The construction of railways and roads through Orissa had a safety channel of
communication to bypass the problems and to make easiest communication to connect between
Madras Presidency with Bengal Presidency.
Although the author has taken a major attempt to elaborate all the relevant things, for
social history of roads, canals, and railways in this book. The author has to failed highlight
certain thing, to which I would like presented. First of all, the author fails to consider the
technological dimension of the large infrastructural system. Secondly, the author only highlights
the major channels of communication but in colonial Orissa there were some minor means of
circulation, which has equal role for social history of space and communication.

272
List of Contributors
1. The Uplift of the Deprived in Odisha, Prof. Atul Chandra Pradhan
Retired Professor of History,
Utkal University
2. Anti-colonial Tribal Movements in South Orissa: Prof. S.C.Padhi
History and Historical Writings Retd. Professor of History
Berhampur University
3. Remapping Odra: The land and the people Dr. Jadumani Mahapatra
Jawaharlal College, Patnagarh,
Odisha, 767025
dr.jadumanimahapatra@gmail.com
4. Documenting the Social History of a Village: Nature Dr. Soma Chand
and Culture in Udishyar Chitra Department of History,
S.B. Womens College, Cuttack
5. Apotropaic Symbolism in the Sculptural Art of Dr. Binod Bihari Satpathy
Odisha: A comparative Approach on Occidental and Academic Consultant
Oriental Art DDCE, Utkal University
6. Intangible Heritage of Western Odisha: With Special Sujata Behera
Reference to Folk Dance and Music Research Scholar
Sambalpur University
7. To Sir (Radcliffe) with Love: Boundary Commission Dr. Suryakant Nath
and its bearing on the Indo-Pak War of 1947-48 Associate Professor in History
National Defence Academy
Khadakwasla, Pune
suryasikha@rediffmail.com
8. Discourse On Ganjifa The Unique Playing Cards Dr. Mohammed Yamin
Head, Department of History,
C.J.D. College, Borda.
Kalahandi, Odisha 766036
9. Tantric Tradition of Odisha Dr. Ekadashi Padhi
At/P.O. - Taranga Sagarpur.
Via- Dasarathpur,
Jajpur.755006
10. Reflection of Saura Cult in Jaina Art Heritage of Rusav Kumar Sahu
Odisha UGC-SRF, P.G. Deptt. Of AIHCA,
Utkal University
sahuroshank@gmail.com
11. Nationality & Odia Women Dr. B. L. Praharaj,
Reader in History,
Banki College (Autonomous), Banki.
12. Mayurbhanj in transition (1949-1966) Dr. Sujit Kumar Chhatia
Utkal University
13. A study of the revenue policy of the Marathas in Dr. Shyama Prasad Mishra
Odisha Reader in
History,S.D.College,
B.D.Pur(Ganjam) , Odisha

14. Neo-Chalcolithic Site on the Mahanadi River System Dr. Anam Behera
273
14. Neo-Chalcolithic Site on the Mahanadi Dr. Anam Behera
River System From Baghamari to Banki Lecturer, P.G. Dept. of AIHCA,
Utkal University, Bhubaneswar
15. Lokamanya Tilak on the Bhagavad Gita Debaraj Swain,
Lecturer in History
S.B.R.Govt.(Auto.) Womens
College, Berhampur
16. Religions of 19th century:A study on Miss. Suprava Behera
Mahima Dharma in Odisha Lecturer in History
Savitri women's college
Bhanjanagar Ganjam
17. Doctrine of Non-violence and Mahatma Krushna Chandra Das
Gandhi Lecturer in History
Kalinga Institute of Social Sciences
KIIT University, Bhubaneswar-24
18. Archaeological Remains at Tirtha Chandra Apolo Mohanty
Matha, Turanga-Tanara, Jagatsinghpur Research scholar,
P.G Dept. of AIHCA,
Utkal University, Bhubaneswar
chandraapolo@gmail.com
19. Forts of Ganjam District Dr. Ramesh Chandra Sahu
(Lect in History)
S.B.P Mahavidyalaya, Samantiapalli,
Ganjam, Odisha, 9178147387(M),Pin-
761004.
20. Sakshi-Gopala Temple at Satyabadi Dr. Ratnakar Mohapatra
D.Litt. Fellow
Utkal University of Culture
Unit-II, Bhubaneswar
Odisha-751009
21. Conservation of the Sun Temple of Dr. Manas Kumar Das
Konark during the colonial period Lecturer
Department of History
KIIT School of Social Sciences
KIIT University
Bhubaneswar-751024
22. Cult of Sitala Mata in Indian folklore Puspita Rani Behera
Research Scholar
P.G.Deptt.of History
Utkal University
23. Virasarvasvam : A War Treatise of Manugayatri Rath
Gopinath Chamupati Singh Lect. in Sanskrit
Department of Sanskrit,
KIIT School of Social Sciences,
KIIT University, Bhubaneswar.

274
24. Resistance Movement in Bargarh. The Dr. Jagdish Mishra
First war of Independence Lect. In History
Trust Fund College Bargarh
Odisha- 768028
Mob - 9439209288
25. Conservation of Rajarani Temple at Linu Mohanty
Bhubaneswar Research Scholar,
Department of History,
Utkal University
26. Koraput Before the advent of the British Dr. Sirisa Kumar Shadangi
Lecturer in History
Anchalika Mahavidyalaya
Jagannath Prasad-761121
Ganjam
27. Brahmanical Temples of Bhadrak: An Harekrushna Aich
appraisal UGC Junior Research Fellow
P.G.Dept. of AIHC&A,
Utkal University,
Vani Vihar
harekrushnaich81@gmail.com
28. Development, Land Acquisition and Dharanidhar Nanda
Displacement for Building a new Odisha, Ph.D Research Scholar, P.G Department
Hirakud Dam Project-A Historical Study. of History, Utkal University, Vani vihar,
Bhubaneswar-751004
29. Erotic art in the Temple Art of Orissa Siba Praasad Khuntia
Lecturer in History,
Ekamra College,Bhubaneswar.
Cell phone;-+919437012279
30. Visnusarma?
`s Pancatantra and its socio- Bibhuti Bhusan Mohapatra
political perspective in six century AD Lecturer in Sanskrit
an analysis Rajdhani College,
Bhubaneswar
31. Costume and Ornaments of Yoginis at Sasmita Mishra
Chausathi Yogini Temple Hirapur, Research Scholar
P.G.Dept. of AIHC&A
Utkal University
Bhubaneswar
32. Pathways of Empire, Circulation, Manoj Kumar Sahoo,
Public works and social space in Research Scholar, CHS,
Colonial Orissa JNU, New Delhi


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