JEFFREY D. STEINHARDT
Corporate Attorney for Latin America, Microsoft Corporation
RICHARD E. NEFF
Law Offkes of Richard E. Neff
Many Latin American and Caribbean countries are today in the process of reforming
or enhancing their Derechos de Au&-Authors Rights-legal regimes. Further
maturation ofAuthors Rights legislation and adequate mechanisms to enforce those
property rights in Latin America benefit not only the regions respective authors
rights-based industries, but also the community as a whole, through economic growth
and the development of culture, technology, national infrastructure, and science.
The principle of protecting the rights of authors in their creative, scientific and
literary works has been broadly embraced, * in recognition of the necessity of com-
pensating for the labor, ingenuity, creativity, or investment required to create works
of authorship.3 Many countries, such as the United States, have limited the scope of
protection for authors rights to avoid the overextension of monopolies and the
thwarting of continued progress in the literary, artistic, and scientific realms through
excessively strong authors rights4Where authors protection evolved primarily from
the French model droit de auteur, there is greater emphasis upon individual authors
rights, leading to the greater development of droit moral (moral rights), which is the
regime protecting the authors personalrights to exploitation of the work. Even within
the French model, however, economic rights and societys interests are balanced in
determining the scope of protection for authors rights.
To avoid the potentially negative commercial and societal effects of excessive
protection, authors rights have been limited in several fundamental respects. Most
simply, authors rights protection is limited in duration.5 Perhaps more important,
protection is also limited in scope. Although the concept has been described in
117
118 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
myriad ways, authors rights protection is extended only to expression and not to
the actual ideas or concepts that are the foundations for the expression. For example,
the author of a form describing a method of bookkeeping may be able to restrict use
of the form, but cannot monopolize or control the use of the method by others.6
Thus, a system or method itself may constitute an idea that cannot be the subject of
copyright protection, and remains available for others to use in furthering the
development of science or culture. Similarly, common themes or plots themselves
cannot be monopolized as they are the basic ideas underlying an authors expression.
When public domain or common themes are embellished, however, the resulting
embellishment may be considered a protectible work of authorship.
Combinations of common elements or even ideas that would themselves be
unprotectible may be protected as compilations or arrangements, but only insofar as
there are original elements of expression in their combination or arrangement.8
Based upon the same theoretical foundation, the facts contained in an encyclopedia,
directory, or computerized database are not by themselves protectible, but their
arrangement, sequence, or organization may be.g
Against this background of limited protection, local and international law have
accorded protection to computer software programs as works of authorship. The
degree to which software is a protected work of authorship is a complicated and
unresolved question. For present purposes, however, it is sufficient to note that
software is widely protected against literal copying done without authorization by the
holder of the rights in the work.
Additionally, there are substantial exceptions to the authors exclusive right to
authorize and control the publication, use, modification or reproduction of her work,
recognizing societys interest in gaining access to a work for cultural, educational, or
scientific purposes. The Berne Convention recognizes limited exceptions to authors
exclusive rights for the purposes of translation and local publication of otherwise
unavailable literary works by developing nations. * Under the Software Directive of
the European Community, decompilation or reverse engineering of underlying
software code normally prohibited by authors rights is permitted under limited
circumstances to permit creation of software that will operate compatibly with the
authors software.13 The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), the
largest nongovernmental organization of the United Nations, responsible for the
administration of the Berne Union, has recommended similar exceptions to ensure
the availability of authors works for purposes of quotation, teaching, certain private
uses, libraries and archives, and government and religious functions.4 And in the
United States, there exists a controversial jurisprudence revolving around the concept
of fair use which arises from a second authors publication without authorization of a
news broadcast, biography, research, commentary, or parody involving another authors
protected work.15 These cases are intriguing, for their revelation of a visible balancing
process in apportioning the degree of protection thatwill best achieve the communitys
goals through the application of its authors rights policies.
AUTHORS FUGHTS IN LATIN AMERICA 119
Intellectual property has become a powerful economic force in the global economy,
apart from its intrinsic value owing to its cultural and scientific contributions to
development. In the U.S., for example, the copyright-based industries contributed
$331.5 billion to GDP in 1990. Moreover, the U. S. software industry has been the
fastest growing industry during the last decade.
Accurate figures for Latin American copyright industries are difficult to obtain.
Given the tremendous role played by copyright industries in other regional and
national economies, lg it is reasonable to hypothesize that copyright industries have
a real potential to make a growing contribution to Latin American and Caribbean
national economies and employment opportunities. Indeed, Latin America has long
made serious contributions in film, music and literature that are known and dissemi-
nated throughout the world.
Although these contributions by Latin Americas more traditional authors are
well known, even representatives of the youthful software industry report that
Panamas nascent computer software industry is exporting products to more than a
dozen foreign markets2 Chile also has export-oriented software publishers. Vene-
zuelan, Colombian, and Costa Rican authors have all begun exporting their works,
and even in Bolivia, competent software engineers are developing highly complex
programs to address local needs. Finally, in the two years since Costa Ricas authors
rights agency began accepting computer software for registration, more than 48 local
authors have submitted applications to register works.22 Latin America has also
produced a young, well-educated technocratic class that is as adept with computer
software, in terms of both use and programming, as their counterparts anywhere in
the world.
One available indicator of the potential for economic growth by copyright industries
through Latin America is the statistics representing piracy losses experienced by the
U.S. copyright industry in that region. In 1992, the International Intellectual Prop-
erty Alliance (IIPA), a U.S.-based consortium of major copyright industries, reported
that it could document trade losses of roughly $660 million due to piracy in 16
Central and South American countries for 1991 .23 The figures presented were based
upon available information only, and understated the degree of 10~s.~ They also
failed to include any losses in the huge Mexican copyright industry markets. More-
over, the figures were based upon wholesale loss; one could reasonably add between
50 and 100 percent to the $660 million figure to estimate losses to the local economy,
reflecting lost revenues to distributors and retailers that provide legitimate copyright-
based industry products to consumers (see Table 1).
120 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
Records Computer
country Motion Pictures and Music Programs Books Total
Argentina 8,600 10,000 20,000 5,000 43,600
Bolivia 800 n.a. n.a. 2,000 800
Brazil 50,000 10,000 40,000 25,000 125,000
Chile 1,600 5,000 15,000 3,000 24,600
Colombia 32,790 30,000 13,000 5,000 80,790
Costa Rica 780 1,500 9,000 1,000 12,280
Ecuador 1,750 30,000 ma. 3,000 34,750
El Salvador 1,392 5,000 n.a. 1,000 7,392
Guatemala 11,570 ma. ma. 1,000 12,570
Honduras 537 1,000 n.a. 1,000 2,537
Nicaragua 328 n.a. n.a. 1,000 1,328
Panama 1,800 n.a. n.a. 2,000 3,800
Paraguay 100 200,000 n.a. 2,000 202,100
Peru 7,200 13,000 ma. 10,000 30,200
Uruguay 2,900 5,000 n.a. 2,000 9,900
Venezuela 12,200 10,000 40,000 5,000 67,200
TOTAL $134,347 $320,500 $137,000 $69,000 660,847
Sounc: IIPA
Reprinted by permission
In Mexico, the Business Software Alliance (BSA) initially estimated 1992 piracy
losses to the personal computer software industry, including revenues lost by local
distributors and resellers, at $206 million (see Table 2) .25
Total 1992 losses to piracy in the personal computer software industry in Latin
America were estimated by the BSA at nearly one-half billion dollars.26
Experiencing similarly staggering losses due to piracy, in 1992, the U.S.-based
music recording industry announced that the value of mgunized piracy emanating
from the small Paraguayan economy outstripped the entire legitimate market for
music recordings during the same period for all of Mercosur (Southern Cone
Common Market) countries combined (Brazil,Argentina, UruguayandParaguay).27
ceased this activity, and many moved to the manufacture of blank cassettes to serve
the local market and to export.34
Perhaps the most compelling case for increased intellectual property protection
is that while technology may not cost much without it, it wont be worth much either.
Technology will tend to be old, and productive processes will be more backward and
less complex.35 A nonprotecting consuming country often discovers that the lack of
protection has an adverse impact on the ability of its business people to purchase
technology, even when they are willing to pay for it. First, technology owners hold
back for fear of theft in the consuming country. In addition, venture capitalists in a
Brazilian study were less likely to finance projects that were more secretive about their
technology projects, and in developing countries, the fear of intellectual property
theft made enterprises reluctant to reveal their technologies. As another example,
Brazilian companies often limit the training of their employees in using fh-m-devel-
oped technology, for fear that workers will appropriate it.36
A final reason for consuming nations to protect intellectual property is more
realpolitik, as innovation-producing countries are likely to retaliate against those with
weak intellectual property regimes. United States trade retaliation is particularly feared
abroad. This is considered by many to be the primary motivation of the move of many
37
nations over the past decade to expand their intellectual property protection.
The Gould/Gruben study found that growth and intellectual property protection
appear to be unconnected in closed trade regimes. Conversely, under a regime of
open markets, the growth-motivating effects (of stronger intellectual property
protection) dominate.38 In a continent that increasingly has hitched its star to the
economic growth promised by less protectionist, more open trade regimes (with the
possible exception of Brazil), the Gould/Gruben studys conclusions give govern-
ments additional reasons to extend strong protection to intellectual property.
Finally, there are benefits to education, infrastructure and the pace of develop-
ment when a society commits itself to technological advancement.
Supplier Losses
Annual (US$) $32,100,000 $26,150,000 $34,950,000 $44,550,000 $56,750,000 $194,500,000
Government Losses
VAT 18% (LEG) $1,972,942 $1,607,241 $2,148,110 $2,738,149 $3,487,990 $11,954,432
Duties 11% (US$) $1,584,713 $1,290,973 $1,725,412 $2,199,344 $2,801,634 $9$X2,076
Total Income Losses (US$) $3,557,655 $2,898,214 $3,873,522 $4,937,493 $6,289,624 $21,556,508
Country Losses
Pounds of Bread 13,044,735 10,626,786 14,202,912 18,104,141 23,061,953 79,040,528
Bus Tickets 14,230,620 11,592,857 15,494,086 19,749,972 25,158,495 86,226,030
Pre College Graduates 4,744 3,864 5,165 6,583 8,386 28,742
Basic Housing 1,423 1,159 1,549 1,975 2,516 8,623
Food Coupons 2,371,770 1,932,143 2,582,348 3,291,662 4,193,082 14,371,005
124 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
Based upon that information, they also attempted to determine the extent of
direct losses to the public fist, through lost tax and duties revenue. As the table
illustrates, in 1992, more than $6 million in public revenues were lost due to PC
software piracy. Their analysis did not include lost income tax revenues, which, in
light of the 1992 sales potential of $78 million are substantial. Their study also does
not reflect taxes that could be levied under Chilean law upon certain transactions,
which would yield a 40 percent tax on foreign royalty payments4a At the bottom of
the ADS table, the visual point is made about what the lost government revenue
means in concrete terms, relating to government benefits including food, housing,
education, and public transportation.4
As the table suggests, the losses to public coffers due to piracy of PC computer
programs alone are considerable. In an epoch in which Latin American nations
recognize the need to facilitate heavy investment in the redevelopment of national
infrastructures, the increase in public revenues through a reduction in piracy (that
is already forbidden under existing law) should not be ignored.
Recognizing the magnitude of loss from the illegal acquisition and sale of
software, tax authorities in other parts of the world have begun to express interest in
and dedicate resources to the enforcement of existing authors rights protection of
software. Notably, within the last several months, tax and law enforcement authorities
in the U.S. and Italy have made substantial inroads against piracy, seeking, among
other things, to ensure that transactions involving software are legitimate and
recorded at full value. This is a relatively recent development which promises
dramatic benefits to the public fist as well as to local and foreign authors and their
respective investors.42
ment convey the impression that the government is not concerned with validating
or protecting these rights.
Moreover, where the fines are inadequate to deter the prohibited behavior or
compensate the copyright holder, such infringement is encouraged to the extent that
payment of a minimal fine does not stigmatize the infringer or serve to impede
violation of the law. For example, if the penalty for the unauthorized reproduction
of computer software were to merely require purchase of original software to replace
what was pirated, there is no disincentive or deterrent to violation of the law; the cost
of violation is no more than the cost that the original software would have been.4
When monetary penalties prove insufficient to deter infringement, the law must be
modified to adequately reflect the importance of the property the government seeks
to protect.
Chile
With the election of President Patricia Aylwyn in 1990, Chile experienced positive
economic growth in a relatively efficient economy in recent years. Notwithstanding
Chiles relatively open market to foreign exports and investments,44 Chile was placed
on the United States Trade Representatives Special 301 Watch List for disturbing
practices in intellectual property. 45 In fact, the IIPAestimated that annual trade losses
for 1990-to U.S. companies only-exceeded $24.6 million, a conservative figure, as
the total included losses for only four copyright-based industries-motion pictures,
computer software, sound recordings and musical compositions.
Chile recently enacted new copyright legislation, but its scope and breadth fails
to remedy many problematic areas of Chilean copyright law.4 Its undervaluation of
copyright can be seen in the low level of penalties: the key criminal provisions are
Articles 79 and 80, which establish that for the unauthorized use of works:
Mexico
It is hoped thatwith the January 1,1994 effectiveness of the North American Free
Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Mexican deficiencies discussed below will disappear.
Although the NAFTA is considered a self-executing treaty under Mexican law, a
forthcoming copyright law reform is also expected to cure certain defects.
Mexican Copyright Law fails to prescribe effective minimum monetary fines to
adequately deter copyright infringement.4g Mexicos system of imposing of civil
monetary fines falls far short of what would adequately compensate the copyright
holder. Mexican Federal Copyright Law imposes indemnification for material dam-
age to the right holder at the rate of no less than 40 percent of the retail cost of each
infringement or infringing copy, multiplied by the number of illegal copies.50 In real
terms, if a distributor pirates 1,000 copies of a compact disk where the retail cost is
$15, the minimum civil fine is $6,000, or 40 percent of the $15,000 retail price for
the disks. Clearly, this civil tine in no way approximates a level that would actually
serve to deter the prohibited behavior or make the right holder whole.51
Criminal sanctions similarly fail to deter copyright violations as Federal Copyright
Law fines for the unauthorized exploitation of a protected work for profit equal from
50 to 500 times the minimum daily salary in force in the Federal District (15.27
Nuevos Pesos, or approximately US $5.00), or roughly between US $250 to US
$2,500.52 In addition, and further undercutting the effectiveness of the penalties, the
law states that various factors are to be considered in meting out these penalties,
including the economic situation of the infringer.53
Mexicos prison terms of from six months to six years for the exploitation of a
protected work for profit without the consent of the copyright owner (and shorter
jail sentences for lesser included infringements)54 appear to be more serious than,
for example, Chiles equivalent provision. Nonetheless, in practice, these prison
sentences are virtually always commutable.55
Brazil
Rather than protecting computer software under its Copyright Law, Brazil en-
acted a sui genti Software Law in 1987. This law both protects the intellectual
property inherent in computer software, and protects the Brazilian marketplace from
foreign software. In many respects the law prescribes both criminal and civil penalties
for copyright infringement. The criminal fines are not stated, but prison terms run
from six months to two years. Brazils copyright law further provides that the infringer
AUTHORS RIGHTS IN LATIN AMERlCA 127
must surrender to the author or owner of rights all infringing copies he still possesses
and pay for the remainder of the copies he produced, at the price at which they were
sold or may be valued. If the number of copies is not known, civil law prescribes that
the infringer shall pay the value of 2,000 copies in addition to those seized.56
The Business Software Alliance has relied upon this multiplier of 2,000 to seek
substantial damages in Brazil, and this method of calculating damages appears to
have been effective in the battle against piracy in Brazil.
Colombia
Colombia has one of the most adequate, complete and clear authors rights laws
in Latin America. Nevertheless, the level of sanctions, while exceeding those in such
markets as Mexico and Chile, still does not adequately punish the infringer or protect
the author. The Lad provides two to five years in prison and 20 times the monthly
minimum legal salary for:
Venezuela
Venezuelan authors rights law historically has been among the least satisfactory
in the hemisphere. Its complete failure to specify criminal sanctions for the unauthor-
ized reproduction, sale or distribution of protected works, including computer
software, has seriously hampered meaningful efforts to eradicate software pirates.
Fortunately, after years of inaction by the Venezuelan Congress, a new copyright law
was enacted in the fall of 1993 which took effect in 1994. While the new law still fails
to provide criminal monetary penalties, it will provide prison terms of from one to
four years for those who reproduce obras de ingenio (creative works) with intent and
without authorization, including computer software. The law sanctions those who
import, store, distribute, sell or otherwise put into circulation illegal reproductions
of creative works.5g
128 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
Authors Proposals
We propose that civil and criminal fines in Latin American authors rights laws
be modified to comport with the serious nature of copyright infringement. This can
be accomplished through a series of legislative and enforcement changes: fines must
include not only the price of a version of the original work to replace the pirated one,
but also a deterrence premium, exceeding the retail cost of the work, to effectively
prevent infringement.
The United States provides an example of one of the more extensive and
sophisticated copyright laws, aggressively defending copyrighted property through
legislation and enforcement. To this end, U.S. copyright law allows for recovery of
actual damages and any additional profits of the infringer, or statutory damages
where liability for infringement is found.60 To aid the copyright holder further, the
U.S. Congress created a mechanism by which the copyright owner need only present
proof of the infringers gross revenues to establish the infringers profits, shifting
the burden to the infringer to then prove what portion is not attributable to the
infringement.62 Using this method in Latin America would facilitate the rigorous
enforcement of copyrights by shifting the burden of proof as to the amounts of profit
to the infringer, and not the copyright owner. Moreover, the heavy burden the
infringer carries concerning the division of profits due to infringement may actually
facilitate settlement and cooperative negotiation with the copyright owner.
Latin America needs a system of stiff penalties and means of determining fines
that accurately reflect the costs expended to create, advertise and distribute the
copyright protected work. Ideal copyright provisions would incorporate a choice of
whichever recovery is most appropriate for the copyright owner, an effect largely
achieved under U.S. provisions. The multiple of the monthly and daily wages used
for copyright infringements in Chile, Mexico, Colombia and other Latin American
countries must be upwardly adjusted to ensure that the minimum fine significantly
exceeds the cost of purchasing original copyrighted materials. Moreover, procedural
provisions should establish parameters for imposition of the maximum fines, and not
the minimum possible fine, to send a message to infringers that the days of a slap on
the wrist for violations are gone.
should, and in most Latin American countries does, constitute copyright infringe-
ment. At least in theory, there is an effective copyright remedy for wholesale
unauthorized duplication of computer software for sale, otherwise known as retail
piracy.
However, the single most egregious form of piracy, in terms of the magnitude
of losses to computer software authors or publishers, is the internal duplication
of original programs by otherwise legitimate corporations for internal use, but
not for resale. But this form of piracy does not clearly fall within the requirement
of duplication for profit. The computer software industry is put into the anoma-
lous and uncomfortable situation of having to enforce intellectual property rights
against otherwise responsible corporate citizens that frequently resort to the
courts to enforce their own rights when violated. It is even more ironic that the
software industry must sometimes enforce its rights by suing its own largest
customers.
The manufacturing or service corporation, bank or insurance company that
tolerates or even encourages its employees to copy business software in order to avoid
having to purchase original programs has no intention of selling such programs. So
there may be no commercial or profitable intent in the direct sense. However, that
corporation is reducing its expenses by avoiding expenditures for necessary business
software, thereby illegally increasing profits and obtaining a competitive advantage
vis-a-vis more law-abiding competitors. Therefore, profitable intent can be demon-
strated indirectly. But there should be no requirement to overcome such statutory
obstacles in order to prove copyright infringement before Latin American judges,
most of whom have precious little exposure to or knowledge of computer software
and may be inclined to a very strict and narrow interpretation of commercial intent
or profitable intent (especially in the criminal context).
The next most serious form of computer software piracy in terms of actual losses
to the publisher is hard-drive loading by computer dealers who use the unauthorized
loading of software as an incentive to sell their computers. This form of software
piracy or theft can also be problematic when the plaintiff must prove profitable
intent or commercial intent. Often the computer or hardware dealer does not
actually charge for the pirated software he or she has loaded on the equipment being
sold. While it is an incentive, the defendant may insist that he had no profitable intent
with respect to the software, since he was making no profit from the sale of software.
Again, up-to-date copyright legislation can avoid putting the plaintiff through such
knotty and unnecessary problems of proof.
Perhaps the problem, fundamentally, is that civil enforcement in Latin America,
i.e., enforcement by private parties, tends to be so unsatisfactory a remedy because
of inadequate judicial systems and historic resistance in traditionally statist jurisdic-
tions to allowing private citizens to resort to the courts to seek redress. The result is
that the criminal justice system becomes the only realistic route to justice. The
130 QUARTERLY REYIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
Mexico
Chile
Chilean copyright law is similar to Mexican law with respect to profitable intent.
While there are provisions that sanction conduct without mentioning profitable
intent, 67 the only sanctions provision that expressly mentions computer programs
and that seems most applicable sanctions the following infractors:
Whoever, violating the provisions of this law or the rights protected under the
same, participates for profit in the reproduction, public distribution or bringing
into the country, and whoever buys or possesses with the purpose of selling:
phonographic recordings, phonograph records, videocassettes, films or pictures,
or computer programs.
AUTHOR!? RIGHTS IN LATIN AMERICA 131
Brad
Brazilian sanctions are among the most adequate in the hemisphere, and more
closely approximate the operative regime in the United States. Civil damages in the
amount of 2,000 copies of the work produced by the infringer (in addition to the
value of the copies seized) are available if the number of infringing copies is
unknownGg This provision has no profitable intent limitation. However, Brazilian
7.70
criminal sanctions require reproduction . . . for commercial purposes.
In 1987, Brazil enacted the Software Law which combined adequate, sui generir
protection of the intellectual property inherent in computer software with a large
measure of nationalistic Brazilian market protection. The Software Law has its own
criminal and civil penalties for copyright infringement, including unspecified crimi-
nal fines and imprisonment from six months to two years. It also prescribes civil
penalties including damages, punitive damages (assessed on a daily basis until the
infringement ceases) and injunctive relief.
As with the United States, where the civil damages remedy is adequate, the
commercial purposes limitation becomes relatively less important as an impedi-
ment to justice for the party whose rights have been violated.74
Colombia
Colombia has in many respects the authors rights law that most fully protects
right holders, including software authors. It is noteworthy that there is no profitable
intent or commercial intent requirement in the Colombian law, so there is no need
for the party whose rights have been violated to prove that the other party violated
his or her rights with the appropriate profit-making motive.75
Authors Proposals
Although the legal protection of software has in recent years come to be generally
recognized in much of the world, whether to afford protection to software as a work
of authorship presents a relatively novel issue, particularly where the courts have little
familiarity or exposure to Informatics technology. The lack of express legal protec-
tion for software has hampered efforts to enforce authors rights in many countries,
and the local and international software industries have suffered as a result. In certain
instances, industry has been unable to obtain criminal sanctions, in others, civil
actions stalled in the courts. Perhaps even worse, it has been necessary to attempt to
present cases only before judges whose interpretations of the authors rights laws
were thought to be favorable, leading to an unreasonable barrier and delaying access
to legal protection.76
In several Latin American laws, authors rights protection broadly applies to
works . . . of human ingenuity, of a creative character, in the literary, scientific and
artistic domains, whatever the form or mode of expression. 77 Substantial interpre-
tation of these provisions has been necessary, however, and, in the cases of software
or cable television transmission, have required costly and uncertain litigation. Fortu-
nately, in most nations considering the issue, the courts have eventually determined
that these new expressions are protectible, using a variety of interpretive devices in
the absence of express provisions.
In the Republic of Panama, the original authors rights law of 1916 did not address
the protection of new forms of expression, such as cable or satellite transmission of
protected works. The countrys accession to international conventions extending
protection to new forms of expression, however, implied the protection under civil
and criminal law for such new forms of expression, particularly in light of Panamas
penal law provisions prohibiting interference with any national treaty obligations
undertaken by the country.7g Nevertheless, this does not provide the certainty
required to encourage investment that would result from express statutory provi-
sions.
In other instances, the statutory law has been drafted to address this concern, not
only by listing known examples of modern categories of works, such as cable
television, radio programming or software and data bases, but also by specifying
either that the listed works are examples, and not exhaustive enumeration of works,
and that protection applies to all forms of authorship, known or to be known.
The disadvantages of a failure to draft statutory provisions in a manner permitting
straightforward interpretation covering a particular category of works is obvious: it
creates uncertainty and contributes to, or prolongs, piracy. Even where executive
AUTHOR!? RIGHTS IN LATIN AMEXUCA 133
decrees have suggested the protectibility of these works, the transitory nature of
regulations, vulnerable to change, requires express statutory protection.
For certainty and uniformity of interpretation, software should not only be
expressly protected under the written law, but also protected as a literary work, to
benefit from a substantial body ofjurisprudence modifying the term. This creates a
flexible context within which courts may interpret the scope of protection to be
accorded to these works against a familiar background. This position has been
embraced by most countries and international bodies considering the question.** It
also provides the benefit of uniformity among different jurisdictions, encouraging
international trade and investment that accrues to the ultimate benefit of many
countries.
Thus, some drafting principles may be derived with respect to the protection of
novel forms of expression, generally, and software in particular:
Latin American authors rights legislation has evolved in the direction of improved
protection for works such as computer software. However, good legislation is but half
a loaf in achieving adequate protection of intellectual property rights so that tech-
nology is protected. The rest of the loaf consists of firm and consistent enforcement
of intellectual property rights, ideally by private citizens empowered to help enforce
their own rights.
In Latin America, unfortunately, civil law judicial systems in many countries
function slowly, ineffectively and often arbitrarily, a situation exacerbated by the
frequent absence of appropriate civil remedies. Thus the party that seeks to enforce
its intellectual property rights often has few realistic alternatives to the criminaljustice
system. Being forced to depend on governmental authorities is inefficient, often
134 QUARTERLY REVIEb OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
renders justice unobtainable because of other demands upon the criminal justice
system, and tends to provide excessive opportunities for corruption and irregularities
in the administration ofjustice.
court ultimately rules in favor of the defendant. This measure is critical if infringe-
ment in the form of a patent, copyright, or trade secret is occurring, which is likely
to cause immediate and potentially irreparable harm to the plaintiff, the right holder
can force the conduct to be stopped quickly, rather than waiting years for a judicial
decision. In the commercial context, a remedy which only comes after many years of
harm may be no remedy at all for the right holder.
Several Latin American countries lack equivalent civil mechanisms that permit a
search and seizure to be carried out, or order the offending conduct to be halted
immediately.86 This lack of meaningful civil law remedies has forced an undue
reliance on criminal authorities to enforce intellectual property rights.
Mexico
Mexican civil law has a provision for preliminary seizures without notice to the
defendant, and sometimes even before the complaint is filed. The provision unfor-
tunately applies only with respect to real rather than personal property (the latter
would include intellectual property rights) .87 With personal property, the judge is
required to impose preliminary measures different from those specified with respect
to real propertyB8 One provision of the copyright law does empower the judge to
order the seizure of electro-mechanical apparatuses and income (implicitly, from
ticket sales), but that provision appears to limit this power to the public performance
and exhibition context, which would apparently exclude computer software.8g
Two other provisions of Mexican civil procedure theoretically would empower a
judge to enter orders of the nature described above; one provision empowers the
federal courts to order any measure necessary to preserve the status quo.gOThe other
provision permits orders for seizure of goods without advance notice to the defen-
dant.gl These provisions, however, have not been utilized in the intellectual property
context, and judges in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America tend to have little
knowledge about intellectual property, especially in emerging fields such as com-
puter sofhvare.g2
Exparte search and seizure orders may be obtained under Mexicos authors
rights law pursuant to the Federal Code of Penal Procedures. s Again, however, this
forces an undue reliance on governmental authorities in order to enforce intellectual
property rights, which is common throughout Latin America. Jurisprudentially, the
fact that rights often can only be enforced through resort to governmental power is
an outgrowth of statist, centralized governmental traditions that are increasingly at
odds with economic privatization and the development of market economies
throughout the hemisphere. Nevertheless, the enactment of NAFTA should remedy
this problem in Mexico, as the provisional measures sought are specified in articles
1715 and 1716.
136 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
Venezuela
The main problem is the ambiguity of Venezuelan law on this point; Venezuelan
copyright law specifies that in the absence of a complaint (i.e., in the absence of
notice to the other side), the Municipal Judge can carry out the procedures (judicial
and expert inspections) and measures (seizure) deemed necessaryg4 It is entirely
unclear whether the target of these procedures can oppose them.Y5
Chile
Brazil
Brazilian law procedurally provides some of the best remedies in the hemisphere.
In a criminal lawsuit, the copyright holder can obtain injunctive relief, including
search and seizure of software copies illegally produced. Injunctions are also available
in civil actions, and they frequently take the form of a temporary restraining order
to cease the infringement, or order a search and seizure of illegally produced
software. One potential preliminary investigative procedure initiates a criminal or
civil search and seizure, which may have the unfortunate effect of tipping off the
defendant to an impending search/seizure action.
Colombia
The Colombian law contemplates both civil and criminal enforcement of intel-
lectual property rights. The excellent authors rights law contains clear and precise
instructions for the conduct of search and seizure actions, which can serve as a model
for other jurisdictions:
Art. 54The police authorities will make the illegal activity cease, by:
1. Suspension of the infringing activity.
2. Confiscation of the illegal copies, molds, plates, matrices, negatives, supports,
tapes, masks, diskettes, telecommunications equipment, machinery and
other items used in the production or reproduction of illegal copies or for
their commercialization.
AUTHORS RIGHTS IN LATIN AMEXICA 137
The Colombian scheme is very precise and complete about what the authorities
are supposed to do with infringing materials and how damages are determined. This
precision aids immeasurably in giving satisfaction to the holder of intellectual
property rights that have been violated.
There are other legal and judicial impediments faced by individuals and companies
that seek to enforce property rights in Latin America. Many of these problems, if
publicly acknowledged, could be handled without any need for new legislation.
Leaks of Information
General even recounted a tale of how even he could not keep confidential a matter
which he had tried to keep close to the vest at the very top level. If ones denuncia or
complaint is filed in the ordinary course in the Mesa de Purtesor Docket Entry/Filing
Room, the chance that the matter will remain confidential is small. If because of
political or other influence one is able to file at a higher level, one may be able to
maintain confidentiality.
The leakage of information has also vitiated various searches in Chile.g8
In Argentina, information frequently leaks from police headquarters, which is a
particularly serious problem in the provinces, that is, outside of Buenos Aires.gg
In Uruguay, local counsel reports that confidentiality is very difficult to preserve
in civil actions, because frequently more than 45 days pass from the presentation of
the complaint to the inspection.
This is a problem that could be eliminated through more tightly controlled filing
systems that restrict the number of government employees with access, and subject
these employees to various forms of control, including internal investigations. Obvi-
ously, many problems of this nature in the administration of justice derive from
inadequate public sector salaries.
In most of Latin America, judges have had little exposure to technology; techno-
logical advancements, such as computers, often are not used in their daily lives. Thus
there tends to be an undervaluation of the harm caused to the right holder where
legal ambiguity gives little guidance with respect to such issues as damages. Many
judges who lack a clear understanding of the economic harm resulting from their
exercise of discretion and the consequential failure to protect intellectual property
may retard national development.
For example, in Uruguay, judges tend to award very small sums for infringement
of an authors moral rights, perhaps due to a lack of understanding of the importance
of the subject matter or of the technology at issue. In addition, Informatics experts
must be appointed in civil actions, which has caused problems, presumably because
of the lack of a qualified pool of experts, and unclear criteria for their use.
The same problem relating to experts has surfaced in Mexico, where even in
criminal cases, both technical experts and authors rights experts must be designated
by the prosecutor. The prosecutor may in cases designate personnel without adequate
qualification who hold full-time positions, and are paid very small sums to perform
their difficult tasks in connection with infringement actions in the technology area.
The result is that the expert reports take years to issue, if ever, and justice is greatly
delayed.*
In Argentina, counsel reports that both civil and criminal courts lack experience
in the evaluation of damages in intellectual property infringement cases. The plaintiff
AUTHOR!? RIGHTS IN LATIN AMEXICA 139
must prove the amount of damage, and there is no statutory fixed rate as in many
countries or explanation of how to determine compensatory damages.lo3
In addition, in the seven major Latin American markets surveyed,10410cal counsel
report that civil and sometimes criminal procedure imposes numerous formalities,
often of little value, that delay and sometimes deny justice. In general, civil courts
move very slowly, if at all, leaving criminal authorities as the primary route to remedy
the violation of intellectual property rights. Frequently, the criminal authorities are
not responsive because of their focus on more sensational crimes to society. Moreover,
some authors may be reluctant to commence a criminal proceeding.
Most significant, however, is the role that industry and community organizations
can play with respect to increasing public awareness of authors rights within a society.
Authors may bring legal actions to vindicate their rights, applicable law and substan-
tial legal costs permitting, but the greatest benefits Sr fur are realized through the
public awareness that results from adequately publicizing the enforcement action.
In other words, the mere existence of adequate protection for authors rights alone
is unlikely to have substantial impact upon the actual degree of piracy or compliance
with authors rights in a given country; but broad dissemination of examples of actual
authors rights and the public benefits of adequate protection, can have a substantial
impact.log
Consequently, over the past several years, many resources have been committed
to the public dissemination of information illustrating not only the sanctions for not
complying, but the benejts of observing authors rights protection. In the software
area, for example, many effective public awareness and enforcement efforts have
been the offspring of partnerships between international authors on one hand and
local authors, business, and community groups on the other. Local interests collabo-
rate in such efforts, helping to direct publicity, law-reform work and improvement of
the system of law enforcement through the administrative, policy, and judiciary
functions. In this way, foreign authors, governments, and nongovernmental organi-
zations can contribute resources to the costs of public awareness campaigns and
providing appropriate training in this new field forjudges and public officials. These
groups can also share the benefits of their experience in other countries that have
already taken steps to enhance authors rights protection.
The publicity itself is often locally developed, not only in content, but also, as so
well illustrated by Paulo Freires literacy campaigns more than 20 years ago, in style
and image to capture the most direct, important, and relevant benefits to each
particular country. lo Part of the message in the case of the software campaigns has
been to show some direct benefits to a user of legal products, including availability
of product warranties, technical support, and a freedom from computer-system
corrupting viruses. Pirate copies provide none of these direct advantages and may
result in loss of valuable data and investment of time and other resources.
The broader message, however, is that to compete in an increasingly global
marketplace, one needs to protect local industry yet play by rules that will facilitate
international trade, foster local products and development, and increase economic
efficiency. And in a marketplace increasingly driven by intellectual property, com-
petitiveness results from protection for the authors who actually develop the assets
(both technology and the development of human resources through education and
efficient access to information, which is closely linked with authors rights).
Expressing these messages in a way that addresses local concerns, and assuring
that local needs are being met through law reform and other legal and enforcement
efforts, is a delicate matter. To accomplish this new awareness, the relevant organiza-
tions must enlist the help of professional educators, community and political organ-
AUTHORS RIGHTS IN LATIN AhERICA 141
izers, leaders, and public relations experts, as well as those who influence and drive
legal policies and the administration ofjustice.
CONCLUSION
NOTE!3
relating to facts underlying Fords pardon of former President Nixon; Hustler Magazine, Inc.
v. Moral Majority, Inc., 796 E2d 1148 (9th Cir. 1986) (obscene parody of prominent fundamen-
talist Rev. Jerry Falwell); Walt Disney A-oductions v. Air Pirates, 581 F.2d 751 (9th Cir. 1978)
(publication of bawdy cartoon magazine depicting Mickey Mouse and Donald Duck).
16. See, e.g., Sony Corp. v. Universal City Studios, Inc., 464 U.S. 417 (1984). In this rare
Supreme Court copyright case, the Court endorsed Congressional balancing test encompass-
ing an equitable rule of reason to determine whether a use of material was fair, or
noninfringing of the authors rights. The U.S. Congress had dictated use of these factors in
making the fair use determination: (1) The purpose and character of the used, including
whether such use is of a commercial nature or is for nonprofit educational purposes; (2) the
nature of the copyrighted work; (3) the amount and substantiality of the portion used in
relation to the copyright work as a whole; and (4) the effect of the use upon the potential
market for or value of the copyrighted work. 17 U.S.C. Section 107. See alsoBerne Convention,
arts. 10 & lObis (fair practice, primarily for teaching and news media).
17. 1990AnnuaZSuru~ ofManufacturers (Washington, D.C., U.S. Bureau of the Census,
1991).
18. S. Siwek and H. Furchtgott-Roth, The U.S. SofYwareZndustry: Economic Contribution in
the U.S. and World Markets (mimeo, Spring 1993).
19. See: S. Siwek and H. Furchtgott-Roth, Copyright Industries in the U.S. Economy:
1977-90 (mimeo, 1992); S. Siwek and H. Furchtgott-Roth, The U.S. Software Industry:
Economic Contribution in the U.S. and World Markets (mimeo, 1993).
20. One might suppose that, in light of the present lack of an ethical technology culture
and well-known legal regime surrounding authors rights protection in that country, a number
of local software authors have determined to commercialize their products in nations provid-
ing a more favorable climate to realize return on the resources invested in their creative works.
21. It bears note that the actual development of software still lends itself to work in teams
of varying sizes; there still exist opportunities for the kinds of small businesses to develop new
programs much in the same way that the principal products and technology of many of the
most successful U.S. high technology companies began in garages less than a dozen and a half
years ago.
22. Interestingly, although during most of the same period it was the position of the
Director of the Authors Rights Ministry that foreign authors software should also be
registered, not a single foreign author sought to avail herself of registration in Costa Rica,
although authors regularly do so in some other Latin American countries.
23. International Intellectual Property Alliance, Copyriiht Piracy in Latin America 5 (Sept.
1992). The United Mexican States was not included.
24. For example, no loss figures were presented for computer program piracy in ten of
the 16 countries; no loss figures were presented for record and music piracy in four of the
countries.
25. Business Software Alliance press release, June 2, 1993.
26. All computer industry loss figures by the IIPA and BSA represent only losses to the
PC-based software industry, and indicate only losses derived from piracy of productivity
software, such as word processing and spreadsheet or graphics applications programs. The
figures do not include piracy of operating system or operating environment software or of
piracy of software on platforms other than PC-type or Macintosh computers. Nor do they
144 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
include piracy of upgrades or new software to install on computers that were purchased in
previous years.
27. As recently as March 1993, when WIPO (strategically) held its Eighth International
Authors Rights Congress in Asuncion, there were local reports that a once vibrant, unique
local Paraguayan music culture had nearly vanished due to the inability of local artists to
compete in the predominantly pirate music market. Paraguay recently acceded to the Berne
Convention but has not yet completed reform of its authors rights law.
28. D. Gould and W. Gruben, Should Developing Countries Really Protect IntellectualProperty,
orNot? (Latin America 2000 Nov. 1993 Conference).
29. J. C. Chin and G. M. Grossman, Intellectual Property Rights and North-South
Trade, in R. W. Jones and A. 0. Krueger (eds.), The Political Economy of International Trade:
Essays in Honor of Robert E. Baldwin (1990)) 90-107.
30. Id. at 4, citing C. A. Primo Braga, The Developing Country Case For and Against
Intellectual Property Protection, in W. E. Siebeck, ed., Strengthening Protection of Intellectual
Property in Developing Countries: A Survey of the Literature (1990)) 69-87.
31. According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (1989),
nationals of developing countries hold only 1 percent of existing patents in the world.
32. R. Sherwood, Intellectual Property and Economic Development (1990).
33. D. Gould and W. Gruben, supra, citing R. Evenson, Survey of Empirical Studies, in
W. Siebeck, sup-a, at 33-46; R Levin, A. Klevorick, R. Nelson and S. Winter, Appropriating
the Returns from Industrial Research and Development, Brookings Papers on Economic Activity
(1987), at 783-820.
34. Id. at 5, citing Tan Bok Hoay, The 1987 Singapore Copyright Act and Its Economic
Consequences, APLA [Asia-Paczjic Lawyers Association Journal] (December 1988)) 111-15.
Quoted in C. A. Primo Braga, sup-a.
35. Id., at 5-6, citing J. H. MacLaughlin, T.J. Richards and L.A. Kenny, The Economic
Significance of Piracy, in R. M.Gadbaw and T. Richards, Intellectual Property Rights: Global
Consensus, Global Conflicts? (1988)) p. 106; United Nations, The Role of Patents in the Transfe of
Technology to Developing Countries, Report of the Secretary General (1964).
36. R. Sherwood, supra.
37. R. M. Gadbaw and T. Richards, Intellectual Property fights: Global Consensus, Global
Conflict? 16,21-27 (1988).
38. D. Gould and D. Gruben, sup-a, at 18.
39. The ADS studies omitted the same categories of additional piracy loss as those
omitted in the IIPA and BSA statistics. See above, note 24.
40. If, for example, foreign authors simply licensed their software without shipping the
software itself, this 40 percent tax would apply.
41. The five exemplary categories are presented in the alternative; each takes the sum
of total income loss to the government and calculates losses in concrete terms as though the
entire government loss were to be applied toward purchase of bread, bus tickets, a public
education or other example.
42. Time and again, substantial enforcement activity and accompanying publicity has
resulted in very substantial increases in Informaticssector revenues, thus preceding commen-
surate growth in taxable receipts. Following the October 1993 initiation of a highly publicized
enforcement action against a multinational company in Mexico, for example, the local
software industry reported immediate increases of 200 to 400 percent in revenues.
AUTHORS RIGHTS IN LATIN AMERICA 145
43. Moreover, heightened market competition has resulted in more efficient markets
and lower software prices. Damages should be based upon the purchase price at the time of
initial infringement to avoid creating an incentive for the end user to delay purchasing until
prices drop, thus encouraging violation of authors rights.
44. In 1990, the U.S. Department of Commerce characterized Chile as the most open
market in Latin America for U.S. exports and investment. U.S. Department of Commerce,
International Trade Administration, Chile: Fmzign Economic Trends and Their Implications forthe
United States, FET 90-03 (January 1990).
45. Special 301 refers to a provision of Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 which
provides authority for the President to impose restrictions on imports in retaliation against
unjustifiable or unreasonable foreign trade practices that burden U.S. intellectual property.
Under this scheme, Priority Foreign Countries are subject to sanctions if they do not reform
the offending activities within a fixed period. There are two lists of countries with offensive
property practices that merit being closely watched, a Priority Watch List and a less egregious
Watch List, and the USTR must reevaluate country classifications at least annually under this
trade provision.
46. Copyright protection in Chile is afforded by the Copyright Statute, No. 17.336 (1970)
and the Copyright Regulations of 1971, with amendments in 1972,1985,1990 and 1992. Chile
is a signatory to the Buenos Aires Convention of 1910, the Universal Copyright Convention
(1952 text), the Rome Convention (1961)) the Geneva Phonograms Convention (1971)) and
the Berne Convention (joined 1970).
47. Copyright Statute, Articles 79 and 80, contain all of the criminal provisions.
48. Copyright Statute, Article 81.
49. President Carlos Salinas de Gortari and his progressive Administration have initiated
welcome changes in Mexicos Federal Copyright Law. Further modifications to Mexican laws
protecting intellectual property are expected as a result of the passage of the North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which in Chapter 17 requires Canada, the United States and
Mexico each to meet the stated intellectual property requirements.
50. Federal Copyright Law 1956 as last amended in 1991, Article 146. Additionally, the
injured party may seek indemnification for moral damage where: (1) the infringing party does
not mention the name of the original right holder; or (2) the copyright violation is to the
detriment of the reputation of the right holder.
51. With NAFTAs enactment, Mexico is required to change this provision to satisfy
Article 1715, which states:
Each Party shall provide that its judicial authorities shall have the authority:
(d) to order the infringer of an intellectual property right to pay the right holder
damages adequate to compensate for the injury the right holder has suffered because
of the infringement where the infringer knew or had reasonable grounds to know
that it was engaged in an infringing activity.
(e) to order an infringer of an intellectual property right to pay the right holders
expenses, which may include appropriate attorneys fees. .
52. Federal Copyright Law 1956, as last amended in 1991, Article 135. The minimum
daily salary was increased by 7 percent from 14.27 Nuevos Pesos as ofJanuary 1,1994. While
146 QUARTERLY REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
NAFTA does not prescribe the level of criminal penalties that must be assessed, the following
is stated in Article 1717:
Each Party shall provide that [criminal] penalties available include imprisonment
or monetary fines, or both, sufficient to provide a deterrent, consistent with the
level of penalties applied for crimes of a corresponding gravity.
1. Each Party shall provide that its judicial authorities shall have the authority to order
prompt and effective provisional measures:
(a) to prevent an infringement of an intellectual property right, and in particular
to prevent the entry into the channels of commerce in their jurisdiction of
allegedly infringing goods. ..
(b) to preserve relevant evidence in regard to the alleged infringement.
****
4. Each party shall provide that its judicial authorities shall have the authority to order
provisional measures on an expurte basis, in particular where any delay is likely to
cause irreparable harm to the right holder, or where there is a demonstrable risk of
evidence being destroyed.
93. Mexican Federal Copyright Law, art. 150.
94. Venezuelan Copyright Law, art. 99.
95. Letter, Antequera Parilli Rodriguez & Asociados, Caracas, Venezuela, Sept. 6, 1993.
96. Letter, Marinovic-Gutierrez Abogados, Santiago, Chile, August 20, 1993.
97. 1973 Copyright Act, art. 123, Code of Civil Procedure, arts. 797 & 798.
98. Letter, Marinovic-Gutierrez Abogados, Santiago, Chile, Aug. 20, 1993.
99. Letter, Estudio Bossi Abogados, Buenos Aires, Argentina, Aug. 19, 1993.
100. Letter, Estudio Juridico Dr. Eduardo de Freitas Straumann, Montevideo, Uruguay,
Aug. 16, 1993.
101. Id.
102. Experience of the Business Software Alliance in the Mexican copyright enforcement
campaign on behalf of Aldus Corp., Autodesk, Inc., Lotus Development Corp., Microsoft
Corp., WordPerfect Corp. and Novell, Inc., in which not one expert report issued in any case
between the filing of the first cases in January 1992 and September 1993.
103. Letter, Estudio Milli, Buenos Aires, Argentina, Aug. 19, 1993.
104. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Mexico, Venezuela and Uruguay.
105. For this reason, WIPO has written a model provision directed toward the tracking
of, use, and levying of potential royalties on such devices to protect authors rights in their
original works. See WIPO, DTafl Model Pmvisions for Legislation in the Field of Copyright, Sections
54-56.
106. The underlying reasons for limitations on the government role are numerous, and
those mentioned here are not universal. Some countries have expressly charged their
governments with responsibility for promoting authors rights activities. For instance, while
Paraguay does not have a well-developed authors rights law, it specifically has laws, as do other
Latin nations, directed to encourage book publishing. Ley No. 24 de 12 de Septiembre 1993
De Foment0 de1 Libro.
107. Of course, the ability of authors to protect their own rights depends upon the
existence of a functioning civil law system and judiciary at the very least. In a recent example,
renowned author Gabriel Garcia Marquez made public his dissatisfaction with the results of
AUTHORS RIGHTS IN LATIN AMERICA 149
a pending legal case involving alleged fraudulent publication of his works, threatening
withdrawal of all rights to publish in his native Colombia. While the courts nonfinal decision
was itself not available to the public, and thus the grounds for the courts action unclear, local
officials and authors groups scurried to assure the public that authors rights were strongly
observed and enforced under Colombias law.
108. When a group or individual not formally empowered to represent the legal right
holder acts to enforce the latters rights, however, significant practical and legal problems
result. If such actions are permitted, or if the alleged infringer accedes to the demands of such
a third party, the alleged infringer cannot secure an enforceable promise of abandonment or
release from the cause based upon a compromise or settlement with the unauthorized
infringer of the authors rights. Moreover, the ultimate aim- encouraging authors to invest
in development of or creating access to new works-is not served since the resulting recovery
may never be paid to the author or her authorized legal representative. Unfortunately, there
have been some attempts to use authorizing legislation for collective authors societies for the
purpose of extorting royalty payments from consumers or users of a work without the
commensurate authorization from the authors themselves. Under Mexicos authorizing
legislation, for example (see Chap. VI, art. 93 et seq., Federal Authors Rights Law), a local
group has approached software users for royalty fees, without authorization by the authors.
The cases discussed here are to be distinguished from those involving the assertion of
authors rights by a duly authorized third party such as the legitimate collective authors rights
societies that exist for the benefit of musical composers. Third party groups Rave also played
a useful role in petitioning for courts to develop evidence for authors benefit by conducting
official inspections for the use of infringing copies based upon well-grounded suspicions that
authors rights were being infringed.
109. For most forms of piracy, practical logistics suggest, and experience has shown, that
even using their best efforts, authorities can act only upon a very small percentage of existing
or new cases of violation of authors rights. Authors will rarely recover a significant percentage
of the economic damage they have suffered through such actions. And even a large dedication
of resources cannot have the dramatic effect that can be achieved by a broadly held self-interest
in the human, economic, and cultural future of ones nation.
110. See P. Freire, Pedagogyofthe C$$-ressed (B. Myra trans. 1970).