1

Isa Upanishad

Yastu = That is

Sarvani = Every

Bhootani = Beings with and without souls

Aatmaanyeva = Not different from his own Self

Anupasyati = Realizes

Sarva = Every

Bhootescu = All the beings

Aatmanam = In his own Self

Tato = Thereby

Na = Does not

Vijupsate = Hate

The wise One, who realizes all being as not different from his/her own Self; and his own
self as the Self of all beings thereby does not hate anyone.

Genesis 1:27 - So God created man in his [own] image, in the image of God
created he him; male and female created he them.

Galatians 3:26-29 - For ye are all the children of God by faith in Christ Jesus.

Galatians 3:28 - There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free,
2

there is neither male nor female: for ye are all one in Christ Jesus.

Bible, Gensis

{1:26} And God said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness: and let
them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over
the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon
the earth.

{1:27} So God created man in his [own] image, in the image of God created he
him; male and female created he them.

{1:28} And God blessed them, and God said unto them, Be fruitful, and multiply,
and replenish the earth, and subdue it: and have dominion over the fish of the sea,
and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the
earth.

{2:7} And the LORD God formed man [of] the dust of the ground, and breathed
into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul.

Quran

But whoso does good works, whether male or female, and is a believer, such
shall enter Heaven, and shall not be wronged even as much as the little hollow in
the back of a date-stone. (Al Quran 4:125)

14. The State shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal
protection of the laws within the territory of India.

15. (1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them.

(2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or
any of them, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction or condition with
regard to

(a) access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment;
3

or

(b) the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort
maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the
general public.

(3) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any special
provision for women and children.

(4) Nothing in this article or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the State from
making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes.]

(5) Nothing in this article or in sub-clause (g) of clause (1) of article 19 shall
prevent the State from making any special provision, by law, for the advancement
of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled
Castes or the Scheduled Tribes in so far as such special provisions relate to their
admission to educational institutions including private educational institutions,
whether aided or unaided by the State, other than the minority educational
institutions referred to in clause (1) of article 30.]

16. (1) There shall be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters relating to
employment or appointment to any office under the State.

(2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of
birth, residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against in
respect of, any employment or office under the State.

(3) Nothing in this article shall prevent Parliament from making any law
prescribing, in regard to a class or classes of employment or appointment to an
office
4

Carl Schmitt "The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy"

Schmitt's Preface to the Second Edition

"In the democracy of the English sects during the seventeenth century equality was based
on a consensus of religious convictions. Since the nineteenth century it has existed above all in
a membership in a particular nation, in national homogeneity. Equality is only interesting and
valuable politically so long as it has substance, and for that reason at least the possibility and the
risk of inequality. There may be isolated examples perhaps for the idyllic case of a
community in which relationship itself is sufficient, where each of its inhabitants possesses
this happy independence equally and each one is so similar to every other one physically,
psychically, morally, and economically that a homogeneity without heterogeneity exists,
something that was possible in primitive agrarian democracies or for a long time in colonial
states.

Finally one has to say that a democracy - because inequality always belongs to equality -
can exclude one part of the those governed without ceasing to be a democracy, that until
now people who in some way were completely or partially without rights and who were
restricted from the exercise of power, let them be called barbarians, uncivilized, atheists,
aristocrats, counterrevolutionaries, or even slaves, have belonged to a democracy. (pp:8-10)

"Universal and equal suffrage is only, quite reasonably, the consequence of a substantial
equality within the circle of equals and does not exceed this equality. Equal rights make good
sense where homogeneity exists. But the 'current usage' of 'universal suffrage' implies
something else: Every adult person, simply as a person, should eo ipso ("by (or from) the thing
itself") be politically equal to every other person. This is a liberal, not a democratic idea; it
replaces formerly existing democracies based on a substantial equality and homogeneity,
with a democracy of mankind.

This democracy of mankind does not exist anywhere in the world today. If for no other
reason than because the earth is divided into states, and indeed mostly into nationally
homogeneous states, which try to develop democracy internally on the basis of national
homogeneity and which, besides that, in no way treat every person as an equally entitled citizen."
(pp: 10-11)

where a state wants to establish general human equality in the political sphere without concern
for national or some other sort of homogeneity, then it cannot escape the consequence that
political equality will be devalued to the extent that it approximates absolute human
equality., Wherever an indifferent concept of equality, without the necessary correlate of
inequality, actually takes hold of an area of human life, then this areas loses is substance and is
overshadowed by another sphere in which inequality then comes into play with ruthless power.
The equality of all persons as persons is not democracy but a certain kind of liberalism, not
a state form but an individualistic-humanitarian ethic and Weltanschauung. Modern mass
democracy rests on the combination of both." (pp:11-13)