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CULTIVATINGTHE BODY:
ANTHROPOLOGYAND
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EPISTEMOLOGIESOF BODILY
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Margaret Lock
KEYWORDS:
epistemology, embodiment,subjectivity, agency, nature/culture dialectic
INTRODUCTION
Since the bodymediatesall reflection and action uponthe world, its centrality
to the anthropological endeavorseems assured, but a perusal of the canon of
social and cultural anthropologyindicates that the body’s explicit appearance
has been sporadic throughout the history of the discipline. In muchthe same
way as Munnnoted that the topic of time has often been "handmaidento other
anthropological frames and issues" (178:93), the body, despite its ubiquity,
has suffered a similar fate, thus remaining largely unproblematized.The ma-
jority of researchers have in effect simply"bracketed"it as a black box and set
it aside.
There have been recent reviews of topics that implicate the body, including
the politics of reproduction (81), humansexuality (39), the emotions(164),.
and shamanisms(6). A proleggmenato an anthropological physiology has also
appeared(20), but aside from two edited collections from the 1970s(14, 201)
and one position piece (159), there has been no substantial review of research
in connection with an anthropologyof the bodyper se. I believe this lacuna
highlights a long-standing ambivalenceon the part of manyanthropologists
0084-6570/93/1015-0133505.00 133
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134 LOCK
theless, they havetended to accept that the physical bodyfalls "naturally" into
the domainof the basic sciences and is therefore beyondthe pervue of social
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and cultural anthropology. Until recently the individual bodyusually has been
conceptualized as a universal biological base upon which culture plays its
infinite variety (78, 94, 189), although one or two researchers have sought
counter this position (12, 14, 201).
A shift in perspective can be observed since the late 1970s. Berthelot has
recently noted that the "body wouldappear to be everywhere,(13). Paradoxi-
cally, since closer attention has been paid to bodily representation, the body
has becomemore elusive, fluid, and uncontrollable. Manyresearchers who
have attemped to theorize and grapple with epistemology have becomepro-
gressively eclectic in their efforts to portray the bodyin its infinite complexity
while becomingincreasingly aware that the "problem"of the body will not be
settled (66, 154, 203,227,228, 232, 233).
Althoughcertain sociologists continue to create elaborate bodytypologies
(72, 236), anthropologists, by contrast, have virtually abandonedthis project,
although the problemof framing analyses, delineating boundaries, and demar-
cating just whatis signified by the "body"remainsa source of creative tension.
Decenteringthe physical bodyof the basic sciences and questioning the episte-
mologicalassumptionsentailed in the production of natural facts has radical-
ized and relativized our perspective on several recalcitrant dichotomies, in
particular, nature/culture, self/other, mind/body,while at the sametime incit-
ing increased reflexivity with respect to anthropologicalpractices as a whole.
In this essay, I selectively limit mycoverageto those researchers whohave
endeavoredexplicitly to situate the bodyas a product of specific social, cul-
tural, and historical contexts; who have engaged the nature/culture or
mind/bodydebates in a substantial way; or whohave grappled with the poetics
and politics of the productionand reproductionof bodies. This type of research
has brought us to a radical position with respect to the truth claims of the
medical and epidemiological sciences. Myobjective in emphasizing this ap-
proach is not to create an impasse with scientific knowledge, but to move
toward an improveddialogue, while remaining inherently suspicious of uni-
versal truths, entrenchedpowerbases, and intransigent relativisms.
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CULTIVATINGTHE BODY135
136 LOCK
cerebral, the material and the social" (54:370). He concedes that because
cognitive structures are biologically grounded,bodyclassifications cannot be
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CULTIVATINGTHE BODY137
138 LOCK
knowledgeof the self and an expressionof "part of the self" (125; see also 57,
215). Personal experience of majorphysical disability and illness has resulted
in several movingaccounts that testify to the powerful effect of changes in
embodiment on subjectivity, which in turn has consequencesfor the individual
in society (46, 179, 212, 258).
CULTIVATINGTHE BODY139
140 LOCK
251).
The reintroduction of history into an anthropology of the body must be
attributed largely to Foucault, although Marxalso has been influential (169).
For example, through an analysis of Tshidi precolonial cosmologyand ritual,
Comaroffdiscusses howpolitico-ritual control is imposedon the domainsof
production, exchange, sexuality, and nurturing (24:260). She also uncovers
transformations between Tshidi consciousness and the consciousness of Euro-
pean colonizers throughout the colonial period in which bodily practice is
central (see also 231). Comarofffocuses on bodily signification as societal
memory--significantchanges in the social and political order must be accom-
panied by changes in the "mnemonicscheme inscribed in physical form"
(24:124; see also 196, 197). Althoughpresenting no direct challenge to the
dominantcolonial order, Comaroffasserts that Zionismfunctions as a resis-
tance to the infiltration of the hegemonicpowerapparatus into the structures of
the natural world(p. 261). Suchritualized resistance is neither apolitical escap-
ism, nor simplya liminal interlude, but a serious attempt to address oppression
in a situation fraught with danger. Morerecently, Comaroffhas examinedthe
dialectical interplay betweennineteenth century medicine and the colonizing
project, in whichthe "savage native" becomesthe target of disciplinary prac-
tices including regimensof hygiene, healing, and bodily restraint, institutional-
ized largely throughpublic health practices (25).
Boddypays less direct attention to history than does Comaroff, working
instead to dissect the "informal logic of everydaylife" in Hofriyat, northern
Sudan. She is concernedwith the inherent contradiction betweenthe cultural
construction of womenin Hofriyataccording to the male dominated Islamic-
derived ideology, and the cultural productions of the womenthemselves,
manifest largely in ritual and narrative associated with the Z~r cult. Boddy
discusses howwomenin Hofriyat are irrevocably madeinto "living vessels"
of their culture’s moral values through pharaonic circumcision (17:16).
trance, however,it is possible through a negation of the Other--usually menor
Zayran (spirits)--to play with ambiguity, to create a reflexive, coun-
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CULTIVATINGTHE BODY141
female empowerment, and discusses Manideath rites with respect not only to
history and society, but also to the cultural management of bodies both living
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142 LOCK
144 LOCK
CULTIVATINGTHE BODY145
mological scrutiny should be suspended for biomedicine (252; see also 23).
Since that time, numerousanthropological analyses of biomedical and epide-
rniological discourse and classificatory systemshave appeared(28, 75, 76, 88,
99, 157, 253). This work has been complementedrecently by a radical ap-
proach to all medical knowledgeand practice, which seeks explicitly to ex-
punge the shadowof Occidental epistemologylurking even in the culturally
sensitive workof an earlier epoch(2, 63, 100, 144, 148, 154, 158, 190, 202;
see also N. Adelson,unpublishedPhDthesis, McGillUniversity).
"Howdo patients and practitioners knowwhat they know?"is a central
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1993.22:133-155. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org
question posed in the recent volumeon Asian medicine edited by Leslie and
Young(144:14). Emphasisis given to ethnoepistemology, situated discourse,
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and the cultural production of the bodyas an unstable contested object, the
result of ongoingencounters and exchanges between local and global knowl-
edge.
Comparativeand historical documentationof the "discovery" of diseases
(114, 120, 134, 154, 247) and of competingexplanatory systems through time
and space (48, 131, 158, 235); the conversion of distress into medicalized
illness and deviance (45,160, 180, 216, 217, 251); the relationship of medical
knowledgeto both transformations in basic science knowledgeand to social
and political reformulations about what bodies and populations meanto soci-
ety (61, 121, 122, 124, 166, 231,255); and the progressive reduction of life
cyc~le transitions to biological events; together with the creation of, for exam-
ple, the fetus and morerecently the embryoas patients, then subject to medical
management(93, 115, 123, 154, 175, 204, 217; see also K. Bassett, unpub-
lished PhDthesis, McGill University) have contributed to the demise of
biomedicallydefined body, stable in time and space.
Martin documentshow metaphors of reproduction have changed over time,
reflecting larger paradigmatic shifts in knowledgeproduction in the Euro-
Americantradition. She analyzes scientific textbooks to reveal gendered ste-
reotypespresent in the scientific languageof biology, in particular with respect
to both immunology(167), and the egg and the sperm (168), as well
metaphorsof failure and dissolution built into the language associated with
menstruation and menopause,negative metaphors that reinforce a subjective
experience of fragmentation and alienation amongAmerican women,espe-
cially in medicalencounters. Martinalso discusses to whatextent resistance to
the dominantideologyrelates to ethnic and class differences (166).
Lock’s work on menopausein Japan has shownthat reporting of symptoms
at the end of menstruationis significantly different fromthat whichis taken to
be universal. This finding, linked to established differences betweenthe epide-
miology of heart disease, osteoporosis, and breast cancer in Japan and the
West, suggests that "local biologies" maybe at work, influencing cultural
constructions of professional and popular textual and narrative representations
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146 LOCK
CULTIVATINGTHE BODY147
relationship to the lived experience of the Inuit [see also Gifford’s analysis
with respect to "lumps"in the breast (80)].
Lock has shownhowprofessional and popular discourse about the end of
menstruation is historically and culturally produced, and conveysdifferent
meaningsin Japan and North America. In North Americathe language of risk
has cometo dominate the vocabulary of popular, medical, and policy making
to such an extent that life-long drug therapy is recommended for virtually all
middle-aged women. An aging population combined with bodily com-
moditization, in turn stimulated by circulating knowledgeabout an inherent
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1993.22:133-155. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org
148 LOCK
viously "secure" concepts such as society have a future. Contrasting the Brit-
ish and Melanesian conditions, she shows how, with the problematization of
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The relationship between theory and practice takes on special meaning for
those writing about the body. Anthropologists often find themselves or their
work used in medicine or for political ends; alternatively, they mayposition
themselvesself-consciously with respect to their research findings, sometimes
taking an advocacyrole (18, 56, 62, 92, 153,219, 220). As the text about our
most natural tool (albeit less natural than in Mauss’day), an anthropology
the bodyprovides an excellent forumto reflect not only on theoretical dilem-
mas, but also on the politics of the practice of anthropologyand its use beyond
the confines of the discipline. Despite increasing pressures we should, I be-
lieve, resist all pressures from the Other to producetidy answersand "Just So"
stories, remain eclectic in our approach, and be content with a body that
refuses to holdstill.
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