Ethnic group

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"Ethnicities" redirects here. It is not to be confused with the academic journal.
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An ethnic group, or an ethnicity, is a category of people who identify with each
other based on similarities such as common ancestry, language, society, culture or
nation.[1][2] Ethnicity is usually an inherited status based on the society in
which one lives. Membership of an ethnic group tends to be defined by a shared
cultural heritage, ancestry, origin myth, history, homeland, language or dialect,
symbolic systems such as religion, mythology and ritual, cuisine, dressing style,
art, and physical appearance.

Ethnic groups, derived from the same historical founder population, often continue
to speak related languages and share a similar gene pool. By way of language shift,
acculturation, adoption and religious conversion, it is sometimes possible for
individuals or groups to leave one ethnic group and become part of another (except
for ethnic groups emphasizing racial purity as a key membership criterion).

Ethnicity is often used synonymously with ambiguous terms such as nation or people.
In English, it can also have the connotation of something exotic (cf. "White
ethnic", "ethnic restaurant", etc.), generally related to cultures of more recent
immigrants, who arrived after the founding population of an area was established.

The largest ethnic groups in modern times comprise hundreds of millions of

individuals (Han Chinese being the largest), while the smallest are limited to a
few dozen individuals (numerous indigenous peoples worldwide). Larger ethnic groups
may be subdivided into smaller sub-groups known variously as tribes or clans, which
over time may become separate ethnic groups themselves due to endogamy or physical
isolation from the parent group. Conversely, formerly separate ethnicities can
merge to form a pan-ethnicity, and may eventually merge into one single ethnicity.
Whether through division or amalgamation, the formation of a separate ethnic
identity is referred to as ethnogenesis.

Contents [hide]
1 Terminology
2 Definitions and conceptual history
2.1 Approaches to understanding ethnicity
2.2 Ethnicity theory
3 Ethnicity and nationality
4 Ethnicity and race
5 Ethno-national conflict
6 Ethnic groups by continent
6.1 Africa
6.2 Asia
6.3 Europe
6.4 North America
6.5 South America
7 See also
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links
Terminology[edit]

Ethnic saris in Kerala

The term ethnic is derived from the Greek word ????? ethnos (more precisely, from
the adjective ??????? ethnikos,[3] which was loaned into Latin as ethnicus). The
inherited English language term for this concept is folk, used alongside the
latinate people since the late Middle English period.

In Early Modern English and until the mid-19th century, ethnic was used to mean
heathen or pagan (in the sense of disparate "nations" which did not yet participate
in the Christian oikumene), as the Septuagint used ta ethne ("the nations") to
translate the Hebrew goyim "the nations, non-Hebrews, non-Jews".[4] The Greek term
in early antiquity (Homeric Greek) could refer to any large group, a host of men, a
band of comrades as well as a swarm or flock of animals. In Classical Greek, the
term took on a meaning comparable to the concept now expressed by "ethnic group",
mostly translated as "nation, people"; only in Hellenistic Greek did the term tend
to become further narrowed to refer to "foreign" or "barbarous" nations in
particular (whence the later meaning "heathen, pagan").[5]

In the 19th century, the term came to be used in the sense of "peculiar to a race,
people or nation", in a return to the original Greek meaning. The sense of
"different cultural groups", and in American English "racial, cultural or national
minority group" arises in the 1930s to 1940s,[6] serving as a replacement of the
term race which had earlier taken this sense but was now becoming deprecated due to
its association with ideological racism. The abstract ethnicity had been used for
"paganism" in the 18th century, but now came to express the meaning of an "ethnic
character" (first recorded 1953). The term ethnic group was first recorded in 1935
and entered the Oxford English Dictionary in 1972.[7] Depending on the context that
is used, the term nationality may either be used synonymously with ethnicity, or
synonymously with citizenship (in a sovereign state). The process that results in
the emergence of an ethnicity is called ethnogenesis, a term in use in ethnological
literature since about 1950.

Depending on which source of group identity is emphasized to define membership, the

following types of (often mutually overlapping) groups can be identified:

Ethno-linguistic, emphasizing shared language, dialect (and possibly script) �

example: French Canadians
Ethno-national, emphasizing a shared polity or sense of national identity �
example: Armenians
Ethno-racial, emphasizing shared physical appearance based on genetic origins �
example: African Americans
Ethno-regional, emphasizing a distinct local sense of belonging stemming from
relative geographic isolation � example: South Islanders
Ethno-religious, emphasizing shared affiliation with a particular religion,
denomination or sect � example: Jews
In many cases � for instance, the sense of Jewish peoplehood � more than one aspect
determines membership.

Definitions and conceptual history[edit]

Ethnography begins in classical antiquity; after early authors like Anaximander and
Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus in ca. 480 BC laid the foundation of both
historiography and ethnography of the ancient world. The Greeks at this time did
not describe foreign nations but had also developed a concept of their own
"ethnicity", which they grouped under the name of Hellenes. Herodotus (8.144.2)
gave a famous account of what defined Greek (Hellenic) ethnic identity in his day,
enumerating

shared descent (?�??�?? - homaimon, "of the same blood"),[8]

shared language (?�???????? - homoglosson, "speaking the same language")[9]
shared sanctuaries and sacrifices (Greek: ???? ????�??? ?? ????? ??? ?????? - theon
hidrumata te koina kai thusiai)[10]
shared customs (Greek: ???? ?�?????? - ethea homotropa, "customs of like fashion").
[11][12][13]
Whether ethnicity qualifies as a cultural universal is to some extent dependent on
the exact definition used. According to "Challenges of Measuring an Ethnic World:
Science, politics, and reality", in Challenges of Measuring an Ethnic World:
Science, Politics and Reality : Proceedings of the Joint Canada-United States
Conference on the Measurement of Ethnicity, April 1�3, 1992, Joint Canada-United
States Conference on the Measurement of Ethnicity, Department of Commerce,
Statistics Canada, 1993,[14] a conference organised by Statistics Canada and the
United States Census Bureau (April 1�3, 1992).[15] Many social scientists, such as
anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf, do not consider ethnic identity to be
universal. They regard ethnicity as a product of specific kinds of inter-group
interactions, rather than an essential quality inherent to human groups.[16]
[irrelevant citation]

According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen, the study of ethnicity was dominated by two
distinct debates until recently.

One is between "primordialism" and "instrumentalism". In the primordialist view,

the participant perceives ethnic ties collectively, as an externally given, even
coercive, social bond.[17] The instrumentalist approach, on the other hand, treats
ethnicity primarily as an ad-hoc element of a political strategy, used as a
resource for interest groups for achieving secondary goals such as, for instance,
an increase in wealth, power, or status.[18][19] This debate is still an important
point of reference in Political science, although most scholars' approaches fall
between the two poles.[20]
The second debate is between "constructivism" and "essentialism". Constructivists
view national and ethnic identities as the product of historical forces, often
recent, even when the identities are presented as old.[21][22] Essentialists view
such identities as ontological categories defining social actors, and not the
result of social action.[23][24]
According to Eriksen, these debates have been superseded, especially in
anthropology, by scholars' attempts to respond to increasingly politicised forms of
self-representation by members of different ethnic groups and nations. This is in
the context of debates over multiculturalism in countries, such as the United
States and Canada, which have large immigrant populations from many different
cultures, and post-colonialism in the Caribbean and South Asia.[25]

Max Weber maintained that ethnic groups were k�nstlich (artificial, i.e. a social
construct) because they were based on a subjective belief in shared Gemeinschaft
(community). Secondly, this belief in shared Gemeinschaft did not create the group;
the group created the belief. Third, group formation resulted from the drive to
monopolise power and status. This was contrary to the prevailing naturalist belief
of the time, which held that socio-cultural and behavioural differences between
peoples stemmed from inherited traits and tendencies derived from common descent,
then called "race".[26]

Another influential theoretician of ethnicity was Fredrik Barth, whose "Ethnic

Groups and Boundaries" from 1969 has been described as instrumental in spreading
the usage of the term in social studies in the 1980s and 1990s.[27] Barth went
further than Weber in stressing the constructed nature of ethnicity. To Barth,
ethnicity was perpetually negotiated and renegotiated by both external ascription
and internal self-identification. Barth's view is that ethnic groups are not
discontinuous cultural isolates, or logical a prioris to which people naturally
belong. He wanted to part with anthropological notions of cultures as bounded
entities, and ethnicity as primordialist bonds, replacing it with a focus on the
interface between groups. "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries", therefore, is a focus on
the interconnectedness of ethnic identities. Barth writes: "... categorical ethnic
distinctions do not depend on an absence of mobility, contact and information, but
do entail social processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby discrete
categories are maintained despite changing participation and membership in the
course of individual life histories."

In 1978, anthropologist Ronald Cohen claimed that the identification of "ethnic

groups" in the usage of social scientists often reflected inaccurate labels more
than indigenous realities:

... the named ethnic identities we accept, often unthinkingly, as basic givens in
the literature are often arbitrarily, or even worse inaccurately, imposed.[27]

In this way, he pointed to the fact that identification of an ethnic group by

outsiders, e.g. anthropologists, may not coincide with the self-identification of
the members of that group. He also described that in the first decades of usage,
the term ethnicity had often been used in lieu of older terms such as "cultural" or
"tribal" when referring to smaller groups with shared cultural systems and shared
heritage, but that "ethnicity" had the added value of being able to describe the
commonalities between systems of group identity in both tribal and modern
societies. Cohen also suggested that claims concerning "ethnic" identity (like
earlier claims concerning "tribal" identity) are often colonialist practices and
effects of the relations between colonized peoples and nation-states.[27]

According to Paul James, formations of identity were often changed and distorted by
colonization, but identities are not made out of nothing:

[C]ategorizations about identity, even when codified and hardened into clear
typologies by processes of colonization, state formation or general modernizing
processes, are always full of tensions and contradictions. Sometimes these
contradictions are destructive, but they can also be creative and positive.[28]

Social scientists have thus focused on how, when, and why different markers of
ethnic identity become salient. Thus, anthropologist Joan Vincent observed that
ethnic boundaries often have a mercurial character.[29] Ronald Cohen concluded that
ethnicity is "a series of nesting dichotomizations of inclusiveness and
exclusiveness".[27] He agrees with Joan Vincent's observation that (in Cohen's
paraphrase) "Ethnicity ... can be narrowed or broadened in boundary terms in
relation to the specific needs of political mobilization.[27] This may be why
descent is sometimes a marker of ethnicity, and sometimes not: which diacritic of
ethnicity is salient depends on whether people are scaling ethnic boundaries up or
down, and whether they are scaling them up or down depends generally on the
political situation.
Approaches to understanding ethnicity[edit]
Different approaches to understanding ethnicity have been used by different social
scientists when trying to understand the nature of ethnicity as a factor in human
life and society. Examples of such approaches are: primordialism, essentialism,
perennialism, constructivism, modernism and instrumentalism.

"Primordialism", holds that ethnicity has existed at all times of human history and
that modern ethnic groups have historical continuity into the far past. For them,
the idea of ethnicity is closely linked to the idea of nations and is rooted in the
pre-Weber understanding of humanity as being divided into primordially existing
groups rooted by kinship and biological heritage.
"Essentialist primordialism" further holds that ethnicity is an a priori fact of
human existence, that ethnicity precedes any human social interaction and that it
is basically unchanged by it. This theory sees ethnic groups as natural, not just
as historical. It also has problems dealing with the consequences of intermarriage,
migration and colonization for the composition of modern day multi-ethnic
societies.[30]
"Kinship primordialism" holds that ethnic communities are extensions of kinship
units, basically being derived by kinship or clan ties where the choices of
cultural signs (language, religion, traditions) are made exactly to show this
biological affinity. In this way, the myths of common biological ancestry that are
a defining feature of ethnic communities are to be understood as representing
actual biological history. A problem with this view on ethnicity is that it is more
often than not the case that mythic origins of specific ethnic groups directly
contradict the known biological history of an ethnic community.[30]
"Geertz's primordialism", notably espoused by anthropologist Clifford Geertz,
argues that humans in general attribute an overwhelming power to primordial human
"givens" such as blood ties, language, territory, and cultural differences. In
Geertz' opinion, ethnicity is not in itself primordial but humans perceive it as
such because it is embedded in their experience of the world.[30]
"Perennialism", an approach that is primarily concerned with nationhood but tends
to see nations and ethnic communities as basically the same phenomenon, holds that
the nation, as a type of social and political organisation, is of an immemorial or
"perennial" character.[31] Smith (1999) distinguishes two variants: "continuous
perennialism", which claims that particular nations have existed for very long
spans of time, and "recurrent perennialism", which focuses on the emergence,
dissolution and reappearance of nations as a recurring aspect of human history.[32]
"Perpetual perennialism" holds that specific ethnic groups have existed
continuously throughout history.
"Situational perennialism" holds that nations and ethnic groups emerge, change and
vanish through the course of history. This view holds that the concept of ethnicity
is basically a tool used by political groups to manipulate resources such as
wealth, power, territory or status in their particular groups' interests.
Accordingly, ethnicity emerges when it is relevant as means of furthering emergent
collective interests and changes according to political changes in the society.
Examples of a perennialist interpretation of ethnicity are also found in Barth, and
Seidner who see ethnicity as ever-changing boundaries between groups of people
established through ongoing social negotiation and interaction.
"Instrumentalist perennialism", while seeing ethnicity primarily as a versatile
tool that identified different ethnics groups and limits through time, explains
ethnicity as a mechanism of social stratification, meaning that ethnicity is the
basis for a hierarchical arrangement of individuals. According to Donald Noel, a
sociologist who developed a theory on the origin of ethnic stratification, ethnic
stratification is a "system of stratification wherein some relatively fixed group
membership (e.g., race, religion, or nationality) is utilized as a major criterion
for assigning social positions".[33] Ethnic stratification is one of many different
types of social stratification, including stratification based on socio-economic
status, race, or gender. According to Donald Noel, ethnic stratification will
emerge only when specific ethnic groups are brought into contact with one another,
and only when those groups are characterized by a high degree of ethnocentrism,
competition, and differential power. Ethnocentrism is the tendency to look at the
world primarily from the perspective of one's own culture, and to downgrade all
other groups outside one's own culture. Some sociologists, such as Lawrence Bobo
and Vincent Hutchings, say the origin of ethnic stratification lies in individual
dispositions of ethnic prejudice, which relates to the theory of ethnocentrism.[34]
Continuing with Noel's theory, some degree of differential power must be present
for the emergence of ethnic stratification. In other words, an inequality of power
among ethnic groups means "they are of such unequal power that one is able to
impose its will upon another".[33] In addition to differential power, a degree of
competition structured along ethnic lines is a prerequisite to ethnic
stratification as well. The different ethnic groups must be competing for some
common goal, such as power or influence, or a material interest, such as wealth or
territory. Lawrence Bobo and Vincent Hutchings propose that competition is driven
by self-interest and hostility, and results in inevitable stratification and
conflict.[34]
"Constructivism" sees both primordialist and perennialist views as basically
flawed,[34] and rejects the notion of ethnicity as a basic human condition. It
holds that ethnic groups are only products of human social interaction, maintained
only in so far as they are maintained as valid social constructs in societies.
"Modernist constructivism" correlates the emergence of ethnicity with the movement
towards nation states beginning in the early modern period.[35] Proponents of this
theory, such as Eric Hobsbawm, argue that ethnicity and notions of ethnic pride,
such as nationalism, are purely modern inventions, appearing only in the modern
period of world history. They hold that prior to this, ethnic homogeneity was not
considered an ideal or necessary factor in the forging of large-scale societies.
Ethnicity is an important means by which people may identify with a larger group.
Many social scientists, such as anthropologists Fredrik Barth and Eric Wolf, do not
consider ethnic identity to be universal. They regard ethnicity as a product of
specific kinds of inter-group interactions, rather than an essential quality
inherent to human groups.[16] Processes that result in the emergence of such
identification are called ethnogenesis. Members of an ethnic group, on the whole,
claim cultural continuities over time, although historians and cultural
anthropologists have documented that many of the values, practices, and norms that
imply continuity with the past are of relatively recent invention.[36]

Ethnic groups differ from other social groups, such as subcultures, interest groups
or social classes, because they emerge and change over historical periods
(centuries) in a process known as ethnogenesis, a period of several generations of
endogamy resulting in common ancestry (which is then sometimes cast in terms of a
mythological narrative of a founding figure); ethnic identity is reinforced by
reference to "boundary markers" - characteristics said to be unique to the group
which set it apart from other groups.[37][38][39][40][41]

Ethnicity theory[edit]
Ethnicity theory says that race is a social category and is but one of several
factors in determining ethnicity. Some other criteria include: "religion, language,
'customs,' nationality, and political identification".[42] This theory was put
forth by sociologist Robert E. Park in the 1920s. It is based on the notion of
�culture�.

This theory was preceded by over a century where biological essentialism was the
dominant paradigm on race. Biological essentialism is the belief that white
European races are biologically superior and other non-white races are inherently
inferior. This view arose as a way to justify slavery of Africans and genocide of
the Native Americans in a society which was supposedly founded on freedom for all.
This was a notion that developed slowly and came to be a preoccupation of
scientists, theologians, and the public. Religious institutions asked questions
about whether there had been multiple genesis's (polygenesis) and whether God had
created lesser races of men. Many of the foremost scientists of the time took up
idea of racial difference. They would inadvertently find that white Europeans were
superior. One method that was used was the measurement of cranial capacity.[43]

Ethnicity theory was based on the assimilation model. Park outlined his four steps
to assimilation: contact, conflict, accommodation, and assimilation. Instead of
explaining the marginalized status of people of color in the United States with an
inherent biological inferiority, he instead said that it was a failure to
assimilate into American culture that held people back. They could be equal as long
as they dropped their culture which was deficient compared to white culture.

Michael Omi and Howard Winant's theory of racial formation directly confronts both
ethnicity theory's premises and practices. They argue in Racial Formation in the
United States that ethnicity theory was exclusively based on the immigration
patterns of a white ethnic population and did not account for the unique
experiences of non-whites in this country.[44] While this theory identities
different stages in an immigration process � contact, conflict, struggle, and as
the last and best response, assimilation � it did so only for white ethnic
communities.[44] The ethnicity paradigm neglects the ways that race can complicate
a community's interactions with basic social and political structures, especially
upon contact.

And assimilation � shedding the particular qualities of a native culture for the
purpose of blending in with a host culture � did not work for some groups as a
response to racism and discrimination as it did for others.[44] Moreover, once the
legal barriers to achieving equality had been dismantled, the problem of racism
became the sole responsibility of already disadvantaged communities.[45] It was
assumed that if a Black or Latino community was not 'making it' by the standards
that had been set by white ethnics, it was because that community did not hold the
right values or beliefs. Or they must be stubbornly resisting dominant norms
because they did not want to fit in. Omi and Winant's critique of ethnicity theory
explains how looking towards a cultural defect for the source of inequality ignores
the "concrete sociopolitical dynamics within which racial phenomena operate in the
U.S."[46] In other words, buying into this approach effectively strips us of our
ability to critically examine the more structural components of racism and
encourages, instead, a �benign neglect� of social inequality.[46]

Ethnicity and nationality[edit]

Further information: Nation state and minority group
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In some cases, especially involving transnational migration, or colonial expansion,
ethnicity is linked to nationality. Anthropologists and historians, following the
modernist understanding of ethnicity as proposed by Ernest Gellner[47] and Benedict
Anderson[48] see nations and nationalism as developing with the rise of the modern
state system in the 17th century. They culminated in the rise of "nation-states" in
which the presumptive boundaries of the nation coincided (or ideally coincided)
with state boundaries. Thus, in the West, the notion of ethnicity, like race and
nation, developed in the context of European colonial expansion, when mercantilism
and capitalism were promoting global movements of populations at the same time that
state boundaries were being more clearly and rigidly defined.

In the 19th century, modern states generally sought legitimacy through their claim
to represent "nations." Nation-states, however, invariably include populations that
have been excluded from national life for one reason or another. Members of
excluded groups, consequently, will either demand inclusion on the basis of
equality, or seek autonomy, sometimes even to the extent of complete political
separation in their own nation-state.[49] Under these conditions � when people
moved from one state to another,[50] or one state conquered or colonized peoples
beyond its national boundaries � ethnic groups were formed by people who identified
with one nation, but lived in another state.

Multi-ethnic states can be the result of two opposite events, either the recent
creation of state borders at variance with traditional tribal territories, or the
recent immigration of ethnic minorities into a former nation state. Examples for
the first case are found throughout Africa, where countries created during
decolonisation inherited arbitrary colonial borders, but also in European countries
such as Belgium or United Kingdom. Examples for the second case are countries such
as Germany or the Netherlands, which were ethnically homogeneous when they attained
statehood but have received significant immigration during the second half of the
20th century. States such as the United Kingdom, France and Switzerland comprised
distinct ethnic groups from their formation and have likewise experienced
substantial immigration, resulting in what has been termed "multicultural"
societies especially in large cities.

The states of the New World were multi-ethnic from the onset, as they were formed
as colonies imposed on existing indigenous populations.

In recent decades feminist scholars (most notably Nira Yuval-Davis)[51] have drawn
attention to the fundamental ways in which women participate in the creation and
reproduction of ethnic and national categories. Though these categories are usually
discussed as belonging to the public, political sphere, they are upheld within the
private, family sphere to a great extent.[52] It is here that women act not just as
biological reproducers but also as 'cultural carriers', transmitting knowledge and
enforcing behaviours that belong to a specific collectivity.[53] Women also often
play a significant symbolic role in conceptions of nation or ethnicity, for example
in the notion that 'women and children' constitute the kernel of a nation which
must be defended in times of conflict, or in iconic figures such as Britannia or
Marianne.

Ethnicity and race[edit]

Race and ethnicity are considered to be related concepts. Ethnicity is often
assumed to be somewhat more of a cultural identity of a group, often based on
shared ancestry, language and cultural tradition, while race is assumed to be
strictly a biological classification, based on DNA and bone structure. Race is a
more controversial subject than ethnicity, due to its common political use. It is
assumed that, based on power relations, there exist 'racialized ethnicities' and
'ethnicized races'. Ram�n Grosfoguel (University of California, Berkeley) argues
that 'racial/ethnic identity' is one concept and that concepts of race and
ethnicity cannot be used as separate and autonomous categories.[54]
Before Weber, race and ethnicity were primarily seen as two aspects of the same
thing. Around 1900 and before, the essentialist primordialist understanding of
ethnicity was predominant: cultural differences between peoples were seen as being
the result of inherited traits and tendencies.[55] With Weber's introduction of the
view of ethnicity as a social construct, race and ethnicity became more divided
from each other.

In 1950, the UNESCO statement, "The Race Question", signed by some of the
internationally renowned scholars of the time (including Ashley Montagu, Claude
L�vi-Strauss, Gunnar Myrdal, Julian Huxley, etc.), suggested that: "National,
religious, geographic, linguistic and cultural groups do not necessarily coincide
with racial groups: and the cultural traits of such groups have no demonstrated
genetic connection with racial traits. Because serious errors of this kind are
habitually committed when the term 'race' is used in popular parlance, it would be
better when speaking of human races to drop the term 'race' altogether and speak of
'ethnic groups'."[56]

In 1982 anthropologist David Craig Griffith summed up forty years of ethnographic

research, arguing that racial and ethnic categories are symbolic markers for
different ways that people from different parts of the world have been incorporated
into a global economy:

The opposing interests that divide the working classes are further reinforced
through appeals to "racial" and "ethnic" distinctions. Such appeals serve to
allocate different categories of workers to rungs on the scale of labor markets,
relegating stigmatized populations to the lower levels and insulating the higher
echelons from competition from below. Capitalism did not create all the
distinctions of ethnicity and race that function to set off categories of workers
from one another. It is, nevertheless, the process of labor mobilization under
capitalism that imparts to these distinctions their effective values.[57]

According to Wolf, racial categories were constructed and incorporated during the
period of European mercantile expansion, and ethnic groupings during the period of
capitalist expansion.[58]

Writing about the usage of the term "ethnic" in the ordinary language of Great
Britain and the United States, in 1977 Wallman noted that

The term 'ethnic' popularly connotes '[race]' in Britain, only less precisely, and
with a lighter value load. In North America, by contrast, '[race]' most commonly
means color, and 'ethnics' are the descendants of relatively recent immigrants from
non-English-speaking countries. '[Ethnic]' is not a noun in Britain. In effect
there are no 'ethnics'; there are only 'ethnic relations'.[59]

In the U.S., the OMB defines the concept of race as outlined for the US Census as
not "scientific or anthropological" and takes into account "social and cultural
characteristics as well as ancestry", using "appropriate scientific methodologies"
that are not "primarily biological or genetic in reference."[60]

Ethno-national conflict[edit]
Further information: Ethnic conflict
Sometimes ethnic groups are subject to prejudicial attitudes and actions by the
state or its constituents. In the 20th century, people began to argue that
conflicts among ethnic groups or between members of an ethnic group and the state
can and should be resolved in one of two ways. Some, like J�rgen Habermas and Bruce
Barry, have argued that the legitimacy of modern states must be based on a notion
of political rights of autonomous individual subjects. According to this view, the
state should not acknowledge ethnic, national or racial identity but rather instead
enforce political and legal equality of all individuals. Others, like Charles
Taylor and Will Kymlicka, argue that the notion of the autonomous individual is
itself a cultural construct. According to this view, states must recognize ethnic
identity and develop processes through which the particular needs of ethnic groups
can be accommodated within the boundaries of the nation-state.

The 19th century saw the development of the political ideology of ethnic
nationalism, when the concept of race was tied to nationalism, first by German
theorists including Johann Gottfried von Herder. Instances of societies focusing on
ethnic ties, arguably to the exclusion of history or historical context, have
resulted in the justification of nationalist goals. Two periods frequently cited as
examples of this are the 19th century consolidation and expansion of the German
Empire and the 20th century Nazi Germany. Each promoted the pan-ethnic idea that
these governments were only acquiring lands that had always been inhabited by
ethnic Germans. The history of late-comers to the nation-state model, such as those
arising in the Near East and south-eastern Europe out of the dissolution of the
Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires, as well as those arising out of the former
USSR, is marked by inter-ethnic conflicts. Such conflicts usually occur within
multi-ethnic states, as opposed to between them, as in other regions of the world.
Thus, the conflicts are often misleadingly labelled and characterized as civil wars
when they are inter-ethnic conflicts in a multi-ethnic state.

Ethnic groups by continent[edit]

Africa[edit]
Main article: Ethnic groups in Africa
Ethnic groups in Africa number in the hundreds, each generally having its own
language (or dialect of a language) and culture.

Many ethnic groups and nations of Africa qualify, although some groups are of a
size larger than a tribal society. These mostly originate with the Sahelian
kingdoms of the medieval period, such as that of the Akan, deriving from Bonoman
(11th century) then the Kingdom of Ashanti (17th century).[61]

Asia[edit]
Main article: Ethnic groups in Asia

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this
article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be
challenged and removed. (January 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template
message)

The Assyrians are the indigenous peoples of Northern Iraq.

There is an abundance of ethnic groups throughout Asia, with adaptations to the
climate zones of Asia, which can be Arctic, subarctic, temperate, subtropical or
tropical. The ethnic groups have adapted to mountains, deserts, grasslands, and
forests.

On the coasts of Asia, the ethnic groups have adopted various methods of harvest
and transport. Some groups are primarily hunter-gatherers, some practice
transhumance (nomadic lifestyle), others have been agrarian/rural for millennia and
others becoming industrial/urban. Some groups/countries of Asia are completely
urban (Hong Kong, Shanghai and Singapore). The colonization of Asia was largely
ended in the 20th century, with national drives for independence and self-
determination across the continent.

Europe[edit]
Main article: Ethnic groups in Europe

The Basque people constitute an indigenous ethnic minority in both France and
Spain.
Europe has a large number of ethnic groups; Pan and Pfeil (2004) count 87 distinct
"peoples of Europe", of which 33 form the majority population in at least one
sovereign state, while the remaining 54 constitute ethnic minorities within every
state they inhabit (although they may form local regional majorities within a sub-
national entity). The total number of national minority populations in Europe is
estimated at 105 million people, or 14% of 770 million Europeans.[62]

A number of European countries, including France,[63] and Switzerland do not

collect information on the ethnicity of their resident population.

Russia has over 185 recognized ethnic groups besides the 80% ethnic Russian
majority. The largest group are the Tatars 3.8%. Many of the smaller groups are
found in the Asian part of Russia (see Indigenous peoples of Siberia).

An example of a largely nomadic ethnic group in Europe is the Roma, pejoratively

known as Gypsies. They originated from India and speak the Romani language.

North America[edit]
Main articles: Ethnic origins of people in Canada, Ethnic groups in Central
America, Demographics of Mexico, and Ethnic groups in the United States
South America[edit]
Main article: Ethnic groups in South America
See also[edit]
Ancestor
Clan
Diaspora
Ethnic cleansing
Ethnic flag
Ethnic nationalism
Ethnic penalty
Ethnocentrism
Ethnocultural empathy
Ethnogenesis
Ethnocide
Genealogy
Genetic genealogy
Homeland
Human Genome Diversity Project
Identity politics
Ingroups and outgroups
Intersectionality
Kinship
List of contemporary ethnic groups
List of indigenous peoples
Meta-ethnicity
Minority group
Multiculturalism
Nation
National symbol
Passing (sociology)
Polyethnicity
Population genetics
Race (human categorization)
Race and ethnicity in censuses
Race and ethnicity in the United States Census
Race and health
Segmentary_lineage
Stateless nation
Tribe
Y-chromosome haplogroups in populations of the world
References[edit]
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Cultural Anthropology (9th ed.). Wadsworth Cengage learning. p. 389. In essence, an
ethnic group is a named social category of people based on perceptions of shared
social experience or one's ancestors' experiences. Members of the ethnic group see
themselves as sharing cultural traditions and history that distinguish them from
other groups. Ethnic group identity has a strong psychological or emotional
component that divides the people of the world into opposing categories of �us� and
�them.� In contrast to social stratification, which divides and unifies people
along a series of horizontal axes on the basis of socioeconomic factors, ethnic
identities divide and unify people along a series of vertical axes. Thus, ethnic
groups, at least theoretically, cut across socioeconomic class differences, drawing
members from all strata of the population.
Jump up ^ ???????, Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on
Perseus
Jump up ^ ThiE. Tonkin, M. McDonald and M. Chapman, History and Ethnicity (London
1989), pp. 11�17 (quoted in J. Hutchinson & A.D. Smith (eds.), Oxford readers:
Ethnicity (Oxford 1996), pp. 18�24)
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Perseus
Jump up ^ Oxford English Dictionary Second edition, online version as of 2008-01-
12, "ethnic, a. and n.". Cites Sir Daniel Wilson, The archaology and prehistoric
annals of Scotland 1851 (1863) and Huxley & Haddon (1935), We Europeans, pp.
136,181
Jump up ^ Cohen, Ronald. (1978) "Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology",
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1978. 7:379-403; Glazer, Nathan and Daniel P. Moynihan (1975)
Ethnicity � Theory and Experience, Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press. The
modern usage definition of the Oxford English Dictionary is:
a[djective]

...
2.a. Pertaining to race; peculiar to a race or nation; ethnological. Also,
pertaining to or having common racial, cultural, religious, or linguistic
characteristics, esp. designating a racial or other group within a larger system;
hence (U.S. colloq.), foreign, exotic.
b ethnic minority (group), a group of people differentiated from the rest of the
community by racial origins or cultural background, and usu. claiming or enjoying
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n[oun]

...
3 A member of an ethnic group or minority. Equatorians
(Oxford English Dictionary Second edition, online version as of 2008-01-12, s.v.
"ethnic, a. and n.")

Jump up ^ ?�??�??, Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on

Perseus
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on Perseus
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Of 'common' in Herodotus 8.144", in: R. Rosen & I. Sluiter (eds.), Valuing others
in Classical Antiquity (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 43-70.
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on Perseus)
Jump up ^ Herodotus, 8.144.2: "The kinship of all Greeks in blood and speech, and
the shrines of gods and the sacrifices that we have in common, and the likeness of
our way of life."
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History, Culture and Ethnicity in the Formation of Nations, Edinburgh University
Press, 2006, p. 115
Jump up ^ "Challenges of measuring an ethnic world". Publications.gc.ca. The
Government of Canada. April 1, 1992. Ethnicity is a fundamental factor in human
life: it is a phenomenon inherent in human experience
Jump up ^ Statistics Canada[permanent dead link]
^ Jump up to: a b Fredrik Barth, ed. 1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social
Organization of Cultural Difference; Eric Wolf 1982 Europe and the People Without
History p. 381
Jump up ^ Geertz, Clifford, ed. (1967) Old Societies and New States: The Quest for
Modernity in Africa and Asia. New York: The Free Press.
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Migrants in a Yoruba Town. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Jump up ^ Abner Cohen (1974) Two-Dimensional Man: An essay on power and symbolism
in complex society. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Jump up ^ J. Hutchinson & A.D. Smith (eds.), Oxford readers: Ethnicity (Oxford
1996), "Introduction", 8-9
Jump up ^ Gellner, Ernest (1983) Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell.
Jump up ^ Ernest Gellner (1997) Nationalism. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
Jump up ^ Smith, Anthony D. (1986) The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Oxford:
Blackwell.
Jump up ^ Anthony Smith (1991) National Identity. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Jump up ^ T.H. Eriksen "Ethnic identity, national identity and intergroup conflict:
The significance of personal experiences" in Ashmore, Jussim, Wilder (eds.): Social
identity, intergroup conflict, and conflict reduction, pp. 42�70. Oxford: Oxford
University Press'. 2001
Jump up ^ Banton, Michael. (2007) "Weber on Ethnic Communities: A critique",
Nations and Nationalism 13 (1), 2007, 19�35.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Ronald Cohen 1978 "Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in
Anthropology", Annual Review of Anthropology 7: 383-384 Palo Alto: Stanford
University Press
Jump up ^ James, Paul (2015). "Despite the Terrors of Typologies: The Importance of
Understanding Categories of Difference and Identity". Interventions: International
Journal of Postcolonial Studies. 17 (2): 174�195.
Jump up ^ Joan Vincent 1974, "The Structure of Ethnicity" in Human Organization
33(4): 375-379
^ Jump up to: a b c (Smith 1999, p. 13)
Jump up ^ Smith (1998), 159.
Jump up ^ Smith (1999), 5.
^ Jump up to: a b Noel, Donald L. (1968). "A Theory of the Origin of Ethnic
Stratification". Social Problems. 16 (2): 157�172.
doi:10.1525/sp.1968.16.2.03a00030.
^ Jump up to: a b c Bobo, Lawrence; Hutchings, Vincent L. (1996). "Perceptions of
Racial Group Competition: Extending Blumer's Theory of Group Position to a
Multiracial Social Context". American Sociological Review. American Sociological
Association. 61 (6): 951�972. doi:10.2307/2096302. JSTOR 2096302.
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Indian Histories.
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Chicago Press.
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Jump up ^ Seidner,(1982), Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic
Perspective, pp. 2�3
Jump up ^ Smith 1987 pp. 21�22
Jump up ^ Omi & Winant 1986, p. 15
Jump up ^ Omi & Winant 1986, p. 58
^ Jump up to: a b c Omi & Winant 1986, p. 17
Jump up ^ Omi & Winant 1986, p. 19
^ Jump up to: a b Omi & Winant 1986, p. 21
Jump up ^ Gellner 2006 Nations and Nationalism Blackwell Publishing
Jump up ^ Anderson 2006 Imagined Communities Version
Jump up ^ Walter Pohl, "Conceptions of Ethnicity in Early Medieval Studies",
Debating the Middle Ages: Issues and Readings, ed. Lester K. Little and Barbara H.
Rosenwein, (Blackwell), 1998, pp 13�24, notes that historians have projected the
19th-century conceptions of the nation-state backwards in time, employing
biological metaphors of birth and growth: "that the peoples in the Migration Period
had little to do with those heroic (or sometimes brutish) clich�s is now generally
accepted among historians," he remarked. Early medieval peoples were far less
homogeneous than often thought, and Pohl follows Reinhard Wenskus, Stammesbildung
und Verfassung. (Cologne and Graz) 1961, whose researches into the "ethnogenesis"
of the German peoples convinced him that the idea of common origin, as expressed by
Isidore of Seville Gens est multitudo ab uno principio orta ("a people is a
multitude stemming from one origin") which continues in the original Etymologiae
IX.2.i) "sive ab alia natione secundum propriam collectionem distincta ("or
distinguished from another people by its proper ties") was a myth.
Jump up ^ Aihway Ong 1996 "Cultural Citizenship in the Making" in Current
Anthropology 37(5)
Jump up ^ Nira Yuval-Davis, "Gender & Nation" (London: SAGE Publications Ltd, 1997)
Jump up ^ Nira Yuval-Davis, "Gender & Nation" (London: SAGE Publications Ltd, 1997)
pp. 12-13
Jump up ^ Floya Anthias and Nira Yuval-Davis "Woman-Nation�State" (London:
Macmillan, 1989), p 9
Jump up ^ Grosfoguel, Ram�n (September 2004). "Race and Ethnicity or Racialized
Ethnicities? Identities within Global Coloniality". Ethnicities. 315-336. 4 (3):
315. doi:10.1177/1468796804045237. Retrieved 2012-08-06.
Jump up ^ Banton, Michael. (2007) "Weber on Ethnic Communities: A critique",
Nations and Nationalism 13 (1), 2007, 19�35.
Jump up ^ A. Metraux (1950) "United nations Economic and Security Council Statement
by Experts on Problems of Race", American Anthropologist 53(1): 142-145)
Jump up ^ Griffith, David Craig, Jones's minimal: low-wage labor in the United
States, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1993, p.222
Jump up ^ Eric Wolf, 1982, Europe and the People Without History, Berkeley:
University of California Press. 380-381
Jump up ^ Wallman, S. "Ethnicity research in Britain", Current Anthropology, v. 18,
n. 3, 1977, pp. 531�532.
Jump up ^ "A Brief History of the OMB Directive 15". American Anthropological
Association. 1997. Retrieved 2007-05-18.
Jump up ^ Cohen, Robin (1995). The Cambridge Survey of World Migration. Cambridge
University Press. p. 197. ISBN 0-521-44405-5. Wickens, Gerald E; Lowe, Pat (2008).
The Baobabs: Pachycauls of Africa, Madagascar and Australia. Springer
Science+Business Media. 2008. p. 360. ISBN 978-1-4020-6431-9.
Jump up ^ Christoph Pan, Beate Sibylle Pfeil,Minderheitenrechte in Europa. Handbuch
der europ�ischen Volksgruppen (2002)., English translation 2004.
Jump up ^ (in French) article 8 de la loi Informatique et libert�s, 1978: "Il est
interdit de collecter ou de traiter des donn�es a caractere personnel qui font
appara�tre, directement ou indirectement, les origines raciales ou ethniques, les
opinions politiques, philosophiques ou religieuses ou l'appartenance syndicale des
personnes, ou qui sont relatives a la sant� ou a la vie sexuelle de celles-ci."
Further reading[edit]
Abizadeh, Arash, "Ethnicity, Race, and a Possible Humanity" World Order, 33.1
(2001): 23-34. (Article that explores the social construction of ethnicity and
race.)
Barth, Fredrik (ed). Ethnic groups and boundaries. The social organization of
culture difference, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1969
Beard, David and Kenneth Gloag. 2005. Musicology, The Key Concepts. London and New
York: Routledge.
Billinger, Michael S. (2007), "Another Look at Ethnicity as a Biological Concept:
Moving Anthropology Beyond the Race Concept", Critique of Anthropology 27,1:5�35.
Craig, Gary, et al., eds. Understanding 'race'and ethnicity: theory, history,
policy, practice (Policy Press, 2012)
Danver, Steven L. Native Peoples of the World: An Encyclopedia of Groups, Cultures
and Contemporary Issues (2012)
Eriksen, Thomas Hylland (1993) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological
Perspectives, London: Pluto Press
Eysenck, H.J., Race, Education and Intelligence (London: Temple Smith, 1971) (ISBN
0-85117-009-9)
Hartmann, Douglas. "Notes on Midnight Basketball and the Cultural Politics of
Recreation, Race and At-Risk Urban Youth", Journal of Sport and Social Issues. 25
(2001): 339-366.
Hasmath, R. ed. 2011. Managing Ethnic Diversity: Meanings and Practices from an
International Perspective. Burlington, VT and Surrey, UK: Ashgate.
Healey, Joseph F., and Eileen O'Brien. Race, ethnicity, gender, and class: The
sociology of group conflict and change (Sage Publications, 2014)
Hobsbawm, Eric, and Terence Ranger, editors, The Invention of Tradition.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
Kappeler, Andreas. The Russian empire: A multi-ethnic history (Routledge, 2014)
Levinson, David, Ethnic Groups Worldwide: A Ready Reference Handbook, Greenwood
Publishing Group (1998), ISBN 978-1-57356-019-1.
Magocsi, Paul Robert, ed. Encyclopedia of Canada's Peoples (1999)
Merriam, A.P. 1959. "African Music", in R. Bascom and, M. J. Herskovits (eds),
Continuity and Change in African Cultures, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Morales-D�az, Enrique; Gabriel Aquino; & Michael Sletcher, "Ethnicity", in Michael
Sletcher, ed., New England, (Westport, CT, 2004).
Omi, Michael; Winant, Howard (1986). Racial Formation in the United States from the
1960s to the 1980s. New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Inc.
Seeger, A. 1987. Why Suy� Sing: A Musical Anthropology of an Amazonian People,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Seidner, Stanley S. Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic
Perspective. (Bruxelles: Centre de recherche sur le pluralinguisme1982).
Sider, Gerald, Lumbee Indian Histories (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1993).
Smith, Anthony D. (1987). "The Ethnic Origins of Nations". Blackwell.
Smith, Anthony D. (1998). Nationalism and modernism. A Critical Survey of Recent
Theories of Nations and Nationalism. London � New York: Routledge.
Smith, Anthony D. (1999). "Myths and memories of the Nation". Oxford University
Press.
Thernstrom, Stephan A. ed. Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (1981)
^ U.S. Census Bureau State & County QuickFacts: Race.
External links[edit]
Look up ethnicity, ethnic, nationality, or nation in Wiktionary, the free
dictionary.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ethnic groups.
Library resources about
Ethnicity
Resources in your library
Ethnicity at Curlie (based on DMOZ)
Ethnicity entry in the UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology
Downloadable article: "Evidence that a West-East admixed population lived in the
Tarim Basin as early as the early Bronze Age" Li et al. BMC Biology 2010, 8:15.
Biomedcentral.com
American Psychological Association's Office of Ethnic Minority Affairs
[hide] v t e
Ethnicity
Related
concepts
Clan Ethnic group Ethnolinguistic group Ethnoreligious group Indigenous peoples
Ingroups and outgroups Meta-ethnicity Metroethnicity Minority group Monoethnicity
Nation Nationality Panethnicity Polyethnicity Population Race Symbolic ethnicity
Tribe
Ethnology
Anthropology Ethnic studies Ethnoarchaeology Ethnobiology Ethnobotany Ethnozoology
Ethnoecology Ethnocinema Ethnogeology Ethnography Autoethnography Clinical Critical
Cyber- Netnography Online Person-centered Salvage Transidioethnography Video
Ethnohistory Ethnolinguistics Ethnology Ethnomathematics Ethnomethodology
Ethnomuseology Ethnomusicology Ethnophilosophy Ethnopoetics Ethnoscience
Ethnosemiotics Ethnotaxonomy
Groups
by region
Africa Arab League Americas Indigenous Canada Mexico United States Central America
South America Asia Central Asia East Asia Northern Asia South Asia Southeast Asia
West Asia Australia Indigenous Europe Oceania Indigenous European
Identity and
ethnogenesis
Cross-race effect Cultural assimilation Cultural identity Demonym Development
Endonym Ethnic flag Ethnic option Ethnic origin Ethnic religion Ethnicity in census
Ethnofiction Ethnonym Folk religion Historical Imagined community Kinship Legendary
progenitor Lineage-bonded society Mores Nation-building Nation state National
language National myth Origin myth Pantribal sodality Tribal name Tribalism
Urheimat
Multiethnic
society
Consociationalism Diaspora politics Dominant minority Ethnic democracy Ethnic
enclave Ethnic interest group Ethnic majority Ethnic media Ethnic pornography
Ethnic theme park Ethnoburb Ethnocracy Indigenous rights Middleman minority
Minority rights Model minority Multinational state
Ideology and
ethnic conflict
Ethnic bioweapon Ethnic cleansing Ethnic hatred Ethnic joke Ethnic nationalism
Ethnic nepotism Ethnic penalty Ethnic slur Ethnic stereotype Ethnic violence
Ethnocentrism Ethnocide Ethnosymbolism Indigenism Separatist movements Xenophobia
Authority control
LCCN: sh85045172 GND: 4153095-0 NDL: 00567696
Categories: Ethnic groupsEthnicityMajority�minority relationsMultiracial
affairsWords coined in the 1930s
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