Brunel University London

Politics and History Annual Ph.D Conference

Elliott Jaques Building (ELTJ)
25-26th April 2017

Tuesday 25th April 2017, Moot Court (ELTJ)

10:00 Coffee, Elliott Jacques Atrium

10:15 – 10:30 Welcome and Introduction (Astrid Swenson)

10:30 – 12:30 Panel I: Thinking across time and space

Monica Fernandes: White women’s role against apartheid: the case

of the Black Sash

Diane Smith: Can Huey P Long be examined through the lens

of Trump’s America?

Bhaskar Dasgupta: The Economic History of Spices in the UK

12:30 – 13:30 Lunch (Atrium)

13:30 – 15:30 Panel II: Intelligence & War

Khawaja Mustajab Malikzada: Intelligence Department or Secret Police

Muhammed Yusuf Coban: British Intelligence in Asia Minor: The

Activities of British Intelligence Services in the Period of the Turkish
National Movement (1919-1923)

Yusuf Ali Ozkan: The British Intelligence in the Gallipoli Campaign 1914-
1916: Intelligence and Counterintelligence (CI) activities
from Preparations to the Evacuation

15:30 – 16:00 Coffee

16:00 – 17:00 WORKSHOPS

17:00 – 18:30 Keynote: Prof John Ferris (University of Calgary, CA): ‘The War Trade
Intelligence Department and the Blockade of Germany, 1915-1918

18:30 – Wine Reception (Atrium)

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Wednesday 26th April 2017, ELTJ 110
11:00 Coffee (Atrium)

11:00 – 11:30 Research Ethics (Phil Davies)

11:30 – 13:30 Panel III: Comparative Perspectives on Parties & Politics

Harun Muratogullari: The impact analysis of Turkish Law on

minor political parties

Rhevy A Putra: Financing Political Parties in New Democracy Setting

Erdem Guven: From military to civil means of pacification: A

class-based view to securitization in post-1980 Turkey

13:30 – 14:15 Lunch (Atrium)

14:15 – 16:00 Panel IV: Training & Expertise in Policing, Military and Security

Mohamed Majothi: Propaganda as a Police Intelligence Function?

– Directorate of Intelligence 1919-1921.

Lars Borg: Impact of the use of SAT methodology on

analytical confidence in estimative intelligence analysis

Iain Farquharson: The Triumph of ignorance? Army Higher

Educational Policy in the Interwar period

Naveen Abdalla: Requirements, Priorities, and Mandates: An

Examination of the US Requirements and Priorities Process and
Its Influences on the Outcome of National Security and Foreign
Policy Events.

16:00 – 16:15 Coffee (Atrium)

16:15 – 17:45 FINAL DISCUSSION

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ABSTRACTS

Monica Fernandes: White women’s role against apartheid: the case of the Black Sash

The anti-apartheid movement is normally linked to prominent, patriarchal political parties

such as the African National Congress and the South African Indian Congress, which has
been analysed extensively. Unfortunately women’s organisations fighting against apartheid
have not been studied in depth. One such organisation is the Black Sash, a white women’s
party, created to oppose specific legislation such as the Senate Bill and Group Areas Act. The
exclusivity of this organisation led to extensive criticism and cynicism by other political
parties, as well as internal debates amongst members. Despite this, the Black Sash still
contributed to anti-apartheid activities. My paper will be discussing the origins of the Black
Sash, their contribution in fighting against apartheid from 1955 -1959 and the controversies
the organisation faced during the 1950s.

Diane Smith: Can Huey P Long be examined through the lens of Trump’s America?

From the final weeks of the campaign, through the transition and now into the early days
of the new administration, commentators have sought to find historical perspective on
Trump’s presidency, including a number who have identified similarities between the new
US president and the US Senator from Louisiana, Huey P Long. In 1970 Cecil Morgan said
that T Harry Williams had failed to portray the “depth and severity of the sense of fear and
apprehension that pervaded the state” of Louisiana under Huey Long. So, while many of
the identified similarities are superficial and based on the populist tendencies of their
political campaigns, a comparison of the two men offers the possibility of perspectives and
insights into Long’s Louisiana.

Bhaskar Dasgupta: The Economic History of Spices in the UK

The National Dish of the United Kingdom is the chicken tikka masala and has a spice history
going back to the Roman Times as documented in the Vindolanda Roman Tablets. A
commodity which lead to the country gaining an empire, opened up the New World, caused
balance of payment crisis and banking issues, changed the taste buds of British Cuisine and
Medicine, created the British East India Company – the first multinational, impacted the
British Guilds system, influenced medicine and religion disappeared after 1800 till it re-
emerged late in the 20th century. Whilst food history is being increasing studied, the spice
angle has not been explored previously other than in popular fiction. The research analyses
the economic, medical, magical, financial, and gastronomic relationship of spices and the
United Kingdom focussing on 1600 -1800 using statistical, qualitat ive, field research, case
study and historiographical techniques.

Khawaja Mustajab Malikzada: Intelligence Department or Secret Police

The central question of the talk focuses on: Is Abdur Rahman Khan’s intelligence system
misunderstood? Histories of Afghanistan have been produced in various forms with
particular attention to the Great Game, the Great War, World War Two and the Cold War. A
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plethora of books, articles, both scholarly and non-academic, have been published about
Afghanistan within the context of above mentioned historical events. Afghanistan’s
intelligence agencies have been an integral part of the state and government structures
playing major roles at different stages of the country’s history. However, historians of the
country have neglected to study such institutions and their roles. Furthermore, when such
institutions of the state appear in the literature, information about them is often limited and
contradictory. Historians such as Ghubar, Tomsen, regularly refer to Amir Abdur Rahman
Khan’s (AARK) intelligence agency as the ‘secret police’. However, an in -depth investigation
of available literature and primary sources suggest there were two distinctive intelligence
agencies with different mandates during AARK’s rule. Daftar-e-Sanjish (Audit Office) focused
on financial/ economic intelligence whereas the Intelligence Department had a wider remit,
gathering covert information on political, security/ defence and diplomatic affairs both
internally and externally. The research will begin its investigation from AARK’s period of rule
(1880) when he (AARK) created government departments that resembled those of nation-
states in other regions of the world. Subsequent to his death, his sons, Habibullah Khan and
Amanullah Khan, continued with the state building reforms at varying degrees. Intelligence
agencies of the country evolved accordingly in the process of those reforms acquiring
extensive covert operation capabilities. Therefore, applying a multi-disciplinary
methodology and consulting variety o f sources available in depositories of countries
involved in the Great Game, the thesis aims to investigate and then produce a
comprehensive history of Afghanistan’s intelligence agencies.

Muhammed Yusuf Coban: British Intelligence in Asia Minor: The Activities of British
Intelligence Services in the Period of the Turkish National Movement (1919-1923)

My research will examine the intelligence and propaganda activities of British intelligence
services in the Asia Minor (Anatolia) region between 1919-1923, and the effects of these
activities on the Greco-Turkish War (or the Turkish War of Independence, 1919-1922) and
the establishment of the modern Republic of Turkey. By specifically focusing on the
intelligence reports / summaries / memorandums, and inter cepts of Turkish and Greek
telegraphic and radio communications, the proposed research will examine the scope and
scale of the British intelligence activities in Anatolia between 1919-1923 and their impact on
the Turkish National Movement (TNM) and Turkish War of Independence, which resulted in
the defeat of the Greek expeditionary force in western Anatolia, and creation of the modern
Republic of Turkey. Additionally, by investigating the impacts of the intelligence reports on
the British decision-making processes, the research will attempt to explore and understand
the extent of the nexus between British decision -makers (both civilian and military) and
intelligence services in the inter-war period. The research will address the central question:
How did the British intelligence organizations operate in the Asia Minor region in the period
of the TNM between 1919-1923? It will do so by focussing on three Subquestions: 1. In what
ways did the British intelligence activities affect the partition of the Ottoman Empire and the
creation and shaping of the modern Republic of Turkey between 1919-1923? 2. To what
extent did the British intelligence and propaganda activities have an impact on the course of
Greco-Turkish War between 1919-1922? 3. To what extent did the activities and reports of

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the British intelligence services affect the British decision-makers and shaped their
policies towards Turkey and Greece in the period between 1919-1923?

Yusuf Ali Ozkan: The British Intelligence in the Gallipoli Campaign 1914-1916:
Intelligence and Counterintelligence (CI) activities from Preparations to the Evacuation

The Gallipoli Campaign 1914-1916, which was a disaster for the British and a victory for the
Ottomans, has been researched by the scholars for decades. However, studies and books
have particularly concentrated on the perspective of military history and the politics;
therefore the intelligence dimension of the Gallipoli has not been studied yet properly. The
aim of this research is to explore British intelligence and counterintelligence activities
before and during the Gallipoli Campaign. The outline of the study is designed
chronologically and research data will be collected from primary sources, such as archival
materials, diaries, memoirs, and testimonies of POW, and secondary sources in English and
Turkish. It is planned that during the research, British (mainly), Turkish, Australian, and US
archives will be exploited. Currently, the literature review and preliminary research of
British archives are being conducted. With this study, intelligence activities in the Gallipoli
Campaign and the role of these activities on the Allied failure will be understood.

Throughout the study following research questions will be attempted to be answered;

• What were the British intelligence and CI activities before and during the campaign?
• To what extent British was aware the activities of Ottomans behind the frontline and
in the Istanbul (Constantinople) regards to the campaign?
• Could British learn implications of the battles and developments in the campaign on
the neutral – particularly Balkan – states?
• How was information collected and analysed? What were the information gathering
sources?
• How was the organisational side of the British intelligence before and during the campaign?
• How British produced and kept intelligence records? Were they accurate?
• How intelligence shaped decisions of the leaders and commanders in the field or in London?
• How Ottoman intelligence and CI activities affected the British intelligence and operations?
• What was the impact of British intelligence activities on the Gallipoli Campaign? Was it an
intelligence failure or not?

Harun Muratogullari, The impact assessment of party laws on minor political parties
in Turkey

“Parties are born, parties live and parties die.” (Pedersen, 1982) Political parties can be
universally studied within a continuum of certain legal thresholds to pass. Leaving aside the
research motivations (intro), the conceptual backbones of the term minor party (lit.rev.) and the
methodical foundations-which were the prevailing themes of the previous years’ presentations-
this presentation rather aims to put forth one of the analyses of the research for consideration.
The presentation will deal with the question of how difficult it is in Turkey

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for a political organization to register as a political party (1-the threshold of registration, TR)
and a political party to participate in elections (2-the threshold of authorization, TA). To this
end, I have carried out a qualitative analysis of seventeen in-depth interviews with minor
party (15) and major party (2) leaders. About the TR, it has been found that the easiness of
the party formation in Turkey gives rise to a loose conceptualization of political party in
political elites’ viewpoints. That level of easiness of the registration regime seems to lead
political elites to conceive the party formation as the very first platform/stage of forming a
new political group with the entry decision of a small group of neophyte politicians. This
makes possible embryonic party formations in which the functions of organizing/mobilizing
citizens appear to become a post -registration matter. Regarding the participation
requirements, the data suggested that only few Turkish minor parties comfortably pass the
TA owing to their geographically dispersed and stable organizations. The study at the end
developed a new taxonomy of Turkish electoral parties: (1) those which pass the TA by
permanent and active local organizations (genuine electoral parties), (2) those which pass
the TA by short-lived and less active or inactive local organizations (manufactured-temporary
electoral parties), (3) those which do not pass the TA at all due to the lack of local
organizations (non-electoral parties).

Rhevy A Putra: Financing Political Parties in New Democracy Setting

The issue of equality and efficiency in party finance has become two main themes in debate
of party finance. The former is related to the demand side which is defined as the extent to
which party is able to benefit from the money they spend during elections, while the latter is
related to the supply side which is defined as to which funding mechanism party adopts so
that it can possibly obtain a sufficient fund related to its need. Even though there is extensive
literature discussing these issues in a context of established democracy, there is still a lack of
understanding concerning the effectivity of party finance in a context of emerging
democracy. In particular, this is related to the issue of clientelism which has been a general
issue of new democracy countries. Inggrid van Biezen (2000) argues that in relatively new
democracy countries, as has been showed in Spain and Portugal, political parties will be
heavily depended on public funding due to their lack of capacity to generate income. This to
some extent, she further argues, will eventually create a clientelistic relationship between
parties and state (van Biezen, 2000, p. 336). Indonesian case however indicates a different
path from what has been found by van Biezen. Political parties in Indonesia started their
democratic era by continuing the existence of special interest groups within its party system
and from this point parties then form clientelistic relations to the state (Robison and Hadiz,
2004; Hadiz and Robison, 2013). Unlike any new democracy countries which has been
highlighted by van Biezen, new political parties that emerged in Indonesia after 1998 are
mostly have their own connections and financial donors which make them relatively
independent from the state. When the regime changes, the financial actors which play
behind the political parties are relatively the same. Robison & Hadiz (2004) points out that
most of Chinese business groups adjusted to new set of democracy rules by giving some
space for the rise of political reformers but still nurtures their interest through patron-client
mechanism. “Political parties have been less a vehicle to advocate contending policy agendas
than machines for the capture of the terminals of patronage” (Robison and Hadiz, 2004, p.
232). Taking this as point of departure, political parties in Indonesia then use the notion of
public funding to enhance their clientelistic relationship with the state. Therefore,

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in order to grasp the issues further, this research ai ms to investigate the relationship
between the notions of efficiency and equity in respect of party finance in a context of new
democracy setting by using study case of Indonesia. As this research proposes two sides of
empirical analysis on party finance, the methodology used will be twofold as well. In order
to investigate the question of equity this research will start its analysis by explaining the
influence of money on party performance by using multilinear regression analysis. This
study will use vote share as the endogenous variable to count the composition of votes
gained by a candidate comparing to other candidates. Vote share is chose since this
variable is expected to captures both the ability of candidates to mobilize people and win
vote for them (Pattie, Johnston and Fieldhouse, 1995). Vote share is measured as
percentage of the electorate from each constituency. In 2014 elections, there were 77
constituencies for DPR (Members of Parliament in national level) election, 259
constituencies for Provi ncial DPRD (Members of Parliament in provincial level) election,
and 2102 constituencies for District DPRD (Members of Parliament in district level) election.
There were 12 parties which consist of 6,601 candidates to compete for 560 seats in
national level, estimated number of 21,756 candidates for 2,112 seats in provincial level,
and estimated number of 176,568 candidates for 16,895 seats in district level. In addition,
there were 33 constituencies for DPD (Senate) election which consist of 945 candidates
who compete for 132 seats. This research will use election data set from 2014 election
which will be mainly gathered from Electoral Commission in Indonesia. On the efficiency
side this research will adopt semi-structure interviews method for gathering additional
data. Literature suggests that empirical evidence from equity analysis can be a basis
analysis to investigate the necessity of public/state funding complement party funding
mechanism (Fisher, 1999, 2000, 2002). Nevertheless, this research intends to understand
the problem deeper by investigating the motives of political elites when they choose to
accept or to deny public funding, particularly in relation to the issue of clientelism. To this
end, this research will interview some political leading figures in Indonesia including from
the Minister of Home Affairs, speakers of The House of Representative (DPR) and also elites
of ten leading parties in the House of Representative (including Democrat Party; Golkar
Party; Indonesian Democratic Party of Stru ggle; Prosperous Justice Party; National
Mandate Party; United Development Party; National Awakening Party; Great Indonesia
Movement Party; People Conscience Party; National Democrat Party).

Erdem Guven: From military to civil means of pacification: A class-based view to

securitization in post-1980 Turkey

The intellectual explanations of the changing state-society relations in post-1980 Turkey are
overwhelmed by liberal and institutionalist accounts that commonly confine the problem of
security to the “political autonomy of the military”, the socio-historical meaning and impacts of
whose political interventions are considered solely in terms of its aim to maximize its own
interests and power. By grasping the process in terms of its dialectical relation with the
changing shifts in capital accumulation and class power, this paper offers an alternative
framework that problematizes security post-1980 as part of a ‘pacification’ project. It simply
suggests that by the 1980 military coup onwards pacification emerges as the comprehensive
foundation of the new hegemonic set of strategies that accompanies the restructuring of the
state and the whole social formation. In this light, it makes two further claims departing from

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the 1980s through to the 2000s. First, in contrast to the liberal and institutionalist accounts,
a division of labour could be observed between the military and civil means of leading the
neoliberalization project. As liberal parliamentary politics lacked the institutional ability to
produce hegemonic consent for wider segments of social classes and groups, the military
filled the gap of political leadership by increasing its weight in politics. It follows from this
that, insofar as class relations have been successfully administered by parliamentary
politics, the leverage of the military has been restricted. Second, once they were
implemented as part of the neoliberal institutionalization of the state, policies of
civilianization have been followed by the draconian reinforcement of police powers.
Ultimately, through the lens of pacification the changing shifts in the administrative
apparatus, particularly those pertaining to police and security, could be seen as indicative of
the form of the state intervention in economic and political crises of neoliberal capitalism.

Mohamed Majothi: Propaganda as a Police Intelligence Function? – Directorate of

Intelligence 1919-1921.

After World War One, with the British Government’s wartime propaganda machinery now
dismantled, the Metropolitan Police Special Branch, rebranded in 1919 as the Directorate of
Intelligence was given an independent but unsolicited anti-Bolshevik propaganda role. How
the unit’s Director, Sir Basil Thomson discharged this particular government requirement
has largely been unexamined. But what little there is in literature refers to events that
suggest underhanded practices, giving a largely negative view of Thomson. However, by
framing ‘propaganda’ as it was understood at the time, the presentation will offer a
different perspective. As Thomson’s wish for an updated anti -sedition law was not granted,
his anti-Bolshevik propaganda activity, ostensibly against the positive publicity given to this
foreign ideology by the Daily Herald, ventured towards breaching the acceptable but was
not illegal. His one known facilitation of propaganda abroad was deceitful, but within
contemporary norms as it was directed at the Russian domestic arena. Additionally, it will
be argued that Thomson’s dispersal of anti-Bolshevik propaganda for the domestic
audience, through ‘friendly’ papers aligned to Conservative Party, was working against the
Liberal Prime Minister Lloyd George’s policy of rapprochement with the Soviets through
trade. Hence, the Prime Minister attempted to curtail Thomson’s independence by bringing
him under the supervision of the Commissioner of Police. This proposition not accepted by
Thomson, leading to his constructive dismissal through inducement of a resignation in
exchange of a favourable pension.

Iain Farquharson: The Triumph of ignorance? Army Higher Educational Policy in the
Interwar period

Much of the historiography of the interwar British army focused on the tech nological and
doctrinal developments that occurred. More recently, historians such as David French, J.P.
Harris, Brian Bond and Brian Holden Reid have demonstrated that it was governmental
parsimony which held back military developments throughout this per iod. Whilst

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fundamentally correct, in relation of certain aspects of interwar military policy, this view
requires revision. This paper will examine one of these aspects where this prevailing view of
financial parsimony holding back the army is not applicable and instead, senior officers acted
as a bar to progress and reform, through the Army Council’s approach to officer higher
education. This paper will argue that throughout the interwar period, the British army failed to
adequately reform the process of staff training despite seven clear opportunities to do so. It will
argue that far from being motivated by fiscal concerns, this failure to reform was due to the
entrenched reactionary ideas of the Military Members of the Army Council. By briefly examining
the seven missed opportunities for reform, this talk will demonstrate that the higher education
of army officers was not a high priority for the War Office or the Army Council. Examination
of these committees will show how the only one to be successful was not under the purview
of the army and did not directly impact army staff training. It will also demonstrate that by
1939, examinations of this issue did begin to advocate those changes previously put forward
in the mid-1920s. However by this point it was too late for them to influence the course of
staff training before the outbreak of war in 1939. Ultimately it will conclude that efforts for
the reform of staff education were hampered by reactionary and conservative attitudes
towards reform.

Lars Borg: Impact of the use of SAT methodology on analytical confidence in estimative
intelligence analysis

The essence of intelligence is to reduce ambiguity for decision makers by providing

understanding. Contemporary armed conflicts present an intelligence challenge since not
only do they contain secrets and mysteries but complexities as well. Impaired by a historical
preference for intuitive reasoning and methodological inertia, the intelligence community
has often failed to reveal and understand the complexities inherent in these conflicts, let
alone forecast future developments. Key reasons are that inductive reasoning and the biases
derived from heuristics tend to lead to faulty judgements. A mitigating solution is to make
use of a comprehensive intelligence analysis methodology, one that combines collaborative
use of SAT (structured analytic techniques), creativity, critical thinking, and sensemaking, in
order to harness intuition and reduce biases. Even though this structured methodology
cannot prevent all intelligence failures, it will, however, ensure objectivity, traceability, and
integrity, and thereby helps reducing decision makers’ ambiguity by making uncertain
estimates less uncertain.

Naveen Abdalla: Requirements, Priorities, and Mandates: An Examination of the US

Requirements and Priorities Process and Its Influences on the Outcome of National Security
and Foreign Policy Events.

Government commissions in the US have consistently accused the intelligence community

(IC) of failure to provide early warning of escalating mass social movements. However, closer
inspection shows that the IC successfully provides timely and actionable estimates when it is
directed to do so. Why are these accusations consistently levied? It is argued that the root
cause of these failures is a malfunction in the Requirements and Priorities (R&P) process,
which occurs at the nexus of the intelligence and policy communities. A failure at any stage

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in this process can result in a misalignment of decision maker needs to intelligence
capabilities.

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