International Institutions
David J. Galbreath
Insert Table 1
Galbreath IO chapter 6
The League of Nations is most remembered for its failure to prevent the
Second World War. However, the League of Nations had beneficial influence on
many areas of potential conflict that has largely gone unnoticed except by scholars of
international institutions. Several cases are worth mentioning. After the First World
War, Austria and Hungary were committed by the Treaty of Versailles (passed by the
first act of the League of Nations in 1920) to substantial reparations to the victors of
the war. The financial stress of the reparations was forcing both states into
bankruptcy. However, the League stepped into the crisis by arranging financial loans,
preventing economic meltdown. Second, the League stepped into the dispute between
the newly established states of Yugoslavia and Albania. After the war, Yugoslav
troops still held Albanian territory. The League organised a withdrawal of Yugoslav
troops by 1921. Ironically, the United Nations would find itself in the same region
approximately eighty years later for similar reasons. Finally, the League resolved a
conflict between the new states of Turkey and the UK-mandated Iraq, regarding the
city of Mosul. Formerly a part of the Ottoman Empire, Mosul was claimed by the
empire’s successor state, Turkey. The British claimed Mosul for the new Iraq. The
League sided with the British and Iraqis, claiming protection of the Kurdish
autonomy. By 1926, all parties agreed to the settlement. Nevertheless, the Kurdish
struggle for a Kurdish state in Turkey and northern Iraq haunts the region to this day.
In these events, and many more, the League of Nations illustrated an ability to
mediate between opposing forces. The League used observer missions, peace-keepers
and diplomatic bargaining to encourage compliance. These are the same mechanisms
now used by many international institutions, but especially the United Nations.
Although aimed at conflict prevention, the League of Nations could not stop
the rise of a belligerent Germany, Italy and Japan. The failure of the League to act in
the case of Japan’s invasion of Chinese Manchuria in 1933 or the German invasion of
Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1939 spelled the end of the organization. The
organization was also not helped by the West’s disinterest in the League. The United
States Senate did not ratify the Treaty of Versailles which would have brought it into
the League and the UK and France preferred to work outside the confines of the
organization. Eventually, the Second World War would wash away the League of
Nations, although it officially lasted until 1946. Like the Napoleonic Wars and the
First World War begot both the Congress of Vienna and League of Nations
respectively, the Second World War produced the United Nations, which would face
even greater challenges to international peace and security.
Again, after a major conflict the victors sat down to create a post-conflict
arrangement with the hopes of avoiding future wars. This time, the soon-to-be victors
met at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference in Washington, D.C to establish a new
international institution. From April to June 1945, fifty states met in San Francisco at
the United Nations International Conference to discuss the Dumbarton Oaks
recommendations. The result was the establishment of the United Nations and the
creation of the UN Charter. The charter sets out four core aims:
These are similar aims to the League of Nations, but UN has been able to do far more.
At the same time, the new organization would also have its restrictions, but this time
by the new global conflict in the international system: the Cold War.
The UN in many ways looked like the League: a secretariat, a council and an
assembly, as well as a plethora of other councils and commissions. Importantly, the
core institutions within the UN were located in New York. Some parts of the UN are
located elsewhere, such as the WHO which is still located in Geneva as a remnant of
the League. Table 1 illustrates the structure of the United Nations. The United Nations
is composed of six principal organs: Secretariat, General Assembly, Security Council,
Economic and Social Council, the International Court of Justice and the Trusteeship
Council. The Secretariat is the bureaucracy of the UN and is headed by the Secretary-
General, currently Ban Ki-Moon (2007- ) from South Korea (see Gordenker 2005).
The Secretary-General is not only the director of the UN Secretariat and the UN in
general, but is also chair of the UN Security Council. The Secretariat has nearly 9000
employs from over 170 member-states. The General Assembly has representatives
from every member-state, 192 at the latest (see Peterson 2005). The General
Assembly is able to pass resolutions affecting UN policies. There are also several
bodies established under the General Assembly, such as the Human Rights Council
(see Mertus 2005). The Security Council is the most visible organ in the United
Nations for two reasons (Luck 2006). First, the international politics are often played
out in the Security Council, as seen in the led-up to the US-led invasion of Iraq
(2003). Second, the Security Council is the only body that can give the UN the
mandate to intervene in a military dispute and to permit UN peacekeepers.
The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) looks at the international
aspects of economic and social issues. The council has 42 seats voted for by the
General Assembly and allocated by geographic region. Through this forum, ECOSOC
is able to make policy recommendations to other parts of the UN. ECOSOC
coordinates several high profile, autonomous specialized agencies, including the
WHO, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the
ILO. The International Court of Justice (not to be confused with the International
Criminal Court) has 15 judges that need to be approved by both the General Assembly
and the Security Council. The ICJ’s role is to settle any legal disputes brought to it by
member-states and to issue legal advisory opinions when requested by other UN
agencies. The first case brought to the ICJ was the Corfu Channel case (United
Kingdom v. Albania) submitted on 22 May 1947. At the time of writing, there have
been 136 cases brought to the ICJ’s attention. Finally, the UN Trusteeship Council
was established to oversee decolonialization. Colonies would be placed in the hands
of the Trusteeship Council, who would oversee the establishment of state institutions.
Following the independence of Palau (southern Pacific Ocean) in 1994, the
Trusteeship voted to suspend operations. The Trusteeship Council can be recalled by
a majority vote in the Security Council or General Assembly or by its five permanent
members (China, France, Russian Federation, UK and USA).
The UN also has a huge network of other agencies and commissions, such as
the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the Universal Postal
Union. These other agencies and commissions are collectively referred to as the ‘UN
system’. Overall, we can see a significant expansion of responsibilities and
infrastructure from the League of Nations to the United Nations. The UN is the largest
international institution in the world. The UN has the ability to intervene in armed
conflict, enforce resolutions through political, economic or military means, and even
to dissolve states and validate new ones. Like the ages before it, the Cold War shaped
Galbreath IO chapter 8
the world around it, including international institutions. As the largest and most
significant international institution since its creation, the United Nations strongly
affected. On one hand, the permanent seats on the Security Council helped keep the
Cold War from becoming a hot war. On the other hand, the permanent seats allowed
five nations to have a veto over UN actions, making the UN less effective and less
responsive in many cases. As we shall see with many international institutions, the
UN is ever changing, although not as fast as some would like. Reform in the UN is
difficult because many member-states have an interest in maintaining the current
structure, for example, in the Security Council. While many parts of the UN are
moving on, the Security Council is still structured along the lines of 1945. How much
longer can this last?
Regional institutions
While there are many global international institutions in addition to those were
have highlighted already, such as World Trade Organization, we turn our attention
now to regional institutions. Students will find that in many cases, regional
institutions have a far greater impact on their every day life than does the UN, for
example. As Table 2 illustrates, every geographic region in the world has established
a regional institution, although there continue to be many states that stand outside
them. The table also shows that Europe is particularly heavily laden with regional
institutions, in many cases with overlapping functions. Other regions, such as Asia
and Africa, have fewer and weaker regional institutions. This section looks at
prominent regional organizations and asks why some regions are better ‘organized’
than others?
Europe has the longest tradition of organizing within international institutions,
shown by our conversation of the Congress of Vienna. Since the Second World War,
Europe has seen a significant growth in the number of institutions as well as a
proliferation of their functions. The EU is Europe’s most visible regional institution
and it has the widest remit in terms of functions. The road to the EU began with the
establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) in 1951. The
founding members were West Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and
Luxemburg. On the basis of the ECSC, the same countries came together in the
European Economic Community (later to be renamed the European Community in
1992) and the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM) in 1957 (Treaties
of Rome). Together, these communities became the European Communities in 1965
under the Merger Treaty. This merger established two of the core organs in the EU
today, the Commission and Council, to be joined by a democratically elected
European Parliament in 1971. Finally, the European Community became the EU with
the Treaty of Maastricht (or Treaty of the European Union) in 1992.
The EU that we have today is unlike any other international institution. Unlike
any other international institution, it has taken on the role of a super-state with a hand
in every area of public policy, from consumer safety to foreign policy. Importantly,
the EU still remains closely linked to its member-states and in particular France and
Germany. The current pillar system, created in 1992, established a procedure for
decision-making in different issue-areas. The first pillar corresponds to the original
purposes of the European Economic Community: the movement of people, money,
and trade. The remaining two pillars deal with foreign policy, security and policing,
where member-states, at the time or writing, maintain significant control over EU
policy. The second pillar deals with Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP)
and European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The third pillar deals with
Galbreath IO chapter 9
regional police issues, such as organized crime, corruption, and terrorism. Together,
the three pillars represent the breadth of issue areas dealt with by the EU.
Recently, the EU has experienced several major changes. Firstly, the failed
European Constitution would have increased the ‘state-like’ status of the EU. Current
negotiations over reviving the Constitutional Treaty primarily centre on debates
relating to proposed changes in the pillar structure. These changes would have seen an
end to the pillars system and increased decision-making power in the EU’s capital,
Brussels, vis-à-vis member-states. Secondly, the EU has gone through a large
expansion in 2004 and 2007. In all, ten new Central and Eastern European states and
2 Mediterranean states became members of the EU. These enlargements have changed
the political gravity of the EU. The degree to which this has happened is still to be
seen.
The EU’s predecessors were primarily focused on improving finance and
trade. Only relatively recently did the EU begin to delve into other policy areas, such
as human rights, democracy and social protection. However, the Council of Europe
(not to be confused with the EU’s European Council) was created in 1950 to address
these very issues. The founding members in Western Europe were Belgium,
Denmark, France, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and
the UK. Europe had seen the rise of authoritarianism that had brought the region to
war twice in the twentieth century. Where the European Communities were aimed at
rebuilding Europe, the Council of Europe was aimed at making sure that war and
genocide did not happen again. The Council of Europe’s basic instrument on which it
is based is the European Convention for Human Rights. The Council has a
Parliamentary Assembly (drawn from national parliaments), a Committee of Ministers
who represent each state, a Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Court
of Human Rights (not to be confused with the EU’s European Court of Justice). The
structure of the Council of Europe looks similar to what we have come to expect from
international institutions following our discussion of the League of Nations and UN.
Following the end of the Cold War, the Council of Europe also expanded to take in
more states to the East, including even the Russian Federation in 1996. Although the
EU has become an increasingly substantial actor with these issues, the Council of
Europe still remains an important voice for human rights and democracy.
The two prominent remaining European institutions are NATO and the OSCE.
NATO’s founding in 1949 was a response to perceived Soviet plans to expand into
Western Europe (see Lindley-French 2006). At the time of the founding, the Berlin
Airlift was underway following the land blockade of Berlin by Soviet troops.
Together with many states in Western Europe (except Ireland and Spain), the US and
Canada joining in a collective defence organization to defend against a Soviet threat.
Several years later, the Soviet Union and its allies came together in the so-called
Warsaw Pact. While NATO was created at the height of the Cold War, the early
incarnation of the OSCE, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe or
CSCE, was created at the height of the era known as Détente (Galbreath 2007). The
Western allies and the Soviets were on diplomatic speaking terms following the brink
of nuclear war otherwise known as the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1961. The countries of
NATO and the Warsaw Pact as well as neutral states came together to formulate a
document that would increase stability and cooperation in Europe. This document was
the Helsinki Final Act. The Final Act is divided into three areas of cooperation:
political-military, economic and environmental, and the ‘human dimension’. While
Détente did not last for long, the CSCE did although with limited impact.
Galbreath IO chapter 10
The end of the Cold War would change both NATO and the CSCE, although
perhaps not in the way many would have expected. NATO remains a collective
defence organization, although it has begun to operate ‘out-of-area’ in the case of
Afghanistan and to a limited extent in the Darfur region of Sudan, providing heavy-
lift logistics. On the other hand, the CSCE changed from the ‘Conference on’ to the
‘Organization for’ in 1994. No longer would the institution simply be an annual
summit, but instead developed a secretariat, council, and assembly, the classic
institutional structure we have come to recognise. In addition, the now OSCE
developed mechanisms of conflict prevention such as the Conflict Prevention Centre
and the High Commissioner on National Minorities. Both NATO and the OSCE
would expand to the East, with the former including several former Soviet republics
(the Baltic States) and the latter encompassing the entire former Soviet region.
If we look across the EU, Council of Europe, NATO and the OSCE, we can
see two things. The first is that Europe has become highly institutionalised unlike any
other region. The second point is that the further integration and enlargement of the
EU is encroaching more and more on the other organizations. Already another
European institution, the Western European Union, has been subsumed by the EU.
The EU now has security and defence mechanisms, focuses intensely on human rights
and democracy as well as finance and trade. Even more interesting, all of the EU
member-states are members of one or more of the other institutions. For instance, the
UK is a member- or participating-state (in the case of the OSCE) of all four
institutions. How much longer should we expect to have such significant functional
and membership overlaps in Europe?
As stated, no other region represents the complex institutional fabric of
Europe. Nevertheless, every region has institutions. North America is partially
integrated into the European institutions, with US and Canadian membership of
NATO and the OSCE, but it also has the North American Free Trade Act (NAFTA).
NAFTA was created in 1994 by the governments of Canada, the US and Mexico,
following an earlier free-trade agreement between the US and Canada in 1988 (see
Duina 2006). The aim of NAFTA has been to reduce barriers to trade between the
three states as well as protect intellectual copyright. NAFTA does not reflect the
structure of several of the other institutions that we have seen in so far in this chapter.
Instead, it is a multi-lateral treaty governed jointly by the three states. What makes
NAFTA more than a trade agreement and rather a regional institution worth
examining here is the subsidiary bodies of the North American Agreement on
Environmental Cooperation (NAAEC) and the North American Agreement on Labour
Cooperation (NAALC). Negotiators of agreement took into account two criticisms of
the negotiations. The first was that environmentally destructive companies would
simply leave Canada and the US, and move to Mexico. NAAEC was created to help
regulate this by-product of free trade. The second concern was that labour standards
would suffer and thus the NAALC was created. Both these organs have councils of
ministers as well as tri-national secretariats to support them. While other forms of
cooperation exist in North America, it is outside the confines of a regional institution.
Perhaps this is more a result of the limited number of member-states, as opposed to
Europe.
South American and Asian regional cooperation has been similar to the North
American experience. Both regions have developed major economic institutions:
Mercosur (Southern Common Market) and ASEAN respectively. Mercosur was born
out of the economic relations between Argentina and Brazil in the 1980s (see
Manzetti 1993; Carranza 2003). In 1991, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay
Galbreath IO chapter 11
Conclusion
International relations have increasingly organized itself around international
institutions. We can see this on the global level of the UN as well as the regional level
with the EU, ASEAN and the African Union. In some cases, member-states have
bequeathed their institutions functions so much so that they challenge the primacy of
the state. However, this phenomenon largely seems limited to Europe. In other
regional institutions, member-states still maintain considerable control over their own
politics. Nevertheless, by the very act of entering into an international institution,
member-states have agreed to be bound by certain constrains as a result of common
rules and procedures. When these rules and procedures no longer have an impact on
Galbreath IO chapter 12
the member-states, we have to wonder how much longer an institution could last.
Most importantly, international institutions are about serving states and in many cases
its citizens. International institutions have come to affect us in our every day life, to
the food we eat, the products we buy, the cars we drive and rights we have. For this
reason, international institutions will not disappear easily and deserve our continued
attention.
Ruchay, D. 1995. Living with water: Rhine River basin management. Water Science
and Technology 31:27-32.
Schimmelfennig, Frank. 2001. The Community Trap: Liberal Norms, Rhetorical
Action, and the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union. International
Organization 55 (1):47-80.
Scott, George. 1973. The Rise and Fall of the League of Nations. London:
Hutchinson.
Stein, Arthur A. 1990. Why Nations Cooperate: Circumstances and Choice in
International Relations. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.