RIOS, Fernando - Flute Indienne. The Early History of Andean Folkloric-Popular Music in France

FERNANDO RÍOS
La Flûte Indienne: The Early History of Andean

FolkloHc-Popular Music in France and its
Impact on Nueva Canción
ABSTRACT: This article chronicles the early history of Andean folkloric-popular music in France
and discusses its impact on the Nuevo Canción movement's emergence in 1960s Chile and recep-
tion in post-1973 Europe, I explain that Argentine artists from Buenos Aires introduced highland
Andean instruments and genres into Paris's artistic milieu, where Andean music became asso-
ciated with leftism well before the arrival of exiled Nuevo Canción artists,This article not only
documents yet another instance of nonindigenous (mis)representations of Amerindian musi-
cal traditions, but also reveals an early moment in the politicization of non-Westem music for Eu-
ropean mass markets that has been overlooked in World Beat scholarship. I argue that this case
study lends credence to Thomas Turino's general observation (2003) that transnational musical
processes usually viewed by scholars as cross-cultural interactions between the local and the global
can be often conceptualized more accurately as phenomena occurring within the some cosmo-
politan cultural formation. Rounding out this essay are some closing thoughts and a brief postlude,
• • •
Keywords: Andean music, Nueva Canción, Cosmopolitanism, Globalization, Latin American music
in France
RESUMO: Este articulo presenta una crónica de la historia temprana de la música andina
folklórica-popular en Francia, analizando su influencia en la aparición de Nueva Canción du-
rante la decada de los años 1960 en Chile y la recepción de este movimiento artístico después
de 1973 en Europa, Explico que músicos argentinos de Buenos Aires introdujeron géneros e
instrumentos andinos al ambiente artístico de Pans, donde la música andina llegó a ser asoci-
ada con el izquierdismo bien antes de la llegada de artistas exiliados del movimiento Nueva
Canción. Este artículo no sólo documenta como las tradiciones indígenas han sido represen-
tadas erróneamente sino también revela un momento temprano en la politización de la música
no-occidental para el mercado europeo que ha sido ignorado en la literatura sobre W o r l d
Beat Sostengo que este estudio presta crédito a la observación deThomas Turino (2003) que
procesos musicales transnacionales generalmente entendidos por analistas como interacciones
intercutturales entre lo local y lo global pueden ser conceptualizados con más precisión en mu-
chos casos como fenómenos que ocurren dentro de la misma cultura cosmopolita. Concluyo
este ensayo con algunas reflexiones.
• • •
Palavras chave: Música Andina, Nueva Canción, Cosmopolitanismo, Globalización, Música latino-
americana en Francia
Latín American Music Review, Volume 29, Number 2, Fall/Winter 2008

I 2008 by the University of Texas Press, P,O, Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819
146 • FERNANDO RÍOS
In late 1967, future Nueva Canción (New Song) superstars Quilapayún left
Moscow for Paris amid the news of Ernesto Che Guevara's execution in Bo-
livia, where the Argentine revolutionary had tried to spark the "next Viet-
nam."' Quilapayún, with a Mapuche name inspired by Guevara and Fidel
Castro's famous beards (Carrasco Pirard 1988, 9-10),^ arrived in France
with little fanfare. Hardly any Parisians had heard of the young Chilean
group. But South American folkloric-popular music^ "already was well-known
among French [university] students," recalled founder Eduardo Carrasco
Pirard, who also noted that his ensemble's "synthesis ofkena and revolution
had much success among our French friends who shared our political as-
pirations, wore beards, admired the Cuban Revolution and plotted against
international capitalism" (Ibid., 124-25; my emphases). Unbeknownst to
Quilapayún, who returned to Chile after a brief European stay, Paris was on
the cusp of an Andean^wte indienne (Indian flute) vogue. Emerging in the
context of Paris's May 1968 upheaval, this exoticist musical trend spread
throughout Western Europe in the next few years, aided by Paul Simon and
Art Garfunkel's 1970 hit single "El Condor Pasa" (If I Could) and Andean
music's growing international association with leftism. By 1973, when
Quilapayún and other Chilean Nueva Canción musicians began relocating
to Europe as political refugees of General Augusto Pinochet's right-wing
military regime, Andean folkloric-popular music had a well-established
market in Europe, particularly in France. This greatly facilitated the subse-
quent international success of many exiled Chilean musicians, an impor-
tant factor virtually ignored in the vast literature on the socially conscious
Nueva Canción movement."*
Addressing a lacuna in Latin Americanist scholarship, this article
chronicles the early history of Andean folkloric-popular music in France
and discusses its impact on Nueva Candón's birth in Chile and reception
in Europe. Based on fieldwork conducted in France, Bolivia, and Argentina,
I explain how highland Andean instruments and genres entered Paris's
artistic milieu in the 1950s and came to be highly identified with leftism in
the late 1960s and early 1970s. Contrary to what one might expect, artists
from Chile and/or the Andean countries (Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru) did not
play a key role in the initial diffusion of Andean music to Europe. Until the
1970s, Andean music folklorists based in Europe hailed mainly from met-
ropolitan Buenos Aires, Argentina, the so-called Paris of South America.
Their stylizaüons of indigenous' Andean expressive practices bore scant re-
semblance to rural Amerindian lifeways, not surprisingly. What is perhaps
surprising is the number of Bolivians, Ecuadorians and (to a lesser extent)
Peruvians who adopted this same type of folkloric-popular music as their
own traditions.
By elucidating Andean "Indian" music's initial commodification in Eu-
rope, this article lays historical groundwork useful for future research
The Early History of Andean Folkloric-Popular Music in France • 147
concerning the extent to which European receptiveness toward certain de-

pictions of Amerindian traditions has influenced Andean mestizo and in-
digenous musical practices. More generally, I hope to contribute to the body
of work informing theorizations of transnational cultural processes, espe-
cially studies that critically examine how cultural outsiders transform and
resignify non-cosmopolitan expressive practices to appeal to cosmopolitan
audiences, a key issue in recent musical globalization research (see Stokes
2004 for a literature review). This essay not only documents yet another in-
stance of nonindigenous (mis)representations of Amerindian musical tra-
ditions (see Pisani 2005 for the North American case) but also reveals
an early example of non-Western music's overt politicization for European
mass markets. This particular case has been surprisingly overlooked in
World Beat scholarship—though since the 1980s, many World Beat per-
formers have been similarly marketed as leftist political artists (see Turino
1998b, 95-98; Turino 2000, 337-39; Stokes 2004, 56-58), often by Paris-
based recording companies.
Thomas Turino (2003, 74) has asserted "the 'exotic' products inserted
into cosmopolitan loops [e.g., the World Beat market and its precursors]
usually do not come from outside the formation but rather are typically
produced by cosmopolitans themselves" (Turino mentions the careers of
Thomas Mapfumo, Carmen Miranda, Susana Baca, Ravi Shankar, and
Salif Keita as examples). His observation applies particularly well to the
case at hand. Indeed, the transnational story I chronicle here lends cre-
dence to Turino's argument that musical processes usually viewed by
scholars as cross-ciiltural interactions between the local and the global can
be often conceptualized more accurately as phenomena occurring within
the same cosmopolitan cultural formation. To rethink local-global dialectics
as (instead) intracultural cosmopolitan processes requires a precise defini-
tion of cosmopolitanism. In Turino's conceptualization—which I will use
exclusively throughout this essay—cosmopolitanism is a specific type of
transnational cultural formation whose dominant form today is modernist
capitalism. This particular cosmopolitan formation is typically construed
as "global culture" in the mass media. Rival cosmopolitan formations in-
clude modernist-socialism and fundamentalist-Islamic (Ibid.; see also
Turino 2000). Unique to cosmopolitanism when compared to other gen-
eral types of transnational cultural formations (e.g., diasporas, immigrant
communities), the "ideas, practices and technologies of a given cosmopol-
itan formation travel through communication loops independently binding
people culturally who are not, otherwise, related by location or heritage" (Turino
2003, 62; my emphasis), such as the Paris-based South American and
Erench musicians I discuss here. These cosmopolitan folklorists, like their
North American and British folk revivalist counterparts (and revivalists of
other traditions; see Livingston 1999), had much in common with many
audience members in multiple locales worldwide (e.g., musical aesthetics,

social values) stemming from the similar experience of early socialization
into the same transnational cultural formation, modernist-capitalist cos-
mopolitanism, in one of its localized variants (Buenos Aires, Santiago,
Paris, etc.). Ambivalence toward so-called modern life led them to embrace
"the traditional" as constructed by modernity discourse. Yet, like most folk-
lorists worldwide, these musicians remained modernist-cosmopolitans at
heart. This allowed them to move around easily and comfortably in mod-
ernist-cosmopolitan circles located in dispersed sites. Having far more in
common culturally with their European fans than v^dth non-cosmopolitan
indigenous Andeans,^ Paris-based groups were well positioned to entertain
their core audience with music and imagery that evoked rural highland vil-
lages most of the musicians had never even visited.
The Music of the Andes Comes to Paris from Buenos Aires

Paul Simon and Art Garfunkel's "El Condor Pasa" (If I Could) single intro-
duced many North Americans to Los Incas, who accompanied the duo on
this 1970 release and, a few years later, toured with Simon as Urubamba.
Before these collaborations took place, however, Los Incas—Paris's first
Andean folkloric-popular music ensemble—already had garnered recogni-
tion in France. By 1970, the group had recorded several albums, appeared
on a film soundtrack and played at the famed Olympia theater.
From Buenos Aires, Carlos Ben-Pott and Ricardo Caleazzi were the
Andean instrument specialists of the pioneering Los Incas. Argentina's
European-fiavored port city would appear an unlikely place of origin for high-
land Andean music performers. In Buenos Aires, though, folklorists had
been playing rural Andean camavalitos (Argentine term for the huayño),^
baileàtos (a zamacueca-variant very similar to the Bolivian cueca) ^ and ya-
ravis (a slow tempo genre which alternates between | and % meter; also
called triste) since at least the 1920s. These Andean mestizo genres (mainly
identified with Bolivia and Peru) occupied a niche, albeit a small one, in
Argentine folkloric-popular music repertory as "Music of the North" in ref-
erence to the remote Andean region that borders southern Bolivia (the
northwest Argentine provinces of Salta and Jujuy)—a far cry from the
cafés of Buenos Aires and the grassy expanse of the pampas that usually
represent Argentina's national image.'°
Lured by Buenos Aires's overall prestige and its folkloric music scene, a
number of modernist-cosmopolitan Peruvian and Bolivian artists made the
long journey to the Argentine capital in the early to middle twentieth cen-
tury. Most stopped only briefly, such as Peruvian indigenista^^ leading figure
Luis Valcárcel and his Misión Peruana de Arte Incaico (Peruvian Mission of
Incan Art) in 1923 (Mendoza 2004) and, almost two decades later, Moisés
Vivanco's Compañia Folklórica Peruana starring his wife, the coloratura-
esque soprano Yma Sumac (Zoila Augusta Emperatriz Chávarri del Castillo),
advertised in truly sensationalist fashion as an "Inca princess."^•^ Several
popular urban Bolivian folklorists came for short stays in the 1940s, pri-
marily to make recordings (Bolivia's first record company. Discos Méndez,
would not appear until 1949), including the female duos Las Kantutas
(named after Bolivia's national flower) and Las Hermanas Tejada (The
Tejada Sisters), string ensembles Los Sumac Waynas (Quechua for "The
Good Looking Guys") and estudiantina Huiñay Inti (Aymará for "Eternal
Sun"), and solo vocalists Yola Riveros (who later joined Vivanco and Yma
Sumac's folkloric company as Gholita Riveros) and Pepa Cardona, whose
stage name was La iQiosinaira (Aymará for "The Green-Eyed Girl").
Among the few Bolivian folklorists who settled in Buenos Aires in the
1940s were multi-instrumentalist Eabián Elores—who adopted his Inca
emperor pseudonym "Tito Yupanqui" in Argentina where he studied
plastic arts on a scholarship—and charango players Tito Veliz, Rigoberto
Tarateño Rojas, and Mauro Nunez. Also a painter and sculptor, Nunez
had originally traveled to Buenos Aires as part of Vivanco's folkloric troupe
in 1942. Rather than continue with the group on its international tour,
he chose to stay in the Argentine capital, as did fellow Compañia Folk-
lórica Peruana member Antonio Pantoja, a Peruvian kena soloist from
Ayacucho. Nunez (later known for his "charango etudes" and other West-
ern art music-inspired folkloric innovations) and Pantoja each crafted
virtuosic solo arrangements for their main instrument of Virgenes del
Sol (Virgins of the Sun), the Peruvian indigenista-era. "Incan fox trot"'^ that
had served as Yma Sumac's trademark showpiece. Argentines expected ex-
oticist Incan imagery from Andean folklorists. Alberto Ruiz Lavadenz of
Bolivia was perhaps the first Buenos Aires-based Andean musican to
exploit this niche successfully. Throughout the 1930s, Ruiz Lavadenz and
his ad hoc group Lira Incaica (Incan Lyra) performed on a regular basis
in Buenos Aires and recorded many times for the local branch of RCA Vic-
tor.^' Ruiz Lavadenz's nonindigenous background, noted by the RCA Vic-
tor journalist who interviewed him, did not prevent Argentine record
critics from accepting the authenticity of Lira Incaica's stylized renditions
of rural indigenous Andean highland music—e.g., "Song of the Uama
Herder" (Rios 2005).
Despite the presence of Peruvian and especially Bolivian musicians in
Buenos Aires, by far the best known ensemble that interpreted the music of
the Andes in this metropolitan milieu during the 1940s and 1950s was the
Argentine group Los Hermanos Abalos. This famous ensemble directly in-
fluenced Paris's Los Incas. The Abalos brothers, of elite background, operated
the nativistic music venue Peña Achalay Huasi (Quechua for "Beautiful
House")/'' which catered to upscale clientele in Buenos Aires's exclusive
Barrio Norte neighborhood. At this locale, and on widely issued recordings,
Los Hermanos Ábalos played Andean genres with a kena, charango, guitar,
and bombo drum.^^ This mixed-instrument configuration, later canonized
as the preeminent lineup worldwide for Andean folkloric-popular music en-
sembles (usually known as conjuntos), was novel at the time in Argentina,
Chile, and the Andean countries. For Los Hermanos Ábalos's Andean num-
bers (only part ofthe group's total repertory), the siblings played their own
works, such as "Bailecito Quenero" (Bailecito for the Kena) and "Camavalito
Quebradeño" (Camavalito ofthe Mountain Pass), and compositions by other
authors, including the yaraví "Dos Palomitas" (Two Little Doves)'^ and Ruiz
Lavadenz's huayño "Hasta Otro Día" (Until Another Day) (Victor Ábalos,
p,c,; Los Grandes del Folklore: Los Hermanos Ábalos 1991),
Paris's Los Incas adopted Los Hermanos Ábalos's Ándean conjunto format
as well as much of their "northern" repertory, mainly learned from record-
ings. Circa 1955 kena soloist Carlos Ben-Pott and charango player Ricardo
Galeazzi (who also played 2nd kena) of Argentina formed Los Incas in Paris
with Venezuelans Elio Riveros and Narciso Debourg, both of whom played
guitar, percussion and sang lead vocals (Carlos Ben-Pott, p,c,). The group
had little in common with rural indigenous Andean highland ensembles
(e.g,, panpipe tropas [consorts]) in terms of instrumentation, repertory, aes-
thetics, performance contexts, etc,^° Los Incas, like Los Hermanos Ábalos
and modernist-cosmopolitan folklorists in general, throughout their career
modified non-cosmopolitan rural musical tradifions to appeal to middle and
upper-class urban audiences, using standard folkloric performance prac-
tices not typical of Andean indigenous highland communities (e,g,, equal
temperment tuning versus fiexible intonation, clear instrumental timbre
instead of dense tone quality, presentational approach rather than participa-
tory ethos),^^ In addition, rather than specializing in a single community's
repertory/style as is customary in the rural Andes, Los Incas interpreted dis-
parate expressive practices, including wind instrument tropa pieces from
highland Andean villages (e.g., indigenous kantus panpipe repertory from
the Lake Titicaca region) and non-Andean genres from lowland tropical re-
gions (e,g,, mestizo taquiraris from the Eastern Bolivian Department of
Santa Cruz),
The members of Los Incas first began playing Andean music in Paris —
not in South America—while jamming at a Left Bank locale named L'Escale
(The Stopover), The Parra family's dissatisfaction with L'Escale would infiu-
ence their decision to found politically oriented music venues in Chile (see
below), L'Escale, near the Sorbonne University in the bohemian Quartier
Latine, where intimate clubs predominated (unlike the large establishments
The Early History of Andean Folkloric-Popular Music in Erance • 151
of the Right Bank), had an ambience that could best be described as infor-
mal. Argentine musician and painter Carlos Cáceres (a charanguista on oc-
casion) remembered that in the 1950s, "there were people who played the
guitar very badly, who sang poorly. It was a lot of fun" (p.c.).^^ L'Escale's
owner, a motherly figure from Marseille knov^Ti simply as Madame Louise,
encouraged Latin American students, visual artists, and amateur musicians
to bring their guitars and songs to her cozy spot, where a large map of the
Americas hung in the backdrop.
Los Incas founder Carlos Ben-Pott started spending time at L'Escale after
befriending Cáceres. Ben-Pott, an aspiring painter with a scholarship to
study visual art in Paris, had cycled liis way to France from Finland after
competing in the 1952 Helsinki Olympics on the Argentine yacht team. He
had dabbled in Dixieland jazz on the clarinet back home in Buenos Aires.
This music seemed out of place at L'Escale, so he switched to the kena, sent
from Argentina by relatives, and began playing South American folkloric
tunes with Galeazzi (who also played bass in a jazz duo),^^ Debourg (later
known as a painter) and Riveros. Circa 1955, classically trained Uruguayan
choreographer and dancer Paul Darnaud approached Ben-Pott, looking for
someone to provide background music for his upcoming Latin American
dance recital at La Salle Pleyel. Ben-Pott was overwhelmed: "La Salle Pleyel
for us! Jumping from L'Escale to La Salle Pleyel, caramba, carambal What a
big jump!" Darnaud asked Ben-Pott soon afterwards, "I'm making the
posters [for the concert], what's the name of your group?... I want some-
thing [that sounds] 'South American.'" Exhausted after a long night at
L'Escale, Ben-Pott muttered, "I don't know, um, Los Incas!" Though his
bandmates initially disliked calling themselves Los Incas, since none of
them had been born or raised in the Andes, Darnaud hastily ordered the
recital posters with the new name, which the group never ended up chang-
ing (Carlos Ben-Pott, p.c.).
The La Salle Pleyel recital was Los Incas' big break. French music indus-
try impresario Jacques Canetti attended this concert and offered them the
opportunity to record Chants et Danses D'Amérique Latine (Songs and Dances
of Latin America). This 1956 LP, Los Incas' first recording, mainly presented
standard northern Argentine folkloric repertoire, such as the yaraví "Dos
Palomitas," bailecito "Viva Jujuy" (Long Live Jujuy), cueca "La Boliviana"
(The Bolivian)^"* and the Abalos brothers' "Carnavalito Quebradeño" and
"Bailecito Quenero." This album also included some non-Andean selec-
tions (e.g., Venezuelan joro|JO, Cuban guafira). With Canetti as their agent,
Los Incas promoted this recording while touring France, Belgium, and
Switzerland. In Monaco, they actually performed at Grace Kelly's wedding
to Prince Rainier in 1956 (Carlos Ben-Pott, p.c.). For the next ten years, Los
Incas would keep their status as France's best-known Andean music group.
152 • FERNANDO RrOS
Fun Latín American Music: French "Latín" Songs and El Humahuaqueño

Los Incas' recording debut occurred at an opportune moment. Latin Amer-
ican music and imagery captivated Erench audiences in 1956. The fourth-
highest-grossing film this year was the musical Le Chanteur de Mexico
(The Mexican Singer; Powrie 2003,101). Latin-themed singles with Erench
lyrics rose to the top of the charts, such as Line Renaud's "Le Tango de
L'Éléphant" (with elephant noises played on a tuba!) and "Mambo Italiano,"
Dario Moreno's "La Eête Brésilienne" (Brazilian Party), Jacqueline Francois's
"Samba Eantastique," and Gloria Lasso's "Amour Castagnettes et Tango,"
which juxtaposed Spanish flamenco with Argentine tango^' (Leseur
1999, 26-27).
As the above song titles suggest, the French primarily associated Latin
American music with fun times (rather than with leftism, as happened later)
in the 1950s. L'Escale profited from this music's escapist appeal and began
to draw in celebrities such as Brigitte Bardot, who was fond of singing with
Los Incas. She befriended member Narciso Debourg and, in the early 1960s,
recorded the guabina "El Cuchipe," whose hemiola cross-rhythms (I and |)
probably made this Andean Colombian genre sound like Mexican music to
Erench ears. The superstar model and actress also frequented La Cande-
laria, another Latin American music venue, located down the street from
L'Escale. She attracted much clientele to La Candelaria, reminisced owner
Miguel Arocena (p.c.), "newspaper reporters were always calling to see if
Bardot was coming." At this time (early 1960s), Paris's premier Latin
American music group was Los Machucambos,^"^ whose cha-cha-cha single
"Pepito, Mi Corazón" (Pepe, My Love) topped the charts for seven monüis
in 1961 (Leseur 1999, 43-44).
Amidst the swirl of lighthearted Latin American music, many Parisians
enjoyed the infectious strains of "El Humahuaqueño," the first Andean tune
to become a popular song in Europe. This camavalito, by Buenos Aires
composer and tango guitarist Edmundo Zaldivar, described through its
lyrics an Andean carnival fiesta in Humahuaca, located in the Argentine
province of Jujuy not far from the Bolivian border. The Paris-based Los
Cuaranis (a Paraguayan group founded in Argentina) had introduced "El
Humahuaqueño" to European audiences in the early i95os.^^ Argentine folk-
loric singers Leda y Maria (specialists in northern repertoire)^^ also per-
formed it in Paris, as did Los Incas and Los Machucambos. Cover versions of
"El Humahuaqueño" soon appeared in Europe. Lyricist Jacques Plante's pop-
ular setting, "A Festival of Flowers" (La Fête des Fleurs), appeared on jazzy
singles by Tino Rossi, Yvette Giraud, Jacques Helian, Armand Mestral, and
other French singers in the 1950s. A number of Swedish musicians re-
corded danceable "El Humahuaqueño" fox-trots and "rumbas"^^ under the
title of "Kiss Me on Monday" (Kyss Mig Pa Mandag; Van der Lee 1997a,
26-27, 43). The lyrics of these cover versions bore little resemblance to
those of the original song. Europe-based musicians rarely created literal
translations of Andean texts. In the late 1960s and 1970s, Andean compo-
sitions would be set to politicized lyrics (e.g., the classic Peruvian Incan
fox-trot "Virgenes del Sol" in the new French version "Libertad"). But this
was not the case in the 1950s and early 1960s, when folkloric-popular music
with political subject matter had yet to become fashionable in Europe.
From France to Chile: Andean Folkloric-Popular Music,

Latin Americanism and Early Nueva Canción
Latin American musicians working in Paris steered clear of politicized
repertory in the 1950s and early 1960s. Violeta Parra of Chile was among
the few exceptions. A Communist Party member. Parra came to Europe for
the 1955 Warsaw International Youth Festival and, soon after, landed a solo
gig in Paris at L'Escale (Sáez 1999, 77-87). There, Nueva Candón's inspira-
tional figure encountered Andean folkloric-popular music—most likely
for the first time—listening to Carlos Ben-Pott and his Los Incas band
mates. She returned to Chile in 1956, but was back in Paris in 1962 with
son Angel and daughter Isabel. With songs such as "Hace Falta un Guer-
rillero" (We Need a Guerrilla) and "La Carta" (The Letter) that earned her
the nickname the Communist (Angel Parra p.c.), Violeta Parra secured
regular engagements as did her children at La Candelaria (the family
rented an apartment in this building) and L'Escale. She divided her time
between Paris and Geneva over the next three years to be with Swiss musi-
cian Gilbert Favre, with whom she was romantically involved since i960
(Sáez 1999,119-26).
Favre, later the guiding force of the Bolivian supergroup Los Jairas (Rios
2005, chap. 7), first gained proficiency on his Argentine kena during this
period (1962-65), encouraged by Violeta Parra, who dreamed of forming
a family ensemble with him. An amateur Dixieland jazz clarinetist like
Ben-Pott, Favre used his technique to produce a round timbre with vibrato
on the kena (unlike the overblown sound sans vibrato preferred by Andean
indigenous wind players) interpreting future Nueva Canción staples such
as "Galambito Temucano" (named after Temuco, Chue) and huayño "Ojos
Azules" (Blue Eyes).^° Angel Parra (p.c.), too, learned to play the kena at
this time, allowing him to join Los Incas on an ad hoc basis. Other Andean
music specialists active in early-to-mid-i96os Paris included Los Calchakis
(discussed below), Los Curacas (led by Carlos Guerra of Venezuela who
later joined Los Incas) and Argentine kena soloist Alfredo de Robertis.
In 1965, the Parras left Paris for Santiago, where they laid much of the
foundation for socially conscious Chilean Nueva Canción}^ the Southern
Cone version of 1960s modernist-cosmopolitan folk music movements
(the Cuban variant was Nueva Trova). Frustrated with the party-all-night
ambience of L'Escale and La Candelaria, the Parra family established the
groundbreaking La Peña de los Parra and La Carpa de la Reina, folkloric-
popular music venues where leftist political views were front and center. La
Peña de los Parra "was created so that it would not be like UEscale, like La
Candelaria. It was created for another purpose," Angel Parra underscored
to me (p.c.).^^
The Parra family, like generations of Latin American writers, painters,
poets, and musicians, had been deeply affected by their experiences in the
Erench capital. "We returned from Paris playing music from Venezuela,
Argentina, Bolivia, music from other countries" recalled Angel Parra (p.c.).
His family's belief in the ideal of Latin American unity directly led to the
standard Nueva Canción practice of combining "the [Andean] charango
with the [Venezuelan] cuatro, the cuatro with the [Argentine] bombo . . . the
[Andean] panpipe, the [Mexican] guitarrón, all mixed together," which was
intended to resignify these locally specific instruments to mean "Latin
America" (Ibid.). Giving voice to this utopie dream (and rejecting U.S. ap-
propriation of the term "America"), Violeta pleaded "when, when will the
time come . . . that America is unified under one flag?" in her 1965 cueca
Los Pueblos Americanos.^^
Andean folkloric-popular music occupied a prominent place in the
imagining of this progressive Latin American community. It was not the
first time that the Andes had been associated with leftism and pan-Latin
Americanism in modernist-cosmopolitan circles. These intertwined no-
tions appear to have emerged in the 1920s, when "the concept of the Incas
as the world's first socialists enjoyed a certain vogue" (Davies 1995, 7) and
European intellectuals debated Erench writer Louis Baudin's L'Empire So-
cialiste des Inka (1961 [1928]).^''^ South Americans joined this discussion. Pe-
ruvian Socialist Party founder José Carlos Mariátegui, rejecting "the rigid
orthodoxy of the Soviet-line Marxism of the Third International," argued that
the communal nature of Andean indigenous culture was the best foun-
dation for a socialist Peru (Starn, Degregori, Kirk 1995, 217). In Argentina,
intellectuals, including leading figure Ricardo Rojas, author of his own 01-
lantay "Inca theater" production (Stevenson 1968, 302),'' pondered the po-
tential of Andean lifeways for Latin American identity construction (De la
Guardia 1967; Moya 1961). Incamérica, an Argentine association of com-
posers and writers intrigued by these ideas, organized Andean music radio
programs on Buenos Aires's Radio Porteña, presenting folkloric artists
from Argentina and Bolivia, e.g., Ruiz Lavadenz's Lira Incaica (La Prensa,
August 3,1933; La Nación, August 13,1933). Directly connecting Argentine
americanismo with Peruvian indigenismo, Zoila Mendoza (2004, 66) has
shown how "the desire on the part of Argentine artists and intellectuals to
promote a nationalist and Americanist art based upon the indigenous" led
to the founding of Cuzco's influential Misión Peruana de Arte Incaica,

which, as noted above, debuted in Buenos Aires in 1923.^
The Andes' linkage with pan-Latin Americanism and leftism clearly pre-
dated the Nueva Canción movement, though to my knowledge, the extent to
which the Parra family was aware of this history has yet to be documented.
However, the Parras were certainly familiar v^dth the Andean Indian imagery
often present in the music of singer/guitarist Atahualpa Yupanqui (Héctor
Chavero), the Argentine folklorist and ex-Communist Party member who
in the 1940s adopted his Incan pseudonym after reading Carcilaso de la
Vega's seventeenth-century chronicles (Galasso 1992, 32), an inspirational
text for countless Latin American leftists with its famous depiction of "the
Incas as benevolent rulers over a realm in which hunger and even poverty
were unknown" (Davies 1995, 6-7). Yupanqui was actually the first Latin
American folkloric musician to win critical praise in Paris. His Chant du
Monde LP Minero Soy (I Am a Miner) earned the Gran Prix de L'Académie
Charles Cros in 1950, the year Yupanqui toured France (and the Socialist
Bloc), sharing the stage on four occasions with Edith Piaf in Paris before
he returned to Argentina (Boasso 1993, 55, 6 0 - 6 2 ; Calasso 1992,115-16).
The Parras championed the use of Andean instruments and genres
among Chilean musicians as emblems of el pueblo (the folk or common
people) soon after the family's arrival in Santiago in 1965. The house band
at La Peña de los Parra, notably, was an Andean folkloric-popular music
group, Los de la Peña, later named Los Curacas (The Andean Chiefs), like
Venezuelan musician Carlos Cuerra's Andean ensemble in Paris. Angel
Parra created and initially directed Los de la Peña as well as Los de Anda-
coUo; both groups were among the first Andean conjuntos based in San-
tiago (Angel Parra, p.c.; Fairley 1984,112). He also recorded one of Chile's
earliest folkloric Andean popular music albums, Ángel Parra y el Tocador
Afuerino (Foreign Musician), with Gilbert Favre, whom Violeta had affec-
tionately nicknamed el afuerino. Violeta brought perhaps the first Andean
panpipe group to the Chilean capital, Bolivia's Los Choclos (Los Choclos
member Arturo Gutiérrez, p.c.; Presencia [La Paz], June 1,1966; Sáez 1999,
154-55). ^ i s urban La Paz panpipe ensemble left a strong impression on
Santiago's Los Curacas (Jorge Coulón of Inti-lUimani, p.c.). Violeta used a
Bolivian charango the next year to record the melancholy "Gracias a la Vida"
(Thanks to Life), which became a Nueva Canción anthem. Consistent with
her pan-Latin Americanist views, "Gracias a la Vida" linked the Andean
highlands (through the charango) to Ghile's non-Andean Southern lands
by using the sirilla genre of this region (Juan Pablo González, p.c.).
Favre's solo kena on "Galambito Temucano" similarly had connected the
Andes with southern Chile, specifically with the city of Temuco, where the
Mapuche—whose musical traditions do not include the kena—are the local
Amerindian population.
Few Chileans had any knowledge whatsoever about kenas, charangos,

and huayños prior to the Nueva Canción movement's emergence. Like most
South Americans, Chileans strongly associated highland Andean musical
traditions with Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru—not with Chile (González 2000,
18-20).'^ Nueva Canción artists linked Andean music's foreignness to the
pan-Latin Americanist project. For many of them, the music of the Andes
evoked the memory of South America's unity in the late pre-Columbian
period (González 2000,18-20; Fairley 1984,112; Fairley 1989,13; Santander
1984, 38-39), when the Inca Empire encompassed parts of present-day
northern Chile, northwest Argentina and southwest Colombia, along with
most of highland Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia.
The Parras' well-known political views identified Andean music with left-
ism at a time when Chilean middle-class university students were beginning
to rally behind presidential candidate Salvador Allende's Communist-
Socialist coalition Unidad Popular (Popular Unity). Quilapayún (1965), Inti-
iUimani (1967), and many other Chilean folkloric-popular music groups
were born in this context. The name Quilapayún, as noted earlier, refer-
enced Che Guevara and Fidel Castro's characteristic beards. Among the
most politically oriented Chilean ensembles, Quilapayún was guided at
first by Angel Parra and later by Victor Jara (Carrasco Pirard 1988, 4 6 - 4 7 ,
7 0 - 9 7 ; Santander 1984, 41-48). The group's early repertory consisted of
songs with socially conscious messages (e.g.. Angel Parra's "El Pueblo")
as well as formerly apolitical Andean folkloric-popular staples such as the
yaraví 'Dos Palomitas" and cueca "La Boliviana" (Santander 1984, 213) that
were gaining leftist associations in this setting.
Inti-lUimani specialized in highland Andean music—learned at first
mainly from recordings by the Parra family and Favre (e.g., the track "Ga-
lambito Temucano" [Jorge Coulón, p.c.])^ —to an even greater extent than
did Quilapayún. Named after La Paz's snow-peaked iUimani Mountain, the
young group debuted in 1967 on Bolivian Independence Day, August 6
(Fairley 2002, 67), amid widespread news coverage of Che Guevara's skir-
mishes with Bolivia's U.S.-trained Rangers regiment. Two years later, Inti-
iUimani traveled north to Bolivia where they played at various La Paz peñas
(El Diario [La Paz], February 6, 7, and 14, 1969), learned some repertory
(Jorge Coulón, p.c.) and recorded Si Somos Americanos (If We Are Ameri-
cans), their first full-length album, with selections from Bolivia, Ecuador,
Chile, and Argentina (Cifuentes 1989, 23-24). Inti-lUimani heard an An-
dean panpipe ensemble for the first time while in La Paz. Lamenting "Chile
has always been a country with very little indigenous identity," Jorge Coulón
(p.c.) recalled that Inti-IlHmani's "passion was Andean music, especially
Bolivian music" and that their 1969 La Paz trip had been akin to "making
a pilgrimage to Mecca. "^^
Andean highland instruments and genres that had been truly a rarity in
pre-i96os Chile quickly became Nueva Canción's Amerindian emblems.
This type of folkloric Andean music mainly entered the urban Chilean mi-
lieu through the efforts of the Parra family, who in turn had been intro-
duced to Andean music in Paris by Argentine folklorists from Buenos Aires,
This circulation of Andean imagery and sounds, sometimes understood as
an intercultural encounter, was actually mediated by individuals socialized
into the same modernist-cosmopolitan cultural formation, which helps ex-
plain the ease with which this transnational musical process occurred,"*^®
Latin American Music and Charles De Gaulle's Third Way

Simultaneous with Nueva Canción's gradual emergence in Chile, Latin
American folkloric-popular music began acquiring politicized meanings
in Erance, The initial shift in Erench perceptions of Latin American music
from "fun times" to "leftist" had a connection with Charles de Gaulle's
Third Way project. In the mid-1960s, the Erench president sought to cre-
ate a "third bloc" strong enough to challenge the international dominance
enjoyed by the USSR and the U,S,A,, pariicularly the latter (McMillan 1985,
161). De Gaulle embarked upon a "highly publicized" South American tour
in 1964 to promote this agenda (Shennan 1993,121; Drekonja Kornat 1985,
6 4 - 6 5 , 73), In Cochabamba, he met with Bolivian president Victor Paz
Estenssoro, who remembered that upon hearing "La Marseillaise" played by
a panpipe group "De Gaulle was so moved that he left his personal security
forces behind to hug the musicians" (quoted in Trigo O'Connor D'Arlach
1999,157), To emphasize Erance's solidarity with Latin America, De Gaulle
extolled the common "latinité" of Old and New World Latin countries
throughout this tour (Drekonja Kornat 1985, 6 4 - 6 5 ; Kulski 1966: 375-77)
in a manner at times reminiscent of nineteenth-century Erench construc-
tions of "Latin America." Back in Europe, De Gaulle withdrew Erance from
NATO and began to attack U,S, policies in Vietnam (Shennan 1993,121-22),
The "third bloc" never materialized, but De Gaulle's firm anti-U,S, stance
"won overwhelming support among the Erench population" (McMillan
1985,162),
De Gaulle's ambitious as well as popular Third Way project indexically
joined anti-U,S, and pro-Latin America sentiments. The Cuban Revolution
already had linked Latin America with leftist revolution. Perhaps refiecting
Erench sympathy with Eidel Castro's anti-U,S, rhetoric, Greek-Erench singer
Nana Mouskouri scored a Top Ten hit in 1966 with the Cuban guajira
"Guantanamera" (Leseur 1999, 60), which often fiinctioned as a leftist an-
them in the late 1960s (Roberts 1999,182-83), Latin America's new asso-
ciations surely helped ticket sales of the commercially successful 1965
158 • FERNANDO RIOS
French film Viva Maria, in which Brigitte Bardot and Jeanne Moreau took
part in an imaginary Latin American revolution. Jumping on the band-
wagon, French actress and former nude pinup model Valérie Lagrange
launched her singing career in 1965 with La Guerilla (Simmons 2001,41-43,
174). This EP's title track, by famed French songwriter Serge Gainsbourg,
rhymed "guerilla" with "tequila" and "guérillero" with "sombrero" and, in
June 1965, reached France's Number Six (Leseur 1999, 58). Lagrange, ac-
companied by Los Incas, interpreted three Andean songs with French lyrics
on this EP, an early instance of Andean music's commercial politicization
in France.
Bolivia and Peru Albums by Los Calchakis and Los Incas

In the mid-1960s, French companies started to issue recordings of Latin
American folkloric-popular music to a greater extent than in the past,
likely influenced by the international political developments just de-
scribed. DECCA released Le Pérou, Le Venezuela, and L'Argentine by Latin
pop group-turned-folklorists Los Machucambos, while Philips coun-
tered with Bolivia and Peru LPs by Los Incas. Barclay issued Los Parra du
Chilien featuring the Parra family. En Argentine avec Los Changos starring
Argentine kenista Alfredo de Roberiis, and En Bolivie and Au Pérou that
presented the relatively unknown Los Calchakis, soon to be major protag-
onists of the "Indian flute" fad that paved the way for Nueva Candón's pos-
itive reception in Europe.
Los Calchakis' director Héctor Miranda named his group after north-
em Argentina's Calchaqui indigenous peoples. Miranda, from Buenos Aires
where he had studied at the Escuela de Bellas Artes, had come to Paris to
make it as a painter (as had Ben-Pott of Los Incas) in i960. He soon real-
ized that playing music in the Quartier Latine with fellow South American
expatriates and his wife, opera singer Ana Maria Miranda, was a better way
to pay the bills than selling his artwork. Violeta Parra (likewise a painter)
attended Los Calchakis' debut at La Candelaria. Impressed with them, she
informed Héctor Miranda about Barclay's new Latin American series to
which Los Calchakis, with Parra as their reference, then contributed En
Bolivie and Au Pérou—the group's debut recordings (Héctor Miranda, p.c.).
These albums showcased invited French kena soloist Guillaume de la Rouge
(a.k.a. Guillermo de la Roca), an occasional Los Incas member who first be-
came interested in Andean folkloric-popular music while living in Buenos
Aires from 1949 to 1952 (Guillaume de la Rouge, p.c.).
Los Calchakis' En Bolivie and Au Pérou (both 1964) and Los Incas' Bolivie
and Pérou (both 1965) contained many selections learned from Ethnic Folk-
ways releases. This was a valuable repertory source for both groups, given
their limited familiarity with Bolivian and Peruvian musical traditions at
the time. In most cases, Los Calchakis and Los Incas crafted new folkloriza-
tions of rural Andean tunes already folklorized by mestizo Andean artists—
folklorizations of folklorizations, in other words.
Los Calchakis' and Los Incas' Bolivia albums, for example, each pre-
sented the track "La Uamerada" (Uamerada is an Andean mestizo genre
meant to evoke rural llama herders) in the same arrangement that urban
Bolivian folkloric-popular music group p de Octubre^^ had recorded on the
1959 Eolkways LP Folk Songs and Dances of Bolivia. Instead of the Western
transverse flute present on the original release, however, Los Calchakis and
Los Incas substituted the kena, surely to evoke rural authenticity. Los Incas'
Bolivie included another track from this Folkways album, "Sicuri [Andean
Panpipe] Dance" (listed as "Poussiganga" on Los Incas's LP), once again
reworked to showcase the kena rather than the Western flute. In similar
fashion, Los Calchakis played the main melody on "CuUaguada" (a mestizo
genre that references indigenous weavers) with a solo charango on En Bo-
livie instead of the far less exotic mandolin and accordion used on the Folk-
ways LP. Los Incas' Peru album likewise substituted Andean kenas and
charangos for the Western clarinets, accordions, and mandolins present on
the Folkways album (Rios 2005, 434-35, 442-45; Borras 1992,112).
In some cases, Los Incas modified the original composition's form
to add variety. This standard folklorization practice reflects modernist-
cosmopolitan audience expectations in presentational settings. On huayno
"Munahuanaqui," Los Incas inserted an up-tempo section near the middle
of the piece, and then returned to the original tempo before concluding
with another fast-paced section (moderate—fast—moderate—fast). On
another track, Los Incas fused the melodies of "Recuerdos de Calahuayo"
and "La Rosa y La Espina," huaynos that had been adjacent though separate
tracks on Folkways' Traditional Music of Peru. Los Incas' merged "Recuer-
dos de Calahuayo/La Rosa y La Espina" would become the standard Andean
repertory piece knov^Ti worldwide simply as "Recuerdos de Calahuayo."
From Art Music to Folkloric Classic: El Cóndor Pasa

Los Calchakis' Peru album contained the instrumental "El Condor Pasa"
(The Condor Passes), the signature Andean folkloric-popular music tune
around the globe to the present day. "El Cóndor Pasa"'s prominent status
illustrates in an especially clear manner how cosmopolitan works loosely
based on rural non-cosmopolitan musical traditions often come to stand
for the originals in the cosmopolitan realm (the Peruvian indigenista era
Incan fox-trot "Virgenes del Sol" is another very clear example). This circu-
lar process, when conceptualized this way—not as dialectical interactions
between the local and the global—reveals how transnational musical com-
modification can be driven by intracultural processes.
"El Cóndor Pasa" was originally the name of a zarzuela (Spanish language
operetta) by Peruvian art music composer Daniel Alomia Robles. The
zarzuela "El Cóndor Pasa" premiered in 1913 in Lima and was performed
there about three thousand times over the next five years (Pinilla 1988,
139-41). French ethnomusicologists René and Marguerite D'Harcourt (1990
[1925], X, 502-4) attended this indigenista work's debut and noticed that the
kashua'^^ movement quickly entered the repertory of Peruvian street musi-
cians (also see Van der Lee 1997b, 81-84). Alomia Robles, who in 1919
moved to New York (he stayed there until 1933), where he promoted his
compositions, reworked the kashua into a solo piano version and published
it in the USA as "Inca Dance" (Pinilla 1988,139; Varallanos 1988, 2 0 - 2 4 ,
70). It caught the attention of Xavier Cugat. The U.S.-based "Latin music"
bandleader included Alomia Robles's piano arrangement, under the title of
"El Cóndor Pasa (Inca Dance)," alongside the Cuban-inspired "La Conga
Pasa" (!) and "The Mexican Hat Dance" in the 1938 collection The Other
Americas: Album of Typical Central and South American Songs and Dances
(Edward B. Marks Music Corporation, RCA Building, New York, 1938).
"El Cóndor Pasa" came to refer mainly to the kashua movement instead
of the entire operetta. Despite the title of Xavier Cugat's compilation, not
much was "typical" about "El Cóndor Pasa." Like folk-flavored Western art
music works in general, this piece had little in common with rural musi-
cal traditions. Alomia Robles's 1938 solo piano arrangement (Ibid.), with
three distinct sections, began with an atmospheric A part featuring a pen-
tatonic melody and its variants accompanied by quasi-static arpeggiated
chords in E minor. After a concise recap of the opening motive and an
abrupt modulation to A minor, the B section commenced with a short
motif and pedal-point bass drones. Alomia Robles briefly developed the
thematic material, as well as thickened the texture, before restating this sec-
tion's opening motif in parallel octaves. The C section, subtitled Allegro and
set in G minor, somewhat resembled an Andean huayno, though he used
AABBAACC form (huaynos are typically AABB or AABBCC) and ended
with a cadenza-like coda. Rather than a faithful reproduction of rural An-
dean musical practices, Alomia Robles altered them for the concert stage,
fulfilling audience preferences in elite art music circles (e.g., variety in
tempo and mood, thematic development and recapitulation, dramatic cli-
max at the conclusion).
The first Paris-based folkloric group to record "El Cóndor Pasa" was the
ad hoc L'Ensemble Achalay. In all likelihood, this group was named after
Buenos Aires's Peña Achalay Huasi, owned by the famed Los Hermanos
Abalos. Ricardo Galeazzi of Los Incas created L'Ensemble Achalay to make
the album Musique Indienne des Andes (Indian Music of the Andes) with
fellow Argentine musician Jorge Milchberg (a trained classical pianist
who learned to play the charango in Paris), Italian singer/guitarist Romano
Zanotti (who was raised in Argentina and later joined Los Machucambos)
and Marcelo Bellandi. This 1958 LP included "El Cóndor Pasa," probably
learned from a Peruvian recording (various, p.c.). Highlighting Galeazzi
on the kena, L'Ensemble Achalay's interpretation of this piece had a short-
ened A section (with the piano arpeggios replaced by tremolo charango
strums), eliminated the motivic recaps and modulations between sections,
and added passing tones to the Allegro as well as changed its form to
AABCBC. Though still not a typical rural Andean mestizo or (especially) in-
digenous tune, L'Ensemble Achalay's modified version of "El Cóndor Pasa"
approximated the foriri of Andean musical compositions somewhat more
than Alomia Robles's original work."*^^
Los Incas retained the spirit of L'Ensemble Achalay's arrangement for
the 1963 album Amérique du Sud. With greater use of passing tones and or-
namental figures (mainly in the C section), Los Incas' more virtuosic ren-
dition had a pronounced tempo change (from medium speed to fast) at the
transition from the B to the C section. These changes added to the piece's
appeal in presentational settings (e.g., concert stages) and on recordings.
Regarding musical form, the C section was now AABC, with the B and the
C switched in comparison to Alomia Robles's edition. Los Incas' version
became the standard "El Cóndor Pasa" played by Paris-based groups (e.g.,
Los Calchakis). French soprano and actress Marie Lafóret, publicizing this
piece, recorded it backed by Los Incas with new lyrics as "La Flute Magique"
(The Magical Flute) in 1965 (Van der Lee 1997b, 89) and as "Sur le Chemin
des Andes" (On the Road to the Andes) in 1966. "La Flûte Magique" also
appeared on her 1968 greatest hits album (Wodrascka 1999, 287-88, 295).
Paul Simon may have heard Lafôret's "La Flute Magique" in the mid-
1960s. At this time, Simon was in Paris, where he crossed paths with
Los Incas (Kingston 1998, 107). Jorge Milchberg (p.c.), now a Los Incas
member, appreciated the talents of the yet-unknown North American mu-
sician, so much so that he gave Simon an Amérique du Sud album as a gift.
Simon added English lyrics to "El Cóndor Pasa" and recorded it with Art
Garfiinkel—dubbed over Los Incas' track from Amérique Du Sud—for the
blockbuster 1970 album Bridge over Troubled Water (Luftig 1997, 86; Kingston
1998,107).'*'^ Simon's involvenient with non-Western music, discussed in
many publications in the wake of the Graceland controversy (e.g., Feld 1988,
Meintjes 1990), thus began with the music of the Andes as authored by in-
digenista Peruvian art music composer Alomia Robles for an operetta geared
toward modernist-cosmopolitan tastes, then further adapted by L'Ensem-
ble Achalay and Los Incas for Parisians interested in non-Western music.
Neither Bridge over Troubled Water nor Amérique du Sud mentioned
Alomia Robles's authorship of "El Cóndor Pasa," prompting his family to
initiate legal action (various, p.c.). Simon and Garfunkel's album credits
referred to this piece as an "18th century Peruvian folk melody arranged
by Jorge Milchberg,"'*' Amérique du Sud's liner notes posited a (highly

implausible) connection between "El Condor Pasa"'s original creation and
Tupac Amaru II's eighteenth-century Andean insurrection. By evoking
Indian rebels of the past, Los Incas not only played a part in the common
misrepresentation of Andean folkloric-popular music as rural Andean in-
digenous tradition, but also contributed to its romanticized linkage with
violent revolution in the 1960s.'''
Hasta Siempre Comandante: Che Guevara, May 1968,

and Third Worldism in France
Most Parisians first heard Andean folkloric-popular music when anti-U.S.
sentiments were at a high and De Gaulle was reaching out to Latin Amer-
ica. Then, in 1967, Che Guevara's unexpected choice of Bolivia as the site
for Latin America's "Vietnam" explicitly connected the Andes (and, by ex-
tension, Andean music) with leftist revolution. The Erench avidly followed
the unfolding saga—beginning with the Bolivian military's arrest of leftist
Erench intellectual Régis Debray, who, he claimed, had joined Guevara's
guerrillas solely as a neutral journalist. His safety became an international
concern. De Gaulle, Jean Paul Sartre, Pablo Picasso, Robert Kennedy, and
other prominent figures sent letters to the Bolivian government in the
hope of preventing Debray's mistreatment and/or execution (Dunkerley
1984, 144-46, 152; Dunkerley 1992, 11; Reader 1995, 1, 16; Reader 2005,
354),''^ With a Guevara homage in their repertory, Quilapayún (who visited
Paris in late 1967 as I stated in the introduction) tried their best to
console Debray's worried fiancée Elizabeth Burgos (Carrasco Pirard 1988,
121, i26),'''^
Bolivia/or thefirsttime in its history vaulted to front-page news status in

Erance as well as worldwide, and remained so for months on end. Many
Erench youths chose Guevara as their hero after his execution by the U,S,-
trained Bolivian military. El Che, of course, became an antiestablishment
martyr figure for young people around the world, aided by the famous
postmortem photograph of the bearded and shirtless Argentine guerilla
leader who, for many, bore an uncanny resemblance to a crucified Jesus
Christ, In Paris's Quartier Latin, radicalized youths erected a makeshift
Guevara statue at the Sorbonne amid the chaos of May 1968 (Daniels
1989, 156), when university students' clashes with the police on Bloody
Monday resulted in "the worst street fighting in Paris since its libera-
tion from the Germans in 1944" (Ibid,, 151) and led to the political downfall
Guevara was the New Left hero for Erench youths who rejected conser-
vative Communist dogmatism and, in its place, embraced Third Worldism
(tiersmondisme) (Daniels 1989,156; Seidman 2004, 25; Stovall 2002, 67-73),
Reflecting this idealistic sohdarity with the oppressed and marginalized,

the Cuban guajira "Hasta Siempre Comandante" (Until Forever Comman-
der), perhaps the most famous song dedicated to Guevara, could be heard
on almost any weekend in the late 1960s and 1970s at L'Escale, La Cande-
laria, and many other Left Bank venues (e.g.. La Romance, El Rancho
Guarani, La Guitare) (various, p.c.). The melancholy "Hasta Siempre Co-
mandante," by Cuban composer and Fidel Castro supporter Carlos Puebla,
portrayed Guevara's guerrilla exploits with romantic imagery through lines
such as "your revolutionary love," "beloved presence," and "liberating arm,"
contributing to the charismatic leader's image of selfless heroism that so
captivated his admirers in France and elsewhere.'°
La Flûte Indienne: France's Andean Music Boom from the

Late 1960s to the Early 1970s
Many Europeans were fascinated by Ghe Guevara's decision to instigate
radical revolution in one of the few countries in the Americas with an
indigenous-majority population. The Indian of the Andes quickly became
a leftist emblem in the Old World. French solidarity with Latin America
had been growing since the early 1960s in connection vwth anti-U.S. sen-
timents (e.g.. De Gaulle's Third Way). Guevara's highly-publicized 1967
guerrilla operation in Bolivia strengthened this indexical linkage, and cata-
pulted the Andean Indian to a sign of defiance against U.S. imperialism.
To be sure, modernist-cosmopolitan notions about the spirituahty and en-
vironmentalism of Amerindian peoples dovetailed nicely with late 1960s
counterculture values, which contributed to the rising popularity of Andean
indigenous imagery among French youths, many of whom began to wear
Andean lluchus (wool hats with ear flaps) and ponchos. The Cannes Film
Festival, often a barometer of French public opinion, in 1967 awarded two
honors to Bolivian director Jorge Sanjinés's Ukamau (Aymará for "That's
How It Is"), a pro-indigenous social realist production set near Lake Titi-
caca and featuring a solo kena leitmotif (FEDAM 1999,133-35).'' ^ ^ o that
year, while Communist sympathizer Jean Ferrât was scoring hit singles in
France with "Guérilleros" and "A Santiago de Cuba" (Tinker 2005, 851),'^
popular folk music singer Hugues Aufray, famed for his Bob Dylan covers
(Prévos 1991,191), also had become known for French-language settings of
Andean tunes (Le Journal du Centre Mardi, July 11,1967).
It was a propitious moment to sell politicized Latin American music re-
cordings with Indian imagery in France. In 1968, Chant du Monde released
two albums by Argenfine singer/guitarist Atahualpa Yupanqui (Boasso
1993, 76). His lyrics had appeared in the 1967 compilation Basta! Chants
de Témoignage et de Révolte de L'Amérique Latine (Enough! Songs of Testi-
mony and Rebellion of Latin America), printed by leftist French publisher
Erançois Maspero (Eranco-Lao 1967).'^ Yupanqui, with the poetic "Camino

del Indio" (Pathway of the Indian) in his solo repertory of rural genres
adapted for recital stages, embarked on a tour of France, impressing a Le
Monde writer who believed the nonindigenous artist possessed the ability
to "sing with messianic fervor the soul of the Indian" (December 12,1968;
quoted in Boasso 1993, 76-79). Daniel Viglietti's "Canción para Mi Amé-
rica," also in Chant du Monde's 1968 catalog (Pellegrino 2002,316), evoked
"the Indian" as well. The renowned Uruguayan singer/guitarist called upon
Latin American mestizos to form a united revolutionary leftist front with
rural indigenous peoples in the title track of "Song for My America," pop-
ularly known as "Give Your Hand to the Indian" after the first line of text.
Los Calchakis, to their surprise, initiated a craze for "Indian flutes of
the Andes" with their perfectly timed 1967 LP La Flûte Indienne. With French
kena soloist Guillaume de la Rouge in the lead, accompanied by director
Héctor Miranda and string specialists Raúl Maldonado of Argentina and
Nicolás Pérez González of Paraguay, the all-instrumental La Flûte Indienne
offered Andean selections from Peru (e.g., "El Condor Pasa"), Bolivia, Ec-
uador, southwest Colombia and northwest Argentina. Eoreshadowing the
panpipe's later role in Andean conjuntos, this Los Calchakis album featured
the solo panpipe number camavalito Quiaqueñita (named after the north-
ern Argentine border town of La Quiaca). Back in i960, the well-traveled
Bolivian folklorist Tito Yupanqui had recorded this same piece, also as a
panpipe solo, in Mexico City as huayño 'Italaqueñita" (after the La Paz tovwi
of Italaque known for its indigenous panpipe ensembles) on the Vanguard
release Dioses y Demonios de Bolivia (Gods and Demons of Bolivia)." Tito Yu-
panqui recalled (p.c.) that Vanguard executives had pressured him to in-
clude "autochthonous" (indigenous) tracks on this LP in addition to his
usual mestizo fare. Unaccustomed to playing indigenous-styled Andean
reperiory, and not by any means an expert panpipe soloist, Yupanqui re-
corded his composition "Italaqueñita," whose irregular musical form de-
parted from the Andean norm.' Los Calchakis' album La Flûte Indienne
popularized this piece in Europe, spawning the versions "Open Your Eyes"
by singer Nana Mouskurri and "Dis à Ton Fils" (Tell Your Son) by Maurice
Dulac and Marianne Mille (see below).
In 1968, Los Calchakis' La Flûte Indienne Volume II hit the record stores
as did the group's Cordillère des Andes (Mountains of the Andes), Flûtes,
Harpes et Guitares Indiennes, and La Guitare Indienne, ail on the Barclay
label." Philips responded with Los Incas' Succès Orignaux (Early Hits),
promising "new instrumental versions" of the Andean Staples La Boliviana
and Dos Palomitas. And, if these titles were not enough to satiate Parisian
desires for Indian flutes, Los Incas' Inédits (Unreleased Tracks) and Los
Calchakis' Toute ^Amérique Indienne (AU of Indian America) joined the
The Early History of Andean Eolkloric-Popular Music in France • 165
available offerings by 1969. None of these Los Incas and Los Calchakis
albums had textual references to leftism (e.g., liner notes, song fitles, LP
covers). This allowed them to be variously interpreted as "leftist," "non-
political," or anywhere in between, which broadened Andean music's ap-
peal among the French population across ideological lines.
kflCite indienne boom had been launched that would continue unabated
through the 1970s and early 1980s. Los Incas, present on the soundtrack of
the 1967 French film Le Rapace (Bird of Prey), went on tour with French
singer Marie Lafôret. Together they performed "La Flûte Magique/El Cóndor
Pasa," Atahualpa Yupanqui's pensive "Le Tengo Rabia al Silencio" (Silence
Angers Me) and other Latin American repertory at Paris's esteemed Olympia
in 1968 and 1969 (Wodrascka 1999, 126-36). Argentine kena soloist
Mariano Uña Ramos flew in from Buenos Aires around this time to take
Ben-Pott's place in Los Incas. Los Calchakis made the switch from an ad
hoc group to a professional touring ensemble with the addition of Argen-
tine kenista Rodolfo Dalera, Chilean wind specialist Sergio Arriagada and
Spanish guitarist Gonzalo Reig in 1969 (Héctor Miranda, p.c.). Nostalgic
about their years in the limelight, Dalera reminisced "we were superstars
in France .. . [featured] on the most popular television programs" (p.c.;
see also Miranda and Miranda 2004,188-253).
Andean folkloric-popular music already had been fashionable in France
for some time when Simon and Garfunkel's "El Cóndor Pasa (If I Could)"
single reached the Top Twenty in mid-1970 (Leseur 1999, 79). This release,
though, definitely contributed to the^wte indienne vogue and, in particular,
to "El Cóndor Pasa"'s sudden popularity worldwide. In response to the latter
trend, Barclay and rival French record company MUSIDISC both issued El
Cóndor Pasa-titled albums in 1970. Barclay's LP, featuring Los Chacos (a
French family quintet from Lyon),'^ earned the year's Grand Prix Interna-
tional du Disque De L'Académie Charles Cros. MUSIDISC's El Cóndor Pasa
album presented a group named Los Cóndores, who were really Pachaca-
mac, one of the first Andean music ensembles constituted solely by French
artists (along with Los Chacos).'^ Pachacamac often used aliases to record
for competing labels in the boom years as did many Paris groups (Jean-
Pierre Bluteau, p.c.). Increasing the likelihood that Europeans would have
no idea which musicians they were listening to, unidentified Andean in-
digenous wind instrument tropas photographed in rural highland set-
tings (e.g., Restas) appeared on the covers of many France-issued Andean
folkloric-popular music albums, adding a touch of authenticity. Of course,
this marketing strategy misrepresented cosmopolitan folkloric-popular
music as a rural Andean indigenous expressive practice.
At last, musicians actually from the Andean region—not from Buenos
Aires—began to make the long journey to Europe. Most came from Bolivia,
Starting with Bolivia Andina (Andean Bolivia) in 1969.^° Belgian entrepre-

neur Jacques Vaerewyck's brainchild, this folkloric delegation showcased the
Potosi group Los Chasquis (The Incan Messengers, formed by ex-telegraph
workers) and the urban La Paz-based wind ensemble Los de Umala (El Di-
ario, February 13,1969; Hoy, November 19,1969). While they were in Spain,
a newspaper critic deemed them to be "an embassy of Indians, sons of In-
cas" (La Voz de Galicia, October 23,1969). But rural indigenous musicians
had been excluded from Bolivia Andina, as guía (musical director) Marcelino
Fernández of the Aymará-speaking rural La Paz community of Colquencha
(whose ensemble represented Bolivia at the 1965 Latin American Folklore
Festival held in Salta, Argentina) recalled with much regret (p.c.).
Bolivia Andina continued onward, earning additional rave reviews in
Belgium and the Netherlands (Bolivia Andina brochure 1970, 20-23). They
looked forward to upcoming concerts in Italy and France. But it was not to
be. Bolivia Andina's unscrupulous European promoter took off with the
money and left the members stranded. Disappointed, the troupe returned
to La Paz with emergency plane tickets paid by the Bolivian government
(Los Chasquis member Willy Loredo, p.c.; Hoy, November 20,1969).
Bolivia's Los Jairas (Aymará for "The Lazy Guys") fared much better in
Europe. Swiss kena soloist Gilbert Favre, after leaving Violeta Parra, founded
Los Jairas in La Paz with Bolivian musicians Ernesto Cavour (charango),
Julio Godoy (guitar), and Edgar Yayo Joffré (bombo and lead vocals) in 1966.
Los Jairas, largely responsible for canonizing the kena-charango-gmtax-
bombo lineup among Bolivian "national music" conjuntos,^^ left La Paz for
Switzerland in late 1969, recorded La ñute des Andes in France in 1970, and
remained in Europe until the original group disbanded circa 1974 (Rios
2005, chap. 7 and 8). Bolivian newspapers enthusiastically chronicled Los
Jairas' European adventures in accounts such as "Los Jairas: Meteoric
Career Reaches its Zenith in Europe" (Hoy, April 25,1971), "Los Jairas and
Alfredo Dominguez^^ Triumph in France" (Hoy, October 5,1972) and "Ver-
tiginous Ascent of Los Jairas to the Peak of Success" (Hoy, March 8,1973),
giving exaggerated significance to foreign achievements. Many Bolivian
groups tried to match Los Jairas' European "triumphs." Los Payas were
among the first to attempt to do so, touring France, Belgium, Germany,
Italy, and Holland in 1970 and 1971. Los Ruphay arrived in Europe the next
year and never left. By the mid-1970s, numerous Bolivian groups modeled
after Los Jairas had traveled to the Old World, including Los Kusis, Los
Awatiris, Los Aransayas, Los Masis, and, as Spanish singer Julio Iglesias's
opening act. Savia Andina.^^ Bolivian folkloric-popular musicians' swift in-
corporation into the European setting was greatly facilitated by cosmopoli-
tan linkages. After all, Favre's main inspiration for the prototypical Los
Jairas (emulated by countless Bolivian conjuntos) had been Paris's Los Incas
(Rios 2005, chap. 7 and 8).
The Farly History of Andean Folkloric-Popular Music in France • 167
Despite the sudden infitix of Bolivian ensembles, Los Calchakis profited

the most from European interest in Andean music. Their La Flûte Indienne
Vol. / V (subtitled "The Mystery of the Andes") won the coveted Académie
Charles Cros' Grand Prix Du Disque and, in late 1971, vaulted over John
Lennon's Imagine and the Rolling Stone's Let it Bleed to become Erance's
fourth-best-selling album (Hit Parade National Du Disque, October 1971),
Los Calchakis dominated the top sellers in the folklore category the next year,
with Flute Indienne Vol. Ill leading the way at number one, followed by La
Flûte Indienne Vol. I, Los Chacos' El Cóndor Pasa, Los Eronterizos' Misa Criolla
(with Argentine charango player Jaime Torres),^"* Los Calchakis' Les Flûtes
Indiennes IV-V and Los Incas' Flûtes des Andes (Hit Parade National Du
Disque, August 1972), Reaching out to youths, Los Calchakis garnered addi-
tional acclaim for La Flûte Indienne Par Le Disque, the winner of 1971's Gran
Prix Loisirs Jeunes (Grand Prize for Youth Leisure), This play-along record
(sold with accompanying sheet music) allowed aspiring kena soloists to
pretend they were jamming with Los Calchakis, Andean music's appeal to
young people initially surprised ensemble director Héctor Miranda, Recall-
ing (p.c.) "the first twenty rows [at Los Calchakis concerts] were filled with
youths, sometimes sitting on the fioor, smoking marijuana," Miranda be-
lieved the 1970s "hippy fetish" for all types of fiutes (e.g., recorders, trans-
verse fiutes) ' "helped us a lot so that they [young people] would gravitate
towards our music," As noted above, the colorful ponchos and lluchus worn
by Andean music groups such as Los Calchakis grabbed the attention of
hippies and youths as well, becoming fashionable garb.
Kenas, Guerrillas, and Salvador Allende: Andean Music's

Growing Politicization in France
Andean music's association with leftist revolution in the Erench imagina-
tion escalated from the late 1960s to the early 1970s, Contributing to this,
Erench pop singers Maurice Dulac and Marianne Mille added guerilla-
themed lyrics to camavalito "Quiaqueñita" (huayño "Italaqueñita") and re-
corded it as "Dis à Ton Eils" (Tell Your Son), This song, which described a
"path of blood and pain," peaked at number six on the Erench charts in 1970
(Leseur 1999, 79), Later that year, the Incan fox-trot "Virgenes del Sol"
reached the top twenty in the form ofthe Erench duo's single "Libertad,"
whose lyrics denounced the "men ofthe north [read: the USA] who came to
steal our lives" (Ibid,, 80). "Indienne, Mon Erere" (Indian, My Brother) and
"Ton Amérique est Aussi à Paris" (Your America is Also in Paris) were other
Andean songs in Dulac and Milk's early 1970s repertoire (Erench conjunto
Pachacamac was the duo's opening act and backing ensemble) (Jean-Pierre
Bluteau, p.c). Even the lighthearted Los Machucambos, known for their
cha-cha-cha hit "Pepito Mi Corazón," politicized Andean music. Their 1971
"Che" single (with Guevara pictured on the cover donning his famous beret)
paired the Cuban guajira "Hasta Siempre Comandante" with the Peruvian
huayno "Recuerdos de Calaguayo." Los Machucambos performed both of
these songs, as well as the by-now-obligatory "El Condor Pasa," at the Olym-
pia Theater's 1971 "freedom" concert Cantos de Libertad: Chants/Rythmes
D'Amérique Latine (Diem n.d., 4).
Andean music's anti-imperialist meanings caught the attention of the
often polemical France-based film director Constantin Costa-Gavras, who
contracted Los Calchakis for the soundtrack of État de Siège (State of Siege).
This political thriller took aim at U.S. involvement in Latin America and ex-
alted Uruguay's leftist Tupamaro guerrillas (named after Tupac Amaru II of
Peru) (Michalczyk 1984). Costa-Gavras's film arrived at theaters in 1973—
the year right-wing military forces backed by the U.S. government seized
power in Uruguay and Chile. The Uruguayan military soon embarked upon
"the most terrible political persecution" in their country's history (Abente
2005, 562). A few months later, on September 11, 1973, General Augusto
Pinochet (with CIA support) ended Chile's long democratic tradition in the
bloodiest Latin American coup d'état of the twentieth century (Skidmore
and Smith 2005,132), overthrowing Salvador Allende's leftist administra-
tion and sending into exile thousands of Chileans, including many Nueva
Canción musicians.^
On the heels of État de Siege's successful debut in Europe, the formerly
apolitical Los Calchakis recorded Les Chantes des Poètes Révoltes (The Songs
of the Rebellious Poets). This popular 1974 album explicitly linked the music
of the Andes with leftism in general and the ousted Allende government in
particular. Paying homage to the martyred Chilean leader, "Para un Presi-
dente Muerto" (For a Dead President) opened with an expressive kena melody
followed by the vivid lines "Sleep, President... Sleep with two bullets in
your heart." Later in this track, Los Calchakis sang, "they're shooting the
innocents, [but] the struggle will continue while he rests." The group also
honored the memory of Victor Jara—tortured and executed by the Chilean
military—with his "Plegaria a un Labrador" (Prayer to a Worker), beginning
this selection with a kena solo. The Nueva Canción theme of Latin Ameri-
can solidarity was evident in Los Calchakis' interpretation of Quilapayún
of Chile's Mexican son jarocho setting of Cuban poet Nicolás Guillen's
"La Muralla" (The Wall), which called for unity across race lines.^^ In ad-
dition to songs with clear-cut political themes, as well as recited poems by
famous leftist authors (e.g., Pablo Neruda, Gésar Vallejo, Nicolás Guillen),
this album contained Andean music instrumentais (e.g., huayño "Re-
cuerdo," arranged by Los Jairas singer Edgar Yayo JofFré) and the classic
Ecuadorian song "Vasija de Barro" (Pot of Clay), selections that probably ac-
quired politicized associaüons for those who purchased this internationally
distributed "rebellious" album.
Fxiled Chilean Nueva Canción Musicians Come to France

Inti-lUimani and Quilapayún, Allende's cultural ambassadors abroad, hap-
pened to be in Europe on the day of the Chilean coup. When it became
clear that returning to their home country would be impossible as well as
dangerous in the near future, Inti-Illimani chose Rome as their new base,
infiuenced by the Italian government's anti-Pinochet stance (González and
Navarro 1975, 20-21), Quilapayún, preparing for a concert at the Olympia
on Allende's last days, settled in the outskirts of Paris, Ángel and Isabel
Parra also moved to Erance, as did fellow Chilean Nueva Canción musicians
Patricio Manns and Patricio Castillo (Rodriguez Musso 1995, 9 2 - 9 8 ) . ^
Public outcry over the events in Chile gave much publicity to Quilapayún's
September 1973 Olympia debut (Boris, Brieu and Didi 2003,111), The sud-
denly famous group soon embarked upon a whirlwind tour, as Eduardo
Carrasco Pirard recounts:
Shortly after [our Olympia debut] we sang at La Salle Pleyel [in Paris],,,
After these concerts followed hundreds more, we did not stop for two
years, [performing at] solidarity events, homages to Allende, to Neruda,
to Victor Jara, meetings, congresses , , , We stepped down fi:om one plane
to take the next one, we didn't have time for anything: in two months in
1974, I don't remember which ones, we reached all five continents , , ,
we were part of her [Chile's] struggle to reinstate democracy, we
represented the free voice of our oppressed people, (Carrasco Pirard
1988, 254-55)
Long-standing Erench interest in Andean music and its growing associ-

ation with leftism greatly facilitated Chilean Nueva Canción musicians' quick
rise to prominence in Europe. Another key factor was the widespread sym-
pathy felt for the victims of Pinochet's regime, Erance, in fact, granted asy-
lum to a far greater number of Chilean refugees than had other European
countries.^° The Erench government also accepted thousands of Brazilians,
Argentines, Uruguayans, and Bolivians likewise fleeing from U.S.-backed
right-wing military dictatorships throughout the 1970s (Saenz Carrete 1995,
99-129), Erench solidarity with Latin American leftists and antipathy to-
ward the United States had been connected for some time. This linkage be-
came stronger in light of increasing U,S, financial and military support for
antidemocratic Latin American regimes installed with CIA help, which
was especially apparent in the Chilean case,
Chile became a leftist cause célèbre in Erance (and worldwide), Bruno
Muel and Théo Robichet's film Septembre Chilien (September in Chile)
with songs by Victor Jara earned the Prix Jean Vigo in 1974 (Bessière 1980a,
323).^' The same year, Quilapayún won the Grand Prix de L'Académie
Charles Cros (Ibid,, 104) and Julio Cortázar's pro-guerrilla novel Libro de
Manuel (A Manual for Manuel) received the Prix Médicis—whose pro-

ceeds the leftist Argentine author publicly donated to the anti-Pinochet
United Chilean Front (Ocasio 2004,107).^^ These high-profile awards cer-
tainly reflected prevailing French sentiments, as did mid-1970s songs like
Julos Beaucarne's "Lettre à Kissinger" (Letter to [U.S. Secretary of State
Henry] Kissinger), Maxime Le Forestier's "Chih," "Un Peuple Crève" (Chile,
A Heartbroken People), Jean Ferrat's "Le Bruit des Bottes" (The Noise of
[Military] Boots), Jean-Max Brua's "Jara" (dedicated to Victor Jara), and
Marcelle Dudach-Roset's "Jara Liberté" (Bessière 1980a, 316-24; Bessière
1980b, 6,134-37,140-42).
Ensured of an appreciative French audience, Patricio Manns of Chile
promoted the hard-line MIR (Movement of the Revolutionary Left) party's
armed resistance campaign with his new Nueva Canción group Karaxú, who
usually performed with a Che Guevara poster in the backdrop. Founded in
Paris on the coup's one-year anniversary,^' Karaxú made their recording
debut in 1975 with the defiant Chants de la Résistance Populaire Chilienne
(see Fairley 1989). Inti-Illimani and Quilapayún also recorded albums with
politicized titles and lyrics during their long exile in Europe. For example,
Inti-lUimani's late 1973 release Viva Chile contained Allende's Popular Unity
anthem "Venceremos" (We Will Triumph) and "Canción del Poder Popular"
(Song of the People's Power), while their 1974 album La Nueva Canción
Chilena presented "Chile Herido" (Injured Chile) and Victor Jara's Guevara
homage "El Aparecido" (The Apparition).•^''' "La Patria Prisionera" (The Im-
prisoned Nation) and "Ciudad de Ho Chi Minh" (Ho Chi Minh City) stood
out on Inti-lUimani's 1975 LP Hacia La Libertad (Toward Liberty), and
1977's Chile Resistencia featured "No Nos Someterán" (They Will Not Sub-
due Us). Quilapayún, in their 1976 European catalog, offered the albums
El Pueblo Unido Jamás Será Vencido (A United People Will Never Be De-
feated), Adelante (Forward), and Patria (Nation), whose politicaUy themed
tracks included "Elegia al Che Guevara" (Elegy to Che Guevara), "Cueca de
la Solidaridad" (Solidarity Cueca), "Marcha por la Unidad" (Unity March)
and, set to Pablo Neruda's poems, "Continuará Nuestra Lucha" (Our Strug-
gle Will Continue) and the pro-Fidel Castro "Un Son para Cuba."'''
Through albums such as these, complemented by concert tours dedi-
cated to leftist solidarity causes, exiled Chilean Nueva Canción artists not
only strengthened Andean music's existing linkage with leftism in Europe,
but also gave a new meaning to this music: "Chile." Popular music scholar
Philip Tagg remembers "anything resembling an ensemble of quena [kena]
flutes and charangos came to be associated with South America, most prob-
ably with suffering and Chile, at least in the ears of the adult Northern Euro-
pean audience" (2001, 95; my emphasis). The music of the Andes thus
became indexical of the non-Andean country of Chile for Europeans un-
aware of its recent incorporation into Chilean folkloric repertory. Even fewer
were aware that Paris-based Argentine folklorists originally had sparked

the Parras' interest in Andean music, which the influential family champi-
oned back home in Chile to Quilapayún, Inti-Illimani and other impression-
able young artists who, in the post-Allende years, successfully navigated
the emergent European market for politicized non-Western music.
Closing Thoughts
This article has chronicled the early history of Andean folkloric-popular
music and musicians in Erance, focusing on the years before the arrival of
exiled Chilean Nueva Canción artists. Unexpectedly, folklorists from the
Andean countries played little part at first in bringing the music of the
Andes to Europe, Initially, the main protagonists were expatriate Argen-
tines from Buenos Aires who had learned to perform highland Andean
instruments and genres while living in Paris (e.g., Los Incas, Los Calchakis),
After Pinochet's 1973 military coup, Chilean ensembles took the interna-
tional spotlight (e,g,, Quilapayún, Inti-Illimani), becoming central actors in
the difáision and politicization of Andean folkloric-popular music world-
wide. Consistent with their pan-Latin American orientation, these uprooted
folklorists strummed Venezuelan cuatros and Colombian tiples as well as
Andean charangos to accompany a variety of Latin American genres, includ-
ing Argentine zambas, Mexican son jarochos, Chilean cuecas, and Cuban
guajiras. But highland Andean instruments and genres rarely heard in
Chile before the 1960s came to be perhaps the most prominent musical
emblems oí Nueva Canción's progressive pan-national scope. As such, kenas,
charangos, and huaynos entered the repertory of socially conscious artists
throughout the Americas in the 1970s and 1980s, even in countries located
far away from the Andes mountains such as the Dominican Republic (Pacini
Hernández 1995, 119-27), Cuba (Benmayor 1981, 23; Moore 2003, 21),
Nicaragua (Scruggs 2002,124), Brazil (Perrone 1989,152), and, in particu-
lar, Mexico (Arana 1976,1988; Bárrales Pacheco 1994; Zolov 1999, 225-33).
In the U.S.A,, the Native American flute revival's emergence and transna-
tional commercial success (e.g,, R, Carlos Nakai) perhaps had some con-
nection with the Andean "Indian flute" vogue,^
Though of non-Andean origin, the Nueva Canción movement infiuenced
a number of musicians in the Andean countries. In Peru, General Juan
Velasco's populist military regime (1968-75) sponsored concerts by visiting
Southern Cone Nueva Canción artists and, ftirthermore, the state-supported
Taller de la Canción Popular (Popular Music Workshop) fostered the creation
of socially committed Peruvian ensembles (e.g.. Tiempo Nuevo, Vientos del
Pueblo) very similar in style to Quilapayún (Oliart and Uoréns 1984,76-78),
In Ecuador, indigenous highland musicians from rural Otavalo, emulating
urban Chilean and Argentine (as well as Bolivian) folklorists, incorporated
into their ensembles the kena and charango, instruments not typically
played in Ecuador until the 1970s (Meisch 2002, 120; Olsen 2004,
290-91; Schechter 1998, 416-17). In Colombia's southwestern Andean re-
gion, too, folkloric-popular ensembles such as América Libre (Free Amer-
ica) gained inspiration from the Nueva Canción movement and learned to
use the kena and charango (Broere 1989,117). Bolivians for the most part re-
acted in a strikingly different manner to Chilean cultivation of Andean mu-
sical traditions. Since the 1960s, Bolivians often have claimed that Chilean
Nueva Canción artists were simply appropriating national musical patri-
mony in a manner all too reminiscent of Chile's annexation of the Litoral
coastline in the nineteenth-century Pacific War. Nueva Canción's idealistic
pan-nationalism thus unintentionally elicited a Bolivian patriotic backlash
(Rios 2003, 2004).
In the early 1970s, Nueva Canción's pan-Latin Americanist meanings
paralleled those of salsa. Usually categorized as "folk music" and "dance/
popular music," respectively, Nueva Canción and salsa may not appear to
have much in common with each other at first glance. Yet both were linked
to progressive pan-Lafino social agendas at about the same time. By the late
1970s, however, U.S. record companies had largely depoliticized salsa to
increase its mass appeal (Manuel 1991, 162-66; Manuel 1995, 72-92,
9 4 - 9 6 ) . In contrast, Nueva Canción's "politics" continued to be an impor-
tant selling point, lasfing to this day (like the case with reggae). In terms of
its commercial niche, Nueva Canción was thus a precursor to politically
marketed World Beat music (e.g., Zimbabwe's chimurenga star Thomas
Mapfumo [see Turino 1998b, 9 5 - 9 8 ; Turino 2000, 337-39]). This has per-
haps been obscured by the notable sonic differences between folkloric
Nueva Canción and dance-oriented World Beat, whose biggest stars (often
based in Paris) mainly hail from Africa rather than Latin America (see
Stapleton 1989; Warne 1997).
Inviting further comparisons regarding the international trajectories of
Andean folkloric-popular music and Afro-centered World Beat is the role of
Paul Simon. Many publications have discussed his involvement with African
music and musicians (e.g., Erlmann 1999,179-98; Feld 1988; Hamm 1989;
Meintjes 1990). Simon's initial foray into non-Western music with "El Cón-
dor Pasa" and Los Incas (who accompanied him on his first solo tour as
Urubamba)^ has been rarely given more than a passing mention by schol-
ars. Again it seems that sonic differences have obscured processual similari-
ties. South African popular music, as Graceland's liner notes acknowledge,
appealed to Simon because it was "familiar and foreign-sounding at the same
time." This quote, Turino writes (1998b, 96), "captures the core" of the
World Beat industry's "selection of forms that are distinctive and yet com-
patible with mainstream [cosmopolitan] aesthetics." The compatibility of
South African popular music with U.S. musical tastes reftected longstanding
and particularly direct linkages between them (Erlmann 1991,1999). Folk-

loric Andean popular music's transnational commercial success likeviàse
was mediated through modernist-cosmopolitan loops, which, I have ar-
gued in this essay, reveals a clear example of how intracultural processes
often drive the transnational commodification of "exotic musics." As for
Paid Simon, like many cosmopolitans interested in non-cosmopolitan
music, he craved the authentic but did not rehsh too much difference. An-
dean folkloric-popular music fulfilled this expectation by evoking the au-
tochthonous without really challenging his aesthetic preferences. Unaware
of this, Simon could extol with confidence the diversity of his musical
tastes, believing the music of Los Incas had "nothing to do with our music,
but I liked it anyway" (quoted in Luftig 1997, 88).
I have emphasized the Parra family's pivotal role in introducing Andean
instruments and genres into the Chilean milieu. It is also evident that Che
Guevara's decision to foment leftist revolution in Bolivia had a direct im-
pact on Ghilean interest in Andean musical traditions.^^ Consistent with
the pan-Latin American sentiments of the day, the music of the Andes to
some extent called to mind the Inca Empire's impressive feat of uniting
much of modern-day Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador along with parts of Chile,
Colombia, and Argentina into one political unit. Inti-Illimani founder Jorge
Coulón (p.c.), however, believes that Chilean musicians elaborated this
well-known explanation after the fact. Recent historical work by Juan Pablo
González, who has documented the "persistent incorporation of foreign
genres in the Chilean folk and popular repertoire" during the early-to-mid-
twentieth century (2005, 257), suggests that Nueva Canción artists' use of
highland Andean instruments and genres was driven at least in part by
Chile's relative paucity of locally distinctive indigenous and mestizo musi-
cal traditions in comparison with neighboring countries (see Ibid., 254-64;
see also Cifuentes 1989, 240-41).
For Nueva Canción's Indian emblem, Chilean musicians could have
looked to the Mapuche (Chile's largest indigenous population), whose ex-
pressive practices mainly consist of vocal genres accompanied with various
types of idiophones and drums (Grebe 2004,154-58). TTiis indigenous mu-
sic had little appeal to most Nueva Canción artists. Chilean middle-class
university students looking for a way to musically identify with Amerindi-
ans but largely uninterested in Mapuche songs were instead attracted to An-
dean kenas and charangos, which easily complemented the standard Southern
Cone folkloric-popular music lineup of acoustic guitars and bombo drums.
Nueva Canción folklorists, after all, used modernist-cosmopolitan versions
of rural indigenous instruments rather than the ones actually used at the
time in Southern Andean highland villages. Sonically and visually indexing
Indians was thus easy for these musicians to do without having to alter
Nueva Canción's aesthetic standards and presentational style.
Postlude: Andean Music in France after the 1970s

In 2001, while I was in Bolivia conducting fieldwork, charango player Jean
Vidaillac brought a one hundred-plus contingent of French and Swiss mu-
sicians to La Paz's Teatro Municipal, where they performed "Fl Cóndor Pasa"
and other Andean repertory with typical instruments. This recital was a
homage to Gilbert Favre (he passed away in 1998), Vidaillac informed the
curious Bolivian audience, who listened to his entertaining stories about
the French-Swiss conjunto Los Cringos, which the two friends had formed
in the 1970s. The Teatro Municipal conceri presented many of Vidaillac's
young students from the "Cilbert Favre School," an Andean music sum-
mer camp based in the French town of Chateaubriant. Since 2001, Vidaillac
has continued to bring Favre School entourages to Bolivia, ensuring future
generations of Andean music aficionados in France as well as Switzerland.
Despite his efforts, folkloric Andean music's popularity in France has de-
clined steadily since its heyday in the 1970s and early 1980s, when the Left
Bank's Quartier Latine at times seemed more like the "Latino Quarter" (José
Mendoza, p.c.). During this peak moment, Parisians coiold attend reenact-
ments of rural Andean indigenous music played by the Bolivian groups Los
Ruphay and Boliviamanta, who often swapped members and at times per-
formed together (Hery Cortéz of Los Ruphay, p.c.; Carlos and Julio Arguedas
of Boliviamanta, p.c.). Neither ensemble came close to rivaling the European
celebrity of Los Calchakis, Los Incas, Quilapayún, or Inti-lUimani, although
Boliviamanta earned French critical acclaim for their autochthonous-styled
albums Wiñayataqui and Pak'cha. Boliviamanta's collaborations with the Ec-
uadorian group Ñanda Mañachi (e.g., Boliviamanta's 1981 release Quechua
Music: Churay Churay!), as anthropologist Lynn Meisch has noted (2002,
137-38), played a major role in inspiring a multitude of Ecuadorian musi-
cians (mainly from Otavalo) to travel to France and other European coun-
tries in pursuit of work. Often seen playing music on street corners and
subway stops while selling cassettes and textiles, Ecuadorian musicians be-
came the most visible performers of Andean music in Europe in the 1990s
and remain so to the present (Ibid., 117-99).
Today, the tropical sounds of salsa reign in Paris's Latin American music
scene rather than Andean flutes, and in reaction to this change, Bolivia-
manta directors (and ex-Urubamba members) Carlos and Julio Arguedas
have shifted their focus to Cuban music (p.c.). La Candelaria no longer ex-
ists, and L'Escale, once known as the "Temple of Latin American Music,"
now pipes in music rather than brings in live acts. Tourists to the French
capital during the busy summer months will still come across ]3oncho-clad
Andean conjuntos in the Metro, but these days, African and Afro-diasporic
music takes center stage among the non-Westem offerings in Europe's
"world music capital" (Warne 1997,137).
Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Thomas Turino for his steadfast support of my work. I also would
like to thank the many musicians I interviewed who made this research possible.
Walter Aaron Clark and Jonathan Ritter generously provided a scholarly forum for me
to test out an early version of this paper at the University of California-Riverside.
I am grateful to Joshua Tucker and the anonymous reviewer for giving me helpful
suggestions to make this a better manuscript. Many thanks also go to Robin Moore
and the LAMR staff. As always, I owe the greatest thanks of all to Thalia.
Notes
1. Ernesto Che Guevara famously proclaimed, "Bolivia will be sacrificed for
the cause of creating conditions for revolution in the neighboring countries. We
have to create another Vietnam in the Americas with its center in Bolivia" (quoted
in Anderson 1997, 680; cited in Lehman 1999, 260).
2. Quilapayún's literal translation is "The Three Bearded Men."
3. I use the term "folkloric-popular music" to refer to mass-mediated adapta-
tions of rural expressive practices geared toward modernist-cosmopolitan aesthetic
standards. See my discussion of Thomas Turino's reconceptualization of "cosmopoh-
tanism" (which this essay follows). The folklorization process usually entails the
transformation of non-commodified and participatory traditions into commodified
and presentational form. Katherine Hagedom has coined the term "folkloriciza-
tion" for this phenomenon (2001, 9 - n , 14), based on her research on sacred Afro-
Cuban music staged in secular settings (e.g., tourist events).
4. For an annotated Nueva Canción bibliography, see Fairley (1985). Other
work on Nueva Canción includes Advis (2000), Bessière (1980a, 1980b), Carrasco
Pirard (1982, 1988), Clouzet (1975), Cifuentes (1989), Fairley (1984, 1989, 2002),
González (1989,1996, 2000), Manns (1977), Moreno (1986), Morris (1986), Reyes
Matta (1988), Oviedo (1990), Rodriguez Musso (1988,1995), Sáez (1999), Santander
(1984), TafFet (1997), and Tumas-Serna (1992). Published materials that discuss
Paris's pre-1973 Andean music scene include Gerard Borras's short article on the
inauthencity of France-based Andean ensembles (1992, m-20), Héctor and Ana
Maria Miranda's memoirs about Los Calchakis' European career (2004), Federico
Arana's humorous take on the experiences of Mexican musicians in Paris (1976,
32-51) and Pedro Van der Lee's dissertation (1997b, 33-34, 6 0 - 6 6 , 70-77). Trag-
ically, Van der Lee passed away before completing this work, which was published
in its unfinished form.
5. I use the terms "indigenous" and "Amerindian" as synonyms in this article.
6. For a discussion of Afro-Peruvian musician Susana Baca's career that en-
gages with Thomas Turino's work on cosmopolitanism, see Feldman (2006, chap. 7).
7 When referring to rural Andean indigenous peoples and cultural practices
as "non-cosmopolitan," I certainly do not mean to imply that Amerindian lifeways
in this region have remained isolated from outside influences since the Spanish in-
vasion. Nothing could be fiirther from the truth, as much of the recent Andeanist
literature documents (e.g., Larson and Harris 1995). What I mean, instead, is that
rural Andean indigenous lifeways—despite their incorporation of cosmopolitan

products—generally form part of an aesthetic system that is not mainly governed
by the ethos of transnational cosmopolitan cultural formations such as modernist-
capitalism and modernist-socialism.
8. The Argentine camavalito is virtually identical to the Bolivian/Peruvian mes-
tizo huayño (spelled huayno in Peru), a duple meter Andean genre with a galloping
pulse and either AABB or AABBCC musical form.
9. Many South American mestizo genres grew out of the zamacueca (e.g., Pe-
ruvian marinera, Argentine zamba). The bailecito resembles the Bolivian cueca (which
differs in several respects from the Chilean cueca) also found in northern Argentina.
Andean bailedtos and cuecas follow AABA form, often modulate between the rela-
tive minor and major modes, and, like all zamacueca variants, alternate between I
and 8 meter {sesquiáltera hemiola). The two genres feature slightly different rhyth-
mic patterns. Beats two and three are accented in bailedtos, whereas in cuecas, the
'& of 2' and the '3' are stressed (if counted in I).
10. Argentine art music composers, too, drew inspiration from Andean life-
ways (see Veniard 1986, 2000), often envisioning them to be Argentina's pre-
Columbian survivals from the Inca period.
11. See De la Cadena (2000) for the history of the elite-led nativist Peruvian
artistic and political movement known as indigenismo.
12. Peruvian singer Yma Sumac's over-the-top performance practices are dis-
cussed by Toop (1999, 71-77) and Leydon (1999, 45-71).
13. In Buenos Aires, Mauro Nunez took on Jaime Torres as his charango stu-
dent and fictive nephew. After appearing on the 1964 LP Misa Criolla (Creole Mass)
with the famed group Los Fronterizos, Torres became Argentina's best-known cha-
rango player, a position he has held to this day.
14. In the 1920s, linking with the North American fox-trot's heyday and the rise
of Peruvian indigenismo, the "Incan fox trot" was a popular music genre in Peru
(Uoréns 1983,105-11) and Bolivia (Rios 2005, 47, 91-96). "Virgenes del Sol," with
its romanticized Inca imagery, is a classic Peruvian Incan fox-trot.
15. Felipe Rivera's Orquesta Tipica Boliviana was also an active participant in
Buenos Aires's folkloric music scene of the 1930s (Rios 2005, chap. 1 and 2).
16. After menüoning Alberto Ruiz Lavadenz's "almost aristocratic, distinguished
manners," the RCA Victor interviewer (raising the misinformed yet ubiquitous "sad
Andean stereotype") relates, "the only thing that reveals his [Ruiz Lavadenz's] spiri-
tual affinity with the Incas is his sad, almost painful look, characteristic of the na-
tives of the altiplano" {La Voz de RCA Victor: Alberto Ruiz, Folklorista, 1932-33).
17. Quechua was commonly spoken in Los Hermanos Abalos' home province
of Santiago del Estero (Northern Argentina).
18. The guitar and bombo were standard instruments for Argentine folkloric-
popular music groups (e.g., Los Chakhaleros).
19. Of contested authorship, the yaraví "Dos Palomitas" is well known through-
out much of the Andean region. In Argentina, this song appears to have entered
the repertory of Buenos Aires-based folklorists through the publication of Argen-
tine art music composer Manuel Gómez Carrillo's 1916 printed edition of folk tunes,
which included the "Dos Palomitas" melody (arranged for voice and piano) among
the selections collected in Humahuaca, Jujuy (Rios 2005, 52-54).
20. For an overview of rural indigenous Andean musical practices, see Thomas
Turino's "Quechua and Aymara" entry in Garland (1998a).
21. My understanding of the presentational-participatory music continuum is
based on Thomas Turino's insights on this phenomenon (2000, 46-59).
22. Argentine singer/guitarist Carlos Cáceres formed a duo in Paris with fellow
visual artist Jesús Soto of Venezuela. They served as L'Escale's house band from
1952 to 1954 (Carlos Cáceres, p.c.).
23. In addition to playing Andean music with Los Incas (and later with L'Ensem-
ble Achalay), Galeazzi formed a jazz duo in Paris with Argentine pianist Eduardo
Lalo Schiffrin, later known internationally for his North American film and televi-
sion scores (see Pujol 1992, 228-34).
24. The cueca "La Boliviana," with lyrics describing the Bolivian migrant experi-
ence to Argentina, long had been standard repertory for Argentine folklorists. "Viva
Jujuy" is probably a boi/ecito-variant of yaraví "Dos Palomitas" (their melodies are
very similar, and the two pieces are often played as a medley). "Viva Jujuy"'s initial
diffusion in Argentina, according to Emilio Portorrico (2004, 340), owes much to
tango musician Rafael Rossi's published transcription. Los Incas credit Rafael Rossi
as "Viva Jujuy"'s composer on the LP Chants et Danses DAmerique Latine.
25. The Argentine tango had been popular in Paris since the 1910s (Zalko
2001).
26. Spanish musician Rafael Gayoso (p.c.) formed Los Machucambos (Gosta
Rican slang for "The Armadillos") with Peruvian guitarist Muton Zapata and Gosta
Rican singer Julia Gortéz (the daughter of a Gosta Rican president) circa 1957. Their
first hit was "La Bamba." Zapata (p.c.) occasionally played the charango—which
first attracted his interest in Paris rather than back home in Lima—for Andean
tunes such as "El Humahuaqueño." In the early 1970s, Zapata began making kenas,
becoming one of the earliest to do so in Paris.
27. The Paraguayan group Los Guaranis (named after the Amerindian language)
arrived in Paris in 1951 with Spanish choreographer Joaquin Perez Fernandez's
Ballets de L'Amérique Latine (Virgilio Rojas, p.c.). The troupe, founded in Argentina,
had its Paris debut at the Theatre Marigny, where they performed several Andean
numbers including a "Peruvian suite" (Yaravi, Huayno, Kachapampa War Dance),
an Incan-fiavored Guzco sketch ("Indians from Sunday's Eair") and an Argentine
bailecito medley which, according to the program notes, depicted the "sadness of
Kolla Indians from northern Argentina, simple souls full of nostalgia. Descendants
of a grand race whose splendor has been lost to history" (Theatre Marigny program.
May 23,1951). The members of Los Guaranis settled in Paris soon after this recital
and later founded many groups (e.g., Los Guarayos, El Trio Guaránia, Los Guaranis
de Francisco Marín). These ensembles usually included Andean songs in their
wide-ranging repertory.
28. Of elite background, the Argentine duo Leda y Maria (ex-jazz singer Leda
Valladares and future writer Maria Elena Walsh) was based in Paris from 1952 to
1956. They performed at such venues as the Scandia Glub, L'Ecluse, Fontains des
Quatres Saisons and, fiilly dad in their ponchos, at the strip tease Grazy Horse Sa-
loon (Brizuela 1992, 50-52, Dujovne 1979, 4 9 - 5 8 , Pujol 1993, 98-102).
29. See Moore (1997,171-82) for the early history of the "commercial rumba"
in Europe, especially in Paris.
30. These selections, recorded circa 1964-65, appear on the CD Violeta Parra
en Ginebra (Warner Music 857380702-2).
31. The term Nueva Canción, however, would not become widely used in Chile
until 1969's Primer Festival de la Nueva Canción Chilena (First Festival of Chilean
Nueva Canción). Two years earlier, Latin American artists attending Cuba's Primer
Encuentro Internacional de Canción Protesta (First International Meeting of Protest
Music) had considered using the name Nueva Canción for a socially conscious music
movement (Fairley 1984,107-9).
32. Carrasco Pirard (1988, 59-60), González (1989, 268, 282), Saéz (1999,
144), and other scholars have previously noted that the Parras' experiences in Paris
at L'Escale and La Candelaria had some bearing on the family's decision to found
the Chilean venues La Peña de los Parra and La Carpa de la Reina.
33. Pan-Latin Americanist sentiments similarly inspired Rolando Alarcón's "Si
Somos Americanos" (If We Are Americans) and Patricio Manns's "El Sueño Amer-
icano" (The American Dream), composed in 1965 like Violeta Parra's "Los Pueblos
Americanos" (Rodriguez Musso 1999,156,167; Manns 1977, 65-66). Alarcón and
Manns were leading Nueva Canción figures in Chile.
34. Back in the 1700s, French admiration of the Incan Empire similarly had
connected with issues of the time, in this prior instance with Enlightenment de-
bates about the Spanish Black Legend (Poole 1997). Many well-known French com-
posers of the eighteenth-century created Incan-themed works (e.g., operas, ballets)
(Poole 1997, 25-57; Pisani 2005,17-43).
35. Ricardo Rojas's "Inca Theater" production Ollantay (1939) presented a yaraví,
huayño, serpent dance (!), and other works by Argentine art music composer Guardo
Gilardi (Stevenson 1968, 302). This work was performed at Buenos Aires's es-
teemed Teatro Colón in 1945 and 1946 (Caamaño 1969, vol. 2, 300,334). Rojas's Ol-
lantay shared the title and plot of an eighteenth-century Andean drama of unknown
authorship (see Mannheim 1991, 72-73) which was also reworked by Peruvian in-
digenista composers (Mendoza 2004, 61-62).
36. Mendoza notes that the pioneering folkloric theater company's positive re-
ception in Buenos Aires "not only stimulated the creation of the first institution of
this type in Cuzco and Peru, the Centro Qosqo de Arte Nativo (today the most re-
spected in Cuzco), but also of others that followed" (2004, 60).
37. Highland Andean musical traditions existed in Chile's northernmost re-
gion, however (González 1998, 357-58, 361-65; Grebe 2004,147-51). This remote
area, home to a number of Aymará speakers (mainly in Tarapacá Province), was an-
nexed from Bolivia in the nineteenth-century Pacific War.
38. Also through recordings, Inti-Illimani founder and charango player Horacio
Duran was infiuenced by the style of Argentine charanguista Jaime Torres (Cifuentes
1989,49).
39. Explaining their trip's motive, Inti-Illimani told a La Paz newspaper reporter,
"the folkloric music of Bolivia's neighboring countries originated in the melodies,
notes, tones and characteristics of Bolivian Incaic music, and it is for this reason
that we have traveled to the very origin of Altiplano melodies" (El Diario, February
6, 1969). Inti-Illimani returned to Bolivia, after a sixteen-year absence, for Evo
Morales's 2006 presidential inauguration (La Razón, January 23 and 24, 2006).
40. Given the cosmopolitan background of Nueva Canción's main figures, not
surprisingly, a number of them have written their own interpretations of the move-
ment. Personal testimonies figure prominently in much of this literature. Readers
interested in exploring these accounts should consult the sources listed in the
Nueva Canción bibliography cited above.
41. The urban La Paz group 31 de Octubre, active in the 1950s (Rios 2005, chap.
3), was named after the date when the Bolivian state nationalized the Big Three tin
mining companies.
42. The kashua is an Andean indigenous courtship tradition featuring songs
accompanied by charangos (Turino 1983). The kashua movement in the zarzuela "El
Cóndor Pasa" may have been based on the Peruvian yaraví "Soy La Paloma Que el
Nido Perdió" (I am the Dove the Nest Lost) (Varallanos 1988, 20, 70).
43. Kena soloist Raymond Thevenot, of the late 1960s Geneva-based Trio Los
Quetzales, has also noted that conjunto interpretations of "El Cóndor Pasa" sound
more Andean-like than Alomia Robles's original work (1979, 3-4,13).
44. A few months before Bridge over Troubled Water's release, North Ameri-
can singer Julie Fenix scored a number-nineteen hit in England with Simon and
Garfunkel's "El Cóndor Pasa" arrangement (Morella and Barey 1991,118).
45. Two years later, Simon and Garfunkel's Greatest Hits album listed "El Cón-
dor Pasa"'s coauthors as Robles/Simon/Milchberg (Columbia KG 31350).
46. Though the zarzuela El Cóndor Pasa's libretto (by Julio Badouin) had strongly
denounced U.S. economic imperialism in the Peruvian mining industry (Pinilla
1988,139-41), to my knowledge, Andean folkloric-popular musicians of the 1960s
were unaware of the original work's association with leftist sentiments.
47. The Bolivian government released Debray in 1970 (Dunkerley 1984,
182-83).
48. Quuapayun later composed the Guban guajira A Gochabamba Me Voy (I'm
on My Way to Gochabamba) in homage to Guevara's fallen comrades from this Bo-
livian city (Garrasco Pirard 1988,121,174). Another song dedicated to the Argentine
revolutionary, Ñancahuazú (after the site of Guevara's Bolivian campaign), appears
on the 1968 album Quilapayún Tres (Santander 1984, 213).
49. Paris's "May 1968" had connections with mobilizations taking place in many
sites, e.g., Ghicago, Prague, Beijing, and Mexico Gity (Daniels 1989; Fraser 1988).
50. For the lyrics of "Hasta Siempre Gomandante" and many other Ghe
Guevara-inspired songs, see Feliú Miranda (1996).
51. Sanjinés's 1969 anti-Peace Gorps film Yawar Mallku (Quechua for "Blood of
the Gondor") would likewise gamer French critical acclaim (FEDAM 1999,149-51).
Kena soloist Gilbert Favre had a cameo acting role in this film.
52. Jean Ferraf s unambiguous opening track on this 1967 album was "Guba Si."
53. François Maspero also published Debray's pro-guerrilla Revolution in the
Revolution? (Reader 1995, 11), Guevara's La Guerra de Guerillas, the anti-Francisco
Franco compilation Les Chansons de la Nouvelle Résistance Espagnole and Violeta
Parra's Andean-titled Poésie Populaire des Andes (Franco-Lao 1967).
54. Before the release of Los Galchakis' album La Flûte Indienne, Paris-based
groups rarely had used the panpipe, and none had explored its soloistic possibili-
ties. This changed in the 1970s when panpipes first became emblematic of Andean
folkloric-popular music groups worldwide. This coincided with Romanian panpipe

soloist Zamfir's rise to international fame; Barclay released Zamfir's first widely
distributed solo album in 1970 (Van der Lee 1997b, 134).
55. After returning to La Paz from Buenos Aires in the early 1950s, Tito
Yupanqui formed the husband-wife Bolivian duo Los Wara Wara (Aymará for "The
Stars") with singer Pepa Cardona (aka La Khosinaira). For the next decade they
toured the Americas (Rios 2005, chap. 4 and 5).
56. The irregular musical form of Tito Yupanqui's huayño "Italaqueñita" was
AABB (first rendition ofthe melody), AABBCC (second), and AABBCCC (final). Los
Calchakis modified this repetition scheme (AABB, AABBC, AABB, AABBC).
57. Probably in response to Los Calchakis' Barclay album La Guitare Indienne
(featuring invited Argentine guitarists Raúl Maldonado and Martin Torres), Chant
du Monde released Atahualpa Yupanqui's Andean-titled LP Guitare des Andes in
1970 (Pellegrino 2002, 325-26).
58. Los Chacos, whose members had Argentine relatives, named themselves
after Argentina's Northern Chaco region (Le Journal du Centre Mardi, July n, 1967).
59. Pachacamac's director was Jean-Pierre Bluteau. Before forming this
group, Bluteau had performed often at L'Escale with various South American musi-
cians (e.g., Los Guaranis) and had toured France with Argentine kena virtuoso Facio
Santillán (Jean-Pierre Bluteau, p.c.).
60. Very few Peruvian and Ecuadorian folkloric-popular music artists came to
Paris before the 1980s (various, p.c.), though circa 1969 Ñanda Mañachi of Ecuador
may have briefly visited France (Meisch 2002,135). To my knowledge, the only Bo-
livian folklorists to perform in Europe prior to 1969 were the La Paz groups Con-
junto Kollasuyo, Los CeboUitas and Los Wara Wara. Conjunto Kollasuyo participated
in Moscow's 1957 IV World Festival for the Youth, Los CeboUitas (an urban panpipe
group) toured Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union (as well as China) with the
Fantasia Boliviana delegation in 1959, and Los Wara Wara (Tito Yupanqui and Pepa
Cardona) played a few recitals in France and Belgium circa i960 (Rios 2005, chap.
4 and 5).
61. Gilbert Favre also founded the first La Paz venue dedicated to Andean
folkloric-popular music. Peña Naira, modeled after Chile's La Peña de los Parra
(Rios 2005, chap. 7).
62. Bolivian guitarist Alfredo Domínguez had traveled to Europe with Los
Jairas.
63. The proliferation of Bolivian folklorists touring Europe motivated German
entrepreneur Horst Tubbesing to found Eulenspiegel in 1976. Currently known as
ARC Music, this "world music" company released as its first album Los Ruphay's
Folklore de Bolivia (http://www.arcmusic.co.uk).
64. Argenfine composer Ariel Ramirez's "Misa GrioUa," like the African "Misa
Luba," was a "folk setting" ofthe Catholic hturgy (see Scruggs 2005). Los Fronteri-
zos' "Misa GrioUa" recording earned the 1965 Gharles Cros Gran Prix (Mahárbiz
1999, 103). Los Galchakis incorporated this work into their repertoire in 1970. It
quickly became the group's bread and butter and has remained so to this day
(Héctor Miranda, p.c.).
65. The Western transverse flute often was used by 1970s rock groups, especiaUy
English progressive bands like Jethro TuU, King Grimson, and the Moody Blues
(Macan 1997, 20, 25, 37, 8 0 - 8 2 , 135). Jethro Tull scored hit singles in France in
1969,1970, and 1972 (Leseur 1999: 74, 78, 86).
66. État de Siège, although set in Uruguay, was filmed in Chile slightly before
Pinochet's coup (Michalczyk 1984).
67. Pinochet's regime briefly banned the use of charangos and kenas in Chile
because of the instruments' leftist associations (Morris 1986:123-24).
68. Quilapayún's first recording of "La Muralla" appears on their 1969 Basta
album, named after the French-issued compilation Basta! Chants de Témoignage et
de Révolte de LAmérique Latine (Carrasco Pirard 1988,118,141).
69. The Chilean groups Illapu and Los Jaivas relocated to France in the 1980s.
70. The Scandinavian countries also received a number of Chilean refugees.
For information on Nueva Canción artists' impact on the Finnish and Swedish
music scenes, see Pakkasvirta and Aronen (1999,100-101,135-38,162), Tagg (2001,
94-104), and Van der Lee (1997a, 28-32, 44-45).
71. Patricio Guzman's pro-Allende La Batalla de Chile film series (1975, 1976,
and 1979) also earned multiple awards in France (Hart 2004, 77).
72. Cortázar, who later dismissed Libro de Manuel as "my worst book" (quoted
in Standish 2001,131), was friends with Quilapayún (Carrasco Pirard 1988, 2 9 8 - 9 9 ,
317-18). The Paris-based Cortázar frequented L'Escale as did other figures of the
1960s "Latin American literature boom" such as Colombian writer Gabriel Garcia
Márquez (L'Escale owner Rafael Gayoso, p.c.).
73. The Ghüean Nueva Candan group Trabunche was likewise foimded in France
in 1974 (Bessière 1980a, 135,199).
74. Inti-lUimani's repertory of Guevara-inspired songs also included Carlos
Puebla's guajira "Carta al Che" (Letter to Ghe) (Jorge Coulón, p.c.).
75. In the 1970s, Quilapayún and Inti-IUimani also recorded albums without
explicit political messages, dedicated instead to classic Andean tunes, including
Inti-IlHmani's LP series Canto de Pueblos Andinos (Song of Andean Peoples) and
Quilapayún's Les Flûtes Chiliennes du Quilapayún. For a list of Nueva Canción al-
bums available for purchase in mid-1970s France, see Glouzet (1975, 255-56) and
Mellac (1974,121-22; 1978,153-54).
76. As far as I know, writings on the Native American Flute Revival do not
mention this possible connection. The revival's chronology, however, suggests this
link (see Conlon 2002; McAUester 1994; Payne 1999; Tuttle 2001).
77 Whereas in the 1980s, salsa failed to find its World Beat niche (Pacini
Hernández 1993), in the 1990s, Cuban musicians who played soiso-related genres
earned a place in this market, aided at least in part by political and Afro-diasporic
associations (Pacini Hernández 1998).
78. The group Urubamba (named after a Peruvian river) was led by Los Incas'
Jorge Milchberg, who at the time was embroiled in legal proceedings prompfing
him to rename the group temporarily. Bolivian musicians Gerardo Yañez (p.c.),
Julio and Garlos Arguedas (p.c.), and Argentine kena virtuoso Uña Ramos partici-
pated in Urubamba's performances and recordings in the mid-1970s. Paul Simon
produced Urubamba's 1974 debut LP (Kingston 1998,134-35, i53~54)-
79. Ironically, Andean wind instruments {kenas, panpipes) are not typically
played in the Bolivian region where Che Guevara met his demise. I verified this in-
teresting fact while conducfing fieldwork in Vallegrande Province in 1999.
80. The Chilean mapuchina and araucana, 1940s urban dance genres, repre-
sent some of the few Chilean attempts to create popular music styles based on local
Amerindian traditions (González and Rolle 2003, 404-8).
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La Flûte Indienne: The Early History of Andean

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Reflecting this idealistic sohdarity with the oppressed and marginalized,

La Flûte Indienne: France's Andean Music Boom from the

Erançois Maspero (Eranco-Lao 1967).'^ Yupanqui, with the poetic "Camino

Starting with Bolivia Andina (Andean Bolivia) in 1969.^° Belgian entrepre-

Despite the sudden infitix of Bolivian ensembles, Los Calchakis profited

Kenas, Guerrillas, and Salvador Allende: Andean Music's

Fxiled Chilean Nueva Canción Musicians Come to France

Long-standing Erench interest in Andean music and its growing associ-

Manuel (A Manual for Manuel) received the Prix Médicis—whose pro-

were aware that Paris-based Argentine folklorists originally had sparked

and particularly direct linkages between them (Erlmann 1991,1999). Folk-

Postlude: Andean Music in France after the 1970s

rural Andean indigenous lifeways—despite their incorporation of cosmopolitan

folkloric-popular music groups worldwide. This coincided with Romanian panpipe

Moore, Robin. 1997 Nationalizing Blackness: Afrocubanismo and Artistic Revolution

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