One of the central goals of modern economic theory is to establish that free markets work
very well, and the government interventions cause ‘distortions’ and loss of efficiency. An
extremely important tool in achieving this goal is the idea of the “invisible hand” which is
In his 1776 book An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of
Nations, economist Adam Smith made the most famous observation in all of
economics: Households and firms interacting in markets act as if they are
guided by an "invisible hand" that leads them to desirable market outcomes
that, in many cases, maximize the welfare of society as a whole…
… Why do decentralized market economies work so well? Is it because
people can be counted on to treat each other with love and kindness? Not at all.
Modern interpretation of Smith's "invisible hand" metaphor says that
participants in a market economy are motivated by self-interest, and that the
‘invisible hand’ of the market place guides this self-interest into promoting
general economic well-being. Many of the insights of “invisible hand” theory
remain at the center of modern economics.
This same message is conveyed by the vast majority of popular introductory economics
textbooks. For clarity, we list and label the claims being made in the cited passage; note that as
asserted in the last sentence above, these claims are at the center of modern economics.
3. The reason for excellent functioning of decentralized market economies is that all
participants are motivated by self-interest. This self-interest works better than love and
kindness in terms of promoting social welfare. (GG: greed is good)
4. The principles listed above were summarized in the concept of the “Invisible Hand” by
Adam Smith. (AS)
Our goal in this paper is to show that all four of these claims are wrong. For convenience,
we will refer to these claims by the initials listed above. In Section 2, we show that people are
not motivated by self-interest only. In fact, they behave according to the social norms which, as a
learned experience, are subject to change using external interventions. In Section 3, we argue
that decentralized market economies do not work very well. In Section 4, we show that
interventions in free markets can produce very good results. In Section 5, we argue that, contrary
to the predictions of the efficacy of invisible hand, greed and competition lead to bad outcomes,
whereas generosity and cooperation contribute much more significantly towards promoting the
collective wellbeing. In Section 6, we show that attributing the “invisible hand” to Adam Smith
is a mistake. The modern day interpretation of Smith’s invisible hand is radically different from
what Smith had in mind when he invoked this metaphor to discuss the unintended consequences
of certain actions. Finally, in Section 7, we conclude by explaining why the invisible hand theory
Although, self-interest is one of the most deeply entrenched ideas in the neo-classical
economic thought, several experimental studies have recently challenged this orthodoxy and
have revealed that real people from a wide variety of cultures and environments, systematically
deviate from the textbook representations of homo economicus (Camerer, 2003; Henrich et. al.
2001). Karacuka and Zaman (2012) provide a literature review of the overwhelming amount of
There is now a huge list of situations where predictions of economic theory based on
utility maximization models conflict with observed human behavior which is strongly influenced
by social norms; see for example, Koehler and Harvey (2004). Bicchieri (2005) writes that “Pro-
social norms of fairness, reciprocity, cooperation, and the like exist precisely because it might
Behavioral economists have not only established the existence of social norms of reciprocity,
cooperation or trust; they have shown that any perceived or real deviation from these norms
invites disapproval and censure. It is this implicit agreement to obey norms and to punish
behavior (Scott & Marshall, 2005) or standard of behavior based on social expectations about
how individuals should behave in a certain situation. The norms vary across cultures and may be
viewed with differing levels of acceptability. Fehr and Fischbacher (2004) say that norms may be
voluntarily obeyed by the group members, or they may be enforced if they are violated.
The process of the norms development starts at a very young age (Rossi, 1993), and
norms are learned from various sources such as school, neighborhood and the media among
other contributory factors (Marantz & Mansfield, 1977). Norms, as a learned behavior, are thus
not immutable and are subject to change through external interventions. As we document briefly
below, there is strong empirical evidence that a variety of social norms govern human behavior,
which cannot be reduced to simple utility maximization even in market contexts. For illustrative
purposes, we discuss cooperation, trust, and reciprocity; these are areas where a substantial
amount of research has established that observed human behavior does not conform to economic
theories.
cooperation that exists among genetically unrelated individuals (Fehr & Fischbacher, 2004). The
people who tend to cooperate with others often elicit cooperation from them, and attract still
other cooperators, which makes such behavior individually and socially advantageous (Frank,
1987). The existence of cooperation, and its conflict with predictions of neoclassical theories of
human behavior, are now well established via a vast range of strong and robust empirical
evidence; see for example Camerer (2003, p.45-46). A summary of literature on cooperation by
Dawes and Thaler (1988) states that "... the analytically uncomfortable (though humanly
gratifying) fact remains: from the most primitive to the most advanced societies, a higher degree
Uhlhaas (2007) argues that complete strangers swap billions of dollars daily on the
exchange of anything and everything including jets worth up to $4.9 million on eBay, but as a
rule “they are not disappointed.” This “borderline miracle” contradicts the prediction about the
homo economicus who is expected to be a rational buyer (that is, one who pockets the payment
of the buyers, sends nothing in return and hides among the similar agents who are also single-
mindedly engaged in their profit maximization, because the probability of being caught and
punished is very low). Berg, Dickhaut, and McCabe (1995) discuss a trust game in which the
subjects decide to make an investment by putting their money in a mailbox which is tripled then
(representing socially beneficial output). The other subject may take all the investment or repay a
part of it. Experiments show that the second subjects often repaid sufficient amount to make the
How would economic theory be altered if we took the strong cooperative and social
tendencies of human beings into account? There are many common economic problems
involving public goods, commons, principal agent problems, and externalities, where purely
selfish agents cannot arrive at a first-best solution using market mechanisms. In these situations,
economists assume ab initio that cooperation is impossible and attempt to create incentive
compatible mechanisms, and use other methods designed to work with purely selfish agents.
However, experience with prisoner’s dilemma type games shows that cooperation is not only
possible, but actually easily achieved and sustained with suitable environment design.
Experiments on public goods showed that people did not significantly mis-represent their
benefits and did not free ride to the extent predicted by economic models. Possibilities of
creating trust and cooperation as a means of solving social dilemmas are currently overlooked
by economists.
Axelrod (2006) argues that reciprocal altruism is one of the many reasons why so much
cooperation is observed in human interactions both inside and outside the laboratory. Reciprocal
altruism suggests that people reciprocate both good and bad behavior. They reciprocate kindness
beings (Fehr and Gachter, 2000). Behavioral economists have now gathered extensive and robust
empirical evidence that people reciprocate expected cooperation, punish unfair treatment and
demonstrate pure altruism. The rational and selfish economic agent is expected to defect in the
prisoners’ dilemma (PD) game, which closely resembles such real life cases as production of
negative externalities and exchange without binding contracts. However, Dawes (1980) shows
that 50% of the subjects in this experimental game cooperate, which means that they reciprocate
expected cooperation. Ledyard (1994) reached the same conclusion when players contributed
50% of their endowments in a one-shot public goods (PG) game, whereas the rational and selfish
player was expected to contribute nothing. Fehr, Kirchsteiger, and Riedl (1993) show in an
experimental Gift Exchange (GE) game that workers reciprocate generous wage efforts, whereas
employers offer generous wages in expectation of reciprocal greater efforts. This game
resembles the real life situations where the performance cannot be made the subject matter of a
contract between employers and workers, nor is it enforceable. The rational employer is expected
to offer the minimum wage, and the rational worker is expected to put the least amount of effort
in the work which is laid down in the contract. However, the experiment shows that the real
behavior systematically differs from the predicted behavior of a rational economic agent. The
theory of labor market as well as the principal-agent literature rests on an unsound theory human
behavior. Realistic accounts of human motivation would have dramatic impact, and lead to
substantial reconsideration of these theories. See Saima Mahmood (2011) for a survey and a
The idea of the invisible hand (IH) is that if government does not interfere, free markets will
automatically generate great outcomes. In this section we show several cases where attempts to
implement the invisible hand have led to disaster. In a later section, we discuss cases showing
that the opposite is true: careful government planning has led to excellent economic outcomes.
We briefly discuss three cases where free markets were allowed to operate under nearly ideal
conditions. Contrary to predications of free market enthusiasts, all of these cases ended in
disastrous failures. A much larger and more detailed catalog of cases has been presented by
A free market economy was implemented in Chile under the Chicago Boys but resulted
in disaster. The “Chicago boys” was a label given to a group of Chilean economists who had
been trained at the University of Chicago by Milton Friedman and Arnold Harberger. They
implemented without much modification the theoretical model they had been taught in Chicago.
The economic model of the Chicago Boys, also called the “shock treatment,” was based on a
number of free market principles: the only possible framework for economic development was
one in which the private sector could freely operate; prices should fluctuate freely according to
the laws of the competition; and eliminating inflation was possible only by a drastic reduction of
government spending.
Kangas (2013) summarizes the consequences of the policies followed by the Chicago
Boys in the following words: "The Chicago School of Economics got that chance for 16 years in
Chile, under near-laboratory conditions. Between 1973 and 1989, a government team of
economists trained at the University of Chicago dismantled or decentralized the Chilean state as
far as was humanly possible. Their program included privatizing welfare and social programs,
deregulating the market, liberalizing trade, rolling back trade unions, and rewriting its
constitution and laws. The consequences of this unconstrained experiment in free market
economics were labeled “Economic Genocide” by Andre Gunder Frank (1976) in an open letter
to Friedman and Harberger.
Letelier (1976) graphically pictures the havocs wreaked by the Chicago Boys. Adopting
a total free-market policy in a framework of extreme inequality and a high degree of economic
monopoly had dire consequences for Chilean economy. Sharp rise in the consumer prices and a
steep drop in the prices paid for the producers ensued. There were only a few manufacturing
units which controlled the whole market. The crux of Friedman's "shock treatment" was to
control the inflation by reducing government deficit and stopping monetary expansion. The
Chicago Boys were particularly unrelenting in achieving the goal of controlling inflation, but
ironically by the end of 1975, Chile's annual rate of inflation had reached 341% higher than the
inflation rate in the pre-coup era, the consumer prices increased by 375% and wholesale prices
rose by 440%. The unemployment rate before Pinochet's coup was 3.1%, but by the end of 1974
jobless rate was more than 10% and by the end of 1975 it was more than 18.7% and in 1976
about 25% of the population was unemployed. No invisible hand came to the rescue of the
suffering people. Ironically, the unemployed people survived thanks to the food and clothing
distributed by church and other humanitarian organizations.
The case of Russia is also an unmitigated disaster where an IMF team led by Jeffrey
Sachs implemented policies of rapid transition to a free market. Ignorance of history led to a
repetition, as Jeffrey Sachs also advocated “shock therapy” for the Russian economy. The basic
idea was to change everything about Russian economy in one fell swoop rather than adopting a
gradual approach which had been successfully pursued by Chinese policymakers earlier. Russia
was required to "liberate prices, to privatize state property, slash taxes, cut public budgets, and
Forcing Russia to make a hasty transition to free markets turned out to be one of the
greatest blunders in the history of world economy (Mankiw, 2003, p. 257). Huygen (2012)
documents the consequences of adopting shock therapy: food prices rose 400% in a month,
inflation increased by 2500%, real wages fell and unemployment swelled. Social safety net
guaranteeing basic access to health care, education and pensions for elderly Russians evaporated
as efforts to eliminate budget deficits depleted social spending. Russian society became stratified
between the very rich, the benefactors of privatization, and the poverty-stricken working classes.
Begging, migration to the urban centers, alcoholism, proliferated as cuts to social benefit
programs created destitution among the most vulnerable social groups. A clear correlation can be
made between higher mortality rates and the implementation of the shock therapy, and social
safety nets folded under economic pressures precisely when they were most needed most. Higher
education was victimized by budget cuts and mirroring the economic disparity of society, private
schools were established for the children of wealthy new Russians, providing high-quality
education, while the majority of working-class Russians are priced out of their means by the
inflated prices of shock therapy. Contrary to expectations of free market ideologues, no invisible
Many firm believers in free markets were shocked by the global Financial Crisis of 2007-2008,
which flew in the face of theories of rational behavior. The failure of economic theory was so
obvious that a congressional committee formed to investigate it. In written testimony for this
committee, Solow wrote “A thoughtful person, faced with the thought that economic policy was
being pursued on this basis (DSGE models), might reasonably wonder what planet he or she is
on.”
The stock market is one of the markets which comes as close as possible to the idealization of the
free market. There are uniform goods, large numbers of buyers and sellers, large amounts of
information freely available, and other ideal conditions. Many major firms collapsed, and many
had stock values reduced by factors of two or even more. One of the fundamentals of free market
theory is that prices determined in free markets create efficient allocations. For instance,
Manikiw (2007, p. 17) writes that markets work their magic through prices, which reflect both
the social value of the goods, as well as the costs of producing these goods. The financial crisis
immediately creates the question of which price – pre crisis or post crisis – was the one which
reflected the costs and values. Since both could not be accurate reflections of costs and values,
one of them was necessarily drastically wrong, and hence guiding the society towards the wrong
Two major Nobel Prize winning economic theories which collapsed together with the
financial markets are the Real Business Cycle (RBC) theories of Prescott and Kydland, and the
Rational Expectations theories of Lucas. Both of these theories support the invisible hand and
show that self-interested individuals will lead the market to efficient outcomes. The RBC
theories minimize the role of money and finance, and attribute ups and down in the economy to
real factors – something which was manifestly proven wrong by the global financial crisis. In
2003, Robert Lucas of the University of Chicago, in his presidential address to the American
Economic Association, declared that the “central problem of depression-prevention has been
solved, for all practical purposes.” Unfortunately, the global financial crisis showed that
individuals maximizing private benefits could not foresee the future as the rational expectations
models assume. Many warning signs of impending crisis were ignored because these theories
To summarize, the global financial crisis of 2007 provided a dramatic demonstration of the
failure of the invisible hand, as well as many fancy economic theories developed in support of
In the previous section, we documented how simply allowing free markets to operate has
not led to success, despite confident claims and expectations of some free market ideologues. In
this section, we describe several cases where exactly the opposite has happened. Carefully
Government Interventions Led to Growth: The World Bank economists write in the
opening paragraphs of The East Asian Miracle (p. 5,6) that “In most of these economies, in one
form or another, the government intervened systematically and through multiple channels-to
foster development, and in some cases the development of specific industries. …. Our judgment
is that … government interventions resulted in higher and more equal growth.” The success of
the visible hand of the government in fostering growth is further documented in Rodrik (1994).
region played a significant role in successfully transforming the economies into “tigers.” During
the years before the East Asian countries began to be known as the tigers, the governments had
been able to establish stable economies. The fiscal deficits were under tight control. The inflation
rate fluctuated around 10 percent in most of the East Asian countries in the 70s and 80s, and it
rarely exceeded 15-20 per cent. The governments successfully established stable exchange rates.
Except in Philippines where foreign borrowing assumed the shape of a crisis, governments in the
East Asia did not generally have to resort to foreign borrowing. Interestingly, the East Asian
region was witnessing this economic stability at a time when a number of developing countries
in other parts of the world were experiencing serious macroeconomic problems compounded by
sluggish economic growth in the 80s (Hermes, 1997). The policies by the governments in East
Asia thus achieved what decentralized free markets could not do.
industrialization in the twentieth century was Russia; the process was entirely led by the
government. The East Asian tigers were the second to replicate this achievement. Many analysts
have noted that industrialization is a complex process which requires co-ordinated action on
several fronts, as well as heavy financing over a long period. Free markets with competitive
agents are inherently incapable of achieving co-ordination. For example, Korea established a
semiconductor industry whereas there was no chance of a free market spontaneously establishing
such an industry. Korea is now the third biggest producer of large capacity memory chips after
Japan and the US. The huge investment needed for this miracle was reflected in Samsung
Group's debt/equity ratio which was 7:1 in 1987. The state-run banks provided the required loans
as a part of the government strategy for industrialization (Wade, 1990). Similarly, the
shipbuilding, electronics and automobile industries in Korea were launched with heavy
government involvement, and would have been impossible under free market conditions; see
even die hard liberals like Milton Friedman have acknowledged a role for the government in
provision of education to the masses. Rodrik (1994) has documented the important role of
education in the East Asian miracle. More generally, Barro (2001) has provided strong empirical
evidence for the crucial importance of education as a determinant of long term growth. See also
Steeg (2005) for a literature survey of equity and efficiency based arguments in favor of
government provision of education. The free markets cannot provide optimal levels of education
for several reasons. Firstly the social returns to education are far higher than private returns, so
markets will under-invest in education. Secondly, the returns are long term and risky, and the
poor will be unable to purchase education due to poor financial markets and unavailability of
credit. This is widely observed, and leads to great inequities in societies throughout the world.
Thirdly, education itself creates social transformations which are resisted by local powers, and
In the aftermath of crises, liberals with faith in the invisible hand continue to argue for laissez-
faire policies as the best solutions to the crisis. For example, Hayek argued that government
interventions after the Great Depression would only deepen and worsen it – short term temporary
relief would be paid for by even worse conditions later. There is strong evidence that appropriate
interventions do resolve crises in a much more efficient way than the invisible hand. Some of
One of the clearest demonstrations of the failure of free markets was furnished by the
fiscal policy to increase aggregate demand, in order to eliminate unemployment. This obvious
violation of the invisible hand was forced by the observance of widespread and persistent
unemployment in many economies including the USA. Keynesian economics provides a partial
answer to the question of why the forces of supply and demand fail to reduce real wages and
wipe out unemployment, even in the long run. This became dominant orthodoxy justifying the
necessity of government intervention, and the free market theorists were considered a fringe
policies, bank failures led to a set of post-depression governmental regulations which tied the
The lesson learnt from Great Depression was that unregulated markets were inherently unstable,
amenable to maneuvering, could trigger financial crises and hence required strict government
oversight. This understanding paved way for putting in place a strict regulatory system in US
which worked successfully to prevent system wide banking crises for several decades.
Stagflation in wake of the oil crisis in 1970’s led to re-examination of Keynesian ideas.
Resurgence of free market ideas, made possible by dying out of the generation which had
experienced the Great Depression, led to the Reagan-Thatcher free market era. The Garn-St.
Germain Act de-regulated the Savings and Loan industry in 1982 in the USA, and was hailed as
a major move forward towards free markets. As extensively documented in Pizzo, Fricker and
Muolo (1989), within a short period of time, this de-regulation led to the Savings and Loan crisis
of the 1980’s. The extensive bailout required for system wide failure of S&L across the country
was more than the entire earnings of the banking industry since the Great Depression. This
clearly illustrates the necessity of government regulation to restrain the forces of competition
represented by the invisible hand. The same pattern was repeated on a larger scale with the
repeal of the Glass-Steagall act in 1999. This act prevented Banks from speculative investments
in stock markets. Following the repeal, risky investments and loans increased dramatically, and
eventually led to the global financial crisis of 2007. Reporting on Congressional testimony on
October 23, 2008, The New York Times wrote, "a humbled Mr. Greenspan admitted that he had
put too much faith in the self-correcting power of free markets and had failed to anticipate the
self-destructive power of wanton mortgage lending. ... (and) acknowledged that his belief in
The East Asian Crisis in 1997 was caused by liberalization of financial sector, in a move
towards free markets which was supposed to improve economic performance. Miller and Vines
(2006) analyzed the role of deregulation of financial sectors in East Asian countries. Private
capital flow to the developing countries increased six fold from 1990 to 1996. The detachment of
public sector from the private sector decision-making led to increasing vulnerability and ultimate
collapse. The governments did not discourage excessive risk-taking, high degree of leveraged
investment, and currency and maturity mismatch which could prove extremely risky in case of
an abrupt capital outflow. Exactly opposite to the lesson of the invisible hand, relaxing
regulations and allowing free market operation led directly to the crisis.
The successful role of East Asian governments in promptly responding to the crisis in
1997-98 is a proof that selective state interventions in economies are not only desirable, at times
they may be indispensable. Following the onset of East Asia financial crisis in 1997 that
continued unabated through 1998, the IMF predicted that the region will take at least three to
four years to recover (the so-called U-shaped recovery with economies remaining stagnant for
some time before taking on the upward trajectory). However, the recovery of the region was
quicker than expected. Malaysia, the Republic of Korea and Thailand quickly recovered after
1998 (a V-shaped recovery) ( Jomo, 2003). The policies adopted by the governments in East
Asian region to bring about a recovery were exactly the opposite of what IMF had at suggested
at that time. Interest rates were cut down in defiance of IMF prescriptions. The IMF’s prescribed
policies based on free market principles were reversed, preventing corporate failures and
preserving valuable institutional structures which do not receive attention in neoclassical theory
(Jomo, 2009).
As is clear from section 2, people are not wholly motivated by self-interest and there are
a number of other variables such as reciprocity, concern for fairness and altruism which affect
their behaviour. In this section, we argue that norms like greed and competition lead to bad
Greed leads to injustice, accentuates inequalities and undermines the qualities such as
generosity and cooperation which are necessary for social cohesion and happiness. A review of
the history of major crises in recent centuries as documented by Kindleberger (1978) and
Reinhart and Rogoff (2009) points to the fact that greed is a major culprit behind all the financial
bubbles. Lo (2012) explains that an unfettered greed leads to the situation where asset prices are
unsustainable. A steep decline in the asset prices which is invariably the result paves way for a
frantic rush to sell the assets which ultimately send financial institutions reel under the impact in
unpredictable ways. It is also noted that greater the size of the bubble, the larger is the number of
affected households which have to suffer the consequences of the greed of a few individuals.
Even the most successful beneficiaries of the laissez faire system are not ignorant of the
havocs wreaked by the greed and selfishness of the rich and the powerful, which euphemistically
pass under the name of cut-throat competition. The havoc played by the greed and selfishness are
reflected in the telling words of iconic capitalist George Soros: “The laissez-faire argument
against income redistribution invokes the doctrine of the survival of the fittest…There is
something wrong with making the survival of the fittest a guiding principle of civilized
society…Cooperation is as much a part of the (economic) system as competition, and the slogan
A large body of literature points to the fact that material possessions are not only largely
irrelevant to human happiness; greed for material possessions actually tends to undermine
happiness. Economists were first introduced to this idea by the means of Easterlin’s (1974, 1995,
2010) paradox, which showed that there was no long run relationship between GNP and
happiness. Cafaro (2005) documents a number of psychological studies which demonstrate that
people with a strong desire to achieve money, possessions and status report lower subjective
wellbeing. In contrast to traditional economic thought, Aknin et al. (2010) find that the reward
experienced from helping others may be deeply ingrained in human nature, emerging in
diverse cultural and economic contexts. Bicchieri (2005) also argues that “pro-social norms of
fairness, reciprocity, cooperation, and the like” prove socially beneficial. Dunn, Aknin, and
Norton (2008) found that spending more of one's income on others predicted greater happiness
both cross-sectionally and longitudinally. In other words, generosity rather than selfishness is
both a common mode of behavior and also promotes both individual and social welfare.
Finally, contrary to the predictions of the Invisible Hand, a number of studies prove that
generosity and cooperation lead to far more desirable outcomes for the society. The classic
example is the “Social Dilemma” created by Prisoner’s Dilemma type games requiring trust and
cooperation for efficient outcomes. Selfish behavior by all players leads to inferior outcomes for
all, while cooperation and trust lead to improved outcomes for all. Kollock (1998) considers that
many of the most challenging problems we face share this characteristic: “individual rationality
Empirically it has been observed both in experimental economics and in the real world
that people trust each other far more than economic models of selfish behavior predict. Steinel
and De Dreu (2004) show that selfish maximization strategies of deception and
misrepresentation trick their competitive counterparts into doing exactly the opposite of what
they want which results in poor outcomes for the deceivers. Trust generates trust and leads to
better outcomes for all; this has substantial importance for the entire Principal/Agent literature
which is fundamentally based on the assumption that trust cannot be achieved. In absence of
trust, only second best outcomes are possible, while trust makes possible fully optimal outcomes.
The classic study of Zak and Knack (2001) shows how important trust is for growth and
has spawned a huge literature confirming the basic idea. Social capital is generated by trust,
which is created by social norms of cooperation and mutual responsibility. This social capital
reduces friction in transactions and provides myriad economic benefits to improve economic
growth. In contrast, the single minded pursuit of profits recommended by hardcore free market
ideologues such as Milton Friedman erodes social capital and causes substantial social damage.
A striking testimony to this damage is furnished by Harvard Professor Zuboff (2009) who taught
cut-throat competition for more than 25 years to MBA’s: “I have come to believe that much of
what my colleagues and I taught has caused real suffering, suppressed wealth creation,
destabilized the world economy, and accelerated the demise of the 20th.” century capitalism in
The main goal of this section is to show that the modern interpretation of the invisible
hand is relatively recent. The idea that Manikiw (together with other modern economists)
attribute to Smith is not actually present in Smith’s writings. In fact, modern writers borrow the
authority of Adam Smith to provide weight to a very dubious idea of recent coinage.
We first note that modern interpretation of the “Invisible Hand” is radically different
from any interpretation of this concept that existed before the second half of the 20th century.
There is a growing body of literature (e.g. Grampp 2000, Minowitz 2004) which insists that the
metaphor used by Smith was never meant to be anything more than a metaphor, and that the
meanings inferred from Smith’s idea of invisible hand by the modern economists support only
their own interpretation of economic policies. Kennedy (2009) shows that three leading modern
economists laud the invisible hand as the “profoundest” and “most influential” contribution of
Adam Smith. Nonethless, their interpretation of the term and its significance is not supported
either by Adam Smith or by readers of Adam Smith until the late nineteenth century.
In a corpus of over a million words, the terms invisible hand appears only twice in the
economic writings of Adam Smith. It is used only once in the Wealth of Nations in very limited
and narrow context. Rothschild (1994) analyses the controversy surrounding the meaning of
invisible hand and concludes that what Smith meant by this metaphor was only a “mildly ironic
joke.” Blaug (2007) also shows that Adam Smith cannot be blamed for these ideas. He cites
work The Theory of Moral Sentiments to conclude that “For Adam Smith, a mixture of concern
about fairness … and altruism played an essential role in market interactions, allowing trust,
repeated transactions and material gains to occur.” In sharp contrast to the modern economists’
unwarranted understanding of the invisible hand metaphor as a sanction for selfish behavior,
Smith explains that justice is in fact only a rational behavior. Fear of retribution is likely to deter
the people from committing injustice. He says: "Nature has implanted in the human breast, that
consciousness of ill-desert, those terrors of merited punishment which attend upon its violation,
as the great safe-guards of the association of mankind, to protect the weak, to curb the violent,
and to chastise the guilty." See Smith (1759, pp. II, ii, iii, 125). Realizing the crucial role of
justice, especially in ensuring just behavior, he believes that justice is the "main pillar that
upholds the whole edifice. If it is removed, the great, the immense fabric of human society . . .
must in a moment crumble to atoms." Fairness and justice have only recently attracted the
conflict with standard utility maximization theories; see Karacuka and Zaman (2012) for a brief
survey.
As further evidence against the attribution of the modern interpretation of the Invisible
Hand to Adam, there are 60 instances in Books I and II of the Wealth of Nations in which Smith
justified selfishness and greed, qualities held in low esteem from ancient time, requires a separate
explanation, furnished later. Zaman (2013) documents the historical conditions which led to the
adoption of obnoxious moral defects like selfishness and greed as the basis for collective
wellbeing.
The attribution of the modern interpretation of the Invisible Hand to Adam Smith is in
fact related to the unique position of Smith as a pioneer and founder of the discipline of
economics. Smith is by far the most influential thinker in the history of economic literature. As
in many fields of knowledge, relating modern claims to seminal works of the pioneers adds to
credibility. Similarly, claims of modern economic theory acquire the aura of authenticity if it is
7. Conclusion
Contrary to the “Invisible Hand” idea generally taught in economic textbooks (that self-
interested behavior leads to best possible outcomes), norms of generosity, fairness, kindness,
reciprocity and justice produce far better social outcomes. In the aftermath of the Great
Depression, it became clear to nearly all economists that the free market does not provide the
best possible outcomes. We have discussed several cases where transitions to free market led to
disastrous economic outcomes. In contrast, the visible hand of planned government interventions
can drive economies to perform well and even "miraculously". Given such obvious and clear
failures of the invisible hand, what accounts for its current popularity, and indeed, its central role
One is that laissez-faire is a theory which is tremendously favorable to the rich and
appearance of equality and fairness to all – in reality, the poor and oppressed have no choices.
They are only free to sell their labor on the open market, and become wage slaves of the rich.
Many authors have commented on tremendous inequality hidden within the apparently
egalitarian proposition that capitalists bring their capital and laborers bring their labor to the
same market. Empirically, the operation of the free market has led to great and widening gulf
between the bottom 99% and the top 1%. The tremendous costs to society of this divide have
The second is that there has been an active campaign to promote the idea of laissez faire,
since it favors the rich. Details of the campaign are available in Alkire and Ritchie (2007). Some
of the key elements involved creating and providing moral and financial support to intellectual
communities favoring free market ideology. Also, fostering talent by different types of
educational programs, and engaging on the political front were crucial factors in its eventual
success. The impact of free market ideas on shaping the history of the twentieth century is
detailed in a brilliant study by Naomi Klein(2007). A deeper and more fundamental analysis is
presented by Polanyi (2001), who considers the emergence of free market ideologies as a
necessary accompaniment of the victory of market economies over other more traditional ways
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