Johnson 1

Sarah Johnson

Dr. Laraway

Spanish 346R

December 12, 2017

We Are What We Celebrate

“National day holidays are ideal observatories from which to

construct the biographies of nations.”
—Marcela García Sebastiani

While September 11 has become synonymous with tragedy throughout the world, for

those living in the Catalan region of Spain, it is a historic day of pride and celebration. Each year

on September 11, yellow-and-red flags are hung from every window and balcony, paraded

throughout Barcelona, and proudly worn as capes and clothing. The Catalan hymn is sung by

those in the streets and the people dance and celebrate their unique culture. To an unfamiliar eye,

the bright flags may appear to be the familiar Spanish flag. However, these striped flags are

actually the Catalan flag, and in recent times, have become synonymous with the Catalan

separatist movement. The very hymn they sing with such pride contains an overt separatist

message from Spain, who conquered Catalonia in 1714:

Catalonia triumphant

Shall again be rich and bountiful

Drive away these people,

Who are so conceited and so arrogant

Strike with your sickle, defenders of the land! (“Els”)

For Catalans, September 11 is the day that celebrates their collective identity and heritage

as their official regional holiday. September 11 was the day that they lost their independence to
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Spain. Because of their annual celebrations, the date and its history have become ingrained in

who the Catalans are and how they define themselves. However, the happy celebration of the

September 11 stands in direct contrast with how the official Spanish national holiday is

celebrated each year just one month later on October 12 in the region. Traditionally, the holiday

has been met with well-attended protests and demonstrations in Catalonia. In fact, popular

protests have taken place annually since the mid-1980s, and include “the ritual burning of

Spanish flags [which] is often accompanied by vandalism against branch offices of banks and the

like” (Aguilar 138).

While many of the most conspicuous protests take place in Barcelona, the national day

has become a source of controversy throughout Spain. Most Spanish citizens have a strong “dual

identity”—many identify as a member of their specific region before they identify as being a

citizen of Spain. This often creates a conflict, as embracing a Spanish identity seems to come at

the sacrifice of their regional identity. As a symbol of the Spanish identity, the national day,

October 12 is celebrated sparsely throughout the country. Perhaps most indicative of the people’s

rejection of the Spanish national identity is Spain’s national anthem. Spain is one of only four

countries in the world whose national anthem has no lyrics. This is not an artistic choice but

rather a political statement. In 2008, the Spanish government held a competition inviting all to

submit possible lyrics for the hymn. The winner’s words would become official lyrics for all of

Spain. However, when people read the winning composition, citizens from all regions rejected

the words by refusing to sing because the words were deemed too nationalistic. The same people

who sing so joyfully their regional hymns refused to sing their national anthem, because many

identify as Catalans, Basques, or Galicians first and Spaniards second. The controversial lyrics

were:
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Long live Spain! Let’s sing together with

different voices, and only one heart...

A hymn of brotherhood

Love the Fatherland, which knows how to

embrace, below its blue sky, people in

freedom. (Cubero)

The Spanish people objected to the lyrics on several fronts. To some, these seemingly

innocent lyrics invoked memories of the dictatorship to which Spain was subjected for fifty

years. To others, the references to “one heart” or “brotherhood” were too focused on the idea of

a united country instead of a collection of separate cultural regions. It was deemed better to have

no words at all to the national anthem than to have words that emphasized the idea of a united

Spain. The resistance to even the suggestion of a shared Spanish identity highlights a growing

issue in Spain: there seems to be no central, unifying factor to create a Spanish country or

identity.

While some may view national public holidays as simply a day free from work, national

days of commemoration have traditionally held great power over a people and their culture. They

contribute to a country’s collective identity, they may be used by politicians to support an

agenda, and they increase the sense of unity and community in a nation. One of the greatest

examples of this is found in Spain’s history. Holidays are so influential that during the regime of

fascist dictator Francisco Franco, all regional holidays were banned and the celebration of all

official public holidays were carefully and specifically dictated. The purpose of this ban was

clear: the dictator wanted to create a central identity in Spain. By controlling what the nation

celebrated, Franco attempted to control what the nation would become. A close historical
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examination of Spain’s relationship with its official holidays shows that days of celebration have

been manipulated by those in power in order to further their own personal goals for the country.

This paper will focus on the changing significance of Spain’s official national day,

October 12. To differentiate between all nationally recognized holidays, meaning non-working

days recognized by the government, and the country’s central national holiday, the terms “public

holidays” for the former and “national day” for the latter will be used. When speaking of days

recognized only in a peripheral region of Spain, the term “regional holiday” will be utilized. This

paper will show that the harsh bans on regional holidays, the militaristic interpretation of Spain’s

national day, and intense governmental debates after the dictator’s death only weakened the

national identity of Spain and heavily contributed to the fractured regions of Spain today.

The National Holiday during the Franco Regime

While Spain’s political borders on the Iberian Peninsula were established for hundreds of

years, its cultural borders existed far longer. The Basques living in the northeast, the Galicians

in the northwest, and the Catalans in the east all lived inside the borders of Spain yet existed for

centuries longer, each having their own language, culture, and regional holiday. After General

Francisco Franco gained control of Spain following his victory in the Spanish Civil War in 1939,

he sought to stamp out these regional identities by banning the speaking of their languages and

the celebration of their holidays. The government dictated that Spanish was the only language to

be spoken and the only days to be commemorated would be specified by the government in

Madrid. To celebrate the anniversary of the military uprising in 1939, its anniversary, July 18,

was dedicated as a public holiday. Three years later, the anniversary of the military victory, April

1 was similarly dedicated. “The regime considered both to be worthy of commemoration, and

various events of symbolic content were celebrated on the anniversaries” (Aguilar 124).
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National holidays are frequently used by politicians and leaders to further a particular agenda, as

“national holidays as such create the space for state representatives to interpret their contents and

present them to the public directly by organizing celebrations or by accepting sponsorship,

through their own holiday activity or by means of speeches from stages at symbolic places…

they instrumentalise the general popularity of holidays among citizens as a means to accomplish

their objectives” (Popelková). Through carefully planned public holidays, Franco sought to

eliminate regional differences and unite the political sides of the country, which had become

heavily divided during the Civil War. He changed the official national day from October 12 to

July 18 to commemorate his rise to power.

The military became the focal point of many such holidays during Franco’s regime, with

military parades and events throughout the country. Franco wanted to restore the national

identity of Spain to its “past grandeur as an empire” and as a “sanctuary of Catholicism” (Aguilar

135). While July 18 became Spain’s most prominent national day, October 12, the anniversary of

Columbus discovering America, remained as one of Spain’s primary public holidays. Under

Franco it gained a national significance that it had never previously enjoyed. In fact, “despite the

fact that the Dia de la Hispanidad commemorates the discovery of America by Columbus in

1492, its origins date from the early twentieth century”, as it was first dedicated as the national

day in 1918. It was the “the ultra-right-wing writer” Ramiro de Maeztu who, in the 1930s,

“popularized the concept of Hispanidad, linking it to the fascist imagery and emphasizing the

ideas of the “historical destiny” and Volkgeist”. The concept of “Hispanidad”, refers to:

… the community of Hispanic nations founded on the religious spirit of Spanish

colonization, a specifically anti-liberal and traditionalist idea that was adopted by

the Francoist regime as one of its ideological pillars. The concept was
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instrumentalized to exalt the heroic image of the old Spanish empire and the

period when Spain was amongst the most important powers of the world,

stressing the religious and political aspects much more than the cultural and

literary ones. (Aguilar 137)

By associating October 12 with the “heroic image of the old Spanish empire” with military

parades and displays of governmental strength, Franco attempted to promote a strong sense of

nationalism and pride in the Spanish citizens. The “Dia de la Hispanidad” was used to create

unity the people in the Spanish state, and to bring about Franco’s vision of restoring Spain to its

previous international importance. He used the national holiday as a tool to create a vision of

what he wanted Spain to become.

Transition after the Death of the Dictator

After decades of the deliberate suppression of the peripheral regions, Spain underwent a

drastic transition following the death of Franco in 1975. Significantly, this period of transition

seemed to be the complete rejection of the ideals the dictator had so firmly espoused. First and

foremost was the strong “Spanish” identity. The government under Franco had so emphasized

the importance and supremacy of Spain that “for any Spaniard who had lived under the

dictatorship, expressions such as ‘Spain’ and the ‘Spanish Nation’ or cheers of ‘Viva España’

immediately evoked Francoist discourse… the paraphrases “this country” or “the Spanish state”

were, and still are, accepted ways of referring to Spain if one wants to avoid being associated

with the excesses of the dictatorship” (Aguilar 134). After Franco’s death, the peripheral

regions, such as Catalonia, reinstated their own government and language with a renewed

passion. In fact, “the most unforgiving betrayal of the Francoist legacy was the “rupture” of

Spain, the devolution process by which the entire country was divided into Autonomous
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Communities with self-government on an important number of questions” (Aguilar 129). Rather

than create a strong, united Spain, Franco’s policies split Spain apart.

While the fracturing of Spain created certain difficulties in the transition period that

followed Franco’s death, it also ushered in a new era for for the country. On June 15, 1977, the

first democratic elections took place since the beginning of Franco’s rise forty years earlier.

“Esta idea se apreciaba fácilmente en los editoriales de la prensa, repletos de frases como «la

democracia empieza hoy» o «hoy, el primer día de democracia en España»” (Vernt I Llobet).

With democracy reinstated, many policies began to change. Importantly, the matter of a national

holiday was one of the first issues discussed by the new government. The Francoist national

holiday, July 18, was removed from the official calendar and Spain was left without a national

day. October 12, known as “el Dia de la Hispanidad”, to celebrate the Spanish Empire, or “el

Dia de la Raza”, to commemorate the new race that was created from the indigenous people and

the Spanish explorers, was the most prominent official holiday on the calendar. At the time, it

appeared to be the most logical choice for the new national day. As one historian acknowledges,

“de hecho, España solo se hizo España descubriendo y colonizando América” (Humlebaek, “La

Nación” 88). Much of Spain’s historical and national identity was found in its imperial reach

and power throughout the world.

However, it is possible that this strong historical connotation contributed to the weakness

of the day as a national holiday. While October 12, 1492 was the beginning of Spain’s rule in

Latin America, the country had since lost almost all of its colonies and international power. In

many ways, October 12 celebrated what Spain once was, but is no longer. In fact, the peripheral

regions in Spain began to take a strong stand against any Spanish national holiday at all. Some

went as far as to as “deny the very existence of a Spanish nation. Most of them referred to the
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‘Spanish state,’ or even to the ‘Spanish kingdom,’ but they were, and still are, very reluctant to

use the term “nation” to refer to Spain, regarding Spain merely as a political structure composed

of different nations such as the Basque, the Catalan and the Galician” (Aguilar 133).

Newspapers across the country began to call for a new national holiday, recognizing the ability

of a united celebration to bring the fractured country together. Specifically, the prominent

Spanish newspaper El País repeatedly called attention to the fact that Spain lacked a strong,

uniting holiday and urged the government for a new national day. The newspaper appealed for

the Spanish government to make a change, writing, “Los españoles necesitamos, ahora, una

nueva fecha que pueda servir de símbolo del consenso de todo el país; que no provoque

reticencias de ninguno de los sectores que forman la comunidad Española” (Humlebaek, “La

Constitución” 189).

Debate between October 12 and December 6

Because of this call for action, many members of the government began to look for a new

national holiday. The government debated heavily over two possibilities. The first option was to

keep October 12 as the national holiday, and run the risk of retaining the legacy of the Fascist

dictatorship. The second option was to choose December 6, which was the anniversary of the

day the Constitution was signed after Franco’s death in 1978 and which ushered in an age of

democracy. To many, the Constitution became the symbol of the new, free Spain, established

upon principles of “justicia, libertad y convivencia democrática” (Humlebaek, “La Constitución”

190). As one historian summarized, “elegir el 12 de octubre significaba ratificar la situación de

facto y dejar mayormente intacta una idea de la nación española heredada del régimen franquista,

mientras que elegir el 6 de diciembre significaba apostar por una concepción nacional diferente

centrada en los valores de la democracia y el consenso” (Humlebaek, “La Nación” 90). The two
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dates, essentially representing what Spain once was and the other what Spain was going to

become, were the source of much parliamentary debate.

One of the issues with the debate was that many citizens of Spain’s peripheral regions

didn’t want a national holiday at all. With the fracturing of Spain that took place after Franco’s

death, many Catalans, Gallicians, and Basques wanted to celebrate their own regional holidays

and not the commemorative days that they had been forced to celebrate under Franco’s rule.

However, many believed that a national holiday celebrating a new, democratic Constitution, the

most prominent symbol of Spain’s transition from Fascism, would be able to unite the peripheral

regions to central Spain in a way no holiday had been able to do before. In fact, the members of

parliament who first proposed December 6 as a new national holiday were from the Basque and

Catalan regions, reasoning that the new national holiday would be able to symbolize Spain’s new

beginning while not diminishing Spain’s historical legacy. Miquel Roca i Junyent, who was from

the Catalan region and also one of the contributors to the Spanish Constitution, argued for the

ratification of December 6 as the national holiday saying that “el régimen político que la

democracia ha instaurado en España (...) necesita sus propios símbolos. Y no hay mejor símbolo

en un régimen democrático que la celebración de su Constitución” (Humlebaek, “La

Constitución” 188). To many Spaniards, both from Madrid and from a minority region,

December 6 was the symbol of a new beginning. Until that point, being proud of both Spain and

being Spanish still had a strong Fascist connotation, yet a “Constitution Day” would foster

national pride of something completely new in Spanish history, and thus untainted by Franco’s

harsh rule. The ratification of the Constitution was an event celebrated throughout Spain, in both

Madrid and the minority regions alike. Fascinatingly, surveys showed that national pride

increased among the general population specifically because of how the people acted during the
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transition from Franco’s regime to democracy. Several international studies showed that the

Spanish people “regarded themselves and the king to have been the crucial actors in contributing

to the peaceful and successful consolidation of democracy in a country that its own people and

elites and even foreign nations had traditionally considered to be intrinsically incapable of living

under a democratic regime without engaging in political violence” (Aguilar 141). Truly,

December 6, symbol of the peaceful transition and lasting democracy, was “la fecha en que el

pueblo español abrió una nueva etapa presidida por y, constituyendo por tanto, una fecha que

todos los pueblos y nacionalidades de España deben conmemorar” (Humlebaek, “La

Constitución” 190).

December 6 grew in popularity among the population to become the new national

holiday, yet the Spanish parliament continued to debate which day should become Spain’s

holiday. However, all discussion and deliberation became irrelevant when in November 1981,

the nation suddenly received the news that the King, Juan Carlos, had declared October 12 the

new national holiday in el Real Decreto 3217/1981 de la Presidencia del Gobierno, thus

overriding any decision by the Spanish parliament. He named the day “Fiesta Nacional de

España y Día de la Hispanidad” (Vernt I Llobet). From this point forward in the transition

period, there was an effort to redefine the extreme nationalistic and imperialistic version of

“Hispanidad” to a more inclusive, moderate national pride. “The king wanted to give higher

political priority to the promotion of the Hispanic community on both the cultural and the

politico-economic levels and thereby turn Hispanidad into a marker of identity and a reason for

feeling proud of being Spanish” (Aguilar 138). However, the way in which October 12 was

celebrated in Madrid and throughout the country was essentially the same as how it was
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celebrated during Franco’s regime, with military parades and a focus on the power of the

government, despite the official change in intent.

Redefinition of October 12

However, el Dia de la Hispanidad would undergo yet another change just six years later.

In 1987, another law was passed reestablishing October 12 as Spain’s national holiday. This

time, however, there were several significant changes. The first was the change in the title of the

day. In an attempt to remove all Fascist connotations, the title “Dia de la Hispanidad” was

removed from the legislation and the holiday was formally known as simply “el Dia de la Fiesta

Nacional de España”, or “the Day of the National Holiday of Spain.” While the date remained

October 12, all historical context, such as references to Columbus, the Latin America, and the

Spanish empire, was removed from the law. Rather vaguely, the purpose of the day was to

celebrate all things Spanish. The constitution stated that “Sin menoscabo de la indiscutible

complejidad que implica el pasado de una nación tan diversa como la española, ha de procurarse

que el hecho histórico que se celebre represente uno de los mometos más relevantes para la

convivencia política, el acervo cultural y la afirmación misma de la identidad estatal y la

singularidad nacional de ese pueblo” (Humlebaek, “La nación” 90). Thus, the national holiday

continued to be celebrated on the October 12 with no reference to why that particular date was

chosen. Perhaps the greatest weakness of the law that contributed to its inability to unite Spain

was the very wording used. While the day was called “Fiesta Nacional de España”, the

legislation referred to Spain not as a united country but as a “convivencia” of separate

nationalities. In addition, rather than refer to a “identidad nacional”, the law specifically speaks

of an “identidad estatal”, again deferring to the separate regions of Spain rather than

acknowledging any kind of national identity. With this latest redefinition of the day, the central
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government deferred to the demands of the peripheral regions rather than promote any sort of

Spanish identity or national pride.

One of the main reasons that October 12 was chosen over December 6 was because of the

argument that October 12 had five hundred years of history while December 6 had none.

However, the very law that declared October 12 to be the national holiday of Spain stripped it of

all historical significance and had no strong symbol other than a celebratory “Spain Day”.

December 6, on the other hand, would have had the central symbol of democracy, the newly

signed Spanish Constitution. While October 12, “Fiesta Nacional de España” remains Spain’s

national holiday, support for December 6 was and still continues to be the more popular choice

of the people. In 1984, sixty percent of Spanish citizens supported the idea of changing the

national holiday from October 12 to December 6. In 2000, this number had grown to eighty

percent of the population (Humlebaek, “La Constitución” 204). Not only is the law declaring

October 12 extremely vague in its wording and non-unifying, but also the population would

prefer to celebrate the day the Constitution was signed, the “first day of democracy in Spain”.

Because of “Spain Day’s” relative unpopularity among the population, “the event is reported

very sparsely in the media, usually only in the news section on the following day, and there is

hardly any reflection on the commemoration’s symbolic and historical meaning… Hence, what

was envisioned as the National Holiday of Spain is destined to become a very sparsely attended

event” (Aguilar 141). In many ways, October 12 was a wasted opportunity to unite the country.

Because it was stripped of its historical significance and has no strong unifying message, Spain’s

National Holiday does not remind citizens of Spain of love and loyalty to their country. From

this perspective, the lack of harmony throughout Spain becomes understandable and even

predictable. Spain’s national day does not inspire or unite. It does not invite citizens to embrace
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their country before their region. Because October 12 has lost its importance, the Spanish

identity loses its meaning.

El Diada

Catalonia, the northeast region of Spain that borders France, has been struggling against

Spanish rule for centuries. In 1714, Catalonia, which had been an independent region, was

conquered by the Spanish and French during the War of Spanish Succession. Catalonia, which

had its own well established government, language, and culture, struggled with this transition,

and, as history shows, has continued to struggle to this day. Almost two hundred years after the

conquering of Catalonia, the people have preserved their own regional identity and remained

separate from Spain in both language and culture. One of the most effective instruments that the

Catalans have used to retain their own identity is their official regional holiday. The Catalans

themselves were given the freedom to decide their holiday in 1886, and, significantly, they chose

September 11, the anniversary of their own surrender to Spanish troops and the loss of their

independence. As one historian observed, “choosing this, of all days, as the national day, might

seem to be rather bizarre and perverse, and it is a source of amusement to some in the rest of

Spain. Nevertheless, it is an effective way of preserving the memory of Catalonia’s subjugation

and of rekindling the desire to recover her lost autonomy” (Hargreaves 19). This holiday,

officially called “El Diada de l'Onze de Setembre” or “el Diada Nacional de Catalunya” in the

Catalan language, was used as a day to not only commemorate Catalan culture, but also to

remind the Catalan people what they wanted to one day become again: a free, independent state.

Under this historical context, the lyrics of the national anthem, “Catalonia triumphant / Shall

again be rich and bountiful / Drive away these people, / Who are so conceited and so arrogant /

Strike with your sickle, defenders of the land!” which were written in only 1899 (“Els”), appear
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far more aggressive as they are sung year after year by thousands of Catalans.

With such a strong regional identity, and with such persistent separatist ideals, Catalonia

was a clear target for General Francisco Franco after he rose to power. Almost immediately, the

dictator began to ban any symbol of the region and to punish those who did not comply.

[Franco’s regime] promptly instituted the most thorough attempt in the history of

Spain to subordinate the country to central control, and Catalonia was singled out

for treatment as having constituted an especially serious threat to the state’s

integrity. Thousands were executed or imprisoned or forced into exile; the region’s

autonomous form of government, the Generalitat, was abolished and replaces by

virtually total control from the center. A policy of cultural genocide was

implemented: the Catalan Language and key symbols of Catalan independent

identity and nationhood, such as the flag (the senyara), the national hymn (‘Els

Segadors’) and the national dance (the sardana), were proscribed. Any sign of

independence or opposition, in fact was brutally suppressed. Catalan identity and

consequently the Catalan nation were threatened with extinction (Hargreaves 28).

To survive decades of repression, all symbols and traditions of Catalonia had to be passed on in

secret. However, rather than stamp out Catalan identity, Franco’s brutal persecution seemed to

strengthen the drive of the Catalans to not only preserve their culture but to make their

traditions—such as their language, games, dance, and even food— an engrained part of their

daily lives. Rather than be only “folkloric relics” brought out once a year during their regional

holiday, Catalonia’s strong traditions are integrated into daily Catalan life and celebrated further

every September 11 (Hargreaves 21). As such, the survival of the Catalan culture in the harshest

of persecutions has caused the Catalans as a whole to became extremely protective of their
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culture and more aggressive towards any form of Spanish culture thrust upon them. As one

Catalan historian espoused, “el franquisme erosionava directament la identitat nacional a traves

de les expressions culturals mes importants de Catalunya. Imposarà una nova identitat u

historiografia nacional-catòlica... la lluita contra l’espanyolització i la manipulació de la cultura

nacional catalana fou un dels esforços importants del grups culturals, historiadors i literats

catalans” (Lladonosa Latorre). The “la lluita contra l’espanyolització”, or “fight against

Spanishization” has continued for decades.

After Franco’s death, the autonomous governments of the peripheral regions were fully

reinstated. Significantly, the very first official act of the Catalan government was to reinstate El

Diada as their official regional holiday, describing the day as “una jornada que, si por una parte

significaba el doloroso recuerdo de la pérdida de las libertades… y una actitud de reivindicación

y Resistencia active frente a la opresión, suponía también la esperanza de una total recuperación

nacional” (Humlebaek, “La Nación” 89). Reestablishing their holiday, one of the strongest

symbols of Catalan identity, was perhaps the most effective way for the Catalans to begin to

separate themselves from Central Spain. In an unabashedly public message to the Spanish

government, Catalonia also declared October 12 to be a normal working day in 1981 (90). This

was, most likely, one of the factors causing King Juan Carlos to suddenly declare October 12 to

be Spain’s national holiday, forcing Catalonia to recognize the day and make it a non-working

day. However, October 12 has continued to be met with protests and demonstrations in

Barcelona, as the Catalans oppose the imposition from the central government to celebrate a

holiday that they do not identity with.

Catalonia’s resentment of Spain’s interference seems to have only grown in recent years.

“The Catalan government vigorously promotes Catalan culture in every shape and form”, as it
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promotes the idea that “ethnic nationalism predominates over civil nationalism” (Hargreaves 34).

Catalan flags that used to be hung only around September 11 are now commonly displayed

throughout the year as an expression for support for Catalonia’s secessionist movement

(Parravano). The dissonance between Spain and Catalonia culminated in the recent referendum

by the Catalan government attempting to declare Catalonia a new country and the chaos that

ensued after the harsh response from the National Police. While the Spanish government was

successful in disrupting the referendum vote, it has been unsuccessful in its attempts to better

integrate Catalonia into Spain.

National holidays allow a country’s people to pause for a moment and reflect on their

heritage. Their daily routines are interrupted to commemorate an important time in their

country’s past. Catalonia derives its identity from the strong historical significance of its

national holiday. It is a continual reminder that the goal for the region is independence from

Spain. October 12 has undergone so many transformations, from el Día de la Raza to el Día de la

Hispanidad to la Fiesta Nacional de España, that its celebration has lost much of its unifying

potential. While the lack of a strong, national holiday in Spain is not the cause of all of Spain’s

conflict, it is symptomatic of the lack of a strong, national identity. Perhaps Catalonia will soon

celebrate a new national holiday, commemorating the day it regained its independence from

Spain. As the last verse of the Catalan anthem, sung with so much passion every September 11,

states so boldly, “When the time calls we cut off chains”.

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Works Cited

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Anguera, Pere. “El 11 de septiembre. Orígenes y consolidación de la Diada.” Los días de España,

vol. 51, Revista de Historia Contemoránea, 2003, pp. 18–38.

“Els Segadors .” Barcelonas, www.barcelonas.com/els-segadors.html. Accessed 22 Nov. 2017.

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