Silviu I. PURECE **
Abstract. Salt has always been highly sought after, being used in various fields of
human activity, which is why the salt trade in many parts of the world has had
profound effects on communities on the road to trade. Such a case can be seen for the
period between the 2nd century BC and the 4th century BC in the Lower Danube,
where there was a constant flow of salt from the northern to the southern regions
Danube. Here, the salt trade has contributed to the rapprochement of human
societies, salt being one of the factors of political and economic change. The
phenomena will be more and more perceptible, once the Romans have reached the
Danube. The Roman presence in the south and then north of the river will stimulate
the salt trade through increased consumption. The effects of trade can be seen even
after the abandonment of Dacia in the period between the end of the third century
and the invasion of the Huns, which has the same impact on the communities in the
northern Danube. Responsible. In the Middle Ages, Ocnele Mari exploited the
largest salt-works in Wallachia.
Keywords: salt, trade, Olt River, Buridava, Ocnele Mari.
.
Lower Danube has almost always been, from the ancient to contemporary
period, a line of political separation, but at the same time, it was a very important
trade route, connecting, from economic and cultural point of view, the communities
situated near its banks. In the Balkan Peninsula, Danube can be taken also as a line
of demarcation between two regions with different salt presence. While on the
northern part of the river the salt is present in large deposits situated near
Carpathian Mountains1, the southern regions have a lack of salt2. South to the
Danube are just two major salt deposits situated in north-eastern Bulgaria,
Provadia3, and in the eastern region of Bosnia-Hertzegovina, Tuzla4.
* Research financed in the project CNCS PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-0744 financed by the Planul Naţional
de Cercetare, Dezvoltare şi Inovare 2007-2013, Programul Idei, Subprogramul Cercetare
Exploratorie registered in UEFISCDI with number 193/5.10.2011.
** Universitatea ”Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, silviu.purece@ulbsibiu.ro.
1
K. Bukowski, Salt sources and salt springs in the Carpathian zone, in Salt Archaeology in the
Carpathian Zone, edited by A. Harding and V. Kavruk, Budapest, 2013, p. 10.
2
N. Tasić, Salt use in early and middle neolithic of the Balkan Peninsula, in Technology, Style and
Society: Contributions to the Innovations between the Alps and the Black Sea in Prehistory, edited
by Lolita Nikolova, Oxford, 2000, p. 39.
3
V. Nikolov, Das vorgeschichtliche Salzgewinnungszentrum Provadia-Solnitsata und seine Rolle für
die circumpontischen Kontakte, in Der Schwarzmeerraum vom Äneolithikum bis in die
Studia Universitatis Cibiniensis. Series Historica, vol. XIII Supplement / 2016, p. 109-119
110 Silviu I. PURECE
The need of raw salt started in Neolithic time5, when people’s diet changed. The
human communities from this period had a diet mainly based on cereal, vegetable
or boiled meat, food that required supplements of salt6. Before, the hunting-
gathering subsistence offers all the salt needed from row and roasted meat7.
The presence of salt in the diet of humans and animals is very important for
many physiological processes8. It was estimated that an adult needs around 5 g of
salt daily9. Human salt consumption in prehistory and antiquity was probably lower
than in modern times. In the animal husbandry the use of salt is, also, very
important. All animals that were kept in captivity and habituated to the sedentary
way of life needed extra salt in their diet. The quantities of salt needed in husbandry
are determined by the species used by the local communities10. Also, the salt was
used in the conservation of food, leather processing, etc11. Starting with Neolithic
the commerce with salt become evident in the regions situated north of Danube12.
The need for salt and the fact that this important resource is missing from large
areas always created a very big interest for controlling the extraction regions or the
trade routes. An important part in this run for salt was played by the communities
living near the regions reach in salt. In the ancient times, salt could provide
prosperity but it could also determine a specific political comportment and changes
in the life style for the communities that were implicated in the exploitation and
trade processes.
In time, the need for salt was in great rise because of the demographic growth
and the increasing number of animals. Although, the regions of the Balkan
Peninsula situated south to the Danube developed an important tradition in
livestock, the lack of salt determined the import of it from the Carpathian regions.
Früheisenzeit (5000–500 v. Chr.), edited by Eugen Sava, Blagoje Govedarica and Bernhard Hänsel,
Rahden, 2011, p. 34-35.
4
R. Nurković, ”Influence of salt production on development of industry in the Tuzla Valley”, in
Journal of the Geographical Institute “Jovan Cvijić” SASA, 60, 1, 2010, p. 47.
5
A. Harding, Salt in prehistoric Europe, Leiden, 2013, p. 44.
6
N. Tasić, ”Salt use in early and middle neolithic of the Balkan Peninsula”, p. 36.
7
N. Tasić, ”Salt use in early and middle neolithic of the Balkan Peninsula”, p. 36.
8
I. Sandu, A. Poruciuc, M. Alexianu, R.-G. Curcă, O. Weller, Salt and Human Health: Science,
Archaeology, Ancient Texts and Traditional Practices of Eastern Romania, in Mankind Quarterly,
50, 3, 2010, p. 242-243.
9
World Health Organization, Sodium intake for adults and children, Geneva, 2012, p. 2.
10
M. Alexianu, F. A. Tencariu, A. Asăndulesei, O. Weller, R. Brigand, I. Sandu, Gh. Romanescu, R.
G. Curcă, Ş. Caliniuc, M. Asăndulesei, The salt from Alghianu beck (Vrancea County, Roumania):
a multifaceted ethnoarchaeological approach, in Archaeology of Salt, edited by R. Brigand, O.
Weller, Leiden, 2015, p. 56.
11
V. Cavruc, ”Consideraţii privind schimbul cu sare în mileniile VI-II î. Hr. în spaţiul carpato-
dunărean”, in Tyragetia SN, 1, 2010, p. 7.
12
V. Cavruc, ”Consideraţii privind schimbul cu sare”, p. 7.
Salt, ancient coins and the Olt Valley 111
The same phenomena happened in the Pannonia Plain13. Even if the salt was present
in large amounts near the Carpathians not all the regions could provide large
quantities for export in Antiquity because of the transportation problem. Probably
only the salt resources situated near a navigable river could be integrated in the
large scale commerce. At least three rivers: Mureş, Someş and Olt, were used for
salt transportation with rafts. This activity was still in place in the Modern Age14.
The first two rivers mentioned transported the salt extracted from Transylvania
primly to Pannonia, Olt River being used for transporting salt from a region situated
in Northeastern Oltenia to the regions situated between Danube and the Balkan
Mountains15.
The Olt River flows through an area very rich in salt situated south to Carpathian
Mountains, in Northern Oltenia. This region surrounds Ocnele Mari, a city from
Vâlcea County. The salt mines from Ocnele Mari were very important in Middle
Ages and Modern Period, here being the main salt exploitation of the principality of
Wallachia 16.
Here, the exploitation of salt started with the first Neolithic culture attested in
this area: Starčevo-Criş. The archaeologists discovered in the settlement from Valea
Răii pottery used for obtaining the salt with briquetage technique17. With the
Bronze Age the enhancement of habitation in the area was evident. The need for
salt was accentuated due to the increasing importance of animals in human
economy. Controlling the areas with salt become essential, making those who
achieved this to make significant material benefits. Starting with the beginning of
the Bronze Age the salt was extracted directly from the massive of salt located near
the region of Ocnele Mari. The evidence consists in the discoveries of many ax-
hammers made of stone18.
The salt resources from the region of Ocnele Mari determined the rise of an
important Dacian political center named Buridava19. The name Buridava apparently
derives from the name of the Dacian tribe of the Buridavenses mentioned by
Ptolemaios20. The place where Buridava is situated is called Cosota (Ocnița, near
Onele Mari). Three fortified hills, named by the archaeologists Fortress 1, 2 and 3,
13
D. Ciobanu, Exploatarea sării în perioada marilor migraţii (sec. I-XIII e.n.) în spaţiul carpato-
dunărean, Buzău, p. 90.
14
S. Purece, ”Un regulament de navigaţie pe râul Olt”, in Studii Vâlcene, VII, 1985, p. 87-89, p. 87-
89.
15
V. Cavruc, ”Consideraţii privind schimbul cu sare”, p. 14-15.
16
C. Tamaş, Istoria Ocnelor Mari, Râmnicu Vâlcea, p. 70.
17
C. Schuster, I. Tuţulescu, I. Dumitrescu, ”Zum Salz im Nordosten Olteniens (Rumänien) in der
Vorgeschichte bis ins Mittelalter. Eine Einführung”, in Salt and Gold: The Role of Salt in
Prehistoric Europe, edited by Vassil Nikolov and Krum Bacvarov, Provadia - Veliko Tarnovo,
2012, p. 208.
18
C. Schuster, I. Tuţulescu, I. Dumitrescu, ”Zum Salz im Nordosten Olteniens (Rumänien), p. 210.
19
D. Berciu, Buridava dacică, Bucureşti, 1981, p. 14; see the MAP.
20
Ptolemaios, III, 8, 3, in FHDP 1964, p. 543.
112 Silviu I. PURECE
21
D. Berciu, Buridava dacică, Bucureşti, 1981, p. 15.
22
M. Iosifaru, ”Situri arheologice din oraşul Ocnele Mari, judeţul Vâlcea”, in Buridava 9, 2011, p. 83-
86.
23
C. Preda, Monedele geto-dacilor, Bucureşti, 1973, p. 274; see PLATE 2.a.
24
C. Preda, Istoria monedei în Dacia preromană, Bucureşti, 1998, p. 199; T. D. Părpăuţă, Moneda în
Dacia preromană, secolele IV a. Chr.-I p. Chr., Iaşi, 2006, p. 101.
25
C. Preda, Istoria monedei în Dacia preromană, p. 199-200.
26
C. Preda et alii, Enciclopedia arheologiei şi istoriei vechi a României, Bucureşti, 2000, p. 97, 98; C.
Preda, Istoria monedei în Dacia preromană, p. 199.
27
T. D. Părpăuţă, Moneda în Dacia preromană, pl. 19.
Salt, ancient coins and the Olt Valley 113
28
T. D. Părpăuţă, Moneda în Dacia preromană, p. 90; D. Berciu, B. Mitrea, S. Purice, M. Iosifaru, G.
Andreescu, ”Descoperiri şi însemnări de la Buridava dacică, V.” in Thraco-Dacica VIII, 1-2, 1987,
p. 158-160; Purece 2011, p. 103-107.
29
C. C. Petolescu, Dacia şi Imperiul Roman. De la Burebista la sfârşitul antichităţii, Bucureşti, 2000,
p. 68.
30
D. Berciu, B. Mitrea, S. Purice, M. Iosifaru, G. Andreescu, ”Descoperiri şi însemnări de la Buridava
dacică, p. 158-160.
31
S. I. Purece, ”Roman Imperial coins discovered at Buridava (Ocniţa, jud. Vâlcea), located in the
Vâlcea County Museum’s Collection”, in Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis,
XLIX, 2013, p. 50.
32
S. I. Purece, ”Roman Imperial coins discovered at Buridava, p. 49.
114 Silviu I. PURECE
hook, some iron objects, five bronze fibulae33, two Roman denarius coins issued by
Augustus34, fragments from written pot who mentioning a local king (basileus):
BACIΛEYC ΘIAMAPKOC EΠOIEI35.This inscription is very important because it
attest a king at Buridava.
It is very possible that the Buridavenses established good relations with the
Romans, in the period of Augustus’ reign, because of the salt trade. In that period,
the Roman advanced to the Danube and their presence become permanent36. This
good relations were probably preserved until Traianus’s military expeditions against
Decebalus. The Buridavenses were force to enter in war alongside Decebalus after
the negotiations with Traianus failed before the battle of Tapae in 101. The entrance
of this tribe in war facilitated the use of Olt Valley for a diversionist campaign
conducted by the Dacians in the winter of 101-102, finished with the battle from
Nicopolis ad Istrum. After the defeat of the Dacians south of the Danube, a Roman
army conducted by the governor of Moesia Inferior set a base near Buridava, at
Stolniceni, and destroyed the Dacian settlement. This army probably was used in
the second Dacian war by Traianus to penetrate in Transylvania from the Olt
Valley. The fact that the Roman military force encamped in the region of the future
Roman Buridava settlement, is mentioned by the Hunt papyrus37, probably the year
10238, along with numerous stamped tiles discovered at Stolniceni and the presence
of the guard unit of the Moesia Inferior governor, pedites singulares39.
After Dacian Buridava was destroyed, a new centre of salt exploitation and
exportation emerged. This new settlement bearing the same name Buridava and it is
emplaced 4 km towards the southeast from the Dacian settlement on the Olt River
banks. The name of this Roman settlement is mentioned by Tabula Peutingeriana,
situated, on this map, between Pons Aluti and CatraTraiana40.
Roman Buridava is situated approximately 7 km south of Râmnicu Vâlcea,
being now overlapped by the Stolniceni village41. In the same way as the former
Dacian Buridava, the new settlement thrived due to its location near the salt
deposits at Ocnele Mari. The salt was probably transported here and loaded on rafts
that sailed downstream the Olt River up to the Danube. Gradually, the settlement
33
D. Berciu, Buridava dacică, p. 80-96.
34
D. Berciu, Buridava dacică, p. 134.
35
D. Berciu, Buridava dacică, p. 136-141, see PLATE 2.b.
36
E. S. Gruen, ”The expansion of the empire under Augustus”, in The Cambridge Ancient History,
tom X, edited by A. K. Bowman, E. Champlin and A. Lintott, Cambridge, 2006, p. 174-178.
37
Hunt Papyrus, 28 in FHDP 1964, p. 471.
38
N. Gudea, ”Der dakische Limes: Materialien zu seiner Geschichte”, in Jahrbuch des Romisch -
Germanischen Zentralmuseums, 44, Mainz, 1997, p. 88.
39
IDR II 1977, p. 216, see PLATE 2.c.
40
Tabula Peutingeriana VII.
41
See the MAP.
Salt, ancient coins and the Olt Valley 115
42
R. Ardevan, Viaţa municipală în Dacia Romană, Timişoara, 1998, p. 98-99.
43
G. Bichir, P. Bardaşu, ”Şantierul arheologic Stolniceni-Buridava (jud. Valcea)”, Materiale şi
Cercetări Arheologice XV, 1983, 337.
44
S. I. Purece, ”The end of the Roman habitation at Buridava (Stolniceni, Vâlcea County)”, in Analele
Banatului, S.N., Arheologie – Istorie, XX, 2012, p. 94.
45
S. I. Purece, ”Monede romane descoperite la Buridava romană (Stolniceni, judeţul
Vâlcea)”, in Monedă şi comerţ în sud-estul Europei, I, Sibiu, 2007, p. 101.
46
G. Bichir, ”Cercetările arheologice de la Stolniceni-Râmnicu Vâlcea”, in Buridava 4, 1982, p. 50.
47
G. Bichir, ”Continuitatea in Dacia după retragerea romană. Aşezarea din secolele III-IV de la
Stolniceni-Rîmnicu Vîlcea (Buridava romană)”, in Thraco-Dacica IX, 1–2, 1988, p. 101-102.
48
B. Mitrea, ”Découvertes monétaires en Roumanie-1989 (XXXIII)”, in Dacia XXXIV, 1990, p. 306,
nr. 101; S. I. Purece, ”Monede romane descoperite la Buridava romană”, p. 101.
49
S. I. Purece, ”Un antoninian emis de Allectus aflat în colecţia Muzeului Judeţean Vâlcea”, in
Monedă şi comerţ în sud-estul Europei, III, 2009, p. 83.
116 Silviu I. PURECE
Danubian limes in time of Diocletianus and Contantinus I50 created a large need for
salt, situation that could have generated the apparition of this settlement near the
place were salt was embarked.
Little is known about the end of this post-Roman settlement51, but after it
disappeared, the circulation of the Roman coins towards the region situated nearby
the salt deposits in Ocnele Mari area suddenly stopped, probably, in the rough
context generated by the Hunic attacks at the beginning of Vth century.
Recently, near the emplacement of the Dacian Buridava, very close to the salt
mines from Ocnele Mari, in the point named Ocnița-Downstream from the dam52 in
2009 a very interesting Roman site was discovered53. In the center of this site is
situated a very large building, with a surface of 120 m2, with stone walls. In this
building was found a very diverse inventory: very diverse pottery including
amphorae in full shape, terra sigilata etc.; jewelries: fibulae, rings with gems, 18
Roman coins from which 4 are denars, pottery fragments with graphitic texts.
Around this building there were workshops and furnaces. The coins discovered in
this site were issued in the period between Augustus and Marcus Aurelius54.
Taking in considerations the archaeological situation and the lavish inventory
found in the central building, we think that it is very possible that this was the
administrative center of salt exploitation. It is very possible that this administrative
center to functioned until IIIrd century. Was observed a list one destruction at the
beginning of the Commodus’ reign period55. This destruction seems to be
documented by a burned level dated with a coin issued by Marcus Aurelius for his
wife Faustina.
50
. K. Bowman, ”Diocletian and the first tetrarchy, a.d. 284–305”, in The Cambridge Ancient History,
XII, edited by A. K. Bowman, E. Champlin and A. Lintott, Cambridge, 2008, p. 80; H. A.
Pohlsander, The Emperor Constantine, London-New York, 1996, p. 78.
51
G. Bichir, ”Continuitatea in Dacia după retragerea romană”, p. 101–117.
52
See the MAP.
53
C. Schuster, I. Tuţulescu, I. Dumitrescu, ”Zum Salz im Nordosten Olteniens”, p. 204-205.
54
S. I. Purece, I. Tuţulescu, M. Iosifaru, ”Monede Romane descoperite la Ocniţa – “În aval de baraj”,
at XXVII-lea Simpozion de Numismatică, Rm. Vâlcea, 2010.
55
S. I. Purece, ”Orizonturile de tezaure din zona de sud a provinciei Dacia – discuţii şi ipoteze”, in
Monedă şi comerţ în sud-estul Europei, II, 2008, p. 92-95.
Salt, ancient coins and the Olt Valley 117
Conclusions
The salt deposits from Ocnele Mari attracted, from the prehistoric times, many
human communities. It is very probable that this resource contributed to the rise of
Buridava, center of one of the most important Dacian tribe. Also, the salt played an
important role in the Roman times when a large settlement developed in the
location were the salt was shipped by rafts and prepared for transportation to the
Danube Valley.
The salt from Ocnele Mari generate prosperity with two conditions: having a
secure Olt Valley and a good relation with the political power that controlled the
southern region of the Danube. In the context of the Huns’ invasion in the Balkan
Peninsula the region entered in a dark period. The salt exploitation was restarted, at
an important scale, when those two conditions were reestablished. In time it become
the most important salt exploitation from the new kingdom of Wallachia56.
56
C. Tamaş, Istoria Ocnelor Mari, Râmnicu Vâlcea, 1995, p. 70.
118 Silviu I. PURECE
Map 1
Plate 2