Sh u l g i th e Ru n n e r :

Su m e r i a n - T a l m u d i c A f f in it ie s

AARON DEMSKY
Bar-Ilan University

JACOB K lein is closely associated with the fame of Shulgi, a king of the
Third Dynasty of Ur (2094-2047 B.C.E.). He has translated and illuminated
the literary works written in praise of the heroic deeds and the ideal of
kingship attributed to this illustrious historic figure, thereby making Shulgi
accessible to the scholarly community as well as to the Hebrew and English
reading public.1 In tribute to Jacob's work on Shulgi, I would like to raise
three issues in this paper: the first is an answer to a question he himself has
asked regarding the Shulgi tradition; the second is the recognition of the
place of long-distance running especially in ancient Israel; and the third is
the possible literary echo of the Shulgi run in talmudic literature.

Shulgi's Fantastic Run

One of Shulgi's best-known achievements was his fantastic run between
the political capital of Ur (Tel el-Muqayyer, near present day Nasariyeh)
and the religious center of Nippur (Tel Niffer), a distance just under 150
km (see map). The run was made in order to celebrate the lunar festival on
the same day in both cities. This accomplishment is the theme in the self-
laudatory hymn Shulgi A: "Shulgi King of the Road"—"a composition of
great popularity and wide geographical distribution."2 According to the

1. J. Klein, Three Shulgi Hymns— Sumerian Royal Hymns Glorifying King Shulgi of Ur
(Ramat-Gan, 1981), esp. pp. 167-217; idem, "Shulgi and Ishme Dagan: Runners in
the Service of the Gods (SRT13)," Beer Sheba 2 (1985): 7*-38*; S. Shifra-J. Klein, In
Those Distant Days (Tel Aviv, 1996), 482-87 [Hebrew].
2. Klein, Three Shulgi Hymns, pp. 167ff.; See "Shulgi and Ishme Dagan," pp. 20‘-21*:
SRT13, lines 22—25: "On a day that dawned for prosperity, was destined for clouds
of rain. From the Kiur (of Nippur) he verily ran to the Shrine of Ur, the
Etemenniguru. The princely bowls of Nanna, stationed in the moming-dining-hall,
he provided with copious rations."
86 A A R O N DEM SKY

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hymn lines 75-78, he ran the fifteen "double hours" or "miles"3 from Nip-
pur to Ur and then returned to Nippur before nightfall. This run was car-
ried out in Shulgi's seventh regnal year, which was named for the event:
"year: when the king marched from Ur to Nippur."4

3. The "double hour" or "mile" is Sumerian DANNA and Akkadian bSru (=21,600
cubits). It is a measure for long overland distances, M.A. Powell, "Masse und
Gewichte/' Reallexikon der Assyriologie Bd 7 (1987-90), 471,477.
4. See W.W. Hallo, "Texts, Statues and the Cult of the Divine King," Supplements VT
40 (1988), 61.
SH ULGI THE R UN NER 87

D. Frayne suggested that the royal run was made to dramatize the his-
toric opening of a new highway between the two cities.5The likelihood for
this Sitz im Leben of the hymn is amply illuminated in lines 29-35, which
describe the way-stations the king established along the road, where trav-
elers could refresh themselves. It is possible, as well, that in Nippur Shulgi
set up a statue of himself as a runner to commemorate this event.6
Similarly the illustrious Ishme-Dagan, king of the First Dynasty of
Isin-Larsa (1953-1935 B.C.E.), is described as a heroic runner who day and
night tirelessly runs toward Nippur to care for its needs.7He, too, probably
set up a commemorative statue of himself as a long-distance runner.8 By
erecting a statue, inscribed or not, the kings wanted to publicize their phys-
ical prowess through another medium other than the literary hymnal,
which is restricted to the literati and their limited audience.
From a literary point of view, I might add that Shulgi's prowess as a
long-distance runner may have been seen as inherited from, or at least
influenced, by the mythic blessing of the Anzu-bird to Lugalbanda, king of
Uruk, an ancestor of Shulgi. He, too, was given the ability to tirelessly run
long distances.9
As noted by Klein and others, there is apparently a contradiction
between the hymn, which emphasizes the round trip—Nippur-^Ur-^Nip-
pur—and the date formula, which commemorates just a one directional
up-river run. Klein resolves this contradiction by suggesting two possible
solutions. Conceivably, the date formula follows the hymn and empha-
sizes only the second and most important part of the run, which was car-
ried out during a fierce storm. The second possibility is that the kernel of
the story is found in the date formula, which refers to a one-directional
march from Ur to Nippur. This may have been embellished upon with a
return trip, composed later, perhaps posthumously.10
Taking u p the second possibility, I w o u ld like to suggest a literary rea-
son for ad d in g a re tu rn trip. The retu rn ru n im plies th at Shulgi ran a total
of 30 DANNA, a subtle p lay on the num ber th at signifies in cuneiform script
the m oon-god Suen, "the noble son of A nu" w ho protects Shulgi (Shulgi A,
1.101) a n d w hose lu n ar festival Shulgi w as celebrating in bo th cities b y this

5. D. Frayne, ‫״‬Shulgi, the Runner,‫ ״‬JAOS 103/4 (1983): 739^8.

6. Klein, ThSH, p. 240; Frayne, op. cit., pp. 746f.
7. Klein, "Shulgi and Ishme Dagan," pp. 28*, 34ff*: SRT13, lines 44ff. Actually, Isin is
some 20 km west of Nippur.
8. Frayne, op. cit., p. 748.
9. See "Adventures of Lugalbanda," Distant Days, 172-73, lines 167-217 [Hebrew],
Note that Shulgi compares himself to the Anzu-bird in Shulgi A, line 45.
10. Klein, ThSH, p. 181; Distant Days, p. 483.
88 A A R O N DEMSKY

fantastic run. In other words, the author of the hymn, motivated by the
numerical symbolism, expanded on Shulgi's march from Ur to Nippur by
having him first go from Nippur to Ur, implying a thirty "mile" (ca. 300
km) trip and all that in one day!
Indeed, the numerical symbolism attributed to the nine "great gods"
of Assyria is dated much later—from the thirteenth century B.C.E. S. Par-
pola, however, states that "some of these (numbers) were traditional and
can easily be explained: the number of Sin, the moon-god (30), for exam-
pie, occurs in texts as early as the third millennium and is clearly derived
from the ideal length of the lunar month (30 days)."11
The motif of long-distance running, therefore, echoed through Sume-
rian culture and certainly, in its literary form, was inherited by their
Semitic cultural heirs. Perhaps it even filtered through orally in local folk-
lore or in visual arts. Whatever the case, it seems to me that the symbolism
of the number thirty attributed to Suen was a determining factor in the
composition of the hymn celebrating a long-distance round-trip run of
thirty "miles" honoring the moon-god.

Long-Distance Running and the History o f Sport

It is surprising that Shulgi's athletic achievements are absent from some
more recent general studies and have not been given their deserved place
in the history of sport. Long-distance running was a noteworthy aspect of
physical training in the ancient world as a means of building up stamina,
agility, and speed.12It had several applications. Primarily, it was an impor-
tant aspect of military training of the infantry. Sometimes the runners are
depicted bearing arms. Others were trained to be messengers. Vassals or
those needing to show a sign of fealty ran before the king's chariot. Sec-
ondly, running down prey was a form of hunting for food, especially for
deer. Finally, competitive athletics was probably an aspect of military
training, where one raced against another runner or against time, over-
coming difficult terrain or weather conditions (as Shulgi had done), as well
as outrunning horses.

11. S. Parpola, "Monotheism in Ancient Assyria," in Barbara N. Porter, ed., One God
or M any? Concepts of Divinity in the Ancient World (Chebeague Island, 2000), 182.
12. See E.N. Gardiner, Athletics of the Ancient World (reprinted, Chicago, 1978), ch. IX
"The Stadium and the Foot-Race," pp. 128-43; Robert A. Mechikoff and Steven G.
Estes, A History and Philosophy of Sport and Physical Education from Ancient
Civilizations to the Modem World (3rd ed.; Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), 19-20. Both
these studies give little or no place to the ancient Near East. I wish to thank Dr.
Haggai Harif for his help regarding the History of Sport. However, this oversight
has been corrected in the recent paper by E.M. Yamauchi, "Athletics in the Ancient
Near East'," in R.E. Averbeck, M.W. Chavalas, and D.B. Weisberg, eds., Life and
Culture in the Ancient Near East (Bethesda, 2003), 491-500, esp. pp. 492f.
SH ULGI THE R UN NER 89

In order to place Shulgi's run in the framework of this category of

social history, I would like to make some preliminary remarks regarding
long-distance running as it appears in another area of Klein's academic
interests—that of the history and literature of ancient Israel.13
Certainly military training demanded building up stamina by run-
ning. It is no wonder that several biblical accounts mention that the king's
soldiers (ragli) were as fleet as a gazelle. One of the most notable was Asa-
hel the son of David's sister Zeruiah (2 Sam 2:18) or the description of
David's Heroes (1 Chr 12:9). In general, speed is an essential factor in out-
maneuvering the enemy in the field of battle and ensuring victory (cf. Gen
14:14-15). There were runners in the Israelite court from its very beginning
(1 Sam 8:11). They were there to carry out the king's orders post-haste. In
the Judean monarchy there was even a Runners' Gate in the palace (‫שער‬
2 ,‫ הרצים‬Kgs 11:19; 2 Chr 23:20: Upper Gate).
Runners were found particularly in various royal ceremonies, some-
times accompanying the king from the palace into the Temple, while car-
rying gold and later bronze shields (1 Kgs 14:27-28). Certainly running
before the king's chariot was a sign of honor and fealty. The usurpers
Absalom and his brother Adonijah, each in his turn, had fifty runners
apiece (2 Sam 15:1; 1 Kgs 1:5). Even the prophet Elijah ran no short distance
from Mt. Carmel to Jezreel before King Ahab's chariot (1 Kgs 18:46).
Elisha's servant, Gehazi, ran by foot over an undefined distance of kiverat
'aretz and overtook the chariot of Naaman (2 Kgs 5:19ff.). Perhaps when he
went to Damascus in 732 B.C.E. to signal his loyalty to Tiglath Pileser III (2
Kgs 16:9-10), the vassal King Ahaz also ran before the Assyrian's chariot.
The epigraphic evidence illuminates this possibility: King Panammuwa of
Samal was present at the siege of Damascus and he ran before the
emperor's chariot—he was probably in no condition to do so, for he died
there.14
Long-distance running is a non-combative form of athletics. However,
in the Bible, the topic is generally placed in a military context. The later tal-
m u d ic p a ssa g es, o n th e other h a n d , d o refer to sp ort a ctiv itie s, reflectin g
the contemporary importance of athletics in the Greco-Roman world.

13. D.F. Pinczower, The Jewish Runner (Jerusalem, 1994) [Hebrew, translated from F.
Pinczower, Der Jüdische Läufer (Berlin, 1937)]; S. Muntner, "Physical Training in the
Bible and Talmud," Koroth 9 (1991): 855-65.
14. H. Donner and W. Röllig, Kanaanäische und Aramäische Inschriften (Wiesbaden,
1962), #215 lines 12- 13: ‫"( ורץ בגלגל מראה תגלת פלסר מלך אשור‬He ran at the wheel
[of the chariot] of his lord Tiglath-Pileser, king of Assyria"); See also U. Rüters-
worden, Die Beamten der israelitischen Königszeit (Stuttgart, 1985), 30-32.
15. Even in Babylon there were foot races as might be implied from the popular saying:
‫"( שיחין רהוטי רהוט ולא מטו לגברא דמצפרא כרך‬Sixty runners will not beat a man
who has eaten breakfast") (BT Bava Qamma 92b; Bava Metzi'a 107b).
90 A A R O N DEM SKY

Two cases will illustrate these tendencies. The first is that of Ahimaaz, the
son of Zadok the High Priest. The background of his run is Absalom's
attempt to depose his father, David (2 Sam 18:19-32). The final stage of the
incident takes place in an undisclosed site in "the forest of Ephraim" where
Absalom is killed by Joab. Who will inform David—now in Mahanaim—of
the victory over his enemies and relate the bad news that his favorite son,
Absalom, was killed? Although Ahimaaz volunteers, Joab prefers to send
a fast runner who happens to be a Cushite. Ahimaaz decides that he must
run also in order to soften the blow of the bad news. In order to do so he has
to beat the professional messenger who has already set out before him. It's
a classic case of a competitive race against another runner, against time,
and as we see from the story, against unkind terrain. The key to Ahimaaz's
success as mentioned in vs. 23 is that he chose not to rim the more difficult
path through the hill country, but rather to descend and run along the Jor-
dan plain to Mahanaim, thereby passing the Cushite and winning the race.
In order to maintain their lines of communications over vast distances,
the great empires—as well as the Israelite monarchies on a smaller scale—
employed fleet foot soldiers and horsemen. However, most biblical refer-
ences to couriers (as in the Book of Esther) are not very descriptive.16Need-
less to say, the runner as messenger had an important and integral place in
the royal court.
The prophet Jeremiah was aware of racing as well as this royal postal
service, for he provides details regarding relay runners in Jer 51:31-32:
.‫רץ לקראת רץ ומגיד לקראת מגיד להגיד למלך בבל כי נלכדה עירו מקצה‬
.‫והמעברות נתפסו ואת האגמים שרפו באש ואנשי המלחמה נבהלו‬
Runner dashes to m eet runner, m essenger to m eet messenger. To report
to the king of Babylon that his city is captured from end to end. The fords
are captured, and the swam p thickets are consum ed in fire; and the fight-
ing m en are in panic. (NJPS)
Another enlightening passage that seems to indicate competitive aspects
of running or military training is Jer 12:5:
,‫כי את רגלים רצתה וילאוך ואיך תתחרה את סוסים‬
.‫ובארץ שלום את בוטח ואיך תעשה בגאון הירדן‬
If you race with foot-runners and they exhaust you, how then can you
com pete w ith horses? If you are secure only in a tranquil land, h ow w ill
you fare in the jungle of the Jordan? (NJPS) 7

16. On the subject of messengers, see D. Algavish, The Diplomatic Service in the Bible and
Ancient Near Eastern Sources (Jerusalem, 1998) [Hebrew]; S.A. Meier, The Messenger
in the Ancient Semitic World (1988).
17. See A. Malamat, "Foot Runners in Israel and Egypt in the Third Intermediate
SH ULGI THE R UN NER 91

In this double a fortiori argument the prophet refers to racing with raglim,
i.e., professional runners, as well as competing with horses. A. Malamat
suggested horses allude to horse-drawn chariots and in the second half of
the verse the prophet refers to two types of running terrains: a good sur-
face ‘eretz shalom and an unsuitable one filled with thickets and wild ani-
mals like the jungle of Jordan. This verse is expanded upon in the BT
Sanhedrin 96a, where it reflects on this sport:
.‫ בין בצעי המים‬,‫ יכול אני לרוץ שלש פרסאות לפני הסוסים‬: ‫משל לאדם אחד שאמר‬
‫ ומה לפני‬: ‫ אמרו לו‬- .‫ רץ לפניו שלשה מילין ביבשה ונלאה‬,‫נזדמן לו רגלי אחד‬
- ‫ שלש פרסאות‬,‫ ומה שלשת מילין כך‬.‫ על אחת כמה וכמה‬- ‫ לפני הסוסים‬,‫רגלי כך‬
!‫ בין בצעי המים על אחת כמה וכמה‬- ‫ ומה ביבשה כ ך‬.‫על אחת כמה וכמה‬
It is analogous to a man w ho said: "I can run three parsangs and beat
horses in a marshland" (Rashi). He met a runner w hom he raced for three
m iles18 on solid ground and he w as exhausted. They said to him: "You
can't beat a runner and you expect to outrun horses. What in three miles
(you tire), (what w ill be for) three parsangs (four times the distance)? On
solid ground (you fail), what w ill be in marshland?"
According to rabbinic sources, an averageperson could walk ten par-
sangs in a twelve-hour day (BT Pesahim 94a). Compare the story of the
Greek soldier Pheidippidis, who, in 490 B.C.E., ran from the front at the
plains of Marathon to Athens, a distance of some 40 km to announce the
Greek victory over the Persians. He died from exhaustion shortly after
delivering his message (Herodotus, The Persian Wars 6, 94ff.).
In the context of the Shulgi story, where the ideal king has the physical
prowess to make a fantastic run, it is noteworthy to find this attribute
among Israelite kings. In David's lament of King Saul and Prince Jonathan,
he mentions their being fleet of foot 2) ‫ מנשרים קלו‬Sam 1:23). In his song of
thanksgiving in 2 Sam 22 (// Psalms 18), he attributes his own physical
and military powers as God given: "The God who girded me with might,
Who kept my path secure, Who made my legs like a deer's .. .You have let
me stride on freely, and my feet have not slipped. I pursued my enemies,

Period," History of Biblical Israel—Major Problems and Minor Issues (Leiden, 2001),
362-65. He temptingly explains the verb ‫ בוטח‬as "to fall." In particular, see his
discussion of the stele from the reign of Taharqa dated to 685 B.C.E., in which there
is a description of Egyptian military exercise of daily runs over a route of 100 km
(both directions) in nine hours, averaging 11 km per hour.
18. One Roman mile is 1,480 meters. An average person could walk 40 miles in a day
according to PT Berakhot 1:1; 2c. Some rabbinic sources say that a half a day's
journey is "15 miles, the distance between Modiin and Jerusalem" (BT Pesahim
93b)— actually it is about 25 km.
19. A parsah or parsang is a Persian "mile." According to Powell, one DANNA/beru
equals 2 parsangs, roughly 10.6 to 11.5 km, "Masse und Gewichte," p. 467.
92 A A R O N DEMSKY

and wiped them out" (vss. 33,37f.). Of particular interest is the Midrash on
1 Sam 4:12:

.‫וירץ איש בנימין מהמערכה ויבא שילה ביום ההוא ומדיו קרועים ואדמה על ראשו‬
;‫ ר׳ לוי ור׳ סימון ורבנן חד [ר' לוי] אמר ששים מיל הלך שאול באותו היום‬.‫זה שאול‬
‫ ורבי סימון אמר מאה‬.‫ ושמע שנשבו הלוחות והלך וחטפן מיד גלית ובא‬,‫במערכה היה‬
‫ ושמע שנשבו הלוחות והלך וחטפן מיד‬,‫ועשרים מיל הלך שאול באותו היום; בשילו היה‬
‫ וברח‬,‫ במערכה היה‬.‫ ורבנין אמרין מאה ושמונים מיל הלך שאול באותו היום‬.‫גלית ובא‬
.‫לשילה ושמע שנשבו הלוחות והלך וחטפן מיד גלית ובא‬
In the Midrash, this anonymous runner is the young Saul, who will
become the first king of Israel:
"And a man of Benjamin ran from the front and came to Shiloh the sam e day; his
clothes were rent and there w as earth on his head."
Rabbi Levi, Rabbi Simon and the Rabbis (discussed this verse): This is Saul.
[Rabbi Levi] said: "Saul traveled 60 m iles that day. H e w as at the front
w hen he heard that the tablets were captured. H e w ent and seized them
from Goliath and brought them (the tablets) to Shiloh."
Rabbi Simon said: "Saul travelled 120 miles that day. He w as in Shiloh
w hen he heard that the tablets were captured. H e w ent 60 m iles to the war
front, grabbed the tablets from the hands of Goliath and returned them to
Shiloh.‫״‬
The Rabbis said: "Saul travelled 180 m iles that day. H e w as at the front
and fled to Shiloh where he heard that the tablets were seized. H e returned
to the front and took them from Goliath and returned them to Shiloh"
(Midrash Samuel 11,1; Midrash Psalms 7,2).

The object of the Midrash is exegetical—to name the anonymous person-

ality in the biblical text and perhaps to give more details on young Saul's
physical powers, especially in the light of David's lament mentioned
above. The actual distance between Aphek and Shiloh is about 35 km, a not
inconceivable distance to run even in an uphill direction. This Midrash
lends itself to a comparison with the Shulgi run for both heroes are royal
personages, both the starting and finish points are significant to the story,
and, as I contend, both accounts tend to embellish the story by adding mul-
tiples of the length of the run on the same day. However, there is no inter-
textual connection between both cases, but the Midrash can serve as an
enlightening independent parallel.
To sum up, there is a wealth of sources on long-distance running
found in biblical and talmudic literatures that has yet to be studied and
accorded recognition in the history of ancient sports and athletics. In par-
ticular, we find that there are different styles of races. One can compete
SH ULGI THE R UNNER 93

against another runner, outrun horses or other animals for food.20 There
are restraints due to time, terrain, weather conditions, and just physical
endurance. Distances might be unlimited or fixed for competitions such as
stadia in the Olympics. Other events might be in terms of the Roman
mile, the Persian parsang, or the Akkadian beru. Lastly, distance might be
in terms of running between two significant cities. It is hoped, that histo-
rians of sport, who have concentrated on ancient Greece and Egypt, will
now have a better appreciation of Shulgi's fame as an athlete, especially in
light of biblical and midrashic parallels.

A Possible Talmudic Echo

I have noted above literary parallels to the Shulgi story. There is no doubt
that these biblical and talmudic sources are independent creations with no
direct connection to the Sumerian sources. However, it seems to me that
there might be a talmudic echo to the Shulgi story in a passage that has
received little attention in rabbinic discussion. The aggadic passage is
found in BT 'Eruvin 43a, where it forms an aside within a halakhic dis-
course regarding the distance that one may travel on the Sabbath. I cite it in
the original Aramaic according to the better m ss:22
“?‫ ”יש תחומין למעלה מעשרה [טפחים] או אין תחומין למעלה מעשרה‬: ‫בעי רב חנניא‬
,‫ בתא קמיה דרב חסז־א בסורא‬0 ‫ הני שב שמעתתא מתאמרן בצפרא ד‬:‫ תא שמע‬...
: ‫ מאי לאו אליהו אמרינהו? אלמא‬.‫וב הדי פניא ד שבתא קמיה דרבא בפומבדיתא‬
.‫אין תחומין (למעלה מעשרה)! דילמא יוסף שידא אמרינהו‬
Rav Hananya asked, "Are there restricted distances (on the Sabbath)
above 10 (handbreadths, abcfe the ground) or are there not?" ... Come and
hear: W ho w as it that said the Seven Rulings23 on the Sabbath m orning
before Rav H isda in Sura and on the sam e Sabbath afternoon before
Raba in Pum beditha. Wasn't it Elijah the Prophet w ho said them? Ergo:
The law of Sabbath limits is inapplicable (above ten handbreadths above

20. On Esau's method of hunting, see Tanhuma Toldot 11; also Rabbi Yohanan's
testimony: ‫ רצתי אחריו שלוש פרסאות‬... ‫"( פעם אחת רצתי אחר צבי‬Once I ran after
a gazelle for three parsangs") (BT Niddah 24b).
21. In ancient Greece there was a foot race in the stadium, where the course was about
the length of 170 to 190 meters, based on the stadia found in different ancient sites,
see Gardiner, op. cit., pp. 128—43.
22. I am grateful to Prof. Shamma Friedman, who has shared his expertise with me on
these talmudic sources.
23. On the "Seven Rulings" ‫שב שמעתא‬, see TB Hullin 42b, where it refers to the rulings
regarding animals afflicted with fatal defects, i.e., trefot (Meiri). S. Friedman has
suggested that it is a literary devise, "A Critical Study of Yevamot X with a
Methodological Introduction," in H.Z. Dimitrovsky, ed., Texts and Studies—
Analecta Judaica, vol. 1 (New York, 1977), 319.
94 A A R O N DEMSKY

the ground)! Perhaps it w as Joseph the D em on (Rashi: w ho w as not

bound by the Sabbath restrictions) w ho delivered them?
This passage is brought as a proof that the restricted distance in Shabbat
(‫ ) תחום שבת‬of 2000 cubits does not apply above the height of ten hand-
breadths from the ground. Since the distance between these cities is greater
than the permitted Sabbath distance, no ordinary person could travel in
one day between Sura24and Pumbeditha,25an estimated 100 km, to deliver
the lessons. Sura is located at the point where the Nil Canal (Nahr Sura)
joined the Euphrates, east of present-day Karbala. Pumbeditha has been
identified with a site (Al-Anbar) on the Euphrates where it was joined by
the Nahr Isa (talmudic: Nahr Shanwatta), connecting it with Baghdad on
the Tigris. Today it is within the confines of Fallujah (see map).
The Talmud concludes that in order to make this superhuman run it
had to be Elijah the Prophet who must have flown27 above the ten hand-
breadths to avoid violating the prescribed Sabbath distance. Therefore,
this is proof that the restricted distance (‫ )תחום‬does not apply to airspace
above 10 handbreadths. This is challenged by the possibility that the mes-
senger was the demon Joseph, who is not bound by the Sabbath restric-
tions and, therefore, we cannot infer anything regarding the Sabbath
distance either on the ground or above it.
While the links in the literary transmission are not known and direct
influence of the Shulgi material on the talmudic passage cannot be proven,
there are definite points of similarity between the two that justify a com-
parison and raise the possibility of a common folk tradition. For one, both
take place in ancient Mesopotamia within close geographical proximity;
two, they share the same motif of superhuman "runs" between two desig-
nated sites. Both sites are over 100 km from each other, not a normal dis-
tance even for a strong runner,28 and both are important centers in each of

24. See J. Obermeyer, Die Landschafl Babylonien im Zeitalter des Talmuds und des Gaonats
(Frankfort a/M , 1929), 283-87; B.Z. Eshel, Jewish Settlements in Babylonia during
Talmudic Times Jerusalem, 1979), 194-96 [Hebrew].
25. Obermeyer, op. cit., pp. 215-24; Eshel, op. dt., pp. 208-11.
26. S. Friedman has brought to my attention that there are other legal cases where
testimony has been given that a man was in Sura on a weekday morning and in
Nehardea later that same day. Rabba concludes that it is possible if he traveled by
a "flying camel" (‫) גמלא פרחא‬, i.e., a racing camel that is as fleet as a bird (Rashi on
BT Makkot 5a; also see BT Yevamot 116a). Actually, Nehardea is halfway between
Sura and Pumbeditha, an estimated day and half journey. It is located on the canal
called Nahr Malka, linking it to Mahoza south of Ktesiphon on the Tigris,
Obermeyer op. cit., pp. 244ff.; Eshel op. cit., pp. 153-56.
27. They must be assuming a ‫" קפיצת הדרך‬quick leap" over the terrain (Rabeinu
Hananel).
28. Note that the visit of Rav Nahman (of Nehardea) to Sura was not an easy journey,
BT Shavuot 48b.
SH ULGI THE R UNNER 95

the two respective historic cultures. Finally, the point of both stories is that
the day of the run is significant to the respective accounts.
It should be noted, that the Talmud takes the incident as a supernatu-
ral event, either carried out by Elijah the Prophet, who is known for such
extraordinary feats,29 or by the demon Joseph Shida.30 The fact that it was
a demon that made this run strengthens the assumption that this motif
derived ultimately from local folklore. Note the popular Arabic saying:
’al'ajala min aSSaytän "Quickness is a demonic characteristic." There are
other instances where demons and monsters from an ancient Mesopota-
mian folk tradition frequent the domain of the Babylonian study hall and
even discourse with the rabbis (e.g., BT Hullin 105b-106a). A case in point
would be the appearance of the seven-headed dragon (the muSmah.hu)31
that threatened to kill Abaye in his own yeshivah. Abaye was saved only by
the prayers of Rav Aha bar Ya'acov (BT Qiddushin 29b).
Much remains to be done in creating a methodology for identifying
traces of ancient Near Eastern culture in talmudic law and lore. Literary
parallels, direct borrowings, indirect influence or oral traditions have to be
determined 32While most scholars agree that Persian magic and demonol-

29. See BT Qiddushin 40a, where Elijah flies 400 parsangs to catch Rav Kahana before
he hits the ground after falling from the roof. Note that the biblical tradition
mentioned above had already shown Elijah to be a long-distance runner.
30. See Rashi, who says that Joseph Shida does not keep the Sabbath. Joseph Shida also
appeared to Rav Yosef (third-generation Amora, Rosh Yeshivat Pumbeditha)
telling him about Ashmadai, King of the Demons' control over pairs or even-
numbers, and similarly he appears again to inform Rav Pappa (fifth-generation
Amora, from Naresh [< nSr reSi "head canal" or < när eäSu "new canal"], south of
Sura) that even-numbers can kill (BT Pesahim 110a). It is noteworthy that his name
is Hebrew! As the Zohar mentions regarding this passage, there were benevolent
demons who even knew both Written and Oral Torah, such as Joseph Shida (Zohar,
Pinhas 253a; Teze' 277a), R. Margaliot, Mal'akhe 'Elyon (Jerusalem, 1964), 233-34.1
wish to thank Prof. Meir Bar-Ilan for this reference and his thoughts on these
matters. In this context, note S. Kaufman's remark: "The Akkadian shedu is
generally a good demon, where in Aramaic it is usually malevolent," The Akkadian
Influences on Aramaic Assyriological Studies 19 (Chicago, 1974), 101-2.
31. See J. Black and A. Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia
(London, 1992), 165a.
32. See J.H. Tigay, "On Evaluating Claims of Literary Borrowing," in M.E. Cohen, D.
C. Snell, D.B. Weisberg, eds., The Tablet and the Scroll (Studies Hallo; Bethesda, 1993),
250-55. Compare the words of caution of U. Cassuto regarding identifying ancient
Canaanite mythic elements in Midrash, "The Israelite Epic," in Biblical and Canaanite
Literatures, vol. 1 (Jerusalem, 1972), 71-72 [Hebrew], In a paper I wrote in 1978,1
attempted to show a direct literary borrowing of the Old Babylonian curse formula
found in the Epilogue of Hammurapi by Phoenician scribes who composed the
Ahiram inscription. These scribes bridged two languages, two different scripts and
two literary genres, A. Demsky, "Mesopotamian and Canaanite Literary Traditions
in the Ahiram Curse Formula," Eretz-Israel 14 (1978): 7-11 [Hebrew], Over a
96 A A R O N DEMSKY

ogy had a great influence on the Jewish community,33 there is room to

research traces of Sumero-Akkadian folklore and even legal traditions in
the Talmud. Remnants of an earlier Mesopotamian civilization seem to
have been known. For instance, Rav, the early-third-century C.E. Amora
from Sura, states that there are five functioning pagan temples in the
world, two of which were located not far from Sura: that of Bel in Babylon
and that of Nabu in Borsip(!) (BT 'Avodah Zarah lib ; see also BT Sanhe-
drin 109a).
David Weisberg summed it up: "The Rabbinic academies of Pumbe-
ditha, Nehardea and Sura were a stone's throw from the sites of the old
Mesopotamian cult-centers and cities. There is more reason for supposing
a link between Sura and Babylon than between Beersheba and Nuzi or
Benjamin and Mari."34 It is noteworthy therefore that there are a growing
number of studies drawing from linguistic, folkloristic, and legal disci-
plines that indicate the existence of intercultural contact between the
ancient Near Eastern worlds of Mesopotamia and Babylonian Jewry 35

thousand years later, the curse reappeared in Babylonian-Aramaic as an oral

statement in the mouth of a distressed women who insulted the rabbinic authority
by saying: ‫"( הפכוה לכורסיה‬Overturn his seat [of authority]") (BT Giftm 35a), A.
Demsky, "The Cultural Continuum of a Canaanite Curse," Leshonenu 34 (1970):
185-86 [Hebrew],
33. See I. Gafni, The Jews of Babylonia in the Talmudic Era—A Social and Culture History
(Jerusalem, 1990), 167-72 [Hebrew]. The Book of Tobit, written in the Achaemenid
(Persian) period, is set in Mesopotamia. It tells of the angel Raphael curing Tobit
of cataracts by applying fish bile to his eyes (3:16; 11:8-9). It seems to me that there
is an unnoticed parallel in BT Nedarim 54b (see also BT Bava Metzi'a 85b): The
Amora Samuel of Nehardea, who was also a doctor, seems to have known of this
cure when he coined the mnemonic acrosti c: ‫עי"ן‬,‫םמ"ך‬,‫"( נונא סמא לעינים —נו"ן‬Fish
is ä remedy for the eyes").
34. D.B. Weisberg, "Some Observations on Late Babylonian Texts and Rabbinic
Literature," HUCA 39 (1968): 73.
35. See, for example, E. A. Speiser, "Early Law and Civilization" in J.J. Finkelstein and
M. Greenberg, eds., Oriental and Biblical Studies (Philadelphia, 1967), 534-55;
Weisberg, op. cit., pp. 71-80, and literature cited; idem and B.Z. Wacholder,
"Visibility of the N ew Moon in Cuneiform and Rabbinic Sources," HUCA 42 (1971):
227-242; Y. Muffs, Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyrifrom Elephantine (Leiden, 1969),
passim; J. Elman, "Babylonian Echoes in a Late Rabbinic Legend," JANES 4 /1
(1972):13-19; S. Friedman, "The Case of a Woman with Two Husbands in Talmudic
and Ancient Near Eastern Law," Israel Law Review 15 (1980): 530-58 and literature
cited; I. Jacobs, "Elements of Near Eastern Mythology in Rabbinic Agaddah," JJS
28 (1977): 1-11; M.J. Geller, "The Survival of Babylonian Wissenschaft in Later
Traditions" in S. Aro and R.M. Whiting, eds., The Heirs of Assyria (Helsinki, 2000),
1-6; N. Wazana, "Anzu and Ziz: Traces of a Mythological Bird in the Ancient Near
East, the Bible and in Rabbinic Traditions," Shnaton 14 (2004): 161-91 [Hebrew].
SH ULGI THE R UN NER 97

The geographic proximity of their centers and the continuity of spoken

Semitic languages, especially Aramaic, argue for intercultural ties between
ancient Mesopotamia and the indigenous talmudic world. Similar or iden-
tical literary motifs, such as the topic dealt with in this paper—that of the
one-day long-distance intercity run—forms the basis of comparison. It is
quite plausible, then, that echoes of Shulgi's celebrated run, preserved in
the folklore, may reverberate in talmudic tradition associated with Joseph
the Demon. If so, Shulgi's fame, faint as it was, lived on over twenty-three
hundred years in ancient Mesopotamia, a fulfillment of sorts of Shulgi's
wish "that my name be established for distant days, that it never fall into
oblivion. That my fame be praised in the Land" (Shulgi A, 11. 36-37).
In summary, influenced by the research of Jacob Klein, I have tried to
clarify the relationship between Shulgi A and the date formula regarding
the distance of Shulgi's fantastic run by suggesting that the hymn implies
that he ran 30 DANNA, a number that signified the moon-god Suen. I went
on to compare the types of long-distance runners in biblical and Jewish
sources as a contribution to the history of sport. I have also noted a possible
literary echo of the Shulgi story in the Babylonian Talmud. In so doing I
have pointed to the need for more comprehensive studies of the intercul-
tural and literary affinities of ancient Mesopotamia and the talmudic
world.