Running head: SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 1

Talking Bodies: Social Representations of Risk of a Sexual Partner

in the Context of Risky Sexual Behavior

Patricia L. Nepomuceno

Frances Micole B. Nifas

Miguel Luis M. Soriano

Ateneo de Manila University

SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 2

Talking Bodies: Social Representations of Risk of a Sexual Partner in the Context of Risky

Sexual Behavior

Worldwide, it has been reported that new HIV infections decreased by 35% since

2000 (UNAIDS, 2015). However, in the Philippines, the HIV epidemic has been alarmingly

increasing in the past years. The number of cases of HIV infections in May 2015 increased by

51% compared to May 2014, which can be interpreted as 21 new cases everyday. It has been

reported that most of the cases were transmitted through sexual contact (Department of

Health, 2015). For this reason, it is important to recognize the risky sexual behaviors that

contribute to an increase in the vulnerability of individuals in contracting HIV.

People involved in risky sexual behaviors are those who engage in: (1) sexual

activities that allow the passage of bodily fluids, (2) sexual intercourse without using

condoms, and/or (3) multiple sexual partnerships (Dimbuene, Emina, & Sankoh, 2014).

Sexual risk-taking behaviors have been observed to be affected by variables such as risk

perception, HIV/AIDS knowledge and condom use knowledge (Tenkorang, 2013; Li, Lin,

Wang, Du, Tam, & Stanton, 2014). In the context of perceiving risk, the positive assessment

of sexual partners which involves trustworthiness and loyalty also influences people to

engage in risky sexual behaviors (Monteiro, Cecchetto, Vargas, & Mora, 2010). In this study,

we further posit that the underlying process of sexual partner screening (e.g., Ma et al., 2013;

Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004) are largely studied using cognitive models which focus on

individual knowledge and risk perception (Monteiro et al., 2010; Joffe, 2002).

This cognitive perspective on risk evaluation assumes that people are capable of

making rational judgment when given sufficient knowledge (Ndugwa Kabwama & Berg-

Beckhoff, 2015). When people commit risk perception errors, or when they think that they

are less likely to experience danger compared to others, it is inferred that they have faulty

information processing (Joffe, 2002). The cognitive perspective thus proposes to remedy this
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 3

flawed risk perception by increasing knowledge. Although cognitive models provide

significant contribution in the study of risk, individual knowledge proves to be insufficient in

generating a scientifically accurate evaluation of risk (Ma et al., 2013; Simoni, Sehgal, &

Walters, 2004).

In contrast, we argue that the evaluation of risk is not only determined by individual

cognition but is constructed through one’s membership in a social group with its own unique

subculture (Frankis & Flowers, 2009; Sastry & Dutta, 2011). In this study, we focus on the

culture of the geosocial networking application Grindr among gay men which is recognized

to promote risky sexual behaviors among users (Rice et al., 2012; Van De Wiele & Tong,

2014). We used social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973) to examine the nature and

significance of how Grindr users among middle class gay men shape their risk evaluation. In

this light, the shared representations constructed within this particular group of gay men

constitute their social identity which guides how they communicate, behave and connect with

others (Wagner, Duveen, Farr, Jovchelovitch, Lorenzi-Cioldi, Markova, & Rose, 1999;

Moscovici, 1988; Duveen, 2001).

Our contribution is concerned with how the evaluation of risk of a sexual partner

translates into activities involving risky sexual behaviors. The use of social representations

theory may provide insight on devising innovative strategies that deal with the rising number

of HIV cases in the Philippines, particularly among gay men. Situating the study within the

online space of Grindr may provide specific interventions to a distinct group of gay men who

hold a unique sense of reality. Examining this online reality offers insights into the

significance of culture and a social group in shaping the evaluation and consequently the

sexual decisions that Grindr users undertake.

SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 4

Review of Related Literature

Cognitive Perspective of Risk Evaluation

Individualized perceptions and processes have been central to the study of judgment

and decision-making regarding risks in mainstream psychology. Cognitive models attribute

risk perception errors to fallible individual information processing (Joffe, 2002). These errors

occur when perceptions are not scientifically valid or when people assume that they are less

likely to be affected by adverse events when measured against the chances of others. This

cognitive perspective proposes to increase knowledge and experience in order to decrease

faulty perceptions. Some cognitive models that predict factors which affect risk-taking

behavior related to HIV/AIDS include the Health Belief Model (Rosenstock, 1974), AIDS

risk reduction model (Catania, Kegeles, & Coates, 1990), and social cognitive theory

(Bandura, 1998). Common to these models are knowledge and awareness of risk related to

diseases, perceptions of threat and vulnerability, capacity for behavior change, and perceived

benefits of adopting a healthier lifestyle.

However, according to some scholars, even when informed and knowledgeable,

people still engage in risky behavior such as having sex with a possibly risky partner (Ma et

al., 2013; Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004). The concept of perceptual error becomes

apparent in these findings such that increase in knowledge does not necessarily lead to

increase in the scientifically accurate perception of risk (Joffe, 1999). Moreover, most of the

studies in a systematic review showed that there was no association between HIV/AIDS-

related knowledge and risk perception (Ndugwa Kabwama & Berg-Beckhoff, 2015). Hence,

knowledge may be essential in evaluating risks but is insufficient to explain why certain risk

perceptions are not in line with the actual risks at hand.

SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 5

Cultural Perspective of Risk Evaluation

As cognitive models are critiqued due to overemphasis on knowledge and individual

cognition in risk evaluation, the importance of social and cultural phenomena that shape

sexual expression, health, sexual activity, and HIV risk-related behavior has been gaining

attention more recently (Frankis & Flowers, 2009; Flowers, Marriott, & Hart, 2000; Sastry &

Dutta, 2011). In this context, a specific social group within which shared meanings prevail

constructs unique representations of risk.

The evaluation of risk and sexual decision-making of an identity-based social group

are also embedded in distinct sexual cultures (Flowers, Marriott, & Hart, 2000), particularly

of the geosocial networking application Grindr. This application uses the Internet which

allows men who have sex with men to communicate with one another and to facilitate the

search for potential sexual partners based on similarity, attraction, and proximity (Rice et al.,

2012; Birnholtz, Fitzpatrick, Handel, & Brubaker, 2014). Although communication among

users and selection of partners primarily occur within an online sphere, Grindr presents a

distinct social reality in which users also experience physical connectedness through location

data (Van De Wiele & Tong, 2014).

In the sexual culture of Grindr, users employ self-presentation mechanisms such as

the management of their profile and organization of their language (e.g., Van De Wiele &

Tong, 2014) to construct their online identity (Blackwell, Birnholtz, & Abbott, 2014). The

virtual environment of Grindr allows users to modify and embellish their profile pictures and

information to make themselves appear more attractive to other men (Blackwell, Birnholtz, &

Abbott, 2014; Van De Wiele & Tong, 2014). These mechanisms involved in self-presentation

are instrumental in the screening process undertaken by the users.

As the efficiency and immediacy of communication in Grindr increase the tendency

of users to engage in multiple sexual relationships and other risky sexual behaviors,
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 6

particularly unprotected anal sex (Horvath, Rosser, & Remafedi, 2008; Rosser et al., 2009),

partner screening functions as a risk reduction strategy. Partner screening also responds to

other risks such as the unfamiliarity with a stranger, physical harm, and emotional stress

associated with the use of the Internet in meeting sexual partners (Bauermeister, Giguere,

Carballo-Diéguez, Ventuneac, & Eisenberg, 2010). The anonymity and ambiguity of

communication between Grindr users make it difficult to ascertain the safety and

trustworthiness of a partner (Bauermeister et al., 2010). In this context, partner screening

occurs by looking into profile pictures and information, including grammar (Bauermeister et

al., 2010) and examining whether the potential partner is affiliated with a geographic location

such as an academic institution to determine socioeconomic status (Van De Wiele & Tong,

2014). During the face-to-face encounter, partner screening is done by first meeting the

potential partner in a public space in order to verify online identity (Bauermeister et al.,

2010). Partner screening then highlights the preference and exclusion of distinct identities

that are both part of risk evaluation.

In general, cultural approaches to risk evaluation show that unique representations of

risk occur within a social group. The social group of Grindr users develops strategies of

responding to risk which are based on the shared meanings they uphold. Following this line

of thought, this study specifically locates the representations of risk of a sexual partner within

a social group found in the sexual culture of Grindr.

Synthesis

The cognitive approaches mentioned above contribute to the study of risk evaluation

but these are insufficient in providing a holistic framework which recognizes not only

individual faculties but also the cultural background in which the evaluation of risk occurs.

The unique representations of risk of a social group within a particular sexual culture shape

individual sexual decisions and behaviors. Furthermore, it is important to note that the
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 7

discussion on risk in the existing literature has dealt with HIV risk perceptions, risky sexual

behaviors, and risk in public spaces (Finlayson et al., 2011; Lawan, Abubakar, & Ahmad,

2012; Ma et al., 2013; Simoni, Sehgal, & Walters, 2004; Frankis & Flowers, 2009; Flowers,

Marriott, & Hart, 2000; Bullock, 2004; Humphreys, 1970), with scant attention given to the

risk of a sexual partner. Thus, this study situates risk within the technologically-mediated

sphere of Grindr, focusing on the social representation of risk of a sexual partner which has

been largely undertheorized in the literature. In this light, we used social representations

theory as a framework which recognizes the process of representation as it occurs within a

distinct social group of Grindr users.

Social Representations Theory as Lens in Understanding Risk of a Sexual Partner

Social representations theory (SRT) is a social psychological framework that aims to

study psychosocial phenomena and processes in modern societies by focusing on everyday

communication and thinking (Wagner et al., 1999; Moscovici, 1988). Moscovici (1973)

describes social representations as a “system of values, ideas and practices which… enable

communication to take place among the members of a community by providing them with a

code for social exchange and a code for naming and classifying unambiguously the various

aspects of their world and their individual and group history” (p. xiii). These representations

are co-constructed by individuals in their talk and action. Through talk, people give meanings

to social objects which become part of their social world. Through action, their shared

conceptions of the world are observed (Wagner et al., 1999). Representations exist only in

relational encounters and are created through dialogue and negotiation (Howarth, 2006).

Construction of social representations is embedded within social groups. Social

groups uniquely share a common understanding of social phenomena used for the purpose of

communication and co-action (Wagner et al., 1999). The engagement of people in their local

worlds allows formation of their shared understanding which subsequently shapes their social
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 8

identity (Wagner et al., 1999). Social identity, as conceived by Tajfel (1981) is defined as

“that part of an individual’s self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his

membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance

attached to that membership” (p. 255). The shared understanding within a social group must

at least somehow be different from the understanding of outsiders, thereby making the social

identity of each group distinct (Wagner et al., 1999).

Wagner et al. (1999) further elaborates social identity as that which fosters affiliation

and group coherence and as “a direct consequence of representations being shared in a social

group” (p. 100). The images, symbols, and metaphors taken in by the individual need to be

consistent with the values maintained by his or her group (Joffe, 2002). The processing of

risks encountered by individuals is usually dependent on the ways of thinking deemed

acceptable by the group they are part of and with which they identify (Joffe, 2002; Joffe,

2003; Howarth, 2006). The “other” thus plays an important part in the development of social

identity. Risk is often attributed to “others” in order for social groups to maintain a positive

social identity (Joffe, 1999). Hence, to maintain and protect one’s identity, the

representations of risk of a sexual partner should be in line with the values of one’s group.

In constructing representations of risk, the two distinct processes of anchoring and

objectification are used (Moscovici, 1984b). These processes ensure that group norms and

values are etched onto new events, and facilitate transformation in everyday communication

and thinking. In anchoring, a group’s shared ideas, images and language are what navigate

members to make sense of novel events (Joffe, 2003). In this way, a member is able to make

familiar what is initially unfamiliar through drawing on past knowledge shared within one’s

group. Along with anchoring, the process of objectification imbues the unfamiliar object with

current images, symbols, and metaphors shared within a group to support understanding

(Joffe, 2003). In building representations of risk, a group draws from their shared past and
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 9

present knowledge in order to make meaning of the different risks they encounter in a

technologically-mediated landscape.

The digitalisation of social representations through the Internet has made it easier and

faster for people to gather information and make sense of various phenomena, thereby

anchoring and objectifying also occur more swiftly (Wahlström, 2012). The necessity of

physical presence in the construction of social representations and formation of relevant

social groups diminishes as communication of ideas is now technologically mediated. The

virtual environment also allows private communication of shared understandings and

representations between two individuals within a social group (Wahlström, 2012). Moreover,

anonymous social representation, even of taboos, has been made possible by digital

technologies (Wahlström, 2012).

The online space of Grindr allows the formation and communication of unique social

representations within a technologically-mediated reality and subculture. Social

representations theory is able to capture the complexity of the experience of a particular

group of gay men who evaluate potential sexual partners met through the online application.

In this light, we use social representations theory to answer the following question: How do

gay men who use Grindr socially represent risk of a sexual partner?

Method

Research Design

This study used a qualitative approach in data gathering in order to shed light on how

people make sense and ascribe meanings to their experiences (Willig, 2008). As such, this

study touched on the quality and texture of experience instead of focusing on causal

relationships and explanations (Willig, 2008). Purposive sampling was employed to source

participants. A combination of data collection strategies such as self-interviews (Keightley,

Pickering, & Allett, 2012) supplemented by face-to-face interviews were employed. Data was
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 10

analyzed using thematic analysis to articulate contextualized processes of how gay men

represent risk attached to their sexual partner.

Participants

Four participants who use the geosocial networking application Grindr were

purposively sampled for this study. In qualitative studies such as this, a few

participants suffice as long as thematical saturation or the information needed to produce

themes is met (Crowe & Sheppard, 2010). Since social representations are elaborated within

a social group, it is important to recognize that this group of Grindr users has its “unique,

different or important perspective on the phenomenon in question” (Robinson, 2014, p. 32).

The participants self-identify as gay men. Their ages ranged from 19 to 21 years old and are

engaged in at least one of these risky sexual behaviors, namely (1) sexual activities that allow

the passage of bodily fluids, (2) sexual intercourse without using condoms, and (3) multiple

sexual partnerships (Dimbuene, Emina, & Sankoh, 2014). Grindr, as an application that

allows gay men to find potential sexual partners easily, facilitates engagement in risky sexual

behaviors (Rice et al., 2012). In the context of our study, Grindr acts as an avenue through

which we can recruit participants into risk-related studies (Rice et al., 2012).

Data Collection Procedure

This study made use of self-interviews (Keightley, Pickering, & Allett, 2012) as the

primary data collection strategy. As our study delves into the risky sexual behavior of gay

men on Grindr, we seek to explore how they produce knowledge in everyday space (Wagner

et al., 1999). In an attempt to capture technologically-mediated sexual encounters, we find the

use of self-interview as an appropriate data collection strategy to use with social

representations theory because of its provisions that allow a record of everyday practices

(Wagner et al,, 1999) as well as enhance reflexive accounts of the participants’ meaning-

making (Keightley, Pickering, & Allett, 2012). In self-interview, participants independently

SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 11

record themselves as they elaborate on a specific topic using guide questions provided by the

researchers. This also allows sufficient time for the participants to remember and reflect

during the interview. Another aspect unique to the self-interview is the physical absence of

the interviewer. For our study, it is necessary that participants do not feel pressured to

formulate their talk around perceived expectations of the interviewer (Keightley, Pickering,

& Allett, 2012). Through this, those participating do not have to respond to the demands of

cordial conversational structure, and are able to offer independently contextualised accounts

of remembering (Keightley, Pickering, & Allett, 2012).

The guide questions for the self-interview were centered on the participants’

experiences about their Grindr encounters and the risk they associate with their sexual

partners. The set of questions was divided into two parts: the first part pertains to questions

about the encounter before engaging in sexual activities while the second part involves

questions about the experience after the sexual activities, if any. The follow-up face-to-face

interview was used for probing and clarification of the responses of the participants in their

self-interview. This data instrument also provided the participants an opportunity to delve

deeper into their Grindr experiences that may be beyond the scope of the guide questions

initially given in the self-interview process.

We set up a Grindr profile that advertised our study. It included a description that we

are looking for Grindr users who are willing to participate in our research. One participant

responded to our advertisement in our Grindr profile and expressed his interest in joining the

study. We also decided to source participants through personal networks with which we were

able to obtain three participants. Upon agreement to participate, we met them in person and

explained the aims and nature of the research. It was also specified that participation is

voluntary, that they can withdraw anytime throughout the course of the study, that the

information gathered will be kept confidential, and that their identities will remain
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 12

anonymous (Robinson, 2014). We informed them that the guide questions will be provided

via email and that the audio file from the self-interview will also be sent through the same

mechanism. After sending their audio files, we scheduled another meeting with them for the

face-to-face interview. In total, we have four self-interviews with four follow-up face-to-face

interviews.

Data Analysis Procedure

Guided by social representations theory, we used Braun and Clarke’s (2006)

methodical guide in doing thematic analysis. The first phase of thematic analysis involved

familiarization with the data. This entailed reading and re-reading the data while also making

analytic observations. The second phase is coding, which involved “generating pithy labels

for important features of the data of relevance to the [broad] research question guiding the

analysis” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 121). Codes hold both a semantic and conceptual

understanding of said data. We coded every data item as well as collated all the codes and

pertinent data extracts. The third phase involved searching for themes relevant to the research

question. According to Braun and Clarke (2006), the researcher searches for themes in the

data by constructing them. Afterwards, the phase ends with collating all coded data pertaining

to each theme.

The fourth phase is the reviewing of themes. We evaluated whether the themes we

constructed “tell a convincing and compelling story about the data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006,

p. 121), while we also clearly defined the nature of each theme and how they relate with each

other. This led to the merging, splitting, or even discarding of themes and developing

remaining themes. The fifth phase is about defining and naming themes. It was through this

procedure that we identified the core of generated themes and created concise names for

each. The sixth phase is the write-up. In this phase, we sought to present a consistent and

compelling story regarding the data as well as contextualized it in the current literature. This
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 13

was achieved by combining the analytic narrative and data extracts gathered from the study.

Identifying the relevant themes in the data assisted us in attaining a more thorough grasp of

how the social group of Grindr users generate meanings of risk of a sexual partner.

Results

In the context of technologically-mediated sexual encounters, results show that there

are three thematic representations underpinning the process of evaluating risk of a sexual

partner: (1) risk representation as othering of the body, (2) risk representation as

authenticating virtual masquerade through offline matching, and (3) risk representation as

disconnecting emotional investment of sexual encounter. As gay men seek sexual encounters

through the use of Grindr, these representations can be located in succession throughout the

partner screening process. We provide descriptive accounts to support and elaborate the

meaning of the thematic representations.

Risk representation as othering of the body

Partner screening within the online space of Grindr begins with browsing through the

feed of Grindr profiles and examining the photos of each user. These photos set the socially-

mediated landscapes in shaping first impressions of potential sexual partners. Through profile

pictures, the participants are able to evaluate whether or not other users fit their preferences.

Within the social group of gay men who use Grindr, the representation of risk of a sexual

partner primarily develops from the assessment of physical attractiveness of other users’

profile pictures. Physical attractiveness may be the ideal physical attributes that the

participant desires in a sexual partner, or the physical features that appear similar to or match

those of the participant.

Grindr users who appear clean and sweet-smelling, described as those who have fair

skin and neatly-trimmed hair, and who dress well, tend to arouse interest from the

participants. These qualities fit the prototype of people who are belonging to the middle and
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 14

upper-middle socioeconomic classes. Those who embody this prototype are viewed as more

desirable. Profile pictures, then, allow participants to evaluate a user’s attractiveness based on

perceived socioeconomic class. This is illustrated in the quote below in which Chris

described that photo quality and background of pictures are assessed to have an idea of a

user’s socioeconomic class.

Minsan mukhang surveillance camera quality yung photos (laughs). Minsan mga
jeje people, alam mo yun, mukhang ang pangit ng quality ng photo. Minsan.
Parang basta mafe-feel mo lang talaga. Minsan yung background may
hollowblocks, tapos may kalendaryo. Yung mga tipong ganung background.
Minsan nafe-feel mo lang talaga. (Chris, 20)

The statement of Chris shows how highly specific participants can be in selecting

their partners that even seemingly trivial elements such as a calendar matter to him.

Interestingly, he immediately associated low quality of photo, possibly indicating a less

expensive phone, with a specific subgroup of people called jejemon. In the Filipino culture, a

person identified as a jejemon is described as the new “jologs,” a term that represents those

who belong to the lower socioeconomic class (Marcoleta, 2010). For instance, they are

famous for transforming ordinary words by mixing numbers and other unnecessary symbols,

and wearing eccentric clothing characterized by baggy shirts and pants, and jejemon caps. In

an account of Adam below, he described his preferences with strong aversion to users who do

not appear clean, sweet-smelling, and belong to the lower class.

Pero yung pangit, ayoko talaga is yung alam mo yung picture, parang mukha na
siyang mabaho or mukha na siyang madumi… Kasi diba there are moreno guys,
yung parang yun nga, rugged pero may future yung look niya. Pero may mga as
in rugged lang talaga, as in parang pinangkuskos sa kawali. Ganun. As in. I know
I mean, I’m not like shallow na parang, “Aww. Ang pangit mo, walang mai-
inlove sayo ever.” I’m sure naman na si Lord... We are all beings of love. Lahat
tayo destined for that pero not mine, okay. Not mine. (Adam, 20)

The description that Adam used for that group of users shows how selective he is in

choosing a potential sexual partner. In this particular instance, the dichotomy of clean and

dirty bodies mirrors the dichotomy of higher and lower socioeconomic status. The othering
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 15

here occurs against those of the lower class who appear unclean and do not seem to belong to

the social group of the participants. The participants, all students in one of the top universities

in the Philippines, choose to be associated only with those who fit their standards of

attractiveness which is greatly linked to socioeconomic class. Culturally, the preference

towards wealthier individuals may be attributed to the knowledge that there is a great divide

between those part of the lower class and higher class—the latter preferring members of their

own (Keeley, 2015). Risk, then, is embodied by the “other” since being involved with whom

may pose a threat to one’s identity.

Another attribute which the participants find attractive is embodied masculinity which

is often associated with men having muscular bodies. This is demonstrated in the quote below

in which Adam described that he is drawn to users who appear to have toned muscles because

he would be able to feel secure in the company of such users.

What really catches my eyes is nice arms. Kasi I grew up with 3 women. As in
1 sister, 2 cousins. Ako lang yung lalaki sa generation na yun. For 14 years, ako
lang yun. So syempre, pag nag-uusap sila, “Ano yung gusto mo about guys?”
Ganun. Ako nakaupo lang ako dun, parang “Hindi ba ako guy?” So kunwari
sasabihin nila, “Gusto ko yung may chest para pag humiga ka sa chest niya,
nothing can harm you.” Ganun yung mga stuff like that. “Tapos yung mga arms
na kahit anong mangyari, di ka mabibitawan.” Yung mga ganun. So parang ako,
okay I like nice arms and chest na rin. So yun. I like nice arms or shoulders.
(Adam, 20)

The idea featured in Adam’s account comes from the construction of muscularity to

be indicative of one’s ability to protect others. As a slender physique is more common among

Filipinos, toned muscles indicate that the users work out and are thus stronger. In contrast,

those who do not possess a muscular physique or those who are considered effeminate are

usually not preferred. In the quote below, Adam described that presenting one’s self in a

masculine manner is crucial because that is the expected and desired quality by almost

everyone who uses Grindr.

Everyone wants to date a fucking Piolo Pascual and expects that everyone on
Grindr is a Piolo Pascual. Pero minsan, may mga Pooh doon diba? May mga
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 16

Vice Ganda… That’s why on Grindr yung mga pictures doon makikita mostly
diba mga abs, ganun. Yung mga mukhang lalaki sila, parang ganun. Tapos dapat
yung ise-send mong picture to them, yung mukha kang straight… I’m not saying
na in the LGBT community sobrang hypocrite lang ng mga tao kasi in the real…
Pero hindi kasi real world yung Grindr eh… Parang may double standard na you
have to be gay pero you have to be masculine. Tapos if you’re not sabihin niya
sa’yo, “Aww effeminate ka, no thanks.” Gaganun sila sa’yo. Tapos parang ako,
“Uhm, you’re still gay. We’re still gay.” (Adam, 20)

For Adam, even when the LGBT community promotes acceptance of all genders,

there is still a separation between masculine and feminine gays. The offline reality seems to

impinge on the online reality of Grindr as stigmatization of feminine gays also occurs within

this online space. However, in contrast to what happens in the offline reality outside Grindr in

which othering of effeminate gays is usually done by heterosexuals, the online world of

Grindr presents a space in which othering of effeminate gays is done by other gay men. There

seems to be a persisting double-standard among Grindr users because gays are classified

according to gender performance embodied through online photos. Although most, if not all,

of them are seeking to have a sexual relationship with another man, those perceived as

masculine have better chances of being chosen as a sexual partner.

These effeminate, slender-looking men are also culturally known as the parloristang

bakla (Payuyo, 2012) who belong to a lower socioeconomic class. Aside from being

identified as jejemon, the parloristang bakla is also othered based on class hierarchy which

occurs through decrypting the virtual body as indicative of cultural privilege of muscular

bodies over slender ones. To avoid being othered, one has to choose what is deemed

acceptable by the social group of Grindr users—that is, to choose users who “look straight.”

In the case of Adam, his awareness of the stigma against feminine gays does not stop him

from going with the norm and still preferring masculine gays. This is evident by his statement

below:

Personally I don’t like kasi firstly mahirap sila i-sneak, okay. Kasi they
[effeminate gay men] tend to make spectacles of themselves, you know. Those
kinds of gay guys. Pero I have nothing against them naman pero it’s risky for me
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 17

kasi. Kahit ako yung pupunta lalo na ‘pag siya pupunta or whatever, it’s really
risky kasi kilala ng tatay ko yung buong barangay (laughs). “Uy pre, bakit ang
daming…” Diba. Ang lungkot. (Adam, 20)

Adam described having sexual relations with effeminate gay men as risky because

they tend to draw attention to themselves, thus it becomes harder to conceal his sexual

identity (i.e., risk to being exposed). To maintain a positive identity, Adam and other

participants perform othering by refusing to communicate with this group of gay men. In this

sense, the representation of risk is related to the danger that effeminate gays pose to the

sexual identity of the participants—that is, the risk of being exposed and the possibility of

getting stigmatized or discriminated, which is still very strong in the Filipino culture.

Therefore, these effeminate users may be filtered out right at the moment when participants

see their pictures.

Attractiveness tied to those who have clean and muscular bodies and who are part of a

higher socioeconomic class also seems to be related to the participants’ preference for

mestizos or foreigners especially Whites. The idea that Whites are appealing and superior in

many aspects, including social class, personality, and body structure, appears to persist

(Waltman & Haas, 2011). As a case in point, one of the participants only initiates Grindr

conversations with White foreigners, such as American, British, Russian and Australian, and

had sexual encounters mostly with them. When asked if he has a specific inclination towards

foreigners, he answered:

Honestly I do. I try to deny it kaya lang parang wala eh. Talagang every time I
go on Grindr I just go for the foreigners… Because majority of the guys I’ve had
sex with is White. Overwhelming majority, actually. Pero kasi siguro kapag
Filipino parang there are two reasons eh. First of all, parang wala akong
matutunan sa kanila kasi parang Filipino din sila eh. Parang alam mo na yung
culture nila. Pero pag White parang you want to get to know them better. For
me, it’s easier to open up to people that you don’t know much. Tapos maka-
exchange kayo ng ideas about yourself and your culture to each other. So aside
from the sex, gusto ko rin yung intellectual exchange. And then also yung ayoko
rin sa Filipino is, minsan kasi, alam mo ba yung hindi sila as committed as
foreigners when it comes to, for example, time or place, what to do or what they
want. Minsan malabo sila eh. (Ben, 19)
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 18

Ben described that his preference for White foreigners is based on the intellectual

exchange he gains from interacting with them. For Ben, Whites hold a superior status in

terms of sustaining his interest, unlike Filipinos. This may imply that Filipinos do not match

the standards of Ben which may reflect an internalized postcolonial subordination of

Filipinos; therefore, othering is performed against them. Culturally, Filipinos look up to

Whites for their superiority in physical appearance, wealth, education, among other things.

To be associated with them puts Filipinos in a higher social status and helps them gain a

positive identity.

Aside from checking profile pictures, partner screening also involves examining how

users compose profile headlines and how they communicate while chatting. The participants

usually prefer users who are fluent in English as illustrated by Dennis’ account below:

And then we started messaging, and then he answers in English, which is like,
wow. My god. He’s not trying to be elitist or whatever but yeah he was replying
in English, like normal English, not the pilit English. So that was pretty good.
(Dennis, 21)

Those who speak in fluent English are considered to belong to a higher

socioeconomic class because quality education in the Philippines is costly. For the

participants, quality education depends not on the level of education received but from which

university the education is completed. When participants discover that a potential partner

comes from a prestigious university, the interest and excitement is heightened. In contrast,

when education is finished from a less well-known college institution, the stratification in

terms of educational background becomes more pronounced. This is demonstrated by the

following quote:

Oo. Factor siya. Kasi ibig sabihin, alam mo yun. May pinag-aralan. I mean
maganda yung pinag-aralan… Wala lang. Factor lang siya for me. Ibig sabihin…
di naman sophisticated siya. I mean… Ewan ko. Kunwari taga-AMA siya. Di ko
trip yun. Sorry, ang discriminating ko, pero… Hindi eh, preference lang talaga
siya, hindi siya discriminating. (Chris, 20)
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 19

In the statement above, Chris acknowledged that rejecting those who studied in less

distinguished colleges is discriminating. Interestingly, he immediately denied this by

claiming that it is only his preference. However, his preference still implies a trace of

discrimination because his rejection is based on his perceived superiority over the other.

Those who have not received education from esteemed universities may be ignored or

avoided since these people may pose a risk to the participants’ social status. This is another

layer of othering in which this group of users is constructed as inferior, thus having a

connection with them might tarnish the participants’ high regard for themselves.

Collectively, within the virtual market of Grindr, allocation of men’s bodies is

stratified in terms of gender, class, sexual orientation, and race. The cultural significance of

stratification may suggest deep fascination over Western, masculine, and economically

privileged bodies over non-Western, feminine, and economically disadvantaged men.

Risk representation as authenticating virtual masquerade through offline matching

In most social-networking sites, the connectivity of users is based on familiarity and

friendship outside the online space. In Grindr, as a location-based application, however, users

are related only through their proximity to one another. Users usually do not recognize other

users and therefore consider them as strangers.

From the activity of scrolling through Grindr profiles to the actual face-to-face

encounter, risk of a sexual partner is socially represented as the possibility that the online

identity of the person with whom one has been communicating does not match his offline

identity. This issue is hinged on the difficulty of verifying a user’s identity in such virtual

space where one can easily conceal or distort certain realities about oneself.

As a way of lessening apprehensions, partner screening through the exchange of

pictures showing users’ faces is carried out at the start of private messaging. Recent photos

are requested not only to determine if a potential partner is physically attractive, but also to
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 20

perform an initial verification of the identity of the person. To check if a user is using a fake

identity just to impress the participant on the other end of the conversation, one creative

strategy is carried out by Ben:

There are times na mahalata mo fake. Yung pinaka-fake yung usually photos of
models, yung professional photos of models… Ang ginagawa ko kasi sine-
screenshot ko yung photo tapos nilalagay ko sa computer tapos i-reverse Google
search ko siya. Para mag-confirm if it’s fake or real or what. (Ben, 19)

Such scheme illustrates how it is important for Ben to engage in a conversation, and

possibly have sex, with someone who is truthful to him about his identity. This initial form of

self-disclosure through the online exchange of real pictures becomes a crucial foundation of

trust between users as they continue to talk to each other.

During meet-ups, the identity of a user is authenticated when his online identity

matches what is perceived in the face-to-face encounter—his offline identity. Thus, in this

context, trust is shaped through the congruence between online and offline identities. There is

an authentication of the embodied truth of virtual masquerade through offline matching

which facilitates legitimacy of gay men’s sexual conquest.

Prior to seeing a potential sexual partner in person, a high degree of anxiety is felt by

the participants as they are aware of the risk that relating with a stranger brings about. The

feeling of uncertainty about the reality and authenticity of a person is captured by Ben in his

account of one meet-up:

Medyo kinabahan ako kasi maybe after all, parang naisip ko na baka peke siya
or baka parang catfish siya. Maybe after all this time, baka hindi siya yung
sinasabi niya, or baka iba yung katauhan niya or malay mo baka ibang-ibang tao
talaga siya physically in person or at least personality-wise. Ganun. Pero noong
dumating siya, noong dumating siya I was relieved kasi nga siya yun. Iyon yung
mahirap kasi sa Grindr and other gay social networking sites, kasi yun lang yung
proof mo na siya yun. Picture, minsan telephone number, minsan Facebook
profile… Hindi mo talaga masasabi na he exists in real life until you see him in
person. (Ben, 19)

Doubts and skepticism about meet-ups abound, yet Ben and other participants still

decide to pursue such activity. Upon finding out that the person with whom Ben has been
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 21

chatting was a real person, that how he presented himself online was consistent with how he

appeared to be in the flesh, and that he did not lie about his identity, Ben experienced a sense

of relief because his investment of trust proved to be worth the risk. In situations like this

when the online identity of a user coincides with his offline identity, the risk involved then

seems to be dissolved.

In contrast, when the qualities that the person claims to possess do not fit what is

observed, great disappointment occurs since the deception inflicted negates the trust invested.

When this happens, the participants may opt to leave and not proceed to having sex just as

Adam recalls:

I’ve had cases that I ended up not having sex because these are the guys na
sobrang layo ng pinakita nila on their Grindr profile. I think there was this one
time that this one guy sent in a photo of him that was took like ten years ago.
Like, “Bro, come on, you’re not that.” It’s crazy. Hay, guys like that. Tapos
syempre they look good and young and everything. When they come up na, “You
look like a manong already!” It’s crazy. So when I meet up with that… normally
I just say na, “I’m sorry, I don’t think we’re gonna do anything.” (Adam, 20)

The frustration of expectations about a potential partner’s identity ruins the whole

intended sexual conquest. The difference in the realities of the online and the offline domain

creates the probable disjunction between one’s online identity and offline identity. In the

former, it is easy to fashion a self-presentation that appears pleasing to other online users

because the very features of the online application allow manipulation of reality. One can

easily choose what body part to expose or what other details to disclose. Similarly, risk can

also be manipulated and filtered in the online space. Nonetheless, it is in the offline world or

personal meet-up that authentication and representation of risk are enacted. Just as in Adam’s

experience, it is possible that physical attractiveness constructed online corrodes when the

actual meet-up does not verify it.

The risk extends to the likelihood that the person one is supposed to meet is fake in

such a way that he might not be actually interested in sex, instead he might have plans to
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 22

cause harm to the participant. The process of online partner screening cannot determine the

true intentions of a user, hence the possible danger of meeting up with a stranger is not

eradicated. Ben recounts the risky experience of a particular meet-up:

He asked me to go directly to his hotel room in Malate… Siguro when I was

walking to the hotel, medyo kinabahan ako kasi syempre first time ko doon sa
hotel. Di ko talaga alam yung hotel at all. Di ko alam yung place masyado aside
from Robinsons Ermita but that’s like a few hundred meters away from the hotel.
So it was like 15-20 minutes walking, ten minutes, something like that… Naalala
ko pa na sobrang kinakabahan ako noon kasi I didn’t know what to expect tapos
I didn’t know kung may intention ba siya to do something, to harm me. Kasi first
time ko yun eh. Imposible na di mo ma-expect yun. Tama ba yun? Parang you
have to expect it at some point. Na he might do harm to you. (Ben, 19)

Nervousness is greatly felt as he anticipates meeting his potential sexual partner. Yet

fully conscious of the odds of getting harmed, the participants still continue with this

engagement perhaps because of the possible satisfying outcome of the risk-taking. One

encounter of Dennis demonstrates this:

I felt a sense of some misplaced comfort, I guess… Like this guy, who was batak
(laughs) and can speak English fluently. It was pretty fun. So it was like
misplaced comfort ‘cause I know I should not be comfortable about it ‘cause it’s
Grindr, the premise of me getting stabbed can happen. What if this was a modus?
But then yeah, he seemed like a cool enough guy to grind a chat. So I decided to
invite him over. (Dennis, 21)

Dennis is well-aware that he may face perilous consequences attached to meeting this

stranger. This is emphasized when he uttered “What if this was a modus?”, implying the

apprehension that the person might be a criminal engaged in some kind of “modus operandi”

involving Grindr. This is not implausible since commission of crimes involving computer

technology has been viewed as the new criminal modus operandi (Thompson, 2015).

However, even though this is the case, there are instances in which the participants’ anxiety

may be offset by the favorable characteristics of a potential sexual partner, leading to this

feeling of “misplaced comfort” in Dennis’s words. In such idea of misplaced comfort, risk is

averted when the participants construct the strangers as having pleasing qualities or when

they represent them as fitting to their ideal preferences.

SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 23

The social group of gay men who engage in Grindr are wary of the dangers that

follow communicating and encountering strangers using the application. Realizing their

group’s vulnerability causes the participants to evaluate the authenticity of their prospective

partners. Without a culturally-acceptable script for seeking a potential sexual partner, some

gay men then rely on geosocial applications like Grindr, which serves as the most available

means of forming sexual relationships. Nevertheless, users of Grindr are still exposing

themselves to the danger of being associated with a stranger in order to have the opportunity

to express their sexuality.

Risk representation as disconnecting emotional investment of sexual encounter

The social representation of risk does not end in authenticating the identity of one’s

sexual partner. Rather, following the completion of the sexual encounter, participants then

face risk in terms of loneliness. When the sex is over, individuals engaged in Grindr may be

left feeling empty and alone. Furthermore, with gay sex being depicted as deviant in the

Filipino culture, the social group of gay men find difficulty in overcoming such isolation.

Such disconnection from one’s partner after the sexual activity may not only arise from the

stigma imposed by the dominant heteronormative culture on the social group of gay men

(Herek, 2007), but also from the nature of casual sex which implies emotional detachment.

In the context of technologically-mediated sexual encounters through Grindr, episodes

of sexual conquest may not only suggest the satisfaction of empty carnal desires, but also

investment in the form of casual sex which becomes a familiar nostalgic longing of the other

achieved through sexually pulsating encounters between two strangers. Adam describes this

longing in the following account:

But at the end of the day… when you’re walking away from his house, or he
drops you off na from his car, you just feel like “Aww.” Sometimes I feel like
that na parang, “Oh, I’m alone” pero it’s not the existential alone na “What am I
doing with my life?” Not like that naman. It’s kind of an anti-climactic end to
something that was so awesome. Because the notion kasi with casual sex is that
there’s no investment in it. That’s not true. (Adam, 20)
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 24

Adam expressed the feeling of loneliness he sometimes feels following casual sex.

Although there is an expectation that strangers detach their feelings from the encounter and

that any connection formed is solely sexual, he debunked this common perception and

claimed that there is indeed investment in casual sex. Participants may wrestle with their

desire to express their sexuality while also simultaneously refraining from establishing any

emotional connection with the other. Despite successfully engaging in sex with a stranger,

gay men may feel melancholic over the brevity of their sexual encounters. Such moments,

then, are as sexually satisfying as they are fleeting. Even in the instance in which Dennis

described an encounter as the best sex he has ever had, he recounted:

I guess the closest to anxiety I had was that “What if he doesn’t message me
again?”... When I message him, what if he doesn’t reply?” I guess that’s the most
of the apprehension idea that I got. I was already immediately thinking of it.
(Dennis, 21)

In the quote above, Dennis described the uncertainty he experienced over the thought

of potentially losing the relationship he could have with this person. Loneliness seems to

have prevailed even after the best sex of his life. In running the risk of dissolving the

relationship, the familiar sensation of bodies interlocking through sexual intercourse becomes

unfamiliar.

Risk in this regard may be represented as the possibility of discontinuing potential

development of romantic relationships. Relationships of gay men created in the virtual space

of Grindr become marginalized due to the specific relationships already prescribed by the

heteronormative system of forming relationships (Jackson, 2006). Like other participants,

Adam pondered how things in his dating and sex life would be different if he opted to assume

the more traditional script in seeking relationships. He continued his previous account in the

quote below:

Sometimes I feel like after having sex, parang, “Aww, what if I didn’t meet this
guy here, lalo na the nice guys, the really nice guys, really polite guys naman.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 25

What if I met him somewhere lang and we went on the traditional approach, like
we dated, we texted, we courted each other, then we became boyfriend-girlfriend
and stuff like that. (Adam, 20)

Adam reflected on his current style of dating and seeking potential partners in

comparison to the traditional approach. Within Grindr, the representations form a reality that

supports casual and short-lived sexual relationships. Having emotional connectedness is

neither the norm nor the goal of Grindr use. It is not part of the system of values and practices

that such virtual space promotes.

Discussion

The findings of our study showed the complexity of risk representations that gay men

attach to their partners in the sexual culture of Grindr. In contrast to the existing literature

which focus on the cognitive approaches used to study risk evaluation, theoretical insights of

this study present the significance of the cultural perspective in drawing out not only risk

about HIV but also other risks that the members of their social group face. We discuss the

results of the current research in light of the following key points: (1) stratified bodies in a

virtual market space, (2) making the unfamiliar familiar in casual sexual encounter, (3) risk

evaluation as a sexualized and subcultural process, and (4) missing HIV script for

technologically-mediated sexual encounters. We elaborate on these points in view of the

practical implications to HIV-related interventions.

Stratified bodies in a virtual market space

In the representation of risk of a sexual partner met through Grindr, the importance of

the body is very apparent such that those perceived as having masculine or muscular and

clean bodies are considered more desirable. The online application Grindr may be seen as a

virtual market space where gay men use their own bodies as commodities to make

transactions. The virtual space provides users an opportunity to use their bodies to express

themselves differently than they normally would (Danet, Ruedenberg-Wright, & Rosenbaum-
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 26

Tamari, 1997). In this market space, the different values assigned to a variety of users are

dependent on the desirability of the body.

Grindr users have to “sell” themselves by creating a profile that will stand out from

the pool of other profiles. Standing out entails a form of gender performance through a visual

medium such that a profile picture needs to feature a more masculine and muscular physique.

Masculine gay men are preferred over feminine ones which may have an underlying

socioeconomic aspect influencing their desirability. Muscular bodies, on the other hand, are

deemed superior to slender bodies which may be related to the racial superiority of Whites to

Filipinos.

The preference for clean bodies may also be explained by cultural systems of beliefs

that maintain the exclusion of and the negative attitude towards those perceived as having

unclean bodies (Rochira, 2014). Those who appear clean are considered to have the resources

to look after their personal hygiene, thus, socioeconomic status is still involved. Moreover, a

clean-looking body for a Filipino is related to fairer skin which illustrates the racial

component of desirability. Grindr, which opens a postcolonial society to the global gay scene,

has afforded young, urban, and middle and upper class Filipino users to be on par with the

Western gay narrative (Benedicto, 2007). This is done by privileged gay men through the

creation of a hierarchy based on class (Benedicto, 2007). While Grindr is technically open to

everyone who downloads the application, acceptance to the market space is controlled by the

hierarchy; those who appear to belong to a higher social status either by wealth or race are the

ones more likely to be “purchased.” In this type of society, a mere affiliation with someone of

a higher social status has significant implications on one’s identity. The capability to “buy”

someone who has a masculine or muscular and clean body not only protects one’s identity

but also enhances it. Therefore, these users who look muscular and clean are not regarded as

risky.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 27

Making the unfamiliar familiar in casual sexual encounter

As the virtual space of Grindr promotes self-presentation mechanisms and allows

wielding of one’s profile so as to appear attractive and desirable to other users, there is risk

that an online identity is not congruent with what is in actuality (Blackwell, Birnholtz, &

Abbott, 2014; Van De Wiele & Tong, 2014; Bauermeister et al., 2010). The difficulty in

ensuring the trustworthiness of a potential sexual partner and the probability of experiencing

physical harm by communicating with a stranger both generate an atmosphere of

unfamiliarity for the participants. Due to this danger associated with a stranger, Grindr use as

a mode of initiating an interaction and sexual relationship with gay men especially appears

unfamiliar for new users. A sexual partner met through a Grindr encounter is also deemed

unfamiliar by the participants because there is no prior avenue to get to know him aside from

the online chatting that often occurs only hours before the actual meet-up.

Even though there is apparent danger in this largely unfamiliar activity, the

participants still continue to use Grindr for sexual conquest because they are able to make the

whole engagement familiar. Following social representations theory, the participants anchor

the unfamiliar sexual partner carrying the possible danger to the culturally familiar ideas held

within their social group (Joffe, 2003). They acknowledge that it is acceptable within the gay

subculture to engage in casual sexual encounters and multiple sexual partnerships which do

not necessarily involve emotional and long-term commitment. In the context of casual “hook-

ups” through Grindr, the unfamiliar stranger then becomes familiar to the participant because

of the sexual activity that is familiar to both parties. Although their online identities may

remain unfamiliar by maintaining anonymity, users may engage their offline, embodied

identities through the sexual encounter (Dodge & Kitchin, 2001). In addition, this unfamiliar

engagement is objectified by drawing on the current experiential world of their group (Joffe,

2003). The familiarity of technology in their present understanding enables them to assimilate
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 28

the idea that sexual encounters are indeed possible, and even made more immediate and

efficient, through the use of online platforms.

Risk evaluation as a sexualized and subcultural process

Relationships formed within the online space of Grindr can be considered as a distinct

subculture of gay men. Since they are not able to follow the traditional approach of seeking a

partner, Grindr is the most accessible strategy for some gay men to form sexual relationships

amidst the heteronormative culture (Aunspach, 2015). The heteronormative society can

render the identities of gay men invisible since this dominant culture generally deems

nonheterosexual orientation as abnormal and unnatural; however, the distinct gay subculture

in Grindr permits nonheterosexual relationships to become visible (Herek, 2007). Through

Grindr, users are able to have an easier contact with other gay men who want to engage in

casual sex which predisposes them to be involved in risky sexual behaviors. However, Grindr

users do not view the engagement in such behaviors as risky because of how their sexual

encounters play a big role in constructing their sexual identities.

Risk evaluation deviates from the dominant heteronormative cultural norms and

transforms to fit the sexualized subculture of gay men. Although the heteronormative

standards of dating considers participating in casual sex as deviant and taboo, within the

shared identity of gay men who use Grindr, this practice is deemed acceptable. While

previous studies attributed risk perception errors to faulty cognitive information processing

(Joffe, 2002), risk evaluation within this particular group of gay men is rather embodied and

weighted using cultural ascription of privilege and discrimination. In this view, their partner

screening process cannot be considered faulty, but rather the evaluation of risk is embedded
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 29

in their shared reality, possibly explaining why their representation of risk of a sexual partner

differs from the heteronormative culture.

Missing HIV script for technologically-mediated sexual engagement

The findings also showed that the reluctance to be associated with people whom the

participants other, the likelihood that a stranger may be inauthentic or dangerous, and the

probable dissolution of relationships brought about by the nature of casual sex are the risks

that Grindr users attach to their involvement with sexual partners. Interestingly, risk does not

seem to be represented as the possibility of contracting sexually-transmitted diseases,

particularly HIV, through sexual relations formed through Grindr.

Grindr, as a geosocial networking application, works as the easiest and most

convenient way of contacting potential sexual partners for some gay men (Rice et al., 2012).

Since it is easy to engage in hook ups through Grindr, multiple sexual partnerships usually

prevail within the community of users (Horvath, Rosser, & Remafedi, 2008; Rosser et al.,

2009), thereby increasing their vulnerability of being infected with HIV. However, even

when the participants are aware of the rapidly increasing cases of HIV in the country, there is

no apparent HIV script on the entire process of meeting sexual partners through the online

application. Our possible explanation for this phenomenon is that technologically-mediated

spaces like Grindr overrides the active promotion of safe sexual practices among gay men

over representations of pleasurable and exhilarating sexual conquests. This differential

representations are further compounded through the possible collapsing of an embodied and

implicit distinction of sexual health (i.e., muscular and clean bodies are equated to healthy

bodies, etc.). In the process of privileging certain bodies over others, stratified markers of

social class, gender and race maximize the unequal distribution of desirable sexual partners

and at the same time heighten the probability of HIV contraction among gay men.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 30

The whole Grindr encounter involves no explicit negotiation between sexual partners

about the strict usage of condoms and no clear discussion about their HIV serostatus. HIV

talk is only tacitly expressed when participants are directly asked by the researchers whether

or not they use condoms, but generally, sexually-transmitted diseases are not part of their

everyday talk. It seems that the risk of contracting HIV is not an explicit part of the system of

representations that constitute the process of Grindr use for the purpose of having sexual

relations.

These results have significant implications on the interventions used to prevent HIV

transmission. In the Philippines, cases of HIV have been reported to be associated with the

use of online dating sites which facilitate casual sex (ABS-CBN News, 2015). As we were

able to flesh out the unique subculture of online dating, we recognize the relevance of

crafting new strategies related to HIV prevention. Previous interventions used by the

Department of Health often follow a cognitive-heavy framework which puts emphasis on

improving knowledge in order to have accurate risk perceptions and avoid risky sexual

behaviors (National Epidemiology Center, 2015). While these efforts are crucial in the study

of HIV-related risk, these cognitive and epidemiological approaches still need to be

augmented by considering the sociocultural background that shape the sexual expression and

risk representation of gay men. Recognizing this gay subculture and taking into account the

prevailing representations of risk within their group can help generate the necessary HIV

script which can then point to a direction of effective HIV programs in the country.

In the present study, the use of self-interview proves to be an innovative tool that

allows participants to recollect their memories without the limiting presence of an

interviewer, thus, it offers researchers an unobtrusive method of data collection. This method

is recommended to be used for sensitive topics such as sexuality which are difficult to discuss

in the presence of an outsider. However, there are some challenges that come with this
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 31

method such as the low motivation for participants to record themselves when they are alone

or the inconvenience of sending an audio file via online means.

We recommend to future researchers to delve deeper into other consequences of

engaging in “hook ups” apart from the possibility of contracting sexually transmitted

diseases. In contrast to the common perception, there is an emotional investment in the

seemingly detached nature of casual sex. Future studies may look into how gay men cope

with and address the loneliness that accompanies such sexual relationships.

Conclusion

Complementing past literature which utilized a cognitive perspective on risk

evaluation, this study has presented social representations theory as an appropriate lens in

understanding how the social group of Grindr users evaluate risk of a sexual partner. The

results and discussion revealed how risk representation is not primarily focused on HIV-

related risk but rather on risks threatening one’s sexual, social, and economic identity which

carries significant implications to current intervention practices as well as to future studies on

the evolving nature of same sex relationships. Researchers interested in expanding the

knowledge of gay subculture should look beyond HIV-related risk and venture out in

shedding light on other technologically-mediated engagements where stigma and

discrimination still abound. Because of the dominant heteronormative culture that shuns

casual sex, the sexually pulsating encounter between two people who met online leads to

estrangement and, consequently, loneliness since they see themselves as unable to form long-

term commitments; but they still settle with this readily available short-term engagement

instead of having none at all.

SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 32
SOCIAL REPRESENTATIONS OF RISK OF A SEXUAL PARTNER 33

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