CHHATRAPATI SHIVAJI.

[From n statue by Mr. G. K. Mhntre, Artist, Bombny.)

SHlVAJI SOUVENIR
 Editor, G. 8. Sardosni, Powon Building_
Glrgaum, Bombay.

. .
Printer, Ohintaman Sakharam Deale, the .Bombay Vaibhav Press,
o:
Servants India Sooioty's Home, Girgaum, !3ombay.

Publisher, Kesbnv Bhikaji Dhnwa1o, Doo_ksel1er, Girgaum, Bombay.

Prine Rs. 2-8.

 CONTENTS.

English Section.

. Foreword ... ... PA.GE.

V

1. Jedhe Chrono_logy .... .• ... 1

~-~, Jedbe Kareena •.• .... 45
3. Are the Bbonsles Kshatriyas ? •.• ... 63-
4. Shivaji, the Human King · ... ••• 93'
5. Rajwade's Contiibution to Maratbn History ... 1-00
o. A Saviour of Hinduism .•• ••• 114
7. Shivaji and ·the Portuguese ••• . •• 123-
8. Original Documents ..• . .• ••• 134
(i) Shabaji's letter to Ali Adil Shah .•• 138
. . (ii) A Persian Firman ... . •• ••• 142"
· · (iii) Shivaji's letter to his father ..• 144
· (iv) ·Shivnji to Maloji Ghorpade •.• ••• 14.6-
· (v) & (vi) Shivaji to his officer~ ... ·•• 1s·o
9. · Shivaji,.the Indian Alexander ..• 154
10. Battle· of Prntapgad ..• . •• ••• 159-
II. Shivaji's letter to Jaysinh ... ... 169
12. Ancient Indian Engnieering ... ... 179-

.Marathi-Hindi Section.
1. Kavi Bhushan ... I
2. Shiva-btlwani •.• ... ... 1i
3. Maratha Forts (General Description) ... 4&
4. Maratha Forts (Alphabetical List) ... 66 \°)

5. Th_e Birth-date_ of Shivaji ... 95

 iv
l 'J.01
G. Historicnl Documents nnd Lcttcrn ••• J 1l
(i) Shnhnji'n lottcr to Ali Adil Shnh 11 t
{Ii) Shivnji'n letter to Shnhnji ••• ... l l ~
{iii) Shimji's letter to Bnji l'rnbhu,., l 1~
(iv) A Porsinn Firmnn ... ... 12C
(v) f1 lcttcr in Codc-lnngungc •.. •••. 12,
(vi) J{jnbni'11 Jetter ••• ... 124
(\'ii) Trcnty between Shivnji nnd the Porlur,ucf!e. :2!;.
7. Commcrcinl Policy of Shi\'nji ... ••• 129
8, Some old Arms nnd their Hifitory 138 '
9. Meeting of Shivnji nnd Chhntrnsnl 154
Jo. Shivnji's letter to Jnyflinh Pcrsinn nncl Hindi. 161 j
· 11. Life-Sketches of Shimji's Contcmpornricn ••• 1il :

Gujrati Section.
l. Some AApccts of Indinn-History ••• l
2. Shivnji the Snviour of Hinduism ••• ••• 26
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Shh·1.ji h;i.s pro,·cd by his t'X;i.mplc that the Hindu

r;i.cc can hnil<l n nation, fonncl a state, defeat cnemic!i;
conduct tht'ir own dc-fcnc<:'; protect & promote litera-
ture, n.rt, commerce & indnstn·: maintain n:wics &
occ:'l.n trndin~ fleets & conduct ~:wal battles on equal
terms with foreigners. He taught modern Hindus to
'rise to the full stntnrc of their growth.
- Jadunath Sarkar.
 ILLUSTRATIONS.

Equestrian Statue of Sbivnji by Mr. Mhntrc.

Shivnji, nppreciation,-from n pl\inting by Mr. G. V. Lad.
SbiYnji on horse-bnck, Stntue by Mr. Tnlim.
Aurnngzeb in old nge.
Ambnrkhnnn, Pnnhnlgnd.
Shri Rnmd11s.
Knlynngnte, Sinbgnd.
Swords nnd nrms. (Description in l\Inrnthi section, p. 138).
Chbatrnsnl. (Ref er lo Mnrnthi section pnge 154).
Four panels of the Shivnji Memorinl, by Mr. Knrmarkar.
Shnhnji nnd Shnhn Jnhnn. (i\Inrnthi section page 113).
Fncsimili of old Marathi letters, sword nnd its parts,
Tiger-clnws nud Forts.
Bust of Shh·aji by Mr. Pbndke.

AOKNO,VLEDGE?IIENT.
The Editor begs to acknowledge with extreme
gratitude the cordial services rendered by all workers in
bringing out in the shortest possible time this volume of
ShiYaji Souvenir. In particular, he is glad to record the
co-operation of the Mumbai Vaibhav Press, the Publisher
Mr. K. B. Dlmvale, Mr. Wagle who so quickly prepared the
blocks of the pictures, and the Lnxmi Narayan Press who
printed them with equal promptness, but for whose help the
volume could not have been out nt the appointed time.

N. B.-The date at the end of page 152 1 English section, should be

transferred to the bottom of page 153.
 FOREvVORD.

l. 'I'hi!1 b-:iok i~ J)1,bfo:hccl n~ n ?;O\\\·cnir of \he Shi\'nji

Terccntennry' cckl,rn\ion~ in Hombny. It scn·cs to indicntc tbe
wo:Hlcdnl co•opcrntion, which hns hccn shown hy the sc\·crnl
worl:crs who h:\\'c cntlc-:1vomell to mnkc the celcbrntion n suc~ss.
'l'hc ttndtr will find in thcst pnr.c~, <::olkcted tor.ether it1 n hnudy
nnd rc:tdnhlc !orm, ni:tfnl 111:'ltcrint contributed by !;C\'Crr.l scholnrs
m: importnut (}UC~lions con11cctcd with Shi\'nji ~Inhnrnjn•s life nnd
time.,;, 'l'hc urntcrinl colkc:tcd is of :i chnr:1ctcr not r.cucrnlly
• :l\'nilnbic to the o:diunry render. 'l'hc nllcmpt hns been to brinl~
tor.ether the contribution~ of Fon1c eminent sc:holnrs, who hn\·c
i!inn \\,cir help mn~t unr.rndr.inr.ly nm1 hn,·e thereby foid the
Committee ur:dci llc:wy ohlh~ntlon. Th~ ndmitnhlc poems of.
Bhu!:bnu nnd J...nt K:wi, the excellent monor.rnph of K.n\·i Nnnnlnl,
:he eminent poet of Guji-.rnt, the letter of Shh-nji to Jnysinh, n
milit:iry ~tudy of the Prntnpr.nd c:unp:iir.a, n dc5criptlon of Mnrnthn
fort~, ~hmt lHc-~kctchcs o{ Shi\':lji's hclpmntcs, the commercial
\)cl icy o{ thnt r.rcnt rntcr, these nncl n fow other conttibutions hnvc
·im·cstc:°d this commcmorntion \·olumc with n ~l'lecinl cbr.rm. Knvi
~nnnlnl's pnpcr on the spccinl features of Indin's history supplies
~ nO\'Cl \'icw which the Iisinr. S!eucrntlon will do \Yell to note.
1.'hc \'olumt contnins, likewise, n reprint of n few originnl letters
:md papers, which were published for the first time hy tbc Jnte
:'-Ir. Rnjwnde under the :mspkcs of the B!:nrnf l!il1M Snmrhodhnk
Jfrmrlal of Poonn, which institution hns been for the Inst few
ycnrs crcntiur. quite n record for itself of devotion to historicnl
rcscnrcb.

2. 'l'hc present celebrntiou will be continued for n week nnct

will bnve se\•ernl fcntures. It wns indeed n very hnppy iden of
its promoters to publisl1 1 ns n souvenir of the e\'cnt, tbi~ little
book, which is sure to preserve the memory of tbc celcbrntion i11',
1t pcrmnnent form. It is expected tbnt these contributions will
 Vl
.
furnish the reader with n true nnd accurate iden of the ways aua
lllethods of Maratha rule under its a~lcst guide .aud inspirer, who,
_n otwithstanding the comparative infancy nnd inexperience of his
government, was able. to show during a short time _'l1is wond~rful
responsiveness to the requirements o! bis times. .A 1Jerus~I of
tbis book will also show the extent to which Mnratba rule was
progressive, and i~ many places the an.alogy between modern
methods and those adopted by ShivajJ and his co-workers three-
hundred years ngo, will not fail to strike the readnr. Mny we not
hope thnt, when India has :won back Swaraj, the experience of
the Maratba race in the art of ~elf-government, w_h ich is at present ,
lying buried under n heavy load of humiliation, will be once more
available to the_ entire country_iu a form suited to the requirements
.of India as it is to be.

3. It is said that the true way to appreciate a great historical

character
. . like Sh{vnji is to regard him as a product of the times,
not so mu<?h an h;o,ated figure, however great, ns a creation as.
well as a fruition <?f the needs _a nd aspirations of bis generation. Ta
be able to judge of Shivaji's greatne:;s by t~is tesl, i~ is necessary
-for the_~eader_to ~now something about the times in which ~e ti~ed
~n~ of bis contemporaries and their environment. · I need hardly
say that the labours of the Committee would be amply r~wa~ded
. Hthis publication should succeed in spreading correct notions
about these features of Marntba history.

4. The promoters !'.>f the ceiebratioti have a hope that .their

pre!ietit endeavour will cause an awakening in ·the minds of the
public regarding the claims of 1\1:aratha history. It has still to
obtain recognition in the educational system of ·the Presidency_as
a fit object of higher study. It has to unearth· and bring to -lighf
valuable materials lying unused in several places like, for instance,
'the Peshwas' dafiar. at Poona, the Parasnis Museum at.Satara~
~nd to m·ake the same available . and i_n teresting to the student of
 vii

bistory, sons c\·entunlly to enable him to assign to Mnrntba

nffnirs their merited plncc in ti1c ncbicvcments of the Indian People•
Sbh·nji's unme is still tl1e one mngic cry of Mnlrnrnshtrn. His
-dynasty
. .
has been extinct for centuries. His Stntc bns crumbled
into dust. Yct,he is to-day regarded ns the uncxccllcd. ideal . Of
n wise, just, patriotic nnd snf!ndous ruler, who ~et the noblest
cxnmple of Indlnn cnpncity for sclf-go\·ernmcnt. It is well known
bow in the Inst \Vnr, in Frnucc nnd Mesopotnmin, tbc Mnrnthn
bnttnlions were moved to highest deeds of l1croism by the mere
.-uttcrnnce or the wnr~cry. ~ Victory to Shi\'nji Mnhnrnj. "
1

Winter RMd, M: R. JAYAKAR;

Mnlnb:ir Hill.
l'ai:ohnk!, Shuddha !.'ncl PrtJldml, Shi:•aji Terrmlt11t11-;•
Sl,al:r, ISIP. · Cdd r1:lio11 Commillte.
1
 2

-corresponding English dates with the help of Khnre's and

the other calendars.

Knnhoji Jedhe and his son Baji were helpmntes of

Shivaji and his father, and took a prominent part in most of
their early movements. It wns customary in those dnys f~r
many important families to keep n chronological record of
-outstanding events for ready reference in every day life,
more or lees after the style of the present day printed
-directories. These are. known as Slmknvalis or tnbles
of dates, among ,vhich this Jedhe record is certainly copious
nnd, with n few exceptions, quite nccurnte. lt contninG
altogether 243 entrie8, starting from the birth of Aurnngzeb
in Shnka) 540 (1618) nnd ending with the second siege of
Jinji in S~nka 1619 (1697), i.e., covering n period of nenrly
.SO years. The present copy of the document contains 22
sheets or slips of old Portuguese pnper, each· about 12'' x 4'',
-closely written in Modi characters, mostly in two columns
nnd on both side9o, with a few after-corrections made here and
there in the original copy. Obviously enough the entries
.nbout Jedhes are full nud often explanatory, closely follow-
ing another fuller document, since discoveted and printed,
.called the Jedhe-Knrcena or nn account of the Jedhe family,
·which gives an nccurnte description of the pnrt played by
them in the cnrly movements of Shivaji and hfa father, nnd
which is also printed in English trnnslntion in this volume
for the benefit of students of history. The controversy
nbout the correct birth-date of Shivnji centres round its
entry, occurring on the very first pnge of tlte Shnknvnli. It
will bo noticed that the order of events mentioned in the
Shnkavnli is not t\lways chronologicnl, e.g., under Shnka
1551, the laat month Falgun is given first, next comes
Shrnvnn nnd the first mouth Cbnitrn comes last. The
trnnslntor, however, hns tnkcn no liberty with the toxt nnd
hni; merely tried to give nn English version in n simple but
sufficiently intelligible style.
 n
~?

N.B.-English dates corresponding to the Hindu ones

in the originnl nre given in .:irculnr brnckets, while a few
necessary additions nnd corrections, rnndo from outside
sourceH, nrc given scrupulously within rectnngulnr brnckets.
Each Shnlm year hns n Sanskrit nume out of n cycle of 60
yenrR. All students, I nm sure, will readily understnnd the
value of this rnrc document in the study of Indinn History.

G. s. s.
 Jedhe Chronology
TRANSLATED
BY

JADUNATH SARKAR.

Shaka
15'10, Kalayukta
Kartika Kriahna 1, (Saturday, 24th October 1618)
Birth of Aurangzib.
15116, Raktaksbi
Kartik,. Malik Ambar defeated the joint armies of
the Mughal Subhedar Lashkar Khan and
Mulla Muhammad Adilshahi at Bhatawadi.
Malik Ambar besieges and takes Sholapur from
the Bijapur king.
1547, Krodhana
Khurram in anger with Jehangir takes refuge with
Malik Ambar in the Nizam-Shahi kingdom.
15118, Kshaya
Vaishakha, Malik Ambar dies, [14th May 1626].
1550, Vibbava
Sultan Khurram becomes Emperor of Delhi under
the title of ·shaha .Jahan, [ Monday, 4th
February 1628.]
Kartik Krishna, (5) Thursday, ( 6th November
1628), Kanhoji Nayak Jedhe's Jst wife Savitri..
bai, the daughter of Pasalkar, gives birth to a
son, Baji Nayak.
 1-!
:;haka
15811, ShubhaJcrit
.
Shivnji nttnclrnd Jnmdarkhuu nt the Miryn Hill
[ncnr Pon] uncl rniclc<l Pen.
Clmitrn Krishna l O Thursday (3rd April 1662),
Moropant was created Pcshwa .und Nilopant
:\luzumdar on l3hadrnpu<l Shukln 12 (16th
Augur1t 1662). Anunji Punt wus made Surnis.
\Vnghoji Tupe wu~'3 wounded in the fight at
Pen : many castrnlitics nlso occurred.
1585, Shobhan&1
Chaitrn Shuklll 8, Sunday (5th April 1663), Shivaji
pcrnonully nttnckcd Shnstnkhan with surprise.
Sirnstnklmn's hnnd wns mutilated and he
then lied uwny. His son Abdul Fateh was
kilicd. [Shivuji] thou entered the Lal .Mahal.
Chaudji Nuyuk, son of Kanhoji Nnyak was
with him during this campaign. Sarja Rao
wu~ pluced with n body of troops beyond
the river. Shivnji coming out of Lal .Mahal
through n dindi, [n smnll hole in the gate],
took n horse and _,vith his cnvnlary escort,
went to Knryat Mavnl. The forces placed at
intervals on the wny also withdrew. ·
Mnrgshirslrn, Jusvnntsing comes below Kondhane
to besiege it. Mngh Shukla 6 Saturday (23rd
Jnnunry 1664), Shnho.ji dies •
.Mogh Krishun 4, Friday (5th · February 1664),
Shivnji returns ngnin to his fort.
Pnush Krishna 4, (6th January 1664), Shivaji loots
Surat.
J586, Krodhi
Jyeshtha Shukla 14, Monday (28th May 1664),
Jnsvuntsing rnised the siege of Kondhana,
 15
:Shaka
was removed from Subba's office and Jaising
·was appointed in his place.
Margashirsha, Shivaji loots Khudabadpur.
Paush Krishna 30, ~lather Jija was weighed
[probably against gold] at Mahabaleshwar.
• A Solar eclipse occur.red on this day.
Sonajipant also weighed himself.
Kartik, Quarrel "broke. out between Adilshah and
Shivaji. Khavaskhan came to Kudal. Shivaji
with his troops went and maseacred the
Ghorpades. Khawaskhan was fought with
and made to flee beyond the Ghat. Sarja Rao
Jedhe fought weU for Shivaji.
Magh, Shivaji sails for Basnur and loots it.
Magh Krishna 5 (25th January 1665), Sonaji -Pant
dies.
1587, Vishvavasu
Chaitra Krishna 10, Friday (31 st March 1665),
· Shivaji goes to Purandar.
Vaishakb, Jaysing and Dalelkhan lay siege to
Purandar. · ·
Asbadha Shukla 10, (12th June 1665), Shivaji
· meets Jaysing and makes peace, Sambhaji
is created a five-bajari and taken into Mughal
service.
Falgun Shukla 9, .Monday (5th March I 666),
Shivaji and!Sambhaji started to see Aurangzib
accompanied by Sarja Rao Jedhe,
·Adil Shah and the Mughals broke their peace~
Jaysing, Shivaji and Dalelkban marched on
Bij9.pur in Margshirsha. There the Adilsbahi
forces, Sarjakhan and others offered battle. ·,
But Adilshah bought peace from the Mugbals
 .16 ·.·.

Sh!lb
by secret presents.. Shivaji took· ieave of·.
Jaysing and r_eturned tq Rajgad~ ··
1588, :Varabbava ·
Jyeshtha Shukla 2 ( 25th · May 1666 ), ·. Shiv~jr
reaches Agra and meets Aurangzib who in. ·
· anger puts him under watch~ •
Margshirsha, Pir Mia and .Tajkhan we;e ··a{
· Deorukh. They quarrelled and were killed •. ·
An elephant ·was captured. · · ·
Shravan Krishna 12 ( I ~th August 166_6), Shivajf,
escapes from Agra in a basket. Margshirsha.
Shukla 5 (20th November 1666). He reaches .
Rajgad with Sambhaji. Shravan Krishna 30.
(20th August 1666), Trimbak Pant and
Raghunath Pant Korde were arrested at
Agra.
1589, Vlavanga
Chaitra Krishna 5 (3rd April 1.667), Trimbak Pant
Dabir and Raghunath Pant Korde
escaped from Delhi. Friendship was made
between Shivaji and .Mughals. In this year
Shivaji carried out an assessment of land.
Kartik Krishna 5 (27th October 1667), Sambhaji:
goes to Aurangzib to wait on Sbaba Alum.
and the Prince. Peace is made with th.&-
Mughals.
Vaishakh, Bailolkhan and Yekoji Raje besieged:
Rangna. .Shivaji raised the siege forcibly __
Afterwards in Bhadrapadq, · peace was made-
between _Shivaji and Adil Shah. The inter•.
,dew [of Sl:iivaji] with Jasvant Sing took place·
on Kartik Krishna.6 and that with the Prince.
on the 'J{artik Krishna IJ, Monday. Next
day he left Aurangabad on horseback for.
Rajgad.
 - · 17

Shaka

1~90., :Keelal(a
-Shravau Shukia. 8, \.Vednesday (5th August 1668),.
. Prataprao an·a · on Shravan Shukla 5 (2nd
· August 1668) Sunday, Niraji ·Rahuji, with their
forces, went to Aurangabad on horseback.
1591, Soumya
Bhadrapad, Aurangzib started religious persecution
· at Kasi (Benares) and broke temples.
:.\Jagh Krishna 9, Friday (4th February 1670),.
Kondana is captured. Udebhan, the Command-
ant of the fort is slain. Tanaji' Malusare, the
Subhedar of Shivuji's forces, is killed.
Falgun Krishna 12, Tuesday (8th March 1670),
Nilopant Majumdar captures Purandar. Keso
Narayan Narhekar falls.
· Poush, the peace between Shivaji and the Mughals
was ruptured ; Pratap Rao and Anandrao who
were at Aurangabad with their contingents
with the Prince, returned to Rajgad.
Falgun Shukla, 15 (24th February 1670) Rajaram
was born at Rajgad.
1592, Sadharana
Bhadrapad, Shiyaji from Raigad invaded Mugbal
territory, and laid siege to Junnar.
Kartik Shukla 1 (4th October 1670), Shivaji looted
Surat [2nd October 1670 acc. to Pers.]
. Kartik Krishna, Moropant captured Trimbakgad.
Paush, Salher was captured by seduction.
Ashadha Krishna 2 Wednesday (2nd July 1670),
Rohida was captured [Friday].
Ashadha Shukla ~ Thursday (19th June 1670),
Mahuli._was captured,
3-4
 18
5haka

Kartik . Shukla 14 (17th October 1670), While

returning from Surat, Shivaji fought with
Daudkhan near Dindori and captured one
elephant. . Shivaji then went to Kunjargad
and stayed there.
Margshirsha, Shivaji went to Karanja. · While
going he captured Abivant; Rav la Ja.via· and
Markanda forts. ··
Jyeshtha Shukla 4, Friday (13th May 1670), he
scaled Lohagad with ladders of ropes.
:1593, Virodhakrit
·Vaiahakba, Mahabatkhan took by siege Ahivant,
Markanda and Javla and Anchalagiri.
Magh, M;oropant with forces raised the siege laid .
on the ridge of Salher and captured the fort.
Pratap Rao and Anand Rao with their forces
caught · Bahulolkhan, Mohokamsing and
Darkoji Bhosle, and captured 11 elephants and
1,700 horses. ·
Jyeshtha, Bahadur Khan and Dalerkban went and
besieged . Salher ; in Aswin, they raised the
siege and went -to Aurangabad and camped
their forces there.
Magh, Shah Alum went from Aur~ngabad to Delhi.
159!1, Paridhavi
Jyeshtha Krishna 5 ( 5th June 1672 ·), Moropant
captured Ja.var, and the Raja. of that place
Vikram Shah fled to Mughal-dom.
Jy.e shtha Shukla 7 (23rd May 1672), Kalyan Pant .
died ·at Chinchvad •
. ivlargsbirsba, Ali Adil Shah died and his son Sultan
Sikandar ascended the throne. Khavas Khan
became Karbhari and- the peace between S hivaji
 19

Sbnkn
and Adil Shah wns 1uptured. Shivnji recalled
Babnji Naynk Punde who was his , ambassador
at Bijapur.
Fnlguu Krinhna 13 (6th March 1673), A~naji Pant
. captured the fort of Panhala by seduction,
sending men with Kondaji Fnrjand. 60 men
were sent nod they took Panha.la.
Ashadhn, Rnmnugar was captured ; the Raja of
thnt plnce fled to Dnmnn.
Jyesht_h a Shukla 5 (21st May 1672), Sultan Abdula
Kutub Shah, the Emperor of Bhaganagnr
(Golkonda) [dfod: His son-in-law, Tana Shah
ascended the throne and was styled Sultan
Abdul Hasan. Shivaji's envoy Niroji Pant
went to Bhognnngar .nnd made a [subsidiary]
allinnce for one lakh of lion and brought
nway 66,000 lzon thence to Shivaji.
~595, l?ramadi
Chnitrn Shukla l (9th Mnrch 1673), Shivaji went
from Rairi to Panbala. In this month
Bahnlolkbari fought Prntnp Rao and Anand
Rao. Victory wns won. tby the Mnrnthas]
nenr Bijnpur. One elephant was taken,
Shmvnn Krishun 9, Sunday (27th July 1673),
· Satara was taken.
Knrtik, Snrja Khan a~d Vithoji Shinde fought
with each other. Vithoji fell.
Cbaitra Krishna _10 (1st April 1673), Tuesday,
Fort of Parnh was captured. On the auspi-
cious day of V~:iaya daslzmi (10th October
162 3), Shivaji w~nt and looted Bankapur ..
::.\fagh Krishna 14, Slzivratra t24th ·February 1674)
Bahlolkhan and Pratnp Rao Sarnobnt fough{
at Nivti. Prntaprao .was slnin.
 20

Fnlgun Kriahnu i l, (2'3rd Murch J 674), the bazar

of Sumpgnon wns looted. On return Anirnd
Ruu fought with Khid1irklmn an<l cnptured
two elcphantH,
l59C,, 1\nanda
Chnitrn Krishna H (24lh April 1674), Shivaji tool-:
Kelnnja. He gained a victory in the dark
fortnight, •
Cbuitra Krishun 9, We~nescfoy, l\Iothcr Jijai <lied
at Puchnd nt midnight. [Chnitrn is :1 mistak~
for Jyeshta, Wc<luesdny li'th June 1674].
Mngh Kris~mn 5, Thursday (·Hh February 1675),
Sambhnji Rnje was iuve:;ted with the sacred
lhreud. ·
Chaitru Shukla 13, (8th April 167 4), reviewed· •
troops nt Chiplun, und Sar-i-noubnti wa::;
conferred on Hnmbir Rao :\Iohite .
. Jyeshtlm Shukla 13 Friday (5th Juue 16i4J,.
Ghnti 21, pule 34, vip 38/40, si 42. When 3
ghutis of night remained, Shirnji Ruje Bhonsaie
ascended the throne, 1\loot\ 10 Rnbilnvnl, 1075 ·
Suhur ·sun. . .
Falgun Krishna 5 ( 6th l\Inrch 1675), Shivaji slart~d
on campaign: on Chaitrn Krishna 5, he
besieged Phonda ; Sarje Rno Je.dhe was with
him.
Jyeshtha Shukla 4 (29th l\:Iny J 674), Ghati 5, the
begitming of the [Muhnmeddan] year, Shivnji
was invested with sacred thread.
Jyeshtha Sbuklu 6, Saturday ( 30th May 1674 ),.
Shivnji married a<;:cording:to. Vedic illantras.
On that day when $h\vaji_ accended the throne,
Jedhe, Banda.I and Deshmukhs _o(.Maval begged
for rewards for themselves.·:, S~iyaji replied,.
 21
5haka
" You huvc first honour in the i\fovals. My
" succes~ors should continue Your estates to
" you; you should be forgiveu any wrong
" deed of yours ; nud your lands should be
"maintained''.
1597, Ral<shasa
Vnishakha Shukln 2 (17th April 1675), Shivnji
captured Fonda fa.rt by firing n mine ; then in
Jyeshthu, ho captured Shiveshwn.r and .\.nkola
in Kadwadi [Kurwnr]. Snrja Rao Jecihe who
wa::; at that time with Shivuji, fought bravely
with his sword and bnviug conquered the
forces, returned to Raigt\d. Bnbaji Nnyak
Punclc died at this time.
:\Inrgshirshn Shukla 5 (11 th November 1676), Sntnrn
was captured. Bahalol Khan wns arrested by •
Khavas Khan who became Karbhnri. i\Ioon 3,
Ramjan.
1598, Nahl
Jyeshtho. Krh;hirn 30 ( 30th June 1676 ), Battle
between Bahadurkbnn and Bnhnlolkbnu takes
pince nt Halgi. Ismuilkbun Rumi falls on the
1Iughal sido nnd Bahalol gains the victory. ·
• Ashadha Krishun 4 (19th June 1676), Netnji
Palkar performs "Prayashclzitta" and is
purified '[is re-ndmitted into caste].
Fulgun, Sbivaji went to Bhnganugiu and met the
emperor. With him were Surju Rna )edhe,
Deshruukh of Bhor and Yesuji Knnk Sarnabat.
Tu king with him the forces from that
emperor, he went to Karnatik.
Kurtik Shukla 6, \V ednesday (1 st November 167 6) I 3

· Sambhaji w~nt t_o Shringarpur and stayed

th~re.
 22
Shuk(1

Poush, Huse1\kl11m Miuna w~s defeated by Bahirrno-

in Gadng province nenr Yalgedla. 2,000 horses
und eloplmnts were .captured. During the
battle, Nagoji, son of Sarjn Rao Jedhe fought
bravely nµd wounding the trunk. of the
elephnrit ridden by Hu!:leukhau, be turned the
elophnnt back. Then Husonkli'an shot an
arrow fro'm the elephant and it passed
through the •bend coming out near the chin
[of Nugoji] •. He succumbed to the wound.
His wife Godubni, Ghorpnde's daughter, died
Sati nt K nri.
1599, Pingala
Chnitrn, Shivnji captured Jinji and occupied the
whole of Kurnntik.
Ashudha, Sherkhan Bairagi wus captured near
Tripnti. At that ·time Sarju Rao Jedhe did
his utmost in fighting; 10 elephants were
captured.
Clmitru Krishna 12, (l 8t'l1 April 1677), Trimbnk_
pant Dnbir died ut Shivnpur.
Ashudhn, .Bnhndurkhuu cnpt_ures the · fort of Kul-
burgn of Adil Shnh.
' 0
Shravan, Naldurgn was captured tbrough the help
of Runmnstkhan.
Shivaji met Yekoji; nu ill feeling arose between
them and Yekoji without asking -leave, we~t
to Tnnjore. Sbivnji then -siezed all his lands,.
Jagdevgad ~nd the province, Chidambar and
Vridhuchal provinces fully, and besiged
Koihnr. ·
Bhadrapnd, Babndurkhan was transferred and
Dilir Khan was appointed Subhednr. But in
 23
Shaka
Aswin, at Malekhid, ,Sarjakhan, Masudkhan and
the Bhaganagar Subhedar, in ·concert fought
Dilir Khan. The Mughal retreated to Nal-
durga.
Raghunath Narayan was appointed Muzumdar
with a reward of a lakh Hon and was given.
the viceroyalty of Jinji.
Kartik, Sbivaji returned from the Karnatik to.
Gadag province and besieged Belyadi.
Margashirsha, Moropant Peshva looted Nasiii: ..
Vikram Shaha, the ruler of Jawar was there.
He and Sitldi Fakir, the Mugbal Foujdar were
plundered and victory was gained.
Poush, Bahalolkhan died. Bijapur fell into the
hands of Mahasudkhan who became Karbhari~
~artik; Yekoji with his forces fought Hambir Rao
Sarnobat, nea·r Ahiri in Karnatak. Yekoji's
3,000 horses and elephants and Ssrdars were
captured. . Yekoji then we~t to halt at
Tripadi and afterwards cedi_ng Kolhar fort,·
made peace.
1(100, Kalayukta
• Jyeshtha, Shivaji captured Gadag province and
returned to Raigad.
Poush Shukla 10 (13th December 1778), Sambhaji
being disaffected escaped from· Pratapgad to
Dilir Khan who giving him a 7 hazari
honoured him.
Fnlgun Krishna 10 (25th February 1679), Shah-
Alam goes to Aurangahad; and Aurangzeb
marches to Ajmer, on expedition against the-"
. Raua. ·
 2•!
'Shalm
Shruvan Shul~lu 14 (10th AuguBt 1679), Vellore
fort in Kurnatak wns takon by· siege by
Raghuunthpnnt aud Anand Rno.
Poush Krishnn 10 (28th December 1678), Pnnta.j i
Punt Wnqnis 'died~ ·
Mogh Krishnn 11 (28th January 1679), Earth-
quake. On Wednesday n.i ght 20/44, a
dnughter Blmvnnibui was born to Snmbhuji at
• Shringnrpur.
1601, Sidharthi
Chnitru Shukla 1 (3rd ~lurch 1679), .Moropant
PesbavaJ sending bnck the [captive] son of ·
Husenkhan Minon, took Kopnl and released
Hus~nkhan and made him his servant.
Vaisbakh Shu kin 2, Thursday (2nd April 1679),
Dilir Khan captured Bhuplilgnd. On Ram
navami, Annndrao Senior took Balnpur.
Bhadrnpnd Shukla 1 (26th August 1679), Shnwji
~ayak was sent to Bijnpur.
Aswin, Dilir Khan· laid siege to Bijnpur. ·
Kartik, Adil Shah runde pence ,vith. Shivnji. In
this month Sbivnji rnidod Jalnapur. There he
fought with Rnnmnstkhan. Sidoji Ni~balkar
was killed by a gunshot. Shivaj i returned to
Raigad via Patta.
Aswin Shukla 3 Saturday (27th September 1679),
Four pots containing Rs. 26,000 were found
at Wasuta.
On the next day, swords emitted flames at Raigad •.
. Margashirsha, Sambhaji escaped from the .Mughals
. and returned to Panhala.
Poush Krishna 7 Tuesday (13th Ju·nuary 1680)
Shivaji met him.
.Shaka
Magh, Adil Shah ma.kes peace with the :.vltighals,
and the Siege of Bijapur was raised.
Falgun Krishna 10 (15th March 1680), Rajaram
was married at Raigad .to Pratap-rao's
daughter.
•
Faigun Krishna 2 (7th March 1680), · Raja.ram
was invested with the sacred thread.
_1602, Roudra
• Chaitra Shukla 15, Saturday (3rd April 16 80),
Shivaji died at Raigad at mid-day.
Jyestha, Bahir Rao captured Morofant Peshwa,
Annaji Pant and Pralhad Pant and took them -
to Sambhaji at Panhala. The whole army
gathered together and offered kingdom to
Sambhaji •
.Sbravan, Bahadurkhan returned as viceroy, and
laid siege to Ahivant. Dilir Khan went back
to Delhi •
.Aswin Krishna, Moro Pent died at Raigad. His
son °N1lopant. was released and made Peshwa.
Anaji Pant was also released and appointed
Muzumdar.
• Margsirsha, Hambir Rao sacked Burhanpur.
Vaishakh Shulila 3 (21st April 1680), Anaji Pant
Surnis seated Rajaram on the throne.
Putting Sambhaji in prison, he and Moro
Pant marched on to Panhala •.
Ashadha Shukla 2 Friday (I 8th June i 680),
Sambhaji entered Raigad, assumed powers
and imprisoned Rajaram~
:Sliravan Shukla 5 (20th July 1"680), Sambhaji
• ascended the throne.
 26
Shnkn
Poush, Raghunath Narayan was arrested at J 11.lJ•·
and Harji R'.aje Mahadik and Sbal"nji Nayak.
Punde were given the charge of Karnatik.
Shravan Krishna ·2 (2nd August 1680), Pearls-
rained at Dabhol and on
,Shravan Krishna 5 ( 4th August 1680) they
were brought to Raigad and showQ, to,
Sambhaji.
Magh Shukla 7 (16th January 1681), Coronation.
of Sambhaji took place at Raigad.
•
U,03, Durmati
Cbaitra, Sambhaji sent Harji Raje Mahadik and
Shamji Nayak with Ja~tji Katkar and Baji,
Kan.de to Karnatik with troops.
Jyestha, Sultan Akbar became emperor rebelling:
against Aurangzeb, and then went ·to-
Tri~bak. Sambhaji gave him a residence in
Konkan at Pali.
Bhadrapada, Sambhaji, at the instigation of Kavi
Kalasha, became displease<) with Anaji Datto-
Sacbiv and beat him. On this, Arlaji Pant,.
Bal Prabliu, Somaji Datta and Hiroji Farjand.
were imprisoned below Parali and ·put to.'
death. Shamji Nayak was imprisoned in
Karnatik.
Kartik Shukla 13 Sunday (13th November 1681),-
Sambhaji interviewed Akbar at Patshahapur-
The whole army and retinue were with.
Sa'mbhaji. Durgadas was with Akbar. Great
honour was shown. In the same ,month
Azamshah went to Aurangzeb. In Poush
Aurangzeb reached Burhanpur in " Kshaya •~
· Samvatsar. In Magh Hasan_ Alikhan burnt
· Kalyan and Bhivandi and returne~
 21
·shakn
1@04, Dundubhi
•
Vaishakha Krishna 7, Thursday (18th May 1682),.
A son, Sbivaji [II] was born to Sambhaji.
Cbaitra, Sbabuddikhan laid seize to· Ramsej.
Vaishakb, Rupaji Bhonsle and Manaji More fought
with Shabadikhan near Ganeshg~on · and took.
SOO horses.
Aswin, the siege of Ramsej was raised.
Margshirsha, Ranmastakban came and occupied .
Kalyan. Rupaji Bhonsle and Keso Pant and.
Nilo Pant Peshwa were sent against him.
Chaitra, Haraji Mahadik, Jaitji Katkar and
Dadaji Kakde bad been in Karnatik to help·
Trichonopoly where they came in conflict
with the forces of Sbrirangpatan ; they
captured 200 horses and also a commander·
Kumar of the army of Sbrirangapatan .
. Poush, Raghunath Narayan returned from Karnatik
and met Sambhaji. He was made Muzumdar .
. Magb, · Sultan Azam Shah advanced upon
Kolµapur. Habir Rao turning him back, sent .
him beyond Bhivra [Bhima].
1605, Rudhirodgari
Chaitra, Robilakhan descending through Kolvan
went over the Ghat with Ranmastkban.
While !returning, Rupaji Bhon~le fought near
Titolia. He took Padarnsing Rajput. In the.
battle Padamsing and several important men·
were killed.
Aswin, Aurangzeb reached Abamadnagar from.
· Aurangabad. In the same month, Dilir Khan..
-~ied of self-poisioning. ·
\{artik, Shabudikhan occupied Poc:>na:
 28
:Shaka
Poush Krishna 5 (28th December 1683)~ Shah
Alam crossed the Ramghat and ·burned Kudal·
and Bande and returned on
Falgun Shukla _1$ (20th February 1684), to the
Ghat. Many of his troops perished.
·Poush Krishna 4 (27th December 1683), Shaha-
• buddin Khan crossing the Devghat looted ·
Nizampur.
Magh Shukla 1 (7th January 1684), Kavi Kalash
taking -Akbar with himself went to the forest
of Bhimgad and made peace ,vith the Firangis
[Portuguese]. ·
Vaisbakh 'Krishna 4 Wednesday (23rd April 1683),
Raghunath Narayan died at Valan.
Jyeshtba Krishna 11 (10th June 1683), Sambhaji
rode to Rajapur and waged war against the
Firangis [Portuguese J and laid siege to
Revdanda •
.As had ha Shukla 15 (2 8th Juue 1683), Janardan .
Narayan died at Devrukh.
·Kartik Krishna 7 (1st November 1683), 'Sambhaji
went to Banda. The Fifangi of Goa had
sieged the fort; he fought them and raised
the siege. Yesaji Kauk and his son Krishnaji
Kank fought bravely.
Margashirsba, [SambhajiJ captured Kumbhar Juve-
of the Firangis, and ·1ooted Sashti and Bardes.
Pousb Shukla 15 (23rd December 1683), Sambhaji
returned to Raigad. There he gave full
authority to Kavi Kalash.
-11606, Raktakshi
. Vaishakha, Shah Alum occupied ·the village of
Sheks near Bijapur. The Bija-pur King made
· a rupture with the Mughals.
 29
Sllaka
Jyeshtha Shukla 15 (18th May 1684), Kabjii,.
reached Raigad.
Kartik Shukla 11 (7th November 1684), The
Mughals captured Katbalagad. ·
Poush Krishna 4 (23rd January 1685), Shabuddi•
khan making a quick march from Poona
· passed the Borghat and reached Gagoli •.
Kavi Kalash went and fought him, and forced
him to retire above the Ghat. ·
Kartik Shukla 2 (29th October 1684), Manaji
More, Gangadhar Pant, Vasudeo Pant and
· Ratnaji Somnath were imprisoned · bv
· Sambhaji. , ·
Poush, Yekoji died at Tanjore.
Magh, Khem Savant, ruler of Kuda1, re::elled •.
· The Firangi sheitered him.

1601. Krodhan
Rahim Khan, Baha<lur Khan and Rahamat Khan
laid siege to Bijapur.
Vaishakh, Golkonda King sent 3,000 cavalry and
3 lakhs of l!on to Bijapur.
Shah Alum· and Bahadur Shah went and looted
Bhaganagar.
In that month .Madanna was attacked and killed
with hh, brother Akanna. Peace was made
with the Mughals by paying a crore of rupees.
Jyeshtha, Aurangzeb marched from Ahamadnagar
to Sholapur und invaded Bijapur.
Ashadha, Sambhaji sent Kaviji to aid Bijapur, who-
stayed at Panhala and sent h!B troops on.
 28
· ':3lrnka
Pou!-lh Kri~hun 5 (28th December l 6d3 J~ Shah
Alnm cro1rncd thu Rurnglmt and bun1c<l Kudnl
nu<l Btmdo un<l returned on
• Fnlgun Shukh\ 15 (20th F l!brnary l 6iH ), to thl!
Ghu.t. i.\fouy of hi~ troop~ pl!rishtd.
·Poush Kri:shm\ 4 (27th Dl!cembcr l 683), Shaim~
• buddin Khan cros:-1ing the Di!vghut looted
Niznmpur.
:rlngh Shukln 1 (7th Junuury l 68·i), Kavi Kah1sh
tuking Akbar with himt11!lf wont to the forc,.t.
of Dhimgud nncl made peace with tht! Firangi,;
[ Portugucsu].
Vnisbnkll Krishna ·l Weducs<lny (23rd April 1683),
Rnghunath Nurnyau died at Valnn.
Jyeshtha Krh1hna 11 (10th June 1633), Samblrnji
rode to Rnjapur and wuged war agaiust the
Firnngis ( Portugucr1c 1 and luid :iiegc to
Revdnudn. •
.r\shn<llm Shuklu 15 (28th Junu 1683), Jannrdan
Nurnytrn died at Dovrukh.
·Kurtik Kri:-1hnn i (\ st November 16<>3), Sambhaji
went to Bnudn. The Firnngi of Gan hucl
siegcd the fort; he fought them aud mised
the siege. Yesnji Knnk and hi::; son Krishnuji
Kunk fought brnvely.
Morgnshirsbn, (Snm~luiji] captured Kumblmr Ju,;e
of the Firnngis, nnd looted Sashti and Bardes.
Pousb Shukla 15 (23rd December 1683), Sambhaji
returned to Rnignd. There he gave full
authority to Ko.vi Kalnsh.
~if 606, Ralctalcshi
Vaishaklm, Shah Alum occupied the village of
Sheks near Bijo.pur. The Bij(\,pur King made
· a rupture with the Mughals.
 29
Sliaka
Jyeshtbn Shukla 15 (18th May 1684), Kabjh.
reached Rnigad.
Kartik Shukla 11 (7th November 1684), The ·
Mughnls captured Kntba1agad. . ·
Poush Krishna 4 (23rd January 1685), Shabuddi•
khan making u quick march from Poona
· passed the Borghat aud reached Gagoli •.
Kavi Kalnsh went and fought him, and forced
him to retire above the Ghat. ·
Knrtik Shukla 2 (29th October 1684), Manaji
.More, Gangadhar Pant, Vasudeo Pant and
Ratnaji So~nath were imprisoned · by
Sambhaji.
Poush, Yekoji died at Tanjore •
.Magh, Khem SavaI!t, ruler of Kudal, rebelled •.
· The Firnugi sheltered him.

1601. Krodhan
Rahim Khan, Bahn<lur Khan and Rahamat Khan
laid siege to Bijapur.
Vaishakh, Golkonda King sent 3,000 cavalry and
3 lakhs of l~on to Bijapur.
Shah Alum jind Bahndur Shah went and Jooted
Bhaganngar.
In that month Madauna was attacked and killec.l
with hiR brother Akanna. Peace was made-
with the Mughals by paying a crore of rupees.
Jyesbtha, Auraugzeb marched from Ahamudnagar
to Sbolapur !lnd invaded Bijapur.
Ashadua, Sambhnji sent. Kaviji to aid Bijapur, whe>
stayed at Panlmla and sent his troops on.
 30
.
·Shuka

.tC-,08, Kshaya
A1:1hnclhn, Aurnngzeb went from Sholupur to
Bijnpur.
Aswin, Shukla 7 Monday (13th September 1686)
Aurnngzeb captured Bijapur. Sultan Siknndnr
ii;iterviewed him but was confined. Sarjakhan
aud the son of Bnbalol Khtin ,vere created
5 }lllzaris.
,.·
Chait~a, the i\lugbuls captured Mirnj.
Fnlgun Shukln 10 (11th February 1687), Kesopant
· reached Karnntik •
. Knrtik, Kesa Trimnl was sent to Karnutik.
Mugh, Kutub Shah ceded to Aurnngzeb Bbagnnagar
including Bnsnvpntan. In the same month
Aurnngzeb went to Bhnganngar and besieged
it through Kassimkhap. Famine raged m
Karnatik u.9d the Desh.
Folgun, Akbar sailed for Iran.
1609, Prabhava
Ashadha Shukla 10 (10th July 1687), Chief of
Mysore brought aid to Bangalore and seized
Kassimkban with forces.·
Aswin Shukla 1 (27th September l 6·87), Kassim-
khan captured ' Pilgode by seduction.
[ Penk.onda-75 miles N. !lf Bangalore].
Falgun, Ismail Khan, Maka, Yacbam Nayak and
Sadi Mahomad came and wrested Kanclii. ·
Ajamshah took Belgaum and many other forts.
Bhadrapada Shukla 12 (6th September 1687),
Aurangzeb captured Golkonda hy bribery
and arrested Kutub Sbali'alive~
 31
:Shaka
Pousb, Aurangzeb went to Bijapur; Shah.buddin-
khan was created Gaziuddin Khan and .was
sent to besiege Adoni.
- Sarjsrao Jedhe and his brother and retinue were
· at Rajmachi under the s~rvice ·of Nilo Pant
Pradhan.

]610, Vibhava ·
Chaitra Shukla 1 (22nd March 1688), Harji Mahadik
went from Trinomali to Kanchi.
Kartik, Sirke rose against Kalash. Kalash fled to
Khelna [Vishalgad]. Sambhaji came from
Raigad in the same month to the help of
Kalash; he defeated and roµted Sirke at
Sangameshwar and reached Khelna.
Magh Krishna 7, Friday (1st February 1689),
Sambhaji and Kavi Kalash reached Sangame-
sh -var on -route for Raigad. Shaikh Nizam,
with a quick step, came and captured both
alive, while the rest of the party went to
Raigad.
Falgun Krishna 13, ( 9th March 1689 ), HarJi
Mahadik captured Keso Trimal at Trinomali
on hearing the disast_er to Sambhaji.
.Aswin, Epidemic [cholera] raged at Bijapu_r.
Margashirsha, Sambhaji at the advice of Kavi
Kalash arrested Pralhad Pant and Sarkarkuns
and many other people. In the same month -
Aurangzeb :reached Tulapur on the Bhima
from Bijapur.
'.Falgun Shukla 3 (12th February 1689), Changoji
Katkar, Killedar of Raigad and Yesaji Kauk
took Rajaram out of prjson on .i\fagh
Krishna 30, (9th February 1689) and seated
 32
Shaka
· him on · th·e. tl)rone~ Manaji More and other
.-.s ~r~arkun.s, ·wqo, were undei: arrest, were·
released and rest<;>re~:l, to their _offices. Rajaram
began· to reign.. Yesji and .Sidoji Farjand
•
were hurled dowu from a·precipice.· .
' • • • J , - '., ' '

Falgun Krishna 30 (11 th March· 1689), Aurangzeb·

behea~ed Sambhaji · and Kavi Kal_ash at
Tulapur. ·

1611, Shukla
Chai_trn Shukl_a ~?,.(25th Mar~h 16~9), A1:1rangzeb
. sent Zulpikharkhan. to besi_eg~ ;R~igad. .
· Cbaitra K;fan.a Jo;· F~jd.ay (5th Ap;iJ 1689), Raja -
ram fled to Pratapgad. ·
Aswin Krishna 8, Thurday (26th September 1689),.
Rajaram rode from Panhala an~ reached
Vellore on,
Kartik Krishna 11, (28t~ Octob·er 1689), thence-
he_went to Jinji. . .
- • - , i

Kartik, at Raigad terms were E;ettled and OD

Margshirsha · Shukla 2, Sunday, Raigad was.
surrendered ·. -to -the .Mughals·• . Sambhaji's son· .
Shivaji II ~as taken. by '"'Aurnngzeb . to- .
Tulapur ; he was created a. 7_., ha.z ari and
na~ed Shahu Raja. This year·' the MughaJs.
took all the ,forts.
Bl~adrapad ·Shukla 14, (l 9~h ·_ 'August·· 1689), Harji•
' , Mah~dik releas"ed K~sopaJ.?,t;"' ., .' '
Aswin, K.rishn~ 11;· (29th, .Scptembe~ 1689), Harji:
Mahadik died. . · ·
~o-ush Kri~hn~ .-4; S~t~rd~y; [Fr.~dayJ, (20th Decem-
~ · -b~-r
1~89), . Yac~eppa _. Nair,- Is_mail Khan,
Makav and othe~s, and 4000 · _caJa1ry of the,
 Aurangzeb in oldage.

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Kalyan Gate, Sinhgad, Ramdas, from an old p:tinting at Tanjore.

PHOTO PRINTED AT SHREE LAXM\·HAR~YAH PRESS, BOMBAY NO, Z
 33
'· Shaka ~ • J • t

Mughals, rebelled and . inter.viewed Rajarain ·

through Nilopant at Chenpatan.
Vaishakb', Sarja Rao Jedhe Deshmukh of Rohid--
khore in Bhor, was asked· to return home·
with his brother. He . returned to his hoirie-
at Kari.
1612, J.?ramoda
V~isbakh, Zulpikharkhan arrived when Yachappa
· Nair and Tanjore Trimbak Rao and ~ajaram's
troops ·who bad crossed. the Ghat, returned.
below without doing anything.
Vaishakh Krishna 12 (25th May 1690), Sarjakban
while laying siege to Satara, was attacked
by Ramchandra Pandit Sachiv, Shankaraji
Pandit Rajadnya, Santaji Ghorpade and
Dhanaji Jadhav, and was. defeated with the
loss of 4,000 horses and 8 elephants. He was
also captured and ransomed for a lakh of
Rupees. Ramchaodra Pandit and Shankaraji,
Pandit captured Pratapgad and the forts.
of W:ai district, viz., Robida, Raj gad · and
Torna •
. Bhadrapad Shukla 4 (29th August 1690), Zulpikar-
khan laid siege to Jinji. Rajaram started for
Karnatik •
.-Margasbirsha Shukla 3 (2 3rd November . 1690),.
;· Nemaji ?hinde, Mankoji Pandhre and Nagoji
Mane rebelling from the Mughals, joined
Rajaram w_ith 2,000 cavalry and expelled the
besiegers from the trenches and retired to
Cha~rapuri.
Magh, Rajarain went to · Jinji · and A, .t:angze!)
1

.reached Galgala. . r · ',

:Shaka
· i:'' ,::.:.;: :--Margashirsh, ·sarja Rao'}edbe, Deshmukh of Bhor,
with:Deshniukh of ·Maval, went. to Tulapur and
· returned af~er · re_ce~ving an -imperial service
_and also ro~~s.·o~ hon~ur wit1i'Yenk~ji Dadaji
_ .a?~. ~~i~_~ji ..'~~nt_ and Balaji Pant.
1613, Prajapati
Poush, Prince Kambux and Asadkhaii -·reached
_ Jinji, to- .help Zulpikarkhan.· Ramcbandra
_ .: .Pant' a~d Paras~aiam Pan~ s~nt their forces .
. . ... . . to captu~e Panh~la b{),ckJrpm._the Mughals.
161l1, 1\ngira
. .
Margasnirs~a. Shukl~ 15 (13th -De.cember 1692),
:: · Sh~nkaraji · Pant· sent·· Dhanaji Jadhav. to
· help Rajaram iri - Jinji. · Ori ·his way he
attacked the Mughai :western · outpost_ and
captu!ed . Ismail. · Maka, Sob· horses and
. 2 elephantc:;~
Margasnirsha Kri~hna 'I (14th De~ember 1692),
Santaii Ghorpn.de was sent by Ramchandra
Pant ·with_ JS,000 horses to Jinji. Near
Kanchi he captured Ali Mardan Khan with
\
I, 500. horses. and 6 elephants..
~
·
-Krishna 3 (16th December 1692),. Zulpikarkhan
· leaving the trenches of Jinji, went to capture
Kambux.
-Poush 1'ri~hna 11 (22nd January 16!i3), ~ulpikar-
. khan ·making terms, raised· the siege of Jinji
a·nd went to Wandi"'.'ash· and Asadkhan and·
Kainbux wen't to the Emperor. ·
Falgun, B.ahirji Ghorpade ~nd Yachappa Nair
rebelling against Rajaram· Ieft him. Yachappa
Nair took Satgad and remained the.re. In the
same month, Santaji Ghorpade be~ieged
 .35

· · · :·Trichonopoly. RaJara·m also went in person.

· ·. ·.1n the year-w_he1Cfrichonopoly was invaded,
the -~Iu~ha~s besieged ~ll_nhala.
1615, Shrimukh
• dliuitra Krishna is _(23rd April 1695), Peace was
made between the Chief of Trichonopoly and
Rajaram~ At Ta_njore, Rajaram met ShahaJi
Rnjn.
Yaisbakh, Snntaji Ghorpade quarrelled with
Rajarnm and retired to Desh, on which
Dhannji was made Commander-in-chief.
Jyeshtha, Yachnk Naynk and Bahirji were near
Vellore. Rnjaram went there and quarrelled
with them.
:\'Iargshir::ha, Yachap Naynk met Zulpiknrkhan an~
entered his service.
Magh, Zulpikarkhan attacked Tanjore from
\V nndiwnsh.
Fnlgun, Bahirji Gliorpade was conciliated and was
brought into the presence of Rajaram. He
was sent tq help Tnnjore.
Kartik, Ramchandrn 'Pant Amatya, Sbnnkaraj~
Pandit Sachiv and Dhnnaji Jadhav went and
. raised the siege at Panhala.
U,J(,, Bhava
· Fasli (1096)
Shankaraji Pant Sachiv put the following plan
· before Santaji Ghorpnde : -
" You should with your troops execute
"ycur Master's work. You must not
"impose conditions upon the Master.
" You must exer~ in raising the siege
" like a faithful servant. You must not
" be disloyal.' This was agreed to
;Shakn
[ by Santaji J on oAth~ · Yesnji Malhar
was appointed as Santaji's Mutalik
[ ~epresentative ] and }Ianmant Rao·
Nimbalkar, Sar-lashk(lr and . .other
sardars totalling 25,000 troops to assist
him. Yesaji Malhar and Hanlnantrao-
were· rasked to hold. offi~e at Santaji's.
and ap were to' serve loyaUy. Upon
this plan being agreed to, Santaji was.
sent on duty in Kartik. He colJected
large troops and started amidst gun-
fire and reached· Karnatik by stag~·
marches.
In fort Kari, was Trimbak Pant
Mutalik with Yado Shamraj and.
Mahadaji · Baji as bis heip-mates. A
Mughal officer na.med Beg of Junnar
sedu~ed . the garrison [ of Kari J:
through one ·Rayaji Bahulkar and
captured the fort by. means• of
rope-ladders, and Yadav ShamraJ
and Mahadaji Baji with families.
escapf!d to Bhorap by the western
gate. Trimbak Pant and Moro
Narayan v.:ere captured qy the Beg ..
Ab.aji Pant, the Sabnis of the
messengers, fell fighting. Other
soldier~ and Girjoji Nimbalkar Dinkar
Rao also fell with them. . [Doge:
appears a misreading for Beg. See
· Sanads and Letters, page 171].
Shankaraji Pant Sachiv came to
Rajgad, and despatched to Kari
Pantaji Sbivdeo, Chandji Kadam of
Bhotap and contingents of the other
 •37

forts, with the troopa of Dilwaji

Nurnyn.n. They nll bctiicgcd tho Fort
and permitting Beg to depart, ovcr-
c:imo the fort, where Trimbnk Pant,
~foropant and other people nnd
families v,bo W.?It! in captivity, wero
rdciL:.cd. Then Slmnkurnji P:1nt weut
himself to Knri, routt.:<l Rayaji Bahulknr
and kept him in confinement in the
inner fort of R!1jgad.
Vai:ihakh, Zulfilrnrkhan uttackcd Tnnjore but ou
.
receiving ·iO bkbs of Chakmi [ round coin:;]
agrcc.l to a pc:\cc.
A1nrin Shuld:i 1 (10th September l 694), aitcr
occupying the country tiUbjcct _to Jinji,
Zulfi!rnrldmn s:1t down to bc3icgc it •
.Aswin Shukla 7 ( 15th September 1694 ), He
cnpturcd \"ncbappa )fair 1md beheaded him.
:\brching irom thence, he C3pturcd Jnfum-
:\Iull:: aud fort und brought Jinji to submission.
Iol7, Yuva
Zulfik:irklrnn besieged Vcllorc.
:\farg11hirnha, Dhuuaji Jndhuv went to Knrnntik
and raised the! niege of Vell ore.
Poush Shukln ll, (5th January 1696), Santnji
Ghorpudu captured Klmujn.dkhun nud Kassim•
khun at. tho villago Doderi near Sitin.
Kassimkhuu wus killed and Khuujudkhan wns
ransomed for Rs. 1 lukh.
Poush, Santnji Ghorpudc killed Himrunt-Bahudur
near Daevupntan.
Jye~htlrn, Auruugzeb removed bis C!lmp from
Gnlgnlu to Drumh!lpuri.
 38·
Shn!m '
.
.,
1618, Dhata
· · Chaitrn; Aurangzib sent : Gaz.iuddin Khan against
the Bernds of Wukinkheda~ Suqtaji Ghorpude.
went ,to Jinji to see Rajaram. ·
. Jyeshtha_~ __Snntuji unq .Dbu~aji had a scuffle near
. Kunchi in which · Arndt Rao Nimbalkar lost
.·11i~ life. Santnj_i w~n,_: -~~cl Dnuiinji escnped
w1.t h life to the Deccan.
' .. . .. .. ' .
Jyesbth Krishna 4, Tuesday (9th. ·June 1696),.
. Ghati . 4, pal 9,' Dhnnishta 43, Vishkambha
Yog~, 29/9, · at .'. night, 18/10 Ghati, a· son waft
born to Rajar~1~ .. and_ --~\·as n~med . Shivaji.
Raj_e.
1619,
. lshwara
. . .. .

Cbnitra, Santnji · r~turned to the -~ountry near

· Sutaru, where Gnziuddin· Khan invaded him.
Asl!ndba, Santaji Ghorp·a<le· was treacherously
killeq _b~ ..· Na_g_oji ·l\fu~e .· near Sbqmbhu-
Muhlideo~· . . . . . . . . . . .... .
' . . 'i
Shra van Krishna 11, (2nd August 1697), Monday,.
Rajaram sent Krirn~-to: tbe.Mugbals •.. [Karon.
was the illegitimate son of Rajuram who was
sent to invade tlie ·Mugh.~f territ9ry J~
t • , ,i • , . • • ,.. ~ . , •• - • •

Margashirsha Shukla 5, (8th·. November 1697), The

•
. . Mughai be~ieged )i~lji. .. ..
• • • - • . l ,i ,, .,J ,• • • '

. ·' ·-- , :,
• 1'
. . .
:
..
' . ' . ~. . ' .~.
{Here ends th~ Jedhe ·Shakavali abruptly. Another
: Slzakavati' · called Gudadhilr Pralhad · is· ·printed in
Sliivacliaritra-Pradeep and · contains further entries,.
beginning with Slzaha 1619,and· ieriding ·.with· 1629, of
which the following .is.a translation]:- '
·ShaKa ·,
1619, Ishwara . ., ,
[The f94rentries_gf$/zaka 161_9.Qf]edhe are also
repeated here verbatim ]~
Pousha Krishna 12 (30th January 1698),·Zulpikar~
~ban treacherously captured Jinji, mounting
through the pass of .Chengad:on the-Sankrant
day. Rajaram had .already escaped and he
. reached Vellore on Pousli Kris/ma 9 (26th
January 1698). ·
Falgun Krishna 7, Tuesday, (22nd February 1698}
Rajaram reached Khelna. · Dhanaji Jadhav
had go_ne to Vellore to fetch him. Bedar:
Bakht was appointed by the Emperor against
him.
. .
162Q, Bahadhanya
__ Margasirsh~··· went to Jinji from Khelna, [who ?}
Bedar Bakht pursued llim,
. Magh, Ghaziuddinkhan made peace with the
Berads and went against Bakht Buland who
was creating trouble at Deogad.
Falgun, Rajaram again returned from Jinji to
Khelna, having offered a battle to the ·
Shahajadil near Gadag.
Extra-Jyeshtha Krishna 8, Monday, (7th· May
1698) [ought to be Saturday], Ghati 1, pale 13,
·Vartman, Purva Bhadr_apada 23, p. 56, Preeti
53/56 at ·night G. Ghati 12,. I>ale SO, a son
was born to Rajaram and_ was . name4
Sambhaji. :
1621;.:Vraniathi
... , . ~artik, Auringzeb i_n pe;son set o~t on campaign
, from ·Bra~~p1_1~i. Rajaram ~eeing with bis
 ·10

troops: wont to the fort of...... upon bis heels

wuro sent Bedar Bnkht and Zuliikarkhan to
huru1rn him •
.1\forgushirsha, Aurangzeb captured Vasantgad and
persounlly laid siege to Satar~.
Pou5h, Rujurum uguiu returned to ~jgad; Dbanaji
Jn<.lhu.v looted the imperial base camp at
Brumbnpuri.
Fu]gun Krishna 91 (3rd March 1700), Rajaram
died ut Kondan,!l. His son Shivoji aged
5 years began to reign.
1622, 'Vikram
Chnitrn Sbuklu 13 (21 st March 1700), Subhnnji
Bbudvnlkar gave up the fort of Satara to the
Emperor·.
1n the month af•••••• the ·Emperor went and
besieged Parli. .
Asbadha, Aurnngzeb took Pnrli by settling terms,
and encamped at Maini near Bhushangad.
Kortik, Emperor while encamped at Khawaspur
had bis troops s,vept owing to floods of the
Man river.
Margasbirsha, Zulfikarkhal\and Bedar Bakht laid
siege to Panhala •
. Fnigun Shukla 13 (11th March 1701), Aurangzeb
came to Pnnhala [ • • · cannot be
deciphered].
1623, Vrisha
Jyeshtha Krishna 14, (24th June 1701), Em~~~o~
captured Panhala by paying 55,000 money
and then went to Budh-pachegaon for en-
campment [4uring the rains].
 41
. \
fillaka
Aswin, Bedar Bakht captured Samangad,
vVardhangad and Kalanidhi-the three forts.
Bhadrapada, Bahiramadkhan went and captured
by s.ettlement Chandan Vandon and Nandgir.
Margashirsha, Aurangzeb came and besieged
. Khelna, keeping Gaziuddinkhan at Bramhllpuri
to maintain communication with the base,
.162!.I, '2hitrabhanu
Jyesh~ha Krishna 7, (5th June 1702), Aurangzeb
took Khelna from Parasbram Pant paying
him Rs. 2 lakhs. Encamped at Wadgon near
Panhala, many of his troops died during the
rains.
Poush, The Emperor laid•siege to Kondana. In
the same month Nemaji Shinda and Kesopant
· marched beyond the Narmada and sacked
Sironj.
Poush Krishna 10, (1st January 1703), A severe
hailstorm occurred about a few miles from
Bavda.
3625, Subhanu
Vaisbakh. Shukla 9, (14th April 1703), Kondana
was captured on terms of paying 50,000.
Thereupon the Emperor came to Poona and
encamped. In that year, the rains failed
and there was famine.
•
Kartik Shukla 14, (11th November 1703), The
. Emperor maroheq from Poona and besieged
· Rajgad.
The country between Khandesh and Varhad
[Berar] was affected by farµine. Corn was
sold at 5 seers to a rupee. ••
 42

•I
Murgnuhirnhu, Ncmnji Sl~inde nnd Kesopnnt.
fought with Snrjnkhnn, cuptured him with.
2,000 horses and 11 elephnnts. The Khan.
was ransomed for 3 Jukhs of Ri;. ·
i\fogh, Nemuji Shindo, Kesopunt, and Paraoji
Bhoslu with 50,000 troops crossed the ·
Narmudu und ndvuuced us for us Kalnbug •.
The Emperor :detached Guziuddin Kh:m to
pursuo them •
.Mngh Krishnu 9, ( 18th February 1704 ), The.·
Emperor captured Rajgnd by terms.
Fulguo, 'fornn was captured by means of rope--
Judders. ·
1626, Tarana
Vnialmkbn, The Emperor came to Khedkadus for·
encampment during the rains.
Knrtik Krishna 13, (14th November 1704), Aurang_
zob marched from Khedkadus by way of"
Pcdgnon and Sagar, reached Wnkinkheda and
besieged it iu Maglz.
1627, :V.arthiva .
Vnishnkh Krishna. 4, (1st i\'Iny 1705), Aurangzeo
'

captured· Wakinkhedn: The Berads eva_

. cuated the fort and fled.
Jyeshlha, The Emperor encamped on the banks•
.. ' of the Krishun 3 Kos from Wakinkheda •
In the ~onth · of Ash·a dha, Kondnna was captured.
ba.ck- -by · the ·Marnthas by means of rope_
-ladders. ·
Kartik Shukla 14, (20th October 1705), The
· .. :_; Emperor started marching :back : and arrive~~
, at' Pedgaon on .Poush Shukla J, ( 6th December-
•• 1705) whe_re: he celebrated Ramjan •
•
 43
..
.,

· .Magh Krishna 1, (18th January 1706)~ Shabu Raje-

was taken ·out of his confinement and sent.
. ~ut ·w-ith N~bnb Zulfika~l~han, in ~rder to give
· him the fort of Kondana • .
• • • I '

Falguµ: Shukla 6, (7th February 1706), The Em-

peror resumed his march and reached and.
halted at Ahamadnagur.
!l~28, Vyaya
Chaitrn, Dhauaji Jndhav with all his forces,.
attacked the imperial troops and offered a
battle. Zulfikarkhan captured Kondima by·.
paying money.
Vaishakh Shukla 11, (12th April 1706), Ajam Shah-
came from Junnar and was reconciled to the
Emperor at Ahamadnagar.
Magh Krishna 7, (13th February 1707), Kam-
baksh was given the governme1.1t . of Bijapur.·
.and sent there by Aurangze_b.
Magh Krishna 12, (18th February 1707), Ajim Shah
was given the government of Ujjain and was
sent away from himself by the Emperor.
Magh Krishna ·3Q, ·Friday (21st February 1707)
Aurangzeb eicpired at Ahamadnagar at midday •.
Falgun Shukla 1, (22nd February 1707), Ajam Shah
returned · from Salabatpuri to the imperial,
camp and siezed all property.
Falgun Shukla 11, ( 4th March 1707), · Tuesday
Ajam Shah occupied the throne.
Falgun Krishna I, (8th March 1707), Saturday
Ajam Shah left ,Ahamadnagar marching for
Delhi.
Falgun, Kambaksh arrived at Bijapur and started.
regular government.
 44
·Shaka
:.t629, sarvailt
Chaitra Shukla 1, (23rd March 1707), Ajam'Shah
_reached Aurangabad.
Chaitra Shukla 1, (23rd March 1707), Zulfikar-
khan and Raja Shahu arrived- at Aurangabad
and had a satisfactory consultation with
Ajam Shah.
The next day Ajam Shah started from the Deccan
for Delhi and •••... [Here the document ends
abruptly.]

N. B.-In order to estimate correctly the historical

. ·value of the Jedhe .Slzakavali, it should be carefully read in
.~onjunction with the following Kareena.
 -JEDHE KAREENA .
. Note:- \Vhen the grand ex:peri.ment of · creating a,
su1a,aj in l\foh!\rushtra was undertaken by Shivaji, one can
easily imagine how many various persons · and families.
must hnve helped him in different ways; and unless one
obtains a realistic and full account of the part played by
these help-mates, the story of Shivaji's activities cannot
be fully constructed. 'Whil'e we know on positive evidence ·
m~ch of the latter portion .of that great man's life, th.a t is, .
practically from the Afzalkhan incident onward, his early
life is yet shrouded in mystery. The first field of Shivaji's -
activities was in the hilly tract known as the 1 Maval',
extending along the ridge of the ·western Ghats roughly
from Juunar in the North to about Wai in thP. South. If
one looks at the map, one could easily realise how this .
• tract of the country was a disputed· border-lnnd claimed as
much by the Nizam Shah as by the Adil Shah, giving rise
to constant warfare between them. Sbivaji and his fathe~
Shahaji took full advantage of the dubious ownership of this-
trnct, as is shown by the part played by the Jedhes, which,
is so graphically deecribed in this Kareena. Most of
the Deshmukhs of .Mn.val seem to possess similar old family
accounts, some of which were f9r the first time brought to
light by the late Mr. Rajwade and printed by him in bis
volumes XV to XVIII and XX. More papers of a. similar
nature are now corµing forth, which throw quite a new
light on,the doings of ·shivaji's father, mother and very
many of his early associates. This Jedhe I{areena or an.
account of the Jedhes, and the J edhe Slzakavali are only·
two important samples, which give a vivid picture of those·
dim old times, which are not less stirring or historically
less important, because we know so littlt:! of them.
Just as Au_rungzeb and Shivaji play the principal part
in the latter ha.if of the 17th century of the history
 - 46

J\fahnrashtra, so do before them their fathers alsc 1 Shah

Juhan (1592-1666) nnd Shahaji ( 1594-1664 ), wbo were
· contemporaries in age and activity, and who played nenrly
the snm_e gumc, tho~gh with different means and tempera-
.moots, 1.n the first part of that centu_ry.• Their grand-
.fathers J ehangir and Mnloji are nlao found to ndd their-quota
to the game of the conquest of the Dcccan, first started _by
.. Akbar. It will thus be realis~d bow ?eraian and .other
· outside sources of historical materials are .essential, in order
.to complete this important chapter of Indian History, -to
which these Maruthi papers will be.found to make .no _light
~contribution.

It is hoped that these translations wm conv~y a .correct

.-.idea to· outside scholars, of the nature of the contents of
· these old papers, which for a real construct_ive hi~tory,
. ought indeed to be read in the origii:ial. Many such
·_ papers can certainly bear translritio~, but that would be a
·task quite beyond the object of this volume •. What is re~lly'
·wanted is n source-book of Marathu History composed in
·English, of papers in the various languages for the benefit
of all students of history. Another desideratum is a good
-topographical map of Maharnshtra, without which. one
-cannot study properly the situations that have been
alluded to in these old papers. The theatre of most of the
-occurrences referred to in the two docuinents, the Jedhe
' Chronology and the J{areena, lies in· the heart of the
Maval country proper, which has been proverbially divided
'into 12 principal valleys, which have various names and
·sub-division$, along the eastern ridge of the !,ahyadris.
· They may be enumerated for rea~y reference in the

, ,;;. This idea. hns been immortalised in a. stirring Hindi stamia. "by
:·Shahaji's court-bard Ja.yo.ram Pinde, the last line ~£ · -ivhich •
·IUDS thus~~ - - . '. . . .
,.... ..... - 0::., • ,... •
m ~'ii~ c;,:;;~ \~iftj;T ~ ~lijT~ ~ ;rn ~r~izi~ 1
. ,...
~f. ITT· llf. 'qi{,
.
 -17 ·
.:following t:'uble, from North to South with the names · and
·the titles of the Deshnmkhs who owned· them : -
. Titlo.
Va.Uoy. Dcshmukh.
--'-------1----·----- - - -- 1----'-----
.Ander ( ~rTT) , ... ··
Nun~ (;nor) Garud
Mos~ ( ittif ) Pasnlknr ... Ynshwantruo.
PoUll ( qm- ) Dhamnlo ... Rnutrno.
:\iutho (@; ) . .. ::Marnno ... Grunbhirrno.
linrynt ( ~ ) ,., , Pnyngudo ... Ravirno.
Ghotnu ( -q°"ra'ut) ••• \ Gharo .. . Dhupntrao,
·Khcdobnro ( ~ill{) ... 1 Kondu ... Naik.
Gunjau ( (!j{Of) Silimbknr Ilaibatrao.
Kuutul ( Q;T;:r,:r) ••• :lfornl •. . Zun:r.arrno:
Wclw.a.nd (m'G) ... Dhor ... Adhnlrno.
Dhor ( 1i°T{) ••• Jcdho ... Sarjorno.
Uir<ln:. ( ~ ) ... Baudnl ••. Naik.
. :Shi \'nln.r ( h"Ttra't ) ••. lroro Ohandrnrno •

G. S. S,

JEDHE KAREENA.
SHREE NAGESH.
This Kareena is of Jedhe Dcshmukhs, Tnluka Bhor,
Fort Robida, to the following effect :-'When the partition
between our ancestors nnd the Khopnde Deshmukhs was
made by the judges and the family-jurors, the Bhor-taraf
came td' the share of the J edhes and the Utroli-tara/ ,vas
·assigned to the Khopndi,s. Thereupon the Jedhes managed
·the cultivation nn'1 revenue-collection · of the Bhor-taraf
nnd undertook great trouble for the snke of the forts.
By the orders of the Shah (Nizam Shah) they collected
troops, conducted campaigns and fought battles nt great
. risk. They also managP-d the governmental work so wei'I,
·that the Shah was highly pleased by these (services) and
 48

guvc Kuri us Inam to our ancestor Nnikji Nqilt. His son

Knnhoji Nnik Jedhe by tho strength of his swerd and of
bis_ troops, brnvoly resisted Cbund~arno More and Krishnaji·
Ncuk Bnndnl, who used to levy forced contributions upon
the twclv(! Mavnls. Knnhoji protected the villages in_ _the
two tarafs of Bhor and Utroli (from these usurpations).
He ns the bend of the luntl· never neglected his duties, and
the interest of the Shah. By order of Malik Amber:-
Knnhoji forcibly captured Fort Kclnnjn (Mohungad),· wi_th
the uid _o f rope-Judders (for the Niznm Sbnh). . Malik
rewarded these services by letters of commendation and:
assignment of Saranjam. Malik Amber died in the month ·
of Vuishakh of the Kshaya year 1578 (May 1626). Some-.
time thereafter, this territory went to the shnre of Adil Shah
and wus .included into the government- of Rnodullakba·n
whose bend-quarters were at Rahimatpur. Rnndullakban
engaged Knnh~ji Naik with his troops into his service ..
He wrote to the Shah of Bijapur and obtained his ordere
for a Sa1anjam being conferred on Kunhoji, who rendered·
faithful service to his new master. Adil Shah was so,
pleased with him tbnt be gave Kanhoji the villages of
Chikalgnon and Natibi in lnam. flirmans for the Inams
were issued ancl letters of recommendation were sent to-
the J(illedar;:of Ro/Jida, for hnndi,ng over the possession.
of the Inam· viIIages.
. .

Then in the month of Bhadrapada of t_he Angira· year·

1554 ( S~ptember 1632 ), Sbabaji Raje brough; out a new·
Nizamshahi[Prince and crowned him at Pemgiri (Ahmed•.
nugar Dis\rict). But the fort was small and uot. wel~.-
:lefended; so he (Sba~aji) carried the Prin~e to the fort of .
Mahuli (below the Ghats). and defende4 .it qn the Rtrengt_h
::,f his army. Thereupon in the YuvH· year 1557, RanaduIIa-
kh~n of Bijapur and Kh~n Jarnan Khan, the ·Mugbal ~ubha,.
combined and ·.besieged the fort of Mahuli. Kanhoji Naik
was witb the besiegers; having accompanied Ranadullakhan.
t-Ie secretly carried on · negotiations with Shahaji for
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Raja Chbatrasal Bundella ( 1650-1733 ).

 ·49

surrender. Provisions in the fort ran short; the garriSOD/

· began to -starve; and the fort was on the point of
surrender, ·when Shahaji begged for terms of-peace through-
Kanhoji. A treaty was accordingly agre·ea upon· to the
effect that the territory. north of the river Godavarf and
the young Nizam Prince should ·be· handed over to the
Mughals : and that the territories on this (southern) side
of the Godavari should, as belonging to the Adil Shah, be
given as Jagir to Shahaji, who should in return serve the·
king of. Bijapur with 12,000 troops. These terms were
communicated to the Adil Shah and were finally confirmed
by -him. Shahaji however managed to conceal the real
Nizam Prince at Rajpuri and gave a false substitute into-
- the· Mughal possession. Thereupon Shahaji came down
from -the fort, bad an honourable interv~ew with Rana-
dullakhan and returned to his tent, where Kanhoji Naik
and · his agent Dadaji Krishna waited upon him in an
· interview. Shahaji expressed great satisfaction at the
: kind offices.rendered- him by Kanhoji, saying "You have-
re·mained ·faithful to your duty as a watandar and have
come to see me. · I · am highly pleased with you. I know
·you ·are a powerful - Desbmukh iri the Maval. This
·territory has· be·en assigned to me as Jagir. The Desh-
mukhs of Maval are -unruly ; so I need -your services in
getting them ·into· my control and in obtaining regular
payments of rev~nue from them. They must respect my
authority:~ To ·this ·Kanhoji Naik replied, "If you should
·request Ra.nadulla to have my services transferred to you,
-I will not [ail to serve you faithfully~"

The· whole· party then. repaired to Bijapur and saw

~dil Shah. who according to the terms of th~ treaty
conferred the _Saranjam upon Shahaji, who pressed
-Ra·nadulfakban and got the services of Kanhoji Naik
transferr~d to him. Thus· Kanhoji came to serve Sbahaji
'with bis tro~p~. . -
' .
7 R
 50

Sometime after, Ranadullakhan died and as he bad no ·

issue; his o(fice and property were banded over to his
-1:lttendant Afzalkhan who had already shown great ability •
.Afzalkhan was then deputed on a campaign against Jinji
·and Sbahaji was ordered to accompany him. Kanhoji
,Naik also.had to go with his troops on the mission wi_th
_Shahaji. They besieged Jinji which was on the point
-of surrender. But Afzalkhan sent a false report to Adil
-Shah that Shahaji hampered the work of the siege by
helping the garrison who bad a secret understanding with
him~ The king of Bijapur - then sent Mustafakhan against
.Shahaji who was captured and brought to Bijapur along
with Kanhoji Naik. On learning the facts of the dispute
.from Shahaji, the Shah founq that the report sent by
Afzalkhan was false. The king then bestowed honours
-u pon Shabaji, gave him a head-dress, and. all the_appur~
.tenances- of the court room,• · at the same time presenting
.him the Jagir of the province of Bangalore estimated ·
-to yield 5 lacks of lions a year. Shahaji was given an
.independent command with ~anboji Naik as his lieutenant.
Then Shahaji sent Shivaji to Poona with Sbamrajpant
.Peshwe, Mankoji Dahatonde Sarnobat, Balaji Hari Mi:1jalasi,
.together with (other) clerks and a body of cavalry.
Houses (for . Shivaji) :were then built at Khedebare also,
.and the fort of Kondana was captured by means of
intrig_ues through the help of Bapuji Mudgal Narhekar,
Deshpande of Khedebare. When the Adil Shah heard
this, he got angry with Shahaji and put him into prison.
The Adil Shah also imprisoned Kanhoji Naik Jedhe and
Dadaji K~ishna at Kanakagiri. Ratnajipant, t~e son of
Dadaji Krishna. died in gaol. Afterwards Shivaji gave
{back) to the Adil Shah the fort .of Kondana, and Shabnji
·was released. Kanhoji Naik and Dadaji Krishna were
:also released from Kanakagiri • . Then the Adil Shah
~; it was customary for n. king in those da.ys to present tho wholo
Sadar or court-room to a. person with whom he wrui'highly pleased.
 51
entrusted Shuhuji with 11 campaign to Tnnjore. Before
Gtnrtiug on tlrn expedition, Shnhnji met Knnboji Naik and
Dadnji Kri3hnn, and calling them aside said to them,
"You nre tho TVatandars of Mnvnl. People fear and
.respect you there. Shivnji is nt Poonn. I intend sending
you to him with your forces. Servo him loyally. How-
. soever difficult an occ11sion mny arise, without counting
the loss, you should work for him. As you both entertain
.feelings of love and friendship for me, I trust you and send
you to Sbivnji. You must take an oath that you will be
loynl." Thereupon Kunhoji took the (required) oath •
.Shabnji on his part said, "Our family will look after yours"
and he took the oath himself nccordiugly, nnd sent
.(Knnhoji Naik and Dadnji .Ktishnn) to Poona with his own
personal nttendnnts and letters. On reaching Poona the
.:itteudnnts gave the letters to Shivnji nud delivered to him
the ornl message of (Shabnji) ; Kunhoji Naik met Shivaji,
who gave him the mukdsa of the two villages, Dalimbn aud
·Shindavnne, [ near Puraudar ], and retained him into his
service at Poona, with his troops. (After some time),
·leaving Dadnji Po.nt at Poonn iu charge of his troops,
· 'Knuhoji returned to bis home at Kari. Dadaji Pant
.remained with Shivaji. In course of time, Shivaji began
·to build strong forts at Rajgnd and Tornun nnd soon
/.:ompleted them.
When Fatehkhnn marched with his army against
.Poona from Bijapur, Shivnji called Kunhoji Naik and
some of the Maval contingents and went with them
to Purandar. There a few choice men were picked up,
nnd were sent against Fntehkhan with the help of some
.mounted troops and the national banner. A fight ensued
·wht!O Shivaji's ~troops became scattered and receded
fightning as far as Belsar (near Jejuri) where a few met a
,heroic death. Only 40 or 50 men were left with the
banner. At this critical moment, Kanhoji's son Baji,
·without the knowledge of his father, mounted a horse and
 52

went to their rescue. The enemy tried hard to capture-

the banner, but Baji : Naik fought him severely,,turned the
tide of battle, killed 5 or 7 of. them and arresting the·
enemy's onward. march, return.ea to Purandar with the-
banner 011 the lance and the trooper in charge, who bad
beea ' unhors'ed in the struggle. When Shivaji learnt of
this heroic deed of Baji; . he was . highly gratified and·
. rewarded him with the title of Sarjerao, a . dress of honour,
and two of bis own picked horses, engaging him in his-
pernonal service thereafter. ·
In course of tin:ie when an expedition against Javli was.
planned, Kanhoji Naik, and the other Deshmukhs were-
summoned together with their contingents and sent against
the Mores of Javli who had already been routei by· Kanhoji
and who had fled from Javli. Later, however, Hanmant
Rao More renewed the . insurrection in the Jor valley
ago.inst whom Shivaji sent Ragbunath Ballal Sabnis with-
·a body of troops from Poona. Raghunath Balla! 'killed·
Haµamant Rao and. took possession of Jor.
Soon after, Shivaji himself went against Javli _with the
troops of the De_shmukh1(and captured it on Poush_Shukla 14 -
(31st Decemb_er 1655) of. the Manmnth .Year. 1577 Sbaka·.
When Chandra Rao.lqst Jnvli h_e took sh~lter at Raid where·
Shivaji besieged him. The besiegini par_ty ·comp_osed _. of
the contingents of Kanhoji and other Deshmukhs among
whom was one Haibat Rao Silimkar, · Deshmukh ·o f Gtinjan-
maval. He mediated for
Chandra Rao with Shivaji and.
brought about a meeting between them. · Negotiations took
place and Rairi w_a s captured in _the Dlirmukh'a _year ' 1518_.
For these seryices, Haibat . Silimkar was given ~ fresh &eal
of_Deshinµkhi in his jurisdictio'n of Gunjan-maval ·and Shivai
compoaed· his doniestic quarrel by effecting a partition~ . . .
' :: •• •- • • ' ~ I " .. • • • , ' , • • •

.:. Jµ the Hewalambi : Y.ear _ -1579, an expedition .. was-

unp_ertak_en .agaii;iet _the .Portugueije at. Kalyan and Bhivandi .
.Da_d aji_ .Bapu;i, . -~ c~}-{sin _:of -,S.b?m_!"aj :!>ant Pesh we was-
 53

'{ieputed in charge of it. Dudaji Krishna ·and his .brother

Snkho· Krishna, the Karbharis of Kanhoji Naik, were
specially requisitioned with their strong Mavai contingents .
to go with the expedition, at the end of which Di\daji
}{rishnn was given the charge of Kalyan and his brother
Sakhopant, that of Bhivandi. These two brotliers left their
brother Yn~mji Pant in their place to do·, their duty for
Kanhoji Naik. They went and captured Kalyan and
Bhivnndi, plundered the Portuguese territory, established
-a post in the fort of Aseri, and compelled the Portuguese
to buy peace by agreeing to pay ever.y year a lump of gold
w~ighiug a J(/zandi- and a quarter. Shivaji soon after built
.a small .wall at the port of Kalyan creek named Durgadi.
The conquest of Kalyan wa!: a grnud victory for Shivaji as
it furnished him with plentiful provisions and money• ·
During the fight Dndaji's brother Sakho Pant lost his life.
But the whole territory was captured. Shivaji then per-
sonally visited Kalyan, enquired and arranged all matters
aµd appointed Abaji Mahadev [Abaji Sondeo ?J to superin.'
tend the conquered territory. Tlius Shivaji completed
his conquest of the Koukan and established a permanent
-'post at Kalyan. Copious iron weapons and explosive
rockets which Shivaji captured in this fight, were distributed
0

into va~ious forts. After this Shivaji returned to Rajgad

.and fon'naed a town wh.ich he . named after himself, Shiva•
pattan, at . the• foot of the Rajgad fort, at the same time
fortifying the fort of Prabalgad (East of Panvel). ·
• Then came from Bijapur Afzalkhan to conquer
.Sh.ivaji's territories. He issued orders to all the Maval
peshmukhs to join him at once with their. forces. Kedarji
J{hopde, one of them had already joined him. Soon after
Khandoji Khopde followed him. Kanhoji Naik informed •
:Shivaji of tlies~ happenings in a personal letter, t_o which ·
he received a reply, that K{\nhoji should get all the people
to sw·ear an oatµ of loyalty or that he should please himself
hy going over to the Khan. In t_his situation, Kanhoji
 ~aik with his 5 sons wont nnd saw Shivaji at.
Shivapnttnn, an<l a<ldrc~sc<l him thuH in u private-
intorvio,.,. :-" Your father has obtained nu oath from·
mu nnd sont me into your ttcrvice. 1 am prepared to
romain truo to it. 1 am at your scrvico with my 5 soui;.
aud 1111 my 1111m, nu<l will fight to· denth for you. If we die,
who i~ going to enjoy the JVotan ? I cannot falsify my-
:mcrcd promhrn ". .T hereupon Shivaji said, " But you will'
· cnclnngcr your JV'alan," Kunhoji rt!plicd, "I have nireudy
rcaouncml the JVat,m " for the aukc of your service."
Thon snid Shh·nji, "1f :;o, you must first swcnr sacredly·
the renounccmont of the urata11. Knuhoji took some water·
into his hund and ·poured it down in confirmation of his,
profei;i;ion. Shivaj i sn id, " Your.family o.t .Kari it; (unsafe]
'nnd you must remove them to Tulcgaon of the Dhamdberes.',.
Kuuhoij agreed to it, cnllc~ Dndaji Krishun frorµ Kalyan
nud sent hiR owu family nnd thnt of Dacluji I>unt aiso to
Tnleguon with him. Then Shivaji and Kanhoji ate milk
und rife together, put t_heir hnnds on brencJ nud bet leaf und:
exclrnuged sncrecl ·onths, Sbivnji suyiug, " We and our·
descondnnts shall never fail to look nfter you and your
<lescendnnts; when 1 win, 1 will reward you udcquntcly."
Knnhoji kept with himself·. Raichmnji Pant, Dadaji's son, . .
and wns ordered by Shivnj{ to go .to meet the vnrious-
Deshmukhs and consult them together what they ·bud got·
to sny. Knnhoji did accordingly. He aui:I the other
Deshmukbs met together, and conferred. Kunhoji explained'
to them how .he had solemnly renounced his Wat"n
and prepared himself to die with all his relntions for tlie:
sake of Shivnji. "The Khan," he added, "is a treacherous.
0

Mussalman. Whe n his object is accomplished, he will ruin.

• us all under one pretext or another. This Maratha.
• Kingdom is our own. Vl e must all protect it with courage.
and with our contingents nod by serving Sliivnji loyally."·.
Upon these and similnr encouraging words from Knnhoji,. ·
the other Desbmukhs declared that they were all prepared.
 55
to accept bis advice nnd remain loyal to Shivnji. Knnhoji
heard them und convoyed them to Sbivaji, in whose
presence they ull took the sacred onth. Shivuji thou gnve
them a grand dinner und got together un army of th1:-
;-Iavalus.
Soon uiter, Shivaji s~nt hit! envoy Puntnji Gopinnth
to curry on negotiations with Afznlklmn nnd tirrnnge n
visit at the foot of the Prntnpgad fort. Shivnji himself
then came to take his residence nt Prutupgud and·
stationed Kunhoji's und some other lJeshmukbs' contin-
gents nt Juvli below it, posted Bandnl ut Dure, and
Huibat i.<uo Silimk11r und Balaji Naik Silimkur nt the
Boclu:-gi:o!i pnss. Afte_r making these disposals, Shivaji
went back to the fort wlrnrc hll c:1lled Kanhoji for a
private conference in which he suicJ, " I hnvc full confi-
<lcncl! in you ; but I nm not sure nbout the loyulty of the
othcrB. You know how treacherous the Khuu is. lf l
succeed in the meeting, 1 have urrungcd to fire three gun-
signnls irom · the fort, on heurihg which you shouJd ull
uttnck the Khan't:l forces ut Pnr. But supposing I do not
succeed nud I um cupturcd by the Khan, than you
personally and your tru:,ted follo,yers, should occupy the
Khan's pnth from \Vurdhn.ui und prevent his forces
coming up the Prutupgud hill. If the gnmc goes against
me, you yourself uud your men must try your beat to fight
soverely and relc:rne me. When I um so released nnd um
buck umong you uguin, we shall urrnnge to ruzo the
enemy to the ground." About this nrrnngcmcnt ulso
Shivuji got ·Kunhoji to sweur, Kunhoji suggested that
Sbivuji should request the Khun to station one of bis trusted
messengers with Kunhoji for mutuul communicution so
thut there may be no ground for dispute. Kunboji added,
" I will do my best to prevent the Khan's forces from
climbing the hill and will execute your orders fully.''
Shivuji accordingly obtained u messenger from the Khun
and kept him with Kunhoji.
 iiG

J · A f~rnn<l Htructuro wn5 erected at the foot of tho ·

Prntup~u<l fort, where Afaulkhun came to visit .Shivaji,
in tho mouth Kurtik11 of tho Viknri ycnr 1581, in a
pnl1111quin with hitJ e:uvoy un<l nttendunta. Shivuji bud
alrcu<ly sclcctocl his mon for various dutiea und stationed.
tl\cm in diffcront places. On the day of the rnec.ting, he
camp to vii;it thu Khan with hill own envoy nnd the _
attendautr1 in charge of vurioul-\ functions. During this
meeting,. Afzulklmn caught hold of Shivnji's neck under
his nrm, when Shimji·, forc-armc<l us ho wus \\'ith steel
clllWS on his fingers, [ 1Va9lt-naf.!1a, i.e., tiger-claws],
thrmlt them into hiH body nud burnt open bis entrails.
On getting his neck released, Shivaji took his sword in
bis hund ut which· the Khan'tl uttcndnnts put 'him into the
palanquin and begun to rnn. · His envoy and some other
nttcndants attacked Shivnji with arms, wounding Pnntaji
Gopinnth. · In nn instnnt, ·however, Jivn .i\fohnla, Baji
S~rje Ruo nnd a few others rushed against them, put them
to death utid cut off tbo • legs of the palnnquin-bearers,
compelling them to drop the palanquin down. Shivaji . too,
rpu to their help, had the Khnn's head severed, at which
three gun-signals were fired frqrn the fort. Kanhoji Nuik
and tho forces of the other Desbmukhs, on bearing the
signal, attacked the Khan's army at Par and captured
horses, elephants, guns and various precious articles •
. The Khopndet who were succouring the rear of the
Khau., fled for life with 50 followers along the bank of
the Koynna. · Thus was victory obtained . by Shivaji.
H~ himself went to Par. Khnndoji Khopade concealed
himself. in the forest. ·
When the affair was over, Shivaji called together. the
Deshmukhs and their men and gave them encouragement
' in various ways. The .first honour among landed Watan-
dars was conferred on Dhamale, and the first ht>nour of
t · The text mentions Ghorp11do, probably a. mis-re:icliDg for
Khopade.
 ·57

·:the sword upon · Kanhoji. Shivaji got an inventary made .

,of all articles won in th~ fight and cturied them to the
fort.. Khandoji . Khopade sent his messenger to his son-in-
law Haibat Rao '!3ilimkar and him~elf visited him, enquiring
~what· his fate was to be. He requested Haibat R:io to
intercede on his behalf with Shivaji and obtain bis . pardc;m •.
Haibat Rao then saw Kanhoji at Javli and explain~d to
·him the situation of Khopade, urging, "You have influence
· with Shivaji. You must try and save the life of Khopade."
Kanhoji immediately repaired to · the fort and begged
:Shivnji's pardon for Khopade. Shivaji. however said,
· " That Khopade is so wicked ! He had no 1-Vatan
·previously which I · gave him under my seal. But
. Kedarji Khopnde sought ·the protection of the Adil
: Sliah, be·came disloyal to me, helped Afzulkhan in
· various ways and raised his hand against me. Hence he
is a traitor, whost:1 body I order to be cut into four pie·ces
:for distribution to the four quarters. You have no
business to intercede for him. I cannot pardon his wrongs."
When-in these words, Shivaji turned a deaf ear •to all
medietion, Kauhoji rose and submitted, " Consider myself
i~ the place of Khandoji and' that I have committed · the
offence and save his life.'' "Certainly," replied Shivaji, '' I
· cannot disregard your petition, which I grant only on your
account. Brinf that Khopade before me.'' Khandoji
was then brought into Shivaji's presence:· He saluted
:Shivaji, who said nothing to him. At this, K1:4nhoji took
leave of SQ.ivaji and returned with Khopade to his residence
·below. Thereafter, Khopade having been once intl'.oduced
-to Shivaji, repeated his visits independently of'Kanhoji. In
·_one of such visits, Shivaji who had not forgotte1;1 the wrong,
·had the right hand and the left foot of Khopade cut off.
When the news of this punishment reached Kanhoji, •
· he · brought Kbandoji to himself and after attending. to
the wounds, went and saw Sbivaji · at tht! fort and
;.:Strongly remonstrated with him, saying, how uni.~st it
 58

.was to haye punished Khopade after permitting him a;

fear Jess · visit. " What is the va}ue of my intercession ? ,,,..
he concluded, to which Shivaji replied in sweet words,,
" It was for your intercession that I spared Khopade's. ·
life, •only cutting off the hand which held the sword-~
against me and the foot which carried him .to the:
enemy. l have not deprived him of his Watan which I ,
will continue as before." With these comfortable·
assurance, Khanhoji came down; Later on, Shivaji got a-
poem (jovada) composed by bards in which there is a line
to the effect that "Just as Hanuman and Angada served:
King] Rama, so did Bandal and Jedhe for Shivaji's Raj."
The names of the various other Deshmukbs were inserted::
in the poem which then . was sung in a big Da,bar to
the great gratification of Shivaji. The bard was given a:
reward of money and dress. Afzulkhan's head was put
into a cage and placed in a nitch at the entrance of the.
inner court of Rajgad. Au assignment was made for-,
covering the expenses for having the structure properly·
looked' after and respected.
· On the New year's day of the Vikari year 1582 ( 2nd:
March 1660) Shi-vaji went to Panhala where later on Sidi/-
Johar of Bijapur came and besieged him. But Shivaji,
escaped and while proceeding to Khelna, Sidi Johar
pursued him when the contingents of ~andal and Baji .
Prabhu Deshpande were ordered to . remain at Gajapur
and prevent the enemy coming on. Thus Shivaji reached,
the Khelna fort. In the mean time, Baji Prabhu and his
people . put in a heroic fight. Baji and many of his
followers fell fighting, but did not allow the enemy.
to proceed. Sidi Johar had to return in discomfiture.
Shivaji .rewarded the services of Bandal. He also com-
·mended the heroism of .Baji Prabhu and his men to. ,
Kanhoji who said, "I know, these are 'very valient people."-·
Shivaji replied, "1 have given you the .first honour of the-
sword for your services in the Afzalkhan affair. But now;
 59
l wish to confer that honour upon Bundlll. Do you agree.•
to it ? " Kanboji said, " Wlmtever you are pleased to.-
order, I fully acquiesce in ". Thereafter, the first honour·
of the sword continued to be given to Buudal.
•
Next, when in the Shobhnkrit yenr 1585, Shivaji.had.
to nttnck Shnstakban in hi::1 own house nt Poonn on
Chuitrn Shukla 8, Sunday, (5th April 1663), he entered his
pnlnce Lal l\Iuhul with ton followers, among whom wns
Chnudji, sou of Knuboji Jedhe und surprised Shnstukhnn.,
Chimdji Jedbe acquitted himseli ,..-ith great distinction.
Shnstnkhnn escaped for life with his fore-arm cut off. His
son Abdul Futch was killed. Shivnji escaped by the
pastern gnte where· Baji Snrje Rno · was nlrendy stationed·
on horse buck with n spare horse for Shivaji. As soon ns
Shivnji c11me out, be rode the spare horse, crossed the
.i\Iuln rive_r, nnd gnlloped towards Jerse, [ n smnll village nt
the foot of Sinbgnd ]. Shivnji hnd 11totioned small
bodies of men in various places with horns !lnd drums
which were nll beaten simultaneously causing grent
confusion in the Mughnl cnmp. Shivnji reached Sinhgnd
the next morning with nll his followers. Shnstukhan then
· marched uwa); from . Poona. Ou .Jyeshtha Shukla, 14,.
i\Iondny, of the Krodhnna yenr 1586 (28th May 1664),
Ja~vantsing withdrew the siege of Kondnnn for which he
was removed by the Emperor from the office and wus
replaced by Jnysing · Mir:,m Rujn. Juysing nnd Dilerkhnn
soon ufter arrived and besieged Purnndur in the
Vishwavasu yenr 1587. Shivaji visited Jnysing and on·
Ashudhn Shukla 10 (12th June· 1665) bought pence by
handing him over 27 of his forts, and by enlisting his,
own son Sambhnji Raje into the Mughul service us a.
commander of five-thousand. Baji Sarja Rao accompanied -
Sambhaji.

On Jyestha Shukla 2, of the Prabhava year 1588-

Shivaji went to see the Emperor at Agrn, but wnR kept.
 1;0

11!u.for t111r•;cill:1ncu owin}.! to di,ipk1,,urt!. Ou ~bravau

Kri: 1 l11m U, lw qcu'pc<l from A1:r,1 in a ba;ib;t with hi ::
so~1 ~;unhlwji. ~hi;·11_ji 1cturn,:,l to It,h:a<l an .\br 5:.1-
;;hm1h:, Shukla 5. Samhh.1ji wu:J 1:cpt 11t ~fothurn iu tiw
ch:111!!,i of i, Bn1hmi11 unmt:(1 Yi,1hwa:1 Rao who lat..:r on
C:il11ti, to the lJc,:cuu with ~.1muhaji. !Jaji S.,rja Ruo :dllo
vi:iitcd lbJ~:ad, Tryuml:al:punt D:tbir :111.11 lfoghun:,thp:mt
-KordtJ who Wcr,1 co111incd at Ai!r :1 in the PJ:1vau1~-' year
1589, nl:Jo c;1c:1pcd 011 Cil.daa !\ri'.llmu 5 and ruturucd to
~hi\'11ji. Peace Wa i, th~u 1uudc with the ~,Iuglrnb, from
whom Shh·.iji !~Ot the cluim o{ ~ardci1hmut:.hi und :1 t,:rritory
on th1! jOUtht.!ru :-hlc of th~ Bhim:1. \Vitbiu .; or ·f years
thcrt.'aftcr, ~hi;·~1ji i:upturcd back nil the 27 fort:; which
had bt.!,!H :iUrr1;n1hncd. ln tho Nnl:1 year 159d, Shivaji
had ll 1i1:ht with Hu:l\.'llklrnn )l:tiu:1, who wbifo C:iCaping
for :,helter into an 11djoiving villu}!c on an clopb:rnt, wns
faced l>y Na;:~ji Jt!dhc, son o( Baji Jcdhc.?. ~ugoji
!{llllopcd bi.:forc the ch1plrnnt, thru:1t iii:J :ipt!,iC into the
tcmplcH u111l turnc<l tht.! clt.•ph:rnt back. Ilut in the
venture, he rcccivi.:tl n morrnl wound by an llrrc:iw $hot by.
Ht1:1t!llkhu11. Hul\onkhun wns however captured and
Shfrnji W:l!l v~ry ;;orry to find ~ngoji lo:iiug hi:i lifo und
u:1:pn:sscd hi~ deep !iorrow to Sarj11 Rno. Nagoji':\ wife
died S,1!i at Knri, whcru Shivnji proceeded in person and
comforw<l Nngoji'~ motbur Tuljabai, as:tigning hc.?r a yc.?:irly
ullotnllmt of ouc Ser of gold. Thereupon whcn in
Chaitrn of Pingala year 1599, Shivaji capturetl Jiuji, he
hnd Buji Snrjn. Rno with him. Sbivilji nt that time
nppoiuted Rughunnth Punt i\Iuz0cudar, nud gave him a
pre:::eut of two lnklrn of lzon with the chnrge of tbe
. government of Jiuji. Shivnji returned after several stages
to . bis own cotmtry with Jn~ardnn Pant and invaded
Jnlnnpur. On tho way back, he visited Pattn and nnmed
the fort' Vishrnm~ncl '. Bnji ·Snrjn Rno. wns with him on
this' _expedition. Shivnji died at Rnignd ut . midday on
·. Sntur<lny, of Clrnitrn Shukla J 5 of the Roudrn year 1602 .
•
 61
Thereafter S::unbhnji mounted the throne, when,
Rnghuunthpnnt returned frori1 Jinji to this province nnd :
lmcl interviews with Sumbhuji. Two or three years.
nfterwnrds Rughunnthpimt and Jnnurdunpnnt died. Knvi ·
Knlushn Diwnn becumo K nrbhnri. A son wus born to .
S:imbhaji Ruje nt Gungoli on Vnishnkh Krishna 7 of the ·
Dundubhi year 1604 (18th i\Iay 1G82) nnd was numed Shivnji.
.Before tbi:i, on Knrtikn Shukln 13, of the Durmud year 1603,
0

( 13th November 1681 ), Akbur, the son of Aurangzeb ·

came nod met Snmhbaji ut Pntslrnhupur, which brought on
the invasion of this kingdom by Emperor Aurungzeb, who
reached Ahmedangnr. He sent Shuhubuddiu Khnu to
besiege 'Rnmnsej. Ho lnid the siege from bigh mounds
artificinlly erected, lnuuchcd EeYere nttuckR nnd pressed .
the siege ; but Ke~o Trimnk Peshwe took his residence u·.
the neighbouring fQrt of Trimbakgnd and supplied all kind
of help to the garrison of Rnmu5ej, who thus were able to
resist the siege for six months. As the fort could not be
captured, the Emperor rc'cnlled Shahnbuddin Khan ond
~stnblished military posts nt severnl places in the kingdom.
The Erriporor then proceeded to Bijupur by Ruccessive
murches and laid siege to it. Bijnpur wns taken on .
i\louday, ·Aswin Shukla 7, in the Kshnyn yenr 1608
(13th September 1686). Aurnng~eb met Sultan Sbiknndnr
Adil Shah. Soon after, GolkoucJu also was tnkeu on
Bhadrnpnda. Shukla 12, in the Prnbhnva year 1609 (8th
September 1687). Then the Emperor turned his attention
to the l\foratha kingdom in H10 Vibhnvn yenr 1610..
Sambhnji had n1wointed Bnji Sarjerno Jedhe nnd his brother
to be at Rnjmnchi to be of service to ·the Pnnt-prndhnn.
The Emperor marched on to Tulupur and sent Shekh Nizam
with nn army against Sambhaji. He came to Simgnmesh,vnr
and on Friday, l\fagh' Krishna 7 (i st February 1689) he ·
captured Snmbhnji and Knvi Kalushn and took them to.
Tulapur. There the Emperor put bath of them to death. King
· Rnjarnm was in captivity at Rnignd. He .was releused and.
 ,o....,,

),c11l1~11 on the throne nntl crowned i11 the Shukla year 1611 •
.Zulfilrnrkhim wu:1 :l1mt u1:1dn i,t l{nii:11t1 whcncu Rujarnru
c!IC;tpcd uml wcm l() PrnlHp~nd. There wa:L li ;Jrc~t famine
ia tho lu111l al the tim~. On C,;haitrn Shukb 15, o! the
Shi;::la ycnr 1611 (35-3-16.'i?), Zulfiknrklrnu who:H: orif;in31 ·
.niun1J i\'n:~ Jtk:1ilkh1rn, laid :1icgc to Hni;~nd. R:1jrirnm
proccc,fod b)' r1ucci.:;rnivc m~trchc1 to Jinji in thu Kurnatik.
On :'ilnq::1 .1hiri;lm ~huklu 2 Sunday ( 3 ~ovcmb-:r 168?),
Rni~:11d Wu:l h11nd1:d o•,cr to tht! ~uilrnl:l •,,·hen Sbi,;:1ji, the
!{Ofl of S;11nbh:1ji, wa:i tukcn to Tulapur to ~cc th!! Hmpc!ror
who wa~ plc:1:.1i:d to confer on him u co111:uanil of 7p.:,o
hor:11.?, named him ~lrnhu lbjc uml k1.•pt him iu confine-
1ucnt in hi:J own c:unp. Thi:11 the Emperor, <:~pturc<l· the
:'tfarntha foru. n,,ji S.\rjt!rao Jc<lhi: took ka'-'t: aud from
.Rujumachi rcturnd to bi:1 JVi:t·:n ~,t h:ur_i."
 Are the -Bhonsles Ksh.atriyas_?
By C. V. VAIDYA,· M.A., LL,B.

This question has been answered in the negative by

·.the learned Sub-judge of Tanjore who recently decided the
:famous case in regard to the disputed succession to the
.,estate of the deceased Raja of Tanjore. The question bas
.not been specifically decided one way or the other in the
.High Court of Madras where the case went in appeal.
But the opinion of the Sub-judge of Tanjore has created a
·,doubt "ihich it is necessary to set at rest, at least in the
.opinion of the public, by a careful and exhaustive review of
.the subject from the standpoint of history and Hindu Law •
. Especially as the history of Shivaji the great, founder
-of the Maratha empire, is being slowly evolved from
.original papers, plentifupy brought to light by researchers
·::in Maratha history, it is necessary to examine whether the
coronation of Sbi-vaji by Gagabh'atta with Vedic 111.antras
·as of a Kshatriya king,_ was a questionable perfor!llance,
:an undue elevation of .caste, secured by large presents
·made to the obsequious Gagabhatta, or whether it was a
•ceremony properly performed according to Hindu
Dliarmaslzastra. · I propose to examine this subject in
·this paper written for the Bombay Tercentenary
·celebration of ~hivaji's birth and to show that the con-
·clusions at which the learned Sub-judge of Tanjore arrived,
:viz., that the " Marathas including the Bhoasles were
.Sudras" ( para 1599) is not well grounded, as the
:Marathas of the 96 family surnames are unquestionably
.I{shatriyas and as the Bhonsles are so par excellence.
•
. It must be first pointed out that there is no ambiguity
:about the word Maratha, though outsiders are often mis-
-informed about it. Maratha means in Maharashtra, when
-the word is used alone, the Maratha Ks!zatriya of the
 64

96 family. ·names. The word also [no doubt means an.i

inhabitant of Maharashtra,. but is then usually used in.
conjunction with some other. word. Thus a Maratha
Bralmzin menus n Bralm1in of Mabnrashtra as qistinguisbed. ·
from a Bralmzin of Gujarat or Telangana. A Marathn ·
Kulnzi means a J(ulmi or cultivator of l\faharashtra as-
distinguished from a Kulmi from Gujarat; (there are many
such in West Khandesh District who would not call:
themselves Maratbas) ; a Maratha Sonar or a Maratba.
Vania or a Marnth,a Kmnhhar means an ancient inhabitant.
of the country as distinguished from outsiders of the same·.
profession who huve come · into Mahrmishtra in · recent
times. But the word M:untha when singly. usetl would.
always mean, in Mnharashtra at least, and presumably
should rneun e_lsewhere, a .Maratha of the 96 fa~ily
surnames caste, which claitns to be a Kslzatriya sub-caste:
How this claim is well founded we proceed to show first •.
How the Bhonsles are J{shatriyas par excellence will be·
shown later on. ..
' The theory that there are only t\VO Varnas in the·
J{a/iyilga may be, disposed of at the outset. It is a theory
exploded now from e, ery point of view. It is. based on a.
1

text from a Purana (which is unnamed) quoted in Sud,ra·

Kamalalu::.ra, the author of which treatise himself remarks .
thereon that it was not worthy of notice as there were
opposing texts and as his revered father m~intained that.
there were Kshatriyas in l{aliyuga, though Svaka,ma-
bh°rashta. High Court decisions referred to by.the learned
1 Sub-judge of Tanjore have held that there were Kshatriya.
in - the J{aliyuga and Shankaracharyas and Hindu Con-·
ferences have also declared that there are Kshatriyas .and.
V qishyas still in Kali;,uga. We have shown on historfoa'l
evidence that this dictum could not have been· in existence·
before 1300·A.D. as inscriptions from the 1st century B. C.
mention Kslzatriyas, as Kumarila of the 7th century .A. ,D_
speaks of J(slzat,iyas existing . in .his · own· time. and as.
 65
. .
· Dnyanesvara in his famous work speaka of Ramchandradeva
as a· J(slzatriya in 1290 A. D •. The dictum very probably
.arose hereafter and in the D~ccan. ( see our History of
Medireval Hindu India, Vol. II, Chapter . V note on
"Meaning of RaJputs"). The Kslwtriyas of the Deccan had
probably in Mahomedan times lost touch with Vedii; rites
and bad begun to live like Sudras. The bigotted orthodox
Brahmins of the South misunderstood the Bhagavat.
statements that I(shatriya kingly line ended with the
Nandas• imd propounded the theory that there remained
only two Ygnzas in the I(ali age. Whatever the reason
this new theory held sway for a ,long time in Mahara~htra
arid it is• only in this 20th century when early history is
being sedulously studied and elucidated and broader ideas ·
on Dlzarmaslzatra are prevailing that this theory has been
. dislodged in Maharashtra and South India, and it is
admitted on all hands that there are I(shatri'yas still in
existence.
But the lax practices of the fyiaratbas in .food, drink,.
customs arid religious rites which began in .Mahomedan
times and which still prevail to a large extent cloud the
view of the public, of Bralmzins and even ·of judges with
regard to the Varna· of the Marathas. Indeed it may be
said that a great deal of trouble might have been saved in
the trial of the above-mentioned case if it bad been clearly
understood that these practices, Sudra-like · though they
may be, cannot affect the status of the Marathas as belong:.
·ing to the Kslzatriya Varna,. If the Hindu Dharma Slzastra
texts are carefully scanned and reasonably interpreted, it
will be ·seen that V,ama depends solely· on Bija or descent
and not ·at oll on practices. The Marathas thus cannot bf
t~eated as Sud7as because they_ eat fowl. No ~oubt H ·e

~-'But even. the Nandas ruled in the Kali age and hence it,
. not be stated that there were no Kslwtriyas in the Kali age. ·
oyer the- Kshatriya -imporial. kfogly line ended with-NandlJ. r
every petty Kslrntriya ki1;1g-ship.
9-10
 67

in the Deccnn though his adoption would be invalid in the

North. In the Bombay cn'se noted by the Sub-judge (Second
Appeal No. _404 of 1885) the parties who were Marathas,
.both accepted the fact that they. were l(slwtriyas and the'
.case was sent back on the issue whether sister's son's
_.adoption was valid among i\farathas by custom. It is an
.accepted rule. t~at custom validates what would otherwise
.be in\'alid according to the Smriti texts, and hence such
practices can _not involve degradation of Vt:rna or caste.
Nay oven the- cessation of the performa.nce of the
mecessary religious· rites would not lead to degradation of
Varna or cast'e. The Vpanaymw cere~ony is the mo·st
-vital ceremony for the Drnjas or the three higher Varnas
.and specific ages are prescribed ~or the three Vanws before·
-which upa.naymw must be performed. If not they are
-declared to be degraded. But it must be borne in mina
.that even here they must be treated as Sudra-like .(~~OT f~
~imn.:r;qr~~ .r -HP:r1i Manu II. 112) ai1d not Sudm defacto.
The texts declare that they are Vratyas and this class is
.specially kept distinct in order to show that they are not
Sudras in· fact.. In all such declarations of Smritis, the
word Sztdrr:. has to be interpreted into Sudrci-like, for the
test lies in the fact that such Sud1a-like persons by special
.expiatory ceremonies can regain their original varna while
.a Sucf'ra in fact and by descent can never· by any
.religious ceremony be raised to the status of u Vaisya or a
J{slwtriya, much less of a Bralmzin. Whatever the stories
in the Puranas may be and whatever muy have happened
in -Vedic days, the Smriti texts clearly show that there is
0

no eleva tion or (degradation) of Varna except by the·

proces_s of Bi_ja and no Sudm can became Dvija by any
religious cer'emony. The Vratyas though Sudra-Jike are
treated as dis"tinct froin _S-ztdras and 20-33 verses of Manu.
X, show that there are Bralmzin Vratyas, Eslwtriyci Vratyas
·and Vaisya Vratyas. This distinction is necessary as
these, after the necessary expiatory ceremonies, return to
 their original Vama as Bra/miin, l(sliatriya, or Vaisja~
Thn~ the absence of the performnn_c e of Upanayana does
not lead to degrndation of Varna is ·sbo·w n by the fact .
that there nre several Brakmin sub-castes ·in the North even.
now especially in the Himnluyan region~ amongst whom
such ceremony is not performed •. And. yet they claim to-
be Bralmzins, are treated as Brahnrins and even con~ider
themi,elves superior to Bralmzins of the South. We have,
further historical evidence to show how the Peslzwas when.
they conqu_ered Mo.lwu found Brahmins there without any-
regular Upanayan, ceremony performecl, from generation,
to generation and hqw Bajirno I ordered Det:cani Bra!unins:
to get such religious rites performed to them · (Aee letter
of Anandrno Pnwnr ·published by K. K. Lele of Dhar in
Salzavidwra oi Baroda August ,1924.) This letter• also-
-evidences how Mahomednns in · their bigotry often-
interdic~ed the performance of Hindu religious rites nod.
thus perforce severnl Bralmzin subcastes ha.d to remain.
without them for generations.
If the non-performance of Upanayan would not lead to,
the degradation _of f(shatriyas to the Sudra varna much less
would tl{e non-recital of Vaidic Jllantras, or the perform--
ance of S/Jrod'1as ·and othe; rites in a.: manner not pres- -
- cribed for /(sl,triyas by_;the Smritis. It cannot be doubted.
that th.e rites· performed by the ~Vlnrathas were -intended to,
be rites performed for Kshtriyas. . Their own neglect of
the Vedas must have led to the omission by the Bralunins·
of the Vedic ritual and the, substitution of Furana J,Jantras
for Vedic Mantras. But it is within the competence of
.:Marathas as J(sJzatriyas to resume _their Vedic rites after
·c1ue performance lof the necessary expiatio~ .cereiµonies ..
And thla is. exactly what Gagabbatta must have done .
. Shivaji had not Upanayana perfprmed -to him accQrding
to -the manner of the Marathas prevalent ·in his ·days. But
....... ' . ..__ ·. . ,::,. · ..:.. . . ....
~ ~ r :31~ imn i:~T~rZ ~~T'qf l~rll~ 3ff'qJ{ ii3Jtf ~T~T,,
" Owing to Mahomednn rule Bro.hmins gave· up many ritcs / 1' ·
 69
:as· he ·was not .a .Sudra ··defacto, but a Kslzatriya, there was
nothing wrong· acco~ding to Hindu ·D!Larma Slzastra in
·Gagabhattn's performing that ceremony to Shivaji even ,in
his -43rd year i~ ,cirder that he might perform .to him the
·coronation c.eremony according t_o Vedic Mantras. When
:after Shivaji, the Bbonsles at Satara through influence of the
Peshwas or ~t Kolhapur and . Tanjore which were outside
:their influence, through neglect, censed to perform Upa~
nayana, 'S!zradlla and other religious rites were ·again per-
formed with Pura11ic J.lfantras. And when Upanayan was
r~sumed, it was but natural that Vedic rites would be
:resumed, thougq wrong prnctices might now and then have
•continued even then. But all these malfeasances or mis-
.feas~nces cannot lead to degradation of Varna and ·it is
.therefore unnecessary to d~scuss here whether rites were
-performed with Vedic jj,Jan.tras, whether Gayatri was.
taught as it is to B,almzins or a differeot Mantr<t was·
.taught, whether the oblations to the manes at the Slz,adllas
-were of cooked rice or of wheat flour or raw rice, and so on ..
Practices which are distinctive of Sudras even if adopted
1
by. the Mamthas, would not degrade them from the Kslzat-
riya to the 5_udra Varna. Th.ey can resume· the practices
prescribed for Ksh'Ltriya,s at any time they liked after due
,expiatory ceren:ionies.

The only question then which ·is really pertinent . is

-whether the Mara.thus are by descent Kslzatriyas as they
-claim to be. As stated above, descent is the only factor
which determines Varna. By descent, however was meant
,s.eed only originally, seed and particular soil later and
· finally at · the present day from historical times seed and
·soil. Vyasa a son of Parasaram by a Nishada woman wa~
.a Bralimin in Vedic days. This rule was contracted in the
. days t>f 1rlanu and it was declared that one's own Varna
was born in two soils.• We )mow that in the days ~f
 70
.1rlanu Smriti,_·a IJvijq, was allowed to marry women from
bis a_nd lower Varnas and in such marriages the progeny of
bis own and next lower varna would be of the same varna·.
A l(slzatriya for instance was allowed to marry a Kslzatriya,,
a Vaisya. an~ a Sudra woman; but his progeny by the
l(slzatriya and· Vaisya wives would be Kslzatriya by' varna·
and not ~y the Sudra wife. . This rule was : further con-
tracted and other Smritis declare that the progeny . of nny
lo:\Ver Vanza wife would belong to the Varna of-that wife ..
Inscriptions of the 8th to 10th centuries A. :D . show that:
such rule was actually in practice. Finally of course this·
· difficulty about progeny led_ to the prohibition of marriage
outside the Varna or caste from about the 11th century
A. D. (See our History of .Medireval Hindu India Vol. III.
·P· 395). This gradual contraction of ~arriage lo.w and·
. status of progeny must be borne in mind [ when we discuss
the h~storical evidence with regard to the descent of the·
Maratbas. ·
For this evidence we must go behind ·s teele, Wilkes,,
Duff and other authors who only record the current opi~-
nion of.their times. Further they had not that epigmpbic.
evidence before them which h·as been discovered since they ·
wrqte and which is more authentic t'hnn popular reports.
and b·elong~ to the time when this qispute had not arisen~
Statements of interested Marathas who as Pla~ntiff or
Defendant seek certain objects and wi~h that view assert
that they are Sudras or Ksl1atriyas are of no value. For.
the proper evidence of t'he cons'ciousn.ess- of the community.
and repute which · undoubtedly (even according to thf·
learned Sub-judge of Tanjore) alone can prove descent, ,ve ·
must go back to the centuries before the coronation of-
Sbivaji itself which as a matter of fact was the first occa•
sion on which this dispute arose. Fortunately, we • have: .
plentiful evidence on this subject in inscriptions and other
ancient writ'ings and we give it here in detail and in order.-
er time.
 ,71

Th~ late renowned researcher in Mar~tha History

V, K. Rajwade, in his introduction to the Radha Madhawa
Vilasa poem as also in bis paper on _the date of the coloni-
zation of Maharashtra gives argumenta based on references.
in, Aitareya Bralzmana and in Panini to hold that Maha-
rashtra was colonized by three h~rdes of Aryans from ·the.
North viz., by the Maharashtrikas .from Magadha, by the
Vairashtrikas from Panchala and by the Rashtrikas .-from.
Uttarakuru. But we may not lay stress on this inferenc~,
ba·sed as it is on slender foundation, though even Dr. R. G..
Bhandarkar also held from · Panini and Katyayana that
Mnharashtrn which was Dandakaranya and was.
covered ,vith forests was colonised by the Aryans
· about 600 B. C. i. e. before Katyayana and after
Panini, He also thought that these . Aryans were·
!{slzatriyas and Brahmins. ( History. of the Deecan )-
We however, come on former ground when we find that
in the present Mahabharat of about 250 B. C. Rukmi,
brother of Rukmini Shrikrishna's first queen is described
as _King of the Dakslzinatyas or Southerners, as the Maratl}as
were called for a long time. Damayanti was also an-
inhabitant of Vidarbha (Berar) and we may believe that
there were Bhoja J{slzatriyas in Berar iri those days. We
next come to an inscription ·at Nasik in which Gautamiputra
Satdharni _is ·said to have broken the pride of the Kshatri-
yas ( Khatiya-dappa mana-damanassa I. A. XXXV), This.
was th.ought to refer to the Rajputs of Rajputana; but as.
Gautamiputra never went to Rajputana, this. clearly refers
to the Kslzatriyas of the Deccan itself over whom the
Satavalzanas of A~dhra had established their empire.
These Kslzatriyas were the Rashtrikas mentioned in the
inscriptions .of Asoka, though we have no .indication there-
in as to whether they were Kslzatriyas or Sudras." The-
Raslitrikas and even the Maharathis and th'eir ladies.
Maharathinis are mentioned in many cave inscriptions
of the peripd at Nasik ancl other places. There are most
]Jrobably the Maratha J{shatriyas whom Gautamiputra
 72

-conquered as stated in the above epithet. For the Bari

Vamsa of ab_out the. same (first century B. C.) states that
three kingdoms ~f the-Deccan, Nasik, Kolhapur and: Bana-
vasi were founded by three sons of Yadu born of Naga.,
wives. The .Marntha J{slzatriyas who first settled in
Mabarasbtra were thus Yadavas. or Chandravansi Ksba-
triyas. · Though they were born or Naga mothers, they.
were, according to the Vedic rule of pitrisavarnya obtaining
in pre-Manu days undoubted Kslzatriyas by Varna. The
first inhabitants. of Maharashtra acqording to my view
were thus Lunnr l(slwt,iyas· viz., Yadavas, Rashtrakutas
and Bhojas. ·

The next definite proof that there were Kslzatriyas in .

Maho.rashtra. w:hich we cnn 'produce is a sentence in Sahara
Bhashya ( of about 3CJO A. D.) that Kslzatriyas in Andhra,
t·hough they do not do the work of kings. viz. prote_ction
-0f cities and country, call themselves Raja" (.m;.::fii~-
~~~,~~W ~1--9~1€V-il;m:J?g'aJi'ff) Upon this ·Kumarila
of the 7th Century .A. D. adds· the gioss (cm~o11c:ctmlrr~
'i=WCJirmram~RCntm-I.. History M. H. India Vol. ll. ) '' The
Blzashyakar.a mentions Andhras because they are the
same as .Dnhshintyas ". This shows that both in Andhra
.and in Maharasbtra which was under the Andhras in
Sahara's time, and .independent in Kumarila's days, the
J(slzatriyas, ordinary soldiers and others distinguished
themselves by the epithet Raja, though none actually
.
ruled. This clearly
. means that there were. Ksllatriyas in
Maharashtra among the common people and these men
-called themselves, Raja, a practice which strangely enough
-conti~ued Raja throughout the succeeding centuries andis
.still prevalent. Bhonsle, and Mahadik, Shirke and Nimbal-
'kar in ·Maharahtra call themselves Rajas while in Andhra
tµe ordinary Eshatri'ya.s call themselves Rafus_.
The .next evidence, as reliable if not more, is that of
Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveller,. ~ho visited Maha-
 73
--rashtrn and South India about 640 A. D. He recorded that
·-the Cbalukya Pulakesin who ruled in Badami was a
.J(slzatriya and the Pallava who ruled in Knn'chi was also a
.J{slwtriya. Chalukyas and Pallavus were thus conceded to
·be J{slwtri;•as even so early as the 7th . century A. D.
:Nay their own ·inscriptions also show that they claimed
·to be J{slzatriyas (Ksbatrachudnn:iani) · and they always
mention their gotras in their inscriptions viz., Manavya
.and Bh~radvajn (the latter being still the gotra of
the · Pallavas, See Vol. ditto p. 285, Pulkesin 1 even
_performed the Asvamedlw as mentioned in his inscrip-
: tions ditto p. 266) n thing ,;vhich only {\ king and
·.a Kslzatriya could do and never a Sudra (though perhaps .
a Brali11iin or Vai·sya a king might). The Inter Chalukya .
.ins~riptions state that they· came from·Ayodhya though they
· still innintnin thnt they were lunar race Kslzatriyas. I
-doubt the truth of this legend and I have held that ·
·;these were· Maharashtra J(slwtriyas of pre-Christian days,
·,(Vol. I ditto p. 262 and II p. 322). The Rashtrakutas
· who ruled over iv!aharashtra after these Chalukyas wero
.·also J(slzatriyas being descended, as stnted in ·their inscrip-
tion, from Satyaki. They are also .Marathas pc~r excellence
being the Rashtrikas of .Asoka's time, in fact the original
:rulers of 1.\Iaharashtrn conquered by the Chalukyas and
. again obtaining their sovereignty. . These Rashtrakutas
· call themselves by simple name·s such as Govind and
. Krishna, names which still are common among Marathas.
They do not mention their gotra in the~r inscriptions and
·we may surmise that Marathas began·to forget their gotras or
· attach less importance to them from their time. They
were, however, undoubted Kslzatriyas and often invaded
Northern India and conquered its capital Kanauj i~ about
-800 A.D. as the Marathas, their descendants conquered
Delhi, the moder:p capital of India a thousand years la~er,
·:(Vol. II ditto p, 15;). They had also marriaae re]ation·s
with Northern Kslzatriyas as we shall pres:ntly. show.
·.rhey ruled till about 1000 A.D. and tliey are repr~.1!~U.t~d
 by many Muruthu families of the modern day such n&-
Khnadngulc 1m~ others.
From 1000 to 1,300 A.D, we get still more detnil~d:
proof about the /(sllatriyasllip of tho Mnrathns, The
kingl)~ fumilies ,vhich ruled in .Mnbnrashtra_ in this period,
were the Chulukyns ngain ~f Kulynn nnd later the Yndnvas.
of Deogiri. These families in their inscriptions ca11 them- ·
selves Kslmtrl)as and tho Yud11vus stnte that they were ·
descended from Shrikrishnn himself. I nm surprized to find·:
that the l~nrncd Sub-judge of Tunjore treats the Jndbavas
as Sud,as though ns n mntter of fact they are clearly
1{s!wtri_yas. There were other subordinate kingly families.
· which were n1ao of .noto in this period and which claimed ·
"to be J..,.:s!rr:tr:iyas especially the S'ilnbarn family of Tbana,
ape king of which Apnrndityn wns · learned in Dlrw:ma-
. .-~lwstr,; nnd wrote .A_panzrka,n cornmentnry on Yajnynvalkyn,-
a Smrili which is UR renowned as that of Vijny::mesvara viz.,..
the Mita/~slwra; This treatise on Hindu lnw is followed.
in such distant Jund as Kashmir even now.
But the most [cogent proof of the fact that the ruling_
families in .Mabarashtra were reputed to be Kslzatriyas and .
even Rajputs nt this period, is tlieir inclusion in the H~t of
36 royal families of J(shotriyas first enumerated at the·begin-
ning qf this period. We have shown in ou.r History oC
:Medireval Hindu India · Vol. III ( p. 21-8 ) thnt this 'list
~ust have been prepared about 1100 A.D. the number 36~
of .Rujput families being formed found mentioned in
R(.ljatarangini dated ~bout 1150 A.D. The . list must have
been prepared in the days of Chandra Gahada of Kanauj-:.
The list represents the then ruling Rajput families of India
and- includes the name of Sbilar or S'ilabara ,vhich is
unquestionably purely Maratba to this day. The list no-.
doubt includes. Chalukyas and Rastrakutas also, but.it-may .
be objected that these are families· of the North of the:
same name and not those of the Deccan which .we.r e distinct
from them. But t_he inclusion of Silabara .is indicative=
. )
 75
•
if the fact tbnt the Mnrnthn ruling families were not omil•·
ted from this list. Indeed we hnve shown in Vol. II p. 176,
thnt J{slzc:tri'yas (und Bralmiins) .were one caste through-·
out India before 1100 A.D. nnd tho tendency of splitting
the main c~stcs or vm:nas (which terms nre identical iu
our view) into sub-custcs nroso nbout this time and food·
and m1uringe were restricted to certniu enumernted families
only both among Brc1lw1ins nnd J(slwlrz)•os. The en~me-
rution of 36 Rajput fomilies::wo.s thus about this time mnde·
with n view to restrict food und mnrringe to these families,
only. But even in this enumcrntiou the i\Iurutlrn J{slwtriya
ruling families were included, (Vol. Ill ditto p. 384.) It is.
hence ubsolutel;- certain that they considered themselves.
to be Kshi:triyas nnd Rnjputs (and were ~ousidered to be. ·
so by Rajputn .of North~rn lndiu.
Xut'-!rnlly ,.mough mnrringe relations existed between·
Xorthcm Kslwtriyas and i\lnrnthn J(slwtriyas · in the·
proceeding ns well us in these centuries. W c have evidence-
of inscriptions to show that the Chnlukyns married prin-
ccss_e:; from the Huihnyn Chcdi ruling faimily, (Vol. III·
p. 253). There is un instance of a Rushtrnkutu princess
· being married into the Guhilot family of l\Icwud, the mother:
of Allutu being mentioned us i\fahulnkshmi of the Rashtrn-
kuta family in the Atpum inscription (Vol. II p. SO). This-
•.
lady must hnve belongecl to the Rnshtrnkuta fumily of the .
Dc::cno, us it wns the only powerful Rnshtrukutu '.family
of the time. The third murringe mentioned of n i\Inrnt.lm-
princess with u Northern Rujput King is that of the heroic·
queen of a. Chulukyn King of Pntnn who defeated Shahu-
buddin Ghori, (Vol. 1,11 Chap. VII). She wus the daughter
of a Kadumb!l King of Gou. Kurun nlso married a Knrnut!l
princess probnqly of Kadambn family (Vol. III p. 205
Verawnl Ins.). Kumurnpulnchuritn mentions Kurnn'smnrriuge
with a Karnntnk princess probably Kudumbn also (Vol. IIL
p. 385). Lastly, it seems that one queen of Prithiviraj,
Chaban wns n daughter of the Yadavn family of Devngiri-. ·
 76

'Ibeso marriages es.tablish thnt till th~ end of the 13th

· century A.D. the Ks!wtriyas of the North rnurried daughters
· of tho M~rnthu. J(slwtri'J;is of the South. The latter may
have mnrnccl duughtcrs of J(s/wtrtyas of the North ;· but
giving d1iughtorn is considered not polluting and 'taking
-dnughters from u family ia of importnnce us showing the
•Va,w: of that family nnd hence these four· instances of
· . Northern J(slwtriyas taking duughtors from :Mnratba
-Kslwtriyas establish the fact that the hitter were consi-
-dered equuls by the. former. ·
There is however evidence thnt such relations ceased
nfter nbout 1300 A. D. us Karnn Vaghelu is said to be
. un~Yilling to give his <laughter to u Deogiri Yndnva king.
It ecems that aft.er Mohomednn conquest of the North and
, nlso of Mnhnrnshtm 1mch relations· became. difficult and
· unpopular. Further · as the Bmlzmins of the North now
. divided into Panclw Grwdas, began to look down upon the
Bralmzins of the Soutl1 now called Pmzcli Drc:vidas, the
.l{slwtriya Rnjputs of the North also began hence to look
down upon the Southern J(slwtriyas. These therefore like
. every other subcnste 1 Bra/wzin, Kslzatriya and Vais):r:, began
to consolidate them.selves into a sepurnte subcaste arid·
~atumlly culled itself Mnrnthn. ··~he number of Maratha
·. families so counted a's belonging to the Mnratha Kslzat,iya ·
· subsection to whom alone food nod:·marriage was to be
·. confined, was 96 and hence the ter~ sometime~ used for
. Mnratha. J(slzatriyas Slzalwmwvakuli.- This enumeration
:m;1;1t have been made after 1300 A. D. for the first enume-
·ration of 36 Rnjput families included the chief ruling families
"of the Deccan and _he!]ce ~here was · no necessity for
,a_ separate e'numemtion. But the necessity must have
arisen after about 1300 A~ D. when North and South were
·both .conque~ed_. by. t_he Mohornedans ( Vol. III. p. 3~5 ).
That - the enumeration exi~ted before· the days of Shivaji
;a~c;l. that it w~s bas~d upon _the_ first 36 family enumeration
'.ap,p~i:i,rs clear fro_m a ref~renc·e _to it in .t~e Sinltasaf?<(.
 77
•
Battisili of ·l\lnhnluugdus, ( dated about 1550 A. D.), lhe.·
credit of poin~iug out which, belongs to the lute ·G. M.
Chundorkar, :1 Murnthn reseurcher. of Dhulin. (Bhnrutu Itihasa
i\Ianduhl roport for 1835 Snke·or-1913.A. D. pp 142-147 ).
The v·erses giving the unmes of the ,6 begun with the·
mention of the first orthodox 36 families of Rnjputs. · I find.
the order given · there almost follows the order given by
Chand in the R~s,: commencing with Ravi, Susi, Jndhn_vn,. ·
Purnnmr, Suduvnr, -Clmhnmnu, Chulukyu, Chnndelln, Silµr,
Abhiynr &c. It then goes on to say thut there were
subsidiary families 60 in number. These mention many
~Iarnthn family nu mes of. modern dnys, though, strnngely
enough, the list does not mention the Bhonsles. ( On
this we will comment later on ). This. number 96 of
i\larnthu fnmiles like "the 36 number· of Rujput families ..
became un orthodox number grnduully, though the exact.
names of the 96 chnngecl now nnd then like the 36 of the·
Rnjputs. The i\forntll'n Kslwtrz;(; families have thus.
become a close compartment and it is creditable to them
that so for ns evidence goeD, liko the Rajputs of the 36
families, they hnve preserved their caste-purity by con.
fining murriuge relntions to these 96 only. It is necessar);
to note that these 96 ur~ 'described ns Raj put Ra/as, showing
· that the 96 Marntha families were then reputed to be
Rujputs and Kslwtriy<:s.
The greatest difficult}i which· has t.o be got over in
this subject ~s thnt in this list of 96, while there nre mn.ny
undoubted Rnjput families, there nre some which belonged_
to the Nagc: Vamsa. · The.· l\.famtha I<slzatriyas divide
themselves into 3 i,amsas, the orthodox sol;lr nnd luuar
Vams,:s of the Pzmmos common ·to the 36 Rujput set,._
nnd th·e third Nagovc:msa, which is not recognised among.
Northern Kslwtriyas. But the Northern J(shatriyas hnd n.
third dubitable Vam~a of their own viz., tb~ Agnil~'ulis nnd,
these were thought by almost ull European and some·.
native scholars to be, by· race, . d,t:,s~endants of
 ..
78
.Sakas,. and -are. i lransformed : by Brahmins into
J(shatriyas: But_ this difficulty has'.been solved satisfactorily,
:·as the Agnikulis have now been proved by their own
inscriptions earlier tha~ Gha'ncia's Rasa, to be Solar. ·or
.Lunar J{slzatriyas •. The Agnihula. theory, therefore,
.. ·.started by Chand is ~roved t? be baseless, in fact a. poet's
.imagination. ( Vol. II page 12-:17.). The ·difficulty created
1Jy the Nagavamsa. with regard .to the claim of the
·Marathas to be l(s!zatriyas, cannot however be solved in
:the same way. There are ~any Naga;amsi families a~ong
the 96 families, thou8h the chief of ~hem iR the Sinda _family,
:.·the modern:Scindia family of G_wslior. Now this is a very
.anqient family of warlike Marathas, who distinguished them-
. selves in the days of-both the earlier and the later Chalukyas
. of Badami and Kalyan: i. e. fro~ the 7th · to the 13th
century, A. D.- They were first. called Sendrakas and
:Sendanandraja was maternal uncle to Pulakesin. . They in
:·later · inscriptions. are called Sindas ( a Prakrit form of
Sendraka) and there were several branches of them. · They
1n their inscriptions call themselves Nagavamsatilakas
. ( ~rir.r~@~$) and Bhogavatipuravaradhisvara (lWW-JoTStcn:Tqr-
"<R) and hence this Nagauamsa is not mentioned in a poem
.:as Agni vamsa is, though even this may also possibly have
·Jts origin in ~he· poetical brain of Bhata_~ as we. shall· sho'Y
later on.
Who were these Nagas ? They appear to be a warJike
-people who occupied ·though !:iparsely and p~o.bably ruled
Ure wl)ole of India from the Punjab to the Pandya country,
· before. the Aryan advent. They were mostly friendly to
the incoming . Aryan settlers though some opposed them.
· The story of the fight of Takshaka with· Arjuna who drove.
'. him out from t_he J{fzandavavana is well known. He founded
Taksbasila and murdered Arjuna's grand son Parikshit,
· whose· son Janrnejaya wreaked a deadly vengeance on h{m
by bis 'Sarpa Satra or extermination campaign. The Sarpas
were saved by Astika. But Vishnu's preferring- to rest on
:·the Naga Ananta, indicates that Nsgas were generally
 79

·friendly to the A.rynus. These Ptmmic stories are corro-

bomted by later traditions nnd tho Nagn ruling families
.·appear to· hnve been mixed _up with the Aryan Kslwtriy,~
ruling families, in U. P. and i\Inburnshtrn. They were pro-
b11bly of the Dmvidi1m rnce, ns the inhabitants 'o f the Nagn
Hills ( who arc still called Nugns) to the east of' Bengal
· ucquestionnbly are. But docs this mingling with Naga
fomilil!s suggested by history und ethnology destroy the
clt1in1 of the ifarnthns to be treated ns Kslmtriycs? This
question h11~ puzzled 1\nd :nislcd many. .Mr. Dongre.,
:the Kollrnpur · expert who has studied this subject, could'
not answer the question whether the Scindbs of Gwalior
were R.slwtriy,:s. They are a leading ruling family of the
:iforntha rnce and they hnve hud murringe relutions with all
the other historical ruling families of i\Iuhurnshtrn. from the
-<luya of Shahu mo:it certainly and even from the duys of
Pulnke~in of the 7th century A. D. The auswer to this
.question i:; however, the strnight one thiltthey nreK.~·lzatriyas
by vi:rllt; according to Dlwrmi:slwstr,:, for nny ideas based on
mere ottmology or history cannot be introduced into this
. -qucstiou. The status of vt!nw is to be determined by texts
-of Smritis, nnd thi:;:qucstiou of mixture of races has been
solved by the Munu Smriti py declaring that the Dravidns
.are Vraty,: J(slwtri_y,:s. The warlike tribes which existed iu
India and which mixed with tl:!e Aryun warriors were
· 1ooke<l upon by Mann as 1-·rnty,! J{slwtriy,:s in the chapter
-dealing with :mrna, such us Zhalla, Malin, Nichhnvi,
Khusu, and Druvida (X 22t \Ve know that Budhn was con-
sidered Xslu:triy,~ though he belonged to the Sukyn tribe
· probnbly a Nichhnvi ,md the first Gupta emperor was born
of a Nichhnvi princesR. The· union of Vratya Kshatri'y,:s_
with the non Vrc:ty,: Kslwtriya.s would not on any s/1<:stric
-text lelld to t!1e birth of _u Sudra, Vi:nw, us distinctly stated
in u verse at the b!;!ginniug of "this Chopter on Vanw

~ ~~r it;q~ u-a;:~HlT~~f<TT<i 'q' I -le~ '<ITTOT~<f l<IBJ' i;{f<fs

~q-::q- II
 : 80

rests . ori, the uinon of pairs ·o f the same race or Varna,· t

The 'wives must be 1egally married wives no doubt in order
that the jati or varna sho~ld be: the same, (and on· this we·
wiH comm,ent later on}; but the only other requisit.e is that
· the father and the mother should be of the same varna,
· Op this view of the Dlwrmasliastr.a therefore the Nagavamsa:
Maratha families must be considered as K~lwtriyas and the'y"
were so considered rr·om so ancient times as the 7th,
century A. D. P.rof. R. S. Pathak'~ paper in I. A. XIV-p-
t' 13 furnished us with these facts viz. that the Naga rulers

inhabiting Karnatak were .conquered by ·Kadambas, tha.t

these remained as their feudatorie~, (See Kadamba records
in I. A. VI and VII), that Durgasakti and other kings·
mentioned in the -Lakshrueshwar temple incription, were-
Sendrakas and that these were the same as the later:
Sindas (see note ditto). According to Dlwrmasastratherefor~,.
as explained by history, the Sindas whether of Gwali_or or
elsewhere are J{slzatriyas. The word no doubt bas.
acquired another and lower sense in Marathi in the same
way as the word Rajput has acquired in Rajputana, meaning.
an jllegita~ate son of a I<shatriya but such secondary··
senses have to be kept out of sight and we have to·
recognise the existence of ruling Maratha families of the-
. name of Sinaa frpm t:µe 10th century A. D. And their
inclusion in the li1:t .of the 96 Maratha Ksliatriya families-
indubitably proves that they were always considered to be·
Kshatriyas of equal rank with the Chobans, the Mohites,.
the Jadhn..vs and others. ·
This Nagauanzsa need not again necessarily be a~
Dravidian Vamsa. The Sindas of Karnatak and of Karad
have left several inscriptions which, :speak no doubt of
their descE'nt in the N_agava111sa 1 .but the fii;st eponymous ..
hero 'Sinda' is said to be born of an actual serpent come ·

t ~h~ a?:rm q,.ftt.<fa:rrt<rrf.i~.1 a:rm~ritt.f ~Jofflr :nrilir ~r n

(!<f 'if 11 (Ma.nu :X, 5 ),
 81
from Bhogavati,· at Ahichchatra in Northern India ( E. I ..
III p. 230 ). Fabulous descents are offen invented by-
bards from names or from ensigns. The ensign of the
Sinda family being a serpent (Nagadhvaja) and .the name
being Sfod~, the ancestor here is believed to be 'Sinda ..
born of serpent near the river Sindhu. The S'ilaharas al~>-
believed that they were born of a Vidyadhara while 'the Cha-
lukyas believed that they were born from the Chuluka or-
handful water in the hands of Drona or Brahma. The ~adam-
bas similarly ascribed their name ·to a Kadam~a tree near the- . ,
. hou!?e of their first Bralzmin ancestor. Such stories, there-
fore, have to be set aside. We must see how these-
families we~e treated in ancient times for determining'
their .rnce, and we ~ find that the Sindas were related by
marriage to Kadambas, to Chalukyas and to Kalachuris, the-
first 1ong armed pero Siuda marrying ..•.•• a Kadamba
princess ( E. I. III p. 306 ), and Chavanda marrying a
Kalachuri princess (I. A~ IX p. 96). The Karad Sinda branch
· in its inscription states that the first hero was born of.
Siva (and not a serpent) from the river Sindhu and came-
to Karad. These Sindas apparently were thus northern
I{slzatriyas come to the Deccan in ancient· times and were
treated as l{slzatriyas all along. On these considerations
the Sindas, therefore, need not be considered to be'
Dr~·vidian by •race· and connected with the Nagas ·of
ancient times, or the aborigin~s of that name who are-
found now in the hills of Tippera. ·
Before. proceeding, we must note· some further facts
regarding the Shannavakuli Maratha J{s!zatriyas. Kslzatriya
families from the North must have come to the South
now and then, and been amalgamat.ed with the
Slzamwvakulis, some names dropping out while others
being added to the list; but .the orthodox number
. 96 remains ,.
just: as the orthodox number 36 of Rajput families
remains, though certain names g_r~p -----:--<1. others ;
come in, as we find by comparing ,, '\... ·of 36
11-12 ' .,_, .,
 82
fomilic$ given by '.(od. Unfortunately _we, have only one
list of the Slumnavalwtis, supported by the one inscribed
-on stone by Mulmrnju Serfoji ut Tanjore. This inscription
,itself proveR that the list is considered very important by
Mnrntbn Kslwtriyas. Secondly, we hnve not only J(sliat1.iya
f~milies coming ;from the north, but we have also the
record of Mnrnthn J(slwtriyas going from -Mabnrashtra into
-the north nnd there being recogoiscci as R~jpnts and
included. in the .36 Rujput families. The incriptions of
the Senus of Lakhnauti clearly state that they were
· Raj puts from the Deccnn, ( VC?l. 111. ditto p. 231 ), the
word l(slwtriya Dakslzinatya and J(amatak-kshatriya being ·
. .used in describing their ancestor. The second Deccnn
-fam~ly is thnt of the Ruthods of Jodbp~r. They are also .
from the Deccau us shown in Vol. III. ( p. 223 ), their
·tutelary . deity being Nagneclzi (a Marathi word) and
believed, to have bee.n brought from• the Deccan by· a
Rathod prince. Again as shown in Vol. 11!. ditto,
.Nayachnndra Suri in his drama Rambhamanjari. with .
Jaichund of K.o.nauj as its hero, puts Marathi verses in the
mouth of his Bhat. Further it seems to us that the word
Rao prefixed to l~atl~od in Chanda's list, indicates that the
Rathods are Decc:mis, Rava is a Marathi wor~ c9me out ·
·um-,
-of Ra-:> (uSJr) derivable from while the Hindi form of
the -word is Raya derived from Raja a~d "'.'~ actuaJly find
J odhpur Kings called Rao Bhika and so on. And
thirdly, the 96 Ma1atha Kslzatriya. families are all ruling
· families and not cultivating J(slzatriyas, as shown in
Vol. III. (p. 387-). · The Raj puts distinguished . themselves
<from the cultivating l(slzatriyas when they listed the 36
Tuling families. This distinction is not observnble · at
-present in Rajputana or Central India, · as there are very
few cultivator Rajputs there. But it is strongly m~intained
.in the Himalays w_here the cultivating Kshatrzyas are ca1led
l(athis while the ruling' Kshatriyas are caUed j}fiyas. The
latter · take girls in marriage from the Katlzis but do not
-give them their girls,· This is due to the fact that in the
 83
,Himalayas, preserved in its snows, many ancien·t Aryan
,customs still survive. · In .Maharasbtra also the · cultivating
J(shatriyas are called Mati .Marathas and are distinct class
from the 'Slzannavakul(s or the ruling Maratha families,
.and there are no marriage relations between them. That
ih~ latter were looked upon as rulers, is again clear froin
1the word Nripa 'applied to them in Siva Blzarata.
They may be Fatels or ·owners of one village only
:but they were still rulers. Even Yudishthira asked . for .
-o~e village each for the five Paudavas to rule, from
puryodhana. To rule was the duty and the privilege of a
Kslzatriya. Accordingly we find in the modern list of the
·96 lmlis, each family gives its original throne, its distinc:
·:tive banner and' seal etc. This is sometimes imaginary
.no doubt, but this mention comes out of a habit of centuries.
The Silalzaras thus in their inscriptions say ttiat they .
were originally Lords of Tagarapura (cPT,~~,) and the
Rashtrakutas say that they were Lords of the great city
Latt~lura ( ~mmrctr~ ). These towns Tagara and
Lattalura were ancient towns in Maharashtra. The
'Sindas describe themselves as Blzogavatip11.ravardhisvara
{lltTIT<rnr~mqi='<R). ln t::ie modern list the Sindhas hav~
naturally enough Gwalior assigned as .their gadi. La::tly,
.if we scrutinize the list of 96 families, there are :undoubt-
edly .therein many ancient ruling Ksliatriya Jamilies such
· .as Silahara, Chalukya, Rashtrakuta, Kadamba, Sinda, Nikum.
bha. Nikam is a name derived from Nikumbha mentioned •
· even in the 36 northern Rajput family list, and it is
strange that the learned Sub-judge of Tanjore looks upon
Nikams as clear Sudras, though as a matter of fact they are
Kslzatriyas and Rajputs. Gaikwada are also) clear] J(shatri-
yas, their name appearing in Siva-Bharata as Gokapata, in
Mahi"kavati Bakbar ·as kavada, and in:, Mahalingdas as
Gaikwad. Names ~f kingly families given in Siva-Bharat
·whi~h supported Shahaji, cannot be quoted here at lc.:mgth
'.for want of space.
 84
Having shown th.at Slzannavalmli Maratba families are-
Ks/zatriyas according to history and Dlzarmasastra, I proceed'
to show that the Bhonsle family especially· is J(shatriya:
par e.-cce~lence. For I believe that . it can be satisfactorily
shown that they are descended from tbe Sisodia family of.
Udaipur, which by common consent of Rajputs all over
India, is considered to ~e the best Kshq,triya family in the·
whole of the country. It is believed by m~ny that the
connection of Shivaji with the Sisodia family of Udaipur
was fabricated by Balaji Avaji Chitnis and was obsequiously·
accepted by Gagabhatta, the most learned Bralzinin of the
time, his acceptance .being secured by fabulou::1 Dakshina at
the time of Shivaji's coronation. But recent research has.
shown that this connection was accepted and known in the
Deccan long before Sbivaji's coronatioµ. What Chitnis.
achieved was its acceptance by the· Udaipur Darbar, his.
visit to Udaipur being undertaken with this view. Even
if the Bhonsles of the Deccan believed . that they were- .
descended from a Sisodia king, it was necessary that the
Ranas of Udaipur should accept the truth of this tradition
and give the .necessary sanction, viz., qf t~eir recognition of.·
· ·them as their kiusmen . .

The first document on which we rely_ is a letter of

Shahaji himself (printed in this volume) in which he asserts.
that he is a Rajput, (See p. 211 Ramadasa Ramadasi-
Part XV_.) It is suggested that the word merely means
that he was a warrior, but I have no doubt' that he really
meant what the word usually' means, when we consider.
that the Radha-Madhava-Vi]asa-Champu; a poem compos·ed
by his court-poet Jayarama, actually mentions his ~escent. · _
from the Sisodiya Uda~pur family •. The important verse in·
this connection has unfortunately been misinterpreted by the· .
late Mr. V. K. Raj wade who consequently was confronted:
 85
·with a puzzle, though .he solved it (to my mind unsatisfac-
~orily as I will just show) with his usual ingenuit¥. The·
.,-verse runs as follows : - ·
;+l'f~T fiij~h-ii.~ m {TIJli I ~'jq-r~ ctll:;:.~T ~cii ~~l-1' :ITUTr II
,~ ~f m~ ~ ~faT I ~Tif ~ zj-g ~Of ~I 85. II m
(Radha-Madhava-Vilasa-Champu) p. 267.
· Now this verse clearly begins with the statement that
·" among the kings of this earth the Chief is the Rana." This
-descr_iptio"n with the name Rana, clearly refers to the
.Ranas of Udaipur. The secoo,d line was translated by
.Rajwade as" Know that in his family was born Balipasa",
the third and the fourth lines being that " Maloji who built
a tank at Sambhu Mahadeva was born in his line. " Now
Rajwade was puzzled with the question who Balipasa was:
,and he· thought tliat it was the Pra~rit form of Avq,nipasva.
But the difficulty is that though names ending in Asva are
:to be found in the Solar line, yet in the Sisodia or rather
the Guhilot family line founded by Bappa Rawal at Chitod,
.thero is no such name ending in Asva. (Vol. II p. 81 and
.III p. 153). Moreover, I think Rajwade missed the impor-
·tance of the word Rana which clearly-indicates the Ranas
-or later kings of Udaipur. And further there is no such
.name fo the genealogy of Maloji connected by Chitnis with
,the house of Udaipur. ·
It appears to me that the word Balipasa is· really the
-dative form of Balipa ; the line meaning "Know birth to
. Balipa in his (Rana's) family .. " Now this Bali pa is plainly
.a misreading for Dalipa as din Modi and even ·in Balbodha
-often appears like b. The writer of the manuscript pro-
·bably committed this mistake; or if the manuscript ·which
Rajwade had before him co~ld be had for inspection, we
might detect the mistake even now. I think, howev~r, that
:it is. unnecessary to take this trouble as the word is clearly
:the dative form of Balipa which is a· miswriting or misread-
jug for Dalipa. Now in the genealogy. of the Bhonsle
 86'

f~mily now accepted, the line branches from the Udaipu~

hne fr?m- Lachmansing, whose younger son Dalipa not beino·
heir to the Udaipur throne is lost to that line. And fror:
him is descendea' Maloji through Bhosaji, his so·n . I am not.
sure if_really there was a Bhosaji, for bards and genealogists -
-invent a nilme he·re and .there to explain the family names.
· We actually thus find iri a 'fatet Rashtrakuta . inscrip-
tion the name Ratta, which probably was inserted to explain·
the family name. But Ratta is plainly the Prakrit form of·
Rashtra, ·and Rashtrakuta or head ofa province wns ·an official·'
title common in MaharashtI'a as ·appears from some in ~1
scriptions ( See our Vol. Ill M. H. I. ). · Moreover Jayarnm .
would probably have mentioned Bhosaji alsq, · or Bhosaji-
alone, if he bad given bis name to the family. Then _again.
the word Bhonsie is transformed iuto Bhrisa:bala by Para"·
mananda . Kavi in his Siva-Bharata · and· hence w~s not
thought to be derivable from Bhosaji. Whatever 'the true
origin of the name Bhop.sle, (Rajavade's derivation ·of i_t
from Bboja is unacceptable ), we cannot but accept that
Jayaram's verse above quoted shows, that the tradition
current in Shahaji's time and before Shivaji's coronation
was, that the Bhonsl"es were descended from one Dalip-sinh
. born in the family of the Ranas of Udaipur. Clearly,there-
f?re, the Bhonsles are Kshatriyas par excellence. Siva-
Bharata does riot directly refer to this descent but notices
it in the statement that Malavarman was born in the
Solar Vamsa, of which the Guhilots of. Mewad were no
doubt the most illustrious repr~sentatives then. •
It would. have been interesting to come aaross a list of-
96 Mara.tha families drawn up in pre-Maloji days. That
such .a· list then existed is clear fr.om the Sinhasana-Battislti"
of Mahalingadasa (already quoted), w.ho wrote about 1550·
A, D. Mahalingadas does not mention the Bhonsles, but
as his enumeration is not e~haustive, the name may ~r may-
not have been OU the li~t then. But 'it is certain that the·
family hnd not then attained eminence,· which it nttnined-.
 87

undoubtedly from Maloji-as inferrable fro.m the Siva.Bharata

which commences its account from Maloji only. But it i&
permissible also to iiifer that the family was a later addition
to the Maratha families from Rajputnna. We know.Rajput
adventurers always came to Maharashtrn to seek fortune,.
especially in Mohammadan .t imes. The great· famine of
Maharashtra again, which . fell in the latter part of the
fourteenth century, afforded also advantages for· influx of
w·arriors, and it seems probable that a S'isodia adventurer
came to Maharashtra and acquired the headship of some
villages in the Nagar District. The Kshalriya warrior
wouid never settle but as the ruler of a village at least, i. e ..
as Patel. By the bye, the word Patit is also a foreign
import into Maharashtra, though it is now common all over
the Deccan and even in Konknn. It came into Maharash-
tra from Malva along with Jfohammadan or .Rajput
conquerors. In the 12th century the word appears only
·in Malwa records, while in Hindustan and in .Mubarashtrn
the word used was Gram-Pali or Mahattara, both of which
survive in Konkan only as Gamot and Mhatre (See Vol. III.
Medirevar Hindu India p. 460.). It is permissible to infer
that the word Patel was brought from Malwn by these
later Rajput immigrants.
Another argument which supports the Rajput descent
of the Bhonsles is the name suffix 'ji ' in which their names.
invariabiy end. The Maratha name-ending was und is still
'Rao" which we find used eve.n in Shivnji's days in such
names as 'Hambirrao .Mohite'. 'Ji ' is a name.ending usually_
used by the ~aj~ut~. And the exclusive use of, ji' in t11e-
Bhonsle famtly md1cates their consciousness that-they were.
Rajputs. It is a corruption of Sinb into si and ji.
·which Bhonsla came first to the Deccsn fro!Il th e ·
Sisodia family of Malwa is not ·clear, though it must ba_~e
been .a fifth _or sixth ancestor of Bnbaji, father of M~li~
":hose name is established by records .actua11Y fou~a11iu·-
h1s name as a Jahagirdar of. Pedgaon_ ( p~ 1 . o
 88
District. The names of twelve ancestors before 1lal6ji
given in the. Brihadiswara inscription, are imaginary,
being a multiplication of the· • name Ekoji, founder
-of the .Tanjore family, . and these again do not tally
with the names given ill the accepted genealogy. The
writer of the inscription had, probably, no source open . to
him, except Siva-Bharata and the latter simply gives the
solar vamsa. of Maloji. During these hundred er two
hundred years, the Bhonsles formed connnection with the
Maratha families of the Deccan. We know that there was
a Rathod family founded by a Northern Rathod in Baglan,
( See Rushtrnndhra-vamsa ) and Maratha local ruling
families bad no objection to form connections with Northern
Rajput families settling among them. In fact such
connections bad gone on from centuries. i\faloji's wife
was thus a daughter of the Nimbalkar family. \Ve have
already shown that race depends on seed and soil according
to the Hindu Law, and as the ladies who came into the -
Bhonsle family, ~ere from the 96 Kuli Maratba Kslzatriya
families, there is no question that the Bhonsles must
be counted as pure Kslwtri'yas •

. A difficulty arises here in explaining how the Bhonsles

have _the Kausika Gotra, while that of the Gubilots of
Mewad is Baijawapa and their Veda i:3 Rigveda, while that
-of the latter is Yajurvedc:. But it is not impossible that
these Rajputs who came into Maharashtra should ,have
forgotten their Gotra, for the Maharashtra KsM:triyas. had
already forgotten theirs. · And further the theory of the
Mitakshara of :Mabarashtrn is that Kslz.atriyas ha:ve no Gotras
of their own, but have to take the Gotras of their Purolzitas.
The Bhonsles mu,,t have taken new Purahitas in 1\fabarashtra
and thus their Gotra is Kausika and their- Veda Rigveda.
The Rajopadhyes who are the acknowledged priests of
the Bhonsle family now, do not seem to have been these
first Pu-rohztas/ for, from _inquiry, I iind that - their
-Gotra is not Kausika but Sakalya, though their Sutra is
 89
.Asvalayunn. Their original hnbitat is Arvi and their
trnJitiou i:; that thoy cnmo with the Bbonslcs from Uduipur
itsdf, which is, of courne. not belfovn.ble. Not only is their
Gotm diiforcnt but thcy urc Dcccani B11:i:mins. ln 11bout
1300 A. D., tlfo gulf b\!t,\·cl!n tbc peccn.ui and the ~falwi
Brnhmillll Willi uubridg,.mblc, though there wns no such
gulf between J{siwlriyas and :\Iurutlrntt. The inference fa
mrnvoidablc tlrnt the first Dho1rnlc who nettled in the Nagur
District, had a, difforcnt Purohita. The Arvik:us, no doubt,
stuck to tho I3honslcg from the <lays of I3abaji, a:; nppcnrn
from their grnnts.
An<l hero l may refer to tht! objection raised in the
court of T:mjort.l that tho :\fornthus do not npptar to have
kept up the Smrili la\\' of ~1sa9otra marriage enjoined for
doi;as, trnd that hence the ~lur:it}mK arc not Kslzatri)·as.
Tbiri objection doc:. not avail, far tht! Ji.'slwtr(ra.,· even of
Northern India lrn.vc prncticull}' given up the law of
Asagotra marri:q~c, naturully enough owing to the fact that
Rslzafri'ya f:unilic:; lrnvc g,.mcrnlly ior,;otten•thdr gotras nnd
sccoudly, under the \Vrong diet.um of J[ita/;sl11m1 th:1t J{slza-
triyas have no gotras of their own, A.':i·l:atriya fiuuilic::; htl\'6
often ch:mgc<l their Go!ras :;inciJ thl! days of their udvont
into :\luhurnshtrn though not before, (vidc our history of
• ~fodia;vul Hindu India Vol. Ill); but tho J{slzatnj'as auu
even the v·ai\ras have substituted the J..."u/i sy~tcm in
plncc o( the gotra tty:;tcm, it bdug in fact 1m<l origin based
ou th~ latter. Th..i 36 ](:dis t.lnumcrntcd luwt.! bccoml! the
_gotras for thcliu l(sl1atri'yas; 11:iy, we even fiud from
inscriptionn in the North that fomilr uames lrnvc become
gotras. Thus we lrnvo Guhilu-gotr,: und Prntihar-gotra
mentioned in itrncriptious imi.tcL\d of the Rishi .<Jotras;
~m<l in tho sumc way in the 96 Kuli lit-it of tht.! Mnruthns,
whom the fumily has forgotten its gotrn, the family name
in given Un 9otru. The rule observed nmong Rujputs and
Northern Kslwtriyas now hi, that a duughtor cannot be
given iuto a family having the same scpt.unmc out of the
 90
36 orthodox family names. Thus a Rathod· girl can never
be mnrri~d into a Rathod family. The same . rule ii:.,
observed among the l(sllatriyas; n.Mohite girl for instance-
can never be married to .a Mohite. The gotra system is
thus practically obsen:ed among the Marathas as
it is..
among the Rajputs.- And the objection of Sagotra marriage-
cannot be raise9- in this controversy.
Tl~e Bhonsles must have ceased to perform the-·
Upanayana ceremony of their boys in the wake of the-
practice of the 96 Maratha Kshatriya J(u/is of .l\faharashtra .
and this explains why Sbivaji'a Upana;,an·a was not .
performed till the day of his coronation. But he was an
undoubted Kshatriya and even after bis 20th year (the last
allowed year or Anatilahala for Kshatri'yas), his Uja-
nayana ceremony could be performed after the necessary
expiation was gone ·through. Shivnji's ·upanayana_ places-
his family as regards Kshatriyasli1p on a higher ground
and as Upanayana was stopped under the r.scendancy of
the Peshwas who pr.obably were oppressed by the dictum
prevalent in Mabarashtra at the time viz. that there wer~-
no Kslzat;iyas in the Kali age, the Bhonsles had every
right to resume the practice. But, as stated before, whether
Upanayana was performed or not for all the Bhonsles, their
I(shatriyaship d_oes not depend upon its performance•
and they are still J(shatriyas though Vratya; apd the ·
rules applicable to Kshatriyas o_n all matters accor~ing to_
Hindu Dllarmasast,a and_not to the Sudras, will apply to
them also.
The question whether Sudra cooks are employed in the-
Tanjore Bhonsle family or whether the family. takes
food in the company of Sudras is wnqlly irrelevant. Far the
Smritis declare that food can be taken from several Sudras :
called· satsudras. And in Vedic times Brahmins took
food usually prepared by Sudras: The . pohibition against
taking food prepared by Sudras is a Kaliva,ja prohi_bition,..
which is at present observed only ·in the breach of 1t even..
 91
by Bralmzins. But this mal-practice has not even the
importance of the non-performance of Upanayana or of:
sagotra marriage end cannot be tho~ght . of as fending to
degradation of Varna. The Bhonsles 'though they take
food prepared· by Sudras, are as good Ksfzatriyas as the
Kslzatriyas of the North, who too do not observe this
restriction strictly.
I now come lastly to the question of sword-marriage~~-
which is really the most difficult question in connection
with the J(shatriyas!zzp of the Bhonsles of Tanjore, but not
of the Bhonsles of the Deccan. For neither at Satara nor at
Kolhapur have we the mention of such .marriages. There
ar~ regular legal marriages performed in both places and
legal marriage is an important factor in the determination
of Varn_a. The verse already quoted of .Jlanu defining
Varna or Jati contains the word Patni which l)lean.s a·
legally married wife. The word Akshatayoni is put in, to,
draw attention to the fact, that the progeny of wido\VS re-
·married could be somewhat less pure in caste, though even·
a Paunarl>lzava is not a Sudra, ns an illegitimate: son born
of a Sudra wife would be. The question in Tanjore·
Bhonsle family is, whether a sword~wifo is a legallr married·
wife. ~ This form of marriage is sometim.es observed in
•the north;· it is a relic of the time when Kshatriyas married
women .from lower vamas. A bride of the same varna as
_ ;he bridegroom has to tak_e his band, while the next varna.
bride takes an arrow or a Pratoda or goad or the skirts of the
bridegroom's apparel, according as she is a Kslzatriya, Vaislz;a.
or S' mira varna. These have now ceased and sword-mar-
riages of women of the same varna are an anomaly. lf the·
woman is a sudra, the progeny of such marriage between a-
Ksizat,iya and a sudra would be in these days counted as
Sudras according to other smriti texts though not of .1.l1anu ..
The pertinent question according to my view would now be
whether sword-marriages are legal, for marriage relation
may be established by living together a's husband and wife
as in Gandha1va Vivalza, recommended for J(slzatriyas,.
and as several differen.t· forms have been recognised
 92

·Jn di~eren_t provinces by the people and even by the re-

spective _High Courts as legal. · But the real question would
-·be whether the sword wife is of the same varna or a sudra.
-It is difficult to ·determine at ttis da v wh\!ther the mother
--of Maharnja Pratapsing alltged to be
a sword-wife was a
.i\'!arntha woman. 1f she was not a Sudra, Maharaja Pratap-
·smg must be looked upon as a J{slzatriya Maratha. In the
,case of Mabadaji Scindia we know that he was the son of
·Ranoji Scindia by a Rajput S\Yord-wife and hence be was a
J(slzat,iya. The difference between the sons of a formally
married queen and the sons of a sword-wife was and is
;maintainable, properly enough, following the shastric example
· of 12 sons. In the presence of Aurasa sons, others bad
no right, but in their absence they would and should succeed.
The succession of l\fo.badaji Scindia was recognised by the
Pesbwas, wisely no doubt, from political motives as be was
the most capable man then available to succeed to the
·.power. They recognised it perhaps because they thought
·it to be a succession in a sudra family. But even from the
point of view that the Scindia family is a Maratha Kslzatriya
family, the z:,Uccession of Mabadaji cannot be impeached, as
his mother was of the same varna as that of the father. But
where the alleged sword-wife is not a Maratba but an
.admitted .szsdra, the question becomes involved from the
.difference of Smriti texts.
i.llanu Smriti bas wisely said even in those pre:Chris-
·tian days that families descend in purity by bad marriages•
-cnr 42). ~fij1'rqa: w,~ci'&"-'ij;:{lf wrra ~ 1 Ar.wij1~a, i°lr
-n~f~IRci,;iQ'l._ I It is necessary_ that l\faratha- Kshatriyc:s
-should strictly maintain the sanctity of marriage and
·marriacre
0
in the same vama if they wish to keep their
.J(shatri;·aslzip unblemished. But princes will have many
queens and hundreds of sword-wives. Even Dasaratha
had fthree hundred and fifty of the latter and Shrikrisbna
bad sixteen thousand wives who were probably not
J{slzatriyas. Judicial courts, however, may assist in up-
.holding the sanctity of marriage, though their task becomes
..difficult when such unions come for legal decision.
 Shivaji, the Hu1nan King
A Joumalist's lnterpreta_tion o/ India's Greatest
Character
HY
If. GEORGE FR~lNKS.
--: 0 :--

Few men have c,uvcd their 111101c docper in the-

bistorr of their country th:m Shivnji, the Mnrntlrn hero ;
and fc\-..·. men huYe been subjected to such u storm of
abunc on the one burn!· nnd udorntion on the other as this
same Shivaji. Historians und biogrnphcrs l.mvc either
gone into rnpturcs over hi:; mighty and miracu!ous deeds
or else rn.nkcd him with the very imps of the demon in
their in.tcrprctutiou of mauy of hi :i historic actions. By·
some hi:: hns been clnsscd n:; n god nud by others he bus.
been called a devil ; by some he is looked upon us a snint
to be worshipped nnd by others rngardcd ns n sinner to
bo cursed. And bet\Yeeu these clusscs there lmi; \Yuged an
interminable bnttlc, with wore.ls nB \Ycapons, nnd us . u
re£ntlt. the 11ttncks mncfo upon hiH memory havo been
• infinitely more bitter thnn any cnrried out by the great
:\forntha him:ielf nt the most critical periods of his caroer.
The pens of his modern nssuilnnts lmvo undoubtedly been
far far kecnt!r than ever wns the bludc of B!,awani' s
sword when wielded by Shivaji.
It hns occurred to few hii,toriuns to look upon Shivuji
n:; neither a imint nor n devil, but us n humnu being.
Yet he wn:i nothing if not human. True, ho was fired ·
with extrnordin:iry umbition ; but we find in these days.
men nnd women with equal ambition. He wns admittedly
fond of ndventure ; but so nrc people today. Ho loved
power, und rnude no bones about getting it; but far worse
efforts to get nncl hold power ure mnde toduy even in
 94

'business circles. Likewise he was pr.01:1d ; but who would

, not have been, if they had built up a mighty empire and
·welded ·. together a sturdy · people who had never befor~
·known n renl leader? True, :also, he gathered unto himself
much riches; hut, unlike many people of these times, he
did not spend it on himself but rather on the good upkeep
and. progress of bis' empire. In a nutshell, the great
Shivaji was ns human us most people, and more human
than many, for he manifested in the seventeenth century
charucteristiCR which frequently · have to be searched
·'for· with telescopes and microscopes in this twentieth
·-century. And when regarded as a human b~ing with
·great ambition, justifiable pride, ·a Jove of adventure, a
. desire for power, and an unquenchable spirit, we have to
1ook upon him as being fallible, and. also as being liable
.-to be carried away with excitement, love of life, and a
desire for self-preservation t'o the extent of doing things
·which probably he himself ~vould condemn if asked to give
judgment on them from · a purely judicial and mora1
-viewpomt. · ·
If we could arrange for Shivaji himself to be present
·~t the forthcoming ter-centenary celebrations of his birth, or
.. ~t the ~nveiling of the magnificent statue at Poona, which .
is the' firstfruits of the AU-Indian Shivuji Memorial Scheme
. ,
.is it possible that he would st~nd up and tell the ·w_o rld
.that he never made a mistake and that he never regretted
. a single action ? Far from it l Without a doubt he would
refer to several incidents which he woulg like .expunged
from · the pages of history if he desired only the good to ·
-remain on the books of record ; aithough even if he had
this opportunity, the character ef the man was such that it
·-.is extremely doubtful whether he would avail himself of
it. A study of his eventful career shows that above every.
1:h~ng else he loved to be regarded as n human being, and
11ence it is inore than probable that he would wish to go
.. down to history as a man who mnde mistakes as readily ai:.
 95
J1e made conquests, as a man w:ho was as frail in nature
,as any other man who had ever lived. He would surely
"l'ernind the world that, after all, it has been his later
·friends, and not himself, who have placed him upon the
·saint's pedest~l ; that i_t has been his modern enemies, and
·not himself, who have P,ainted · him with all the b,Iackness
--of the priuc~ of treacherous demons. And with one· of
, those rapier-thrusts of humour not untinged with irony, it
.is probable that he would remind the present generation
·that his enemies are dealing with his dead body in much
·the same way as they accuse him of dealing with Afzul
.Khan's live body, the only difference being that Afzul Khan
·was present ·to defend himself.
But suppose we invite Shivaji in imagination to be
·present at this year's celebrations in honour of his great
work. \iVhat would he tell us ? He would probably
,desire rather to be interrogated in the form of an
interview. · So let us proceed in that way.
· " Good morning, Shivaji Maharaj, you are a most
·welcome visitor. \iVithout delaying you too much, L
-desire to ask you just n few questions: In the first place,
::although I hesitate t::, suggest that you write your own
·epitaph, could you state what motto you would select to
·be placed on the pedestal of your statue ? I really want
.a motto that will typify your life's ambition aqd work. "
Thus spake the journalist:.
" \Vith µleasure, " replied the phantom· of the
:great emperor. "Neither will it be a difficult task nor one
which will make me look egotistical. All my life I carried
-out a policy which is now being made so much of, namely
., Safety First.' If you look at all my actions, particularly
-those which are criticised, you wiU see that 'Safety
1First' has dictated my every move. This motto was
·responsible for my . first ambition of empire-buildina o,
because · I saw that unless the Marathas put their own
-.safety and interests first, they would be completely wiped
 06

out us n Repnrnto pcopk. And lmving ouce nbsorbcd that·.

idcu, my wholo cumpuign from ·tho outset wus guided by·
tho warning, ' Snfoty first.' Having been tho originator
of the plnn for l\fornthn. omuucipution, I think I wus.
justified in bolioviug thnt, for tho time being nt lcnst, its-
su~ccss .depended upon my leadership, und so the safety
of the nowly-bom nation rostcd primarily Qpon my own
safety. Aud in nclopting such nn attitude, 1 do not think.
I -wns tnking more upon myself thun su::h mQn us your
Lloyd Gcorgo and Kitchcnor <luring the· grcnt World Wnr •.
You munt remember tlmt I bud i,tnr'ted out with the one·
idcu of freeing the Murnthus and snviug them from
obliterntion or abttorptiou. This huudful of scattered
peoples were throntened by MohnmnmcJuu kingdoms on all'
sides, even if their own ndmiuistrntive chaos did not of
itself prophesy u speedy termination of their existence •.
And us my little empire grew nnd extended, the anger nnd
shame and determination of those Muslim neighbours grew
correspondingly. More thun ouo price was put ou my
bend, thu~ forcing me to n<lhere more strictly thun ever to·
my motto of 'Snfety First.' . When 1 ran out of money,.·
my authority wns jeopardised, und so for safety's snke, I
was compelled to make rnids on places where there was.
money if they would uot pny tribute ; when my life was
tbrentened, I realised that snfo wns he whose cause was.
just, ~ut · snfer he· whose blow wus first; aud when the-
lives of my soldiers were at stake, the snfest and most.
human method of conquest was by strutegy rather than
by force. I certainly feel no shnme in being regarded us.
one of India's first national exponezits of thnt popular policy
of today, 'Safety First.'"
1t was obvious that nu interview with the spirit of
Shivaji was no difficult mutter, und that it was necessary
only to set him going, nnd he would tell his own tale. So·
the next move w·as to suggest that he· tell in his own words
the incidents. connected with the four panels around the:
 97

pedestal on which will stnnd tho great bronze figure of the

most outstanding nnd human personulity of India. And
this is whnt the famous l\foruthn snid, standing, us it were,.
in the shadow of the swnllow-tuiled Bhagwa-Zenda, the
ornnge stnndnrd of the royal line : -
111 suppose the four incidents which have been selected
ns typical of my buay life are designed to represent my
religious faith, my wurlike activities, my respect for
women, and my final triumph ns emperor. And I must
admit that I cannot suggest nuy better examples. I must
also confess my pleasure that the panel illustrating my
worship of the Goddess Blum;ani fa being curried out in
marble instead. of bronze ns being typical of the purity,
solidity, universality, 1rnd individuality of religion.
" I receiyed that famous sword very early in my career
us u token of u compact with the Chief Gowulknr Sawunt.
It bud been suggested to mo on my way to the pince where
it was being kept thut I . should take it by force, but .re-
membering what tremondous storms are sometime:; raised
by unnecessary trifles, I thought it better to leave it to its
owner, especially us its pm.session was not a mutter of
life nnd <lcuth to me. In the end, the wise chief brought
the swor<l to mo us n· sign of amity even when he knew
that its purchase-price wns not to be measured in blood.
From tbut dny onwards the sword, ,vhich I reverently
named ufter my tutelary deity, B/imvani, always nccom-
panied me, its resting-place when not in use generally
being the nltar of the goddess, to be received back from her
as u visible favour from heaven, always on the Dasara dny
when. setting forth on my campaigns. I am told that the
sword is now at Saturn, but I am afraid that I cannot
verify it until I can see it to identify it. The fine Genoa
blade 3 feet 9 inches in length, might, in fact, be my other
favourite sword which I culled Tulja, presented . to nie b,~
my father.
13-1-!
 · 98

"Of the oth;r upright panel, cast i~ bronze, perhaps ~

o:
·s hould _say little. Although I had captured large sum of
money on the wny to Bijpaur and had reduced the strong ..
. hold of Kalyan w~1ence . the - money came, I did not feel
. that my conquests entitled me to hold as captive the brave
· . Sublledar of the district. . Still less could I take· advantage
of his daughter-in-law, and· the praises of her beauty from .
my generals were no warro.nt for her being made my
property. She was undoubtedly beautiful, and,. if I can
remember correctly, I remarked at the time that I only
wished my own mother had been as pretty ao· that h~r sari
.:Shivaji might have been more handsome; but I seize9 this
oc;_casion to lay down very definitely the Ia,v amongst .· my
men that he who strives after victory should first conquer
his own passions and not covet · the , women of others.-
.And in any case, all subjects of a king, even though th~y
· be conquered, are his children and hence worthy of respect
Honour to nll women is an integral part of a policy of
·'Safety First!
"The remaining two panels which run lengthwise on
the pedestal need but little explanation. · The one shows
me in the midst of battle at Vani-Dindori near Nasik in
·October 1670, this being one of . tbe stiffest. hand-to-hand·
battles the Marathas fought agi;iinst the ·Moghuls. For
hours it ·raged, :.m4 finally by the stubbornness of-my ·
. bra:ve '. tr.en, the dangerous advance of the Moghuls into the
D~ccan was stemmed for more than n m~m_th; ·
•
11
'fhe fourth panel has a peculiarly sentimental interest
for me; as it 'depicts my coronation festivities at Raigarh.
You· ·can eee me seated on an eight-pillared 32-cornei:e'd ·.
throne, canopied with a · cloth of gold · from which hung
festoons of pearls. Around me are my eight · Ministers,
whilst' in the distance, wearing a tall hat, is to \fo seen the
English ambassador, Henry Oxenden, after presenting me
·with a ·dintuond ring. I believe I have b~n criticised fer
spending half a crore of rupees on the coronation festivities,
 .' . ~, ' ..
Shiv:i.ji rec~ire.s.sword from .. -'·v. P: I{a~ma~ka~1
'God1cs;; Bh~~.1.ni. Sculptor.•
 •• :,·. •'... •• • . ~~,r ' ; ·, . ... _:' -_ ... . ~-:-:-r-:::
_.,-,:-.r.----:--,-.,:,-:,,,~-,.--:-,--,--,-------
' ' •' • • :~ ~ ' • • '• ·~ • . • , ~,. ~. I~ . :.. , ..... '*;~-···,.•

Shivaji and the capti,e daughter-in-law of the Subhedar of Kalyan.

V. P. Karmarlnr,
Sculptor.
PHJTO PRl:,TEO AT SPREE LA XMl ·ll~RAWl PRESS, BOMBAY UO . 2,
' ;_ , -.

. r
:; .. ··,
.. i: ',
: I,·
--~ t. '.
·l
~!>
T I

.r.

L: -

·-.
:-.
0
"'d
C
5

.(
t' '
i
I
f '~
1 ·..
1· ... ·/,
but here agniu I think I might nttributc it" to my 'Saiety
Firnt' policy, for if I hac.l not phlinly demoustrnted the
greutuc;;s of. m;- uo\Y Empire, it is mora tbun probt1ble thut
mimy of my Cl\mpnigus would lrnvc hnd to be fought all
over ngnin.''
It .was obvious tbut the phnutl.)IU Shivaji wns now
dl!sirous of keeping anottrnr appointment, after having
treated a new:;pnpcr mun with the same courtesy thut the
real Shirnji gave to Qutb-Slmh nt Hyd,m\lrn<l in 167i when
he told him about mnny · of his famous exploitH, the indolent
voluptuary of Golkondt1 listening with l.!qually enrnpt
nttentiou. But pcrirnps what would nppcnl to the-people of
this ugc more, would be a repetition of that famous trip
round th"· Dcccan in which Shivaji took his father Shuhaji
to all hhi principal fortrc:;scs und reli\ted to him on the
spot the thrilling inci<lentn connected with each. To make
such a tour "in tho footstepn of Shivnji" in these days,
with only broken walls nn<l shattered ruins to speak of the
days of past glory I would be well worth the tnking, but
;:;p~ce does not permit its rccitnl here,
 Rajwade's Contribution ·:to·._;·._--:i::._ · ,
Marat];la History .. .
BY
A. N. SURV.E) B. A., L~. B., J'. p'.. '
It is curious but none , the less rem·a rkable th~t the
year preceeding the Tercentenary Celebrations · of the
Founder of the Maratl~a Empire should be marked with
the passing away, in quick succession and that too within
n. few months-of notable pioneers who had zealously-
worked in the reconstruction of the true ~nd national
history of Maharnstra whose soul was Shivaji the Great.
The year 192 6 proved a disastrous one to the devotees of
research in the fields of Maratha History. The first to
fall was Khare Shastri. He was followed by Rao Bahadur
Parasnis, Vinayakrao Bhave and .Mr. Rajwade. The last
named died on the 31st of December 1926. But not bei~g
satisfied with the heavy toll he had levied, Death S\Vooped
down and carried away· ~ao Bahadur Sane on 1_7th March,
1927,.the last and oldest of the gallant troop of Maratha
historians. These persons have rendered very valuable
service by the researches they made, leading to the
exposition of many errors-both deliberate and -uncon-
scious-and to the restoration of historical characters who
had bee~ maligned by foreign historians, . whose false
histories tended only to retard instead of promote the.
growth of patriotism in the youth of the land.
Among the illustrious names mentioned above, it will
be ungracious to pick out -individuals and to arrange them
according to precedence. Every one of them has made-
valuable contributions according to his ·abilities and
opportunities and Maharastra must indeed be ever grateful·
to them for t_he advancement of the knowledge . of its
history which has resulted from their J~bours. But
judging from the volume of results and endeavour, from.
 101
intei;is.i ty of -desire and devotion, singleness of pursuit and
-new· m~thods, the personality of Mr. Raj wade commands
the spontaneous homage and admiration of all.
The condition o( the History of Mahar~stra about
the tim·e when Mr. Rajwade made up his mind to devote
his life to .research was most pitiable~ He improved it
immens·ely by his re~earches and by tlieir publication •
.He g~ye a new direction to the writing of history by his
direct recourse to the real and faithful material e. g. the
original letters and documents written by the historical
·.p ersonages themselves, or to the decisions given by the
-officers or to the notes left by them at the time when the
-events occurred. These alone form the real material of
true histories, and Mr. Rajwade devotedly ca~ried on the
work of collecting such material, till his death, for three
decades at immense personal sacrifice, under great
- .pri.vations and in a manner peculiarly his ow~, which
.I)lUSt easily secure for h·im the first place of honour among
·the workers in this 11ranch of learning. To appreciate the
:real val:ue of his contributions a short sketch of his life
-will not be only helpful but will also serve for them, who
,desire to follow this pursuit, as a mode] .
. Mr. Vishvanath Kashinath Raj wade, or Visubhau as he
was fondly called, was born on the 8th of Ashadh-Shukla
-of the Shaka year 1786 ( 12th July, 1864. ). He received
.bis high•school education partly at home and partly in the
·schools of Baba Gokhale, Natu, Beaumont and Bhave at
Poona. According to a note made by him, he passed his
.matriculation examination in his sighteenth year in 1882.
He entered the Elphinstone college but later n{igrated to
the Deccan college, where he spent the · years from .1884
to 1890. He took up several optional subjects in turn, but
ultimately passed his B. A. examination with History,,
During the days he spent in the college, he had laid the
foundation o( a healthy and powerful _physique, which
:atood him in good st~ad in after. life in the trials and
 102
privations incidento.l to the labour of love which he had
undertaken, by exerc{se in the - gymnasium, rowing,.
swimming and wnlks.
During his college career he devoted more attention to
extra rer.ding and thinking than to the studies prescribed
for the exominations. · He had studied various subject&
among which. nioy be mentioned Botany, Psychology and
bad also gained some knowledge of French and Persian.
Thus had he equipped himself mentally and physically· for
the arduous task of his life which he was to set to himself.
Deep nnd serious study of the history of i\fabarastra was
begun by him as early as 1888-two years before his.
graduation-the fruit of which he presented to the Maratha
public in 1898 under the titJe of" Materials of the history
of Maharnstra ". The volume contained minute and
trenchant criticism based upon original letters relating to
matters connected with the even~s of Panipat; and. it
formed the first volume of his series entitled the 'Historical
Materials'.
After graduation he took to the profession of teaching:
for three years. Abqut the year 1895, he conducted a
monthly magazine 1Bhashantar' (Translation) with the help-
of a few friends, in which he had begun to publish ·the
translations of Plato's Republic, Montesque-'s Esprit de laws.
and of other standard works.· But by the burning of the·
Vitbal press in which his translations were pr.inted, his·
published as well as unpublished works were consumed by
fire and in consequence he well nigh became penniless •.
To this calamity another was added in the form of his.
wife's death which made him lose all interest in worldly
affairs and prepared him to undertake his great work of
life with.undivided attention and singleness of purpose.
It will not be out of place to mention here a few-
peculiarities of Mr. Rajwaqe. He· attribu~es his acqui-
sition of historical spirit to those sources; viz :-(1) Nibandh-
 103
ma/a-(Essays)-Chiplunknr, (2) l(avyetihas-Sangralui
(Poetry nnd History)-Snne und (3) Nmmit-(Anthology)-
Pnrashurampunt: According to him, the first saved him
from falling into the pernicious habit of writing .nnd con-
versing in English; the second guve him a true inception
of his Mother Country and the lust created in him a love
and pride for the Marathi literature. A word in explanation
of the~e peculiarities-especially the first will be helpful;
The.reason of his being little known inspite of his great
scholar.ship outside this Presidency and even in it among
people whose vernacular is not Marathi is, that Mr. Rnjwade
wrote exclusively in the Marathi language and thereby
voluntarily nnd consciously drew upon himaelf the penalty
of obscurity. His self-confidence was so unbounded that
he said that if the European philosphers possessed the
desire of acquiring knowledge, they will ltmrn the Marathi
langunge and read his works which are written in .that
language. His love for his mother-tongue was so ardent
that he resolutely withstood all temptation of celebrity
w~ich would have been his, had he only condescended to
write out his researches in the English language. _ With a set
purpose bordering almost on obstinacy, he wrote in Marathi
with the twofold disadvantage to himself and to the world
of letters. Foreign rule, he considered, was the cause of the
Marathi language falling on ·evil days. Being the language
of the conquered people it was neglected. Hnd it been
the language of a ruling and independent nation, it would
have been carefully studied even by vVesterners an·d the
fame of Marathi writers would have spread on the conti~
nent of Europe. In order to acquaint the reader with
· the high regard in which he held the Marathi . lang,~;1g~ ~1.
translation of one extra<;:t from his writings is subj:~::;-..:, .i:
the end of this sketch.
From BOS to 1926, for nearly thre~ .:~·~.::=5 ~-i.r.
Rajwade assic;Iuou~ly served fylabarastrn ;.:-::::::::?£ly., ~:!
incidently the whole country, with his c~r::::.::~_:,s =~::S.r~li~-;;;,.
 104
· .An examinatio·n of his clever and monumental work · win
convince anybody of his genius and greatness. Dur.ing
this period he brought out 22 volumes of his ' Historical
_Materials' consisting of .original letters and documents~
wrote six original volumes, compiled three volumes of bis
translations and contributed critical and other articles to .
.10 or 15 magazines and ne\vspapers, which if collected
.~ogether will easily fill three volumes. Thus on an average
he brought out one volume every year. On account of the
publication of these volumes in different places and also
on account of their rarity, the following list of his works
together with the names of places of their publication
will be very usetul.
MATERIALS OF THE HISTORY OF THE
MARATHAS, Vols. 1-22.
Vol. I. :-The Campaign of Panipat, 1761, Shake 1820,
rare, on sale at Bha. Iti. Sans. Mandal-·
Poona.
11 · II. :-Chronology of the Peshawas-Rnre, Granth-
mala.
III. :-Letters etc. of I 707-17 61 ,· rare.
" IV. :-The Peshwa Chronicles (Introduction on value
11

of Chronicles and Bakhars. 2nd Edit.-Chitra-

shala.
11 V. :-Letters of the Kh:irda Campaign,-rare-
Granthamala.
,, VI. :-Letters of the first three Peshawas-An exhaus-
tive note on the philosophy of History,-rare.
11 VII. :-Records of Kale--to be had of Bha. I. S. M.
" VIII. :-Records of the Pant Amatyas (Introduction
to the history of the Marathi language) rare.

11
IX. :-Shivaji papers printed in the 'Prabbat' rare,
atkaryottejak S., Dhulia. ·
 105

. ·n X. :-Correspondence of the times of Sawai Madhav-

mo, to be had of the Bhn. I. S. M.
.,, XI. :-Chaskar Records-To be ht;d of the Bha. ·I. S. M•
_,, XII. :-Rairiker records- ,, ,, ,, ,, ,,
,,, XIII, and XIV. :-Rairiker and Khasgivale records,
Bhat and Mandali-Poona.
,, XV, :-Jedhe and other families contemporary with
Shivaji.-Mr. Mawji.
.,, XVI to XVIII. :-Families contemporary with Shivaji
-Itihas Sangraba, Nirnayasagar,
Bombay •
.,, XIX, :-Con:espondence with Tipu Sultan.
J1 XX, :-Families contemporary with Shivaji, Bha. I.
S. M. Poona.
XXI & XXII, :-Families contemporary with Shivaji.
Itfoas and Aitihnsik, Satk. Sabha,
Dhulia •
. Besides old papers, the original writings of Mr. Raj wade
include essays, articles and notes also, which are mostly
ipublished in the following magazines :-Grantlzam~mla,
,Vislzvavritta, Lokasldkslzana, Sarasvati-mdndir, Raslttrodaya,
Itilzas and Aitilzasik, Ramdas and .Ramdasi, Vzdyasevak,
,Cldtramaya.jagat, and in Kesari, Dnyan prakash and other
newspapers. These writings deserve to be collected and
·reprinted in an abridged form. They may be .classified as
runder:-(1) Historical, (2) Critical, (3) Philological ( 4) Social
-& Sociological (5) Political und (6) Miscellaneous. This
-division need not be regarded as very exact,. because some
of his writings may fall under more than one of the heads
·enumerated above.
The introductions to the I, III, IV, VI, VIII · and XI
·-vols. are very_ important. The interpretation put by
J1im on the ' Panipat Affairs ' in the 1st volume bears a
 106

glowing testimony to the scholnr:1hip of .\Jr. Rajwa.de_

His attack on Bramhen<lra Swami is remarkable ; it pulls-
down the estimate of the Swnrui given by Purnsuis and
clearly bringa out the distinguishing features of Ramdas .
and Brnmhendra. In the 4th volume the subtle nnd clever
anuly&is and examination of the B1:hlwrs of Shivaji und a
critical studr of se\·eral incidents in hi::i life, is very
enlightening.

The philosophical treatment of history contn.ined in .

the 6th \·olume lmubtes e..-en the writiugs ci C::ulyle and
Nietzsche. The iutra<luctiou to the XI th volume is small
but very entertaining nn<l contains a very feeling revelation.
of the inditTerence of our people about their own
history. Hi:i prefaces to the Radha-:\fadha..--Vi!as-Ch:impu.
and the Bt:/,k;r of lfaM,~ariati are oi a twofold character-
historical :u1d sociological. Moreo..-er, ltii.(;s & Aitih::sik·
contains excellent articles on the d-i!plornble condition of
the preseut d11y historiC'.11 research. All these writings-
mark out his deep learning, and stern sense of justice.
Almost every line beara the impress of his individuality.
_)Ir. Rajw:1de's research was very coruprehensi-re. · He-
did not confine it to mere paper and pictures but extenqed
it ta nll ·possible kinds oi historical material. From the·
Vedic era to the pres.ent day, all time became the subject
oi his critical study. Latterly be discarded p:.1per material
:.1nd relied more on the philology of words. He h:id studied
thousands pf place-names and with the aid of knowledge
so derh·ed, he has written a series oi.articles dealing with.
the "First Colonisation of Maharastra" :md has thereby
tried to illumine some parts of its old history which to--
day are a sealed ·book to m.
Literacy actinties oi' :\Ir. Raj wade were as ".ast n:; they
were varied. Such gigantic intellect as his, could n'lt . .
remain confined within the narrow limits_ of history and.-
historical research. It found au outlet in ,aricuEo-
 107
channels, and side-activities which spnce · wouid not.
permit us to handle in this short sketch. Before he had·
crossed the hulf c.mtury mark of -his iife, he had become the
founder of u. new school of history. . By his Ienrning,
hnrdwork and unflagging npplicntion, he achieved much au<l
easily secured a high rnnk among our. lenn1ed scholars.
The measure of success which he obtained secured credit
not merely to Mr. Rnjwadc but justifiable pride to
l\fabarnstrn. Messrs Kirtnne, S:me, Rnunde, Gupte und
others had begun historical research befo,re Mr. Rajwade ·
did, but barring l\Ir. Rnnade the)' could not compete with
him for the honour. As Shivaji became un ascetic for his
country, so did Mr .. Rajwude for the history of his
country.
He had often felt the need of un association . of
historians or n 'ltilwSC! .1llmzdal ', n mention about which is
contained in the introduction to his 6th volume about the
y.enr 1905-nnd ngnin in Raslrtrodc-:ya. At Inst this most
important idea of far reaching consequence took shape in
the foundation of the ' Blwrafo ltilzas Smishodlwk .1.llcmdat '
in 191 O, for the purpose of collecting and publishing the
results of researches which were being steadily mad~ by
various_ workers. He took n 1-ending part in i~s manage-
ment for five years, but Inter dissociated himself from it, -
feeling that his nttention wan requited by other objects.
From n distance he looked upon its uctivities and was often
noticed to express his impatience at the slow prog.ress
made by thnt body.
A glimpse of the restlessness. which he felt mny be
obtained from the memorandum which he made on his 46th
birthday, wherein he notes that, "on the 8th of Ashadh this
Vishn (himself) will commence his 46~h year, which means
that he bas 54 years more to live. During that pt?riod ruuy
he do such actions as will be beneficial to nll the Norld nnd
and strength-giving to his nation. · So fr1r, he has spent
his time in compiling (material for) the national memory
 108
. ··(history), In future he must devote himself to Action-:
.Action-Action, otherwise his life will hnve been spent in
·vnin. He _m ust work nnd toil unremittingly for nt least
.forty y~ars more~ If he will be blessed with health, pure
· nir, good water, clean hnbitution and wholesome food, this
will become possible. God's grnce must abound." .
Mr. Rnjwnde hns mude it clear by his lifelong work
that the tusk of reseurch is· not a mlltter of amusement but
it forms the foundation on which n nntion could b~ built
nud 11011rfshed, .He used. to say that the '' increo.se in the
· number of resear::h-work;ers nnd the.i r nssociutions
accomplishes hnlf the tnsk only,-the other hnlf is dependent
· on money. To obtain it, the need .is very keenly felt of
HOME RULE. There nre rich people, associations and
princes · in tlte Innd, but- they ·hnve not yet developed the
· sense of knowing the WHY, WHERE o.nd in WHICH
·--OBJECT money should be spent for the advuricement of
leo.rniug. The rich can pntroniRe pets, wrestlers nnd even
. mean nctors, but neither the rfoh nor the nssocilltions have
yet cultivoted the sense where-with they could discover the
learned, the research-workers and the lenders of thought·
WhE?n they could do thnt, this lnnd will abound in the
. growth of fine nrts, scienct!'S ::i.nd liternture of n high. order.
To fill up the want cnused by nbsence of money, young
· men must come forwnid to mnke self-sucrifice. 1\fohnrnstrn
.never felt the want of such tu.en before nnd it will uot fe\ll
· it in future," Shivnji used to say 'lt is the Divine pleu~ure
that Mahnrnstrn should become n kingdo~, and similnrly
ivlr. Rnjwade nlso used to express his faith thnt the 11 Proud
people of l\.fohnrnstrn nre the DOERS and the impellers of
those who do". It is the duty of every mnn of Mo.harn~trn
to see that the faith of Mr. Rnjwude is justified, His work
must not perish with him, but it should form nn inspiration
· to · others to wnlk in his footsteps for the purpose of
bringing glory to the· motherland. ·
With a view to acquaint the .render with the work
. of Mr. Rnjwnde n -translation of n few extracts from hiR
writings is given below.
 109
. LOVE FOR l\IARATHI LANGUAGE.
The refined i\fomthi in which the liternture of the past
7 or S centuries is written 'hem become the object of love-
cqunJly to nll the 1\Iurntbus inhubitting the various districts
of ::\Inharustrn nnd the various (Indian) states such UR •
. Buroda, lndorc, Gwulior, Bundelkho.nd, Tnnjore, Gooty, ·
Belluri nncl other:;, Thero is no wo11<ler th(lt the cultured·
lnngungc in which gifted writers like l\lukundrnj, Dnynne-
shwur, Suryujyot ishi, Eknnnth, Tulrnrnm, Rumclas, i\Ioropnnt
und Chiplunlrnr wrote their works, should l,e respected
nlike by people of nll di!ilricts 11nd of nll communitie::;. A
provincinl lungunge is coextensive with the boundr1ries of
the province and the communal dialect with the community,
.
out tlw literary l:rngungc used in writing and speech .
meant for the entire .i\lnharusl rn. Small peculiarities of
is

provincial minor dialects uncl thl.l pueril~ corruptions met

with in communal brogue, pale into insignificance in the
royal court of the liternry language and the only one pure
mother tongue of the i\lnrntlrnH becomes the object of pride,
wonder nnd spontaneous nifcctiQn to· all the people in the
country. The pride which the l\fornthns feel for their
lnnguagc is not vain. No lnngu~ge·in the world cnn equal .
l\lnrnthi in respect of r.bunda1)cc of its vocabulary.
Similnrly its power of mrnctly expressing in clifTerent wnys
a hidden or nbstruse meaning, is uhequullcd. l\Ioreover
the fact thnt muny gifted nnd great writers hnve clothed'
thcf'r sublime, grnvc,· romantic and chnrming thoughts in
this language ·1rns only led lo the grn<lunl growth of
affection, in ever increasing men.sure in the peopll1 of
Mnhnmstrn for this language.
WORK OF THE i\IARATHAS IN INDIA.
The ·chief work of the Murnthns in India wa8 to sprencl'
the :\Inhnrnstrn religion. Wlrnt wns termed the i\fa,harnstrn.
Religion by Sauwrtlw (Rnmdus) did not mean merely Hiudu
religion. 1t included the e:-itllblishment of Swi:ra/vis, tine!
 110
giving profection to cows and Brnhmins •. The Marathas
of thnt time hud clearly realised that in· order to establish
swarajya nnd Hindu religion n.nd to give protection to
cows and Brnhmins, there must be:unity among the people
nnd that to bring nbout unity, ·thd leaders must take the
: initintive. It must not be understood that the Indians
other thun the .Maruthns had not realised these things.
There is good· ground for stating that from the days of
Akbnr, or p.erhaps even before that, the Sikhs and the
Bundelns were alive to the necessity of esta~lishing Hind.u ·
religion and of giving protection to the cows and the
Brnhmins. But history does not show tqat they possessed
the skill, deterrninntion, unity nnd the leadership which
were required for the materialisation of that idea •
.Fortunately Mnrnthas . of th~t time did possess these
qualities and therefore they were able to establish
.SWARAJYA ,vbich secured the original object.
HISTORY.
The desire, the machinery and the .fruit; or the desire,
. the body and- the action,· are the three divisions of activi-
·ties of the human society. To write history is to describe
,these divisions. •
. -
The method of writing history which is considered
. scientifie in Europe is considered equally so in India •
...Whdther the hisfory is political, religious, social or economic
or whether it is of a single notion such as learning,
-wars, culture, Dark ages, or evil thoughts; or whether
·it is of the controlling agency which gives rise to these
:n~tions; the method of writing it faithfully and scientifically
must be tile same in all countries and at all times.
'Faithfulness and the scientific method are the two es~ences
,of the life of History. ·
If students · in schools and coJleges, agriculturists,
-merchants and others, men and women, get an accurate
,kn~wledge of the hi~tories of their own and ·of foreign
 111

countries, then it greatly helps tho nccomplishmcnt · of

untionul objects. If the ordinary people _get n general
idea. of their mother country, religion, government, lnnguuge
und culture, n rcnl love .for their country unturnlly
grow:3 in them nn<l ·t hey chrnrly undcrntand in greater or
less degree their equality or deficiency with others oy
comparing their people with others. Such manifold benefits
accruo from tho gencrnl knowledge of history; ther_e fore
the thoughtful leudcrn of n nntion hnvc nn instinctive and
intense desire to populari:ie the knowledge -of history,
cspecin\ly, their own history. ( Vol. VI. 67 ).
In tho natio1_rn which iiro cager to conquer foreign
tcrritorici; and to {cn<l their own country to prosp~rity,
nearly n)l lenders uro proud ofthdr history, couutry, religion
au<l language. It i:-i but natural for patriotic writers to'follow
this course. In order to create lovu for one's own country
etc., ill the plastic uu<l undeveloped minds of persons,
the only history thut is uccdt?d is thC' one which i:. instinct
with patrioti;;m. ls it possible to crl!ate n love fer ono's
-country \•.-ith n hi5tory which describes its mother: c_o untry
ns beggarly, its nntion ns worthless, its lnnguuge poor, its
t;eligion false, its pcoplo cunning nncJ its unccstors foolish ?
But even such false historiefl nre written by its own
people. These urc termed histories but they arc n disgrnce
to their own country. Authors of such histories write them
with tho object that they ~houl<l be used in schools to .train
youug minds in the pruisc of foreign nations. The two
classes of baneful historiuns viz., those who traduce their
-o\\'.11 country nnd those who prnise foreign ones, cnnnot
exist even for 1\ moment in u free nntion; their growth is
posniblc only in n conquered nation. (Vol. Vl-68).
S.UPFERlNGS OF RESEARCH WOR°KERS.
The work of unearthing historicnl ptlpers, mildewed with
damp and which nre lying in the attics, lumber or nook nnd
corncrn, i~ fr,LUght with considornblo dnngcr. Ordiuarilv
there is no escflpiug n cleun~ing bnth, uud sending the clothes
 ..
112
to · a washerman after completing· the task of hunting out-..,
dusting and se.lecting from old records and manuscripts-
in privafe houses~ More· than half of the time is occupied'
in fighting with ants, _moths and insect_s which are moving in·
and ou~ of the holes in the covering cloth which looks like-
a sieve and ,vbich may- be 'likened to Indra who is ca1led-
the 'thousand-holed'. It is not nn old record if in it arfi
not found . the pieces of old kinkhob, rags of old saris,:
broken tatters of crumbling khadi, decnyed binding laces,·
rotten skin covers and worm-eaten bpar-ds of wood. In the· .
process of undergoing n penance involved in the act of
research of old records, the nose is filled with such repul-
sive odour, the eye-lashes get so· deposited -with dust as
almost to be discoloured, the head is so much covered with
cobwebs as to be i:racticnlly entangled in a net, and sucli-
n painful scrntching sensation is experienced in all the-
pores of the body that for five or ten days· one remains,
:in constant dread· of suffering from the evil effects resulting
from such work,· (Aitilzasik Vividlt Vishaya-2-13).
APATHY OF HISTORICAL FAMILIES.
'While publishing the 'Materials' I have been silently-
watching one curious phenomenon, namely, what are the.
big nnd small princes, JagirdarsJ lnamdars, owners of~
temples and politici:;ms of old days such as Scinde ..
Holkar, ·Gnikawar, Angre, Patwardhnn, Vinchurkar; Pawar,
Raje Bnhadur_, K~lhapurknr, Tnnjnvarkar, Phadnis,.
Pratinidhi, Phaltankar, Bhorkar, Jatkar, Hydrabadkar~
Jaynpurkar, Jodbapurkar and Sagarknr doing up till now ?
Is it fair that an impecunious man like myself should search
their records or documents relating to them and try to print.
them, but wealthy men like them should remain apathetic·
· and indifferent in the matter ? Is it that their ancestors
do not bear any relationship to them ? Their willingness
to enjoy the principalities and jagirs. acquired by their
ancestors, nnd their unwillingness to learn the prowess and·
histor)' of their ancestors are matters which cannot ~e found:
 113
in any other country· upon the earth. ·when Vasudev
Shastri hns sold his houso nod belongings for the purpose-
of printing the records of the Pntwardhuns, of Mirnj, Sangli
Jamkhindi, are· thoy ·sleeping? . 'Ne· have been forced to
ex:claim that Shivaji Mnlmp1.j, Dnmnji Gnikawnd, Pnrnshurnm-
l>hau Patwo.rdhnn were the grnud nud_grent grnud fathers of
only tho research-workers like us and that they did not bear
any relationship to these princes. How great is . the
forgetfulness in· the princes and inamdars about their own
ancestors. ? How heinous is the fault ? This land of Bhlrnt
is famous for its nncestor worship. Is it proper that in
that lnnd the uncestorti sho~l<l be treated i:i this fashion
today?
Let that be. So long us the princes nre sleeping, the-
Jagirdors nre dozing, nnd the inamdars are slumbering,
those of us, who have become o.wake must keep green the
memory of the ancestors of our nation. Though our menns
are limited, they must be dovoted to this righteous end ..
The work must be done single-handed. (Vol. XI Introduc-
tion, puge 9).
'J;HE WORK MUST BE DONE SINGLE-HANDED.
Generally, you will find that the present day tendency·
,of our country is that not even ho.If n person-let alone
many-is born for undertaking any scientific work. There-
fore it is improper to hope thnt there will be a division of
labour in say n fifty or even 11 hundred years. If under
exceptional circumstances one person becomes fortunately
inspired to perform some scientific work and if he can
retain his inspirp.tion till he sees tlie end of it, then it will
be well for him that ho should not expe_c t any help from
any body in this country. (Subant Vichar-page 88).

15-16
 A Savior ·of Hinduism
BY
NANALAL DALPATRA.1.ll J(AVI.
( Rondorod into ~nglish from tbo original Gujarati•
by N. H. Pundla, M.-~\,LL, n. J
I consider it un honour as a Gujarati to take part in the
·Cele9rntion of the tri-centennry of Shivaraj Maharaj, the
hero of l\:fo'harustru. · ·
My salutations to the hero of the re-establishment of
Hinduism, the :-alutntions of all Gujnrnt.: As n representa-
tive of Gujarnt-the grenter Gujarat-I stand up in these
celebrations and bow to the hero qf India. ·
For Guj11rntis the present occasion is a period of
spiritual e:rnltitude.
You will say: This is n celebration by l\.foharastrfans.
·wbnt have Gujaratis to do with it ? What concern has
-Gujarat ,vith it ?
Hi.;tory tells a different story.
1f it is 11 historial fact that Shivaji i\Iabura.j was eleventh .
Jn descent from Prince S11jjunsinh of Chitod- ... ,_ ... _ ... -
. If ·history tells true that Shivnji Maharaj belonged to
the family of Sisodia Bapa Raval- '
Then in that cnse-
It is also history thut Gujarat (Idnr) gave Bapa Raval
to Chitod. Gujarat also ga.ve the Ghelohi Sisodia dynasty
to Chitod •
.If the ancestors of Shivaji Maharaj had Chitod as their
home, then history also records that the home of· the
Mabarauas of Chitod lay in Gujarat. ·
In other words, it i~ an . historical fact that Idar
{Vallabbipur) in Gujarat was the anci~nt home of the
ancestors of Shivaji Maharaj. '- -...,
$See Guj1na~ Section p •. 26.
 115
You bathe in the Gangateertha of Kashi ·and frayag.
'That is Maharashtra.
The µanga.te·ertha at Hardwar and · Rishikesh-that is
·Chitod. There the mother Ganges left the row of
. . .
mountains, and descended on the ·1evel plains of the earth.
Gangotri, the source of the Gauges at Badri Kedar-
-that is ldar (Vallabhipur), that is Gujarat: That is the auspi-
cious plu_ce of the family Ganges of Shivaji Maharaj •
.
In. our country of Guj11rat lies the holy place of
pilgrimage where the family of .Shivaji :Maharaj had its
-origin.
Mabarashtrians, as a reprefientative of Gujarat, as a
·Gujarati, _I feel pride in taking pa.rt in your celebrations.
Next, what agencies shaped Shivaji i.\.faharaj ?
Of course, you a_ll know about it. As the poet Kalidas
says:-
- ·- " - .
~
~ : tttm'.f <{~
..... .\\ I
tt(<(d(4Ht~r

,. I bow to Parvati and Parmeshwar, the parents of

:the world ". . .
Like the parents of the whole world, like Parvati and
Bhagvan Shanker, are the parents of each of us.
To them shouid be the first salutation for giving life
to each of us.
The holy' Shruties recite ~ ~ ) -ttf t ~ ~T <t<f 1 ,
(Respect your mother as God, respect your father as God) .
. -The .first preceptors of Sbivaji Maharaj were •bis
parents-Shahaji and Jijabai.
Even like the rocks of Sahyadri, ,like a Vajra, was
Sbahaji. H.e wus a Saradar of the Islam kings of the
Bahnmani dynasty of Maharashtra ; but he was also a
·swords-man, grim like a Rajput, dignified, self~respecting,
.and wont to stand by his word.
 116
. Jijabni was a creeper from the· tree of
the Jadavas of
Devgiri and could thus claim descent from the Yadukula of
• Shree Krish'nachandra.
Of these parents, Shivaji was born.
The father was born in ·the son ; the son sucked life
and love from his mother and the parents gave him good·
advice 'i_n his youth~• ·
. '
After seeing the in.staliation of her son, having attained
the goal of her life, feeling that there remained naught in
life yet to be done, having performed the ~losing ceremony
of worship at the sacrifice of life, having made b~r name
on earth, Jijabai departed this life ·and ·attained salvation.
The good mother in fact attained salvation while yet
alive. ·
The mother attained all the desires ·of her hear·t· while·
yet on the lap of the Earth.
The third preceptor .of Shivaji Maharaj was bis-
reiigious father, the great Ramdas Swami •.
· The foundation. of life is religion. Religi<:>n~ is the·
foundation of the State. Religion is the mainstay of the.
whole world,-such is the belief of the A!yans.
. ' '

Shri Ramdas Swami instilled and reared these senti--

ments in Shivaji Maharaj.
. Grant Duff has ·stated that Shivaji Maharaj was b9rn
a tiger of Sahy~dri. Wh_at Grant Duff failed ta observe
was that it was the great Shri Ramdas Swami who made an-
Aryan hero of the tiger. ·
Shivaji Mahanij was A.rjun, ho]ding th·e Gandiv bow.
Shri Ramdas Swami taught him the religion of the perfor.m-
ance of duty without desire. The powerful Shri Ramdas-
Swami gave. him the Il:lessage of Gitafi~ conveyed to the.
world from age to age.
 117 .

lt was the great Shri Ramdas Swami .who taught

·Shivraj to unfurl the Bhagva Jllenda, crimson banner, on
. .
-th_e field of battle.
Grant Duff has been able to . understand neither
Ramdas Swami nor his good teaching qf Self-less-ness.
Had he really and truly understood Ramdas Swami and his
:ascetic cloth of flag, he would not, in all probability, have
a
-called Shivaji, a tiger of Sahyadri or Iobber outlaw of
Sabyndri.
Sahyadri bred lions. Shivaji is the Arjun of Sahyadri.
The powerful Shri Ramdas Swami is the · Krishna-deva of
Atjun.
It was Shd Samarth Ramdas Swami who transformed
· the battles of Shivaji into holy sacrifices, who transformed
. the banner of Shivaji into th·e banner of Religion.
Shri Ramdas Swami, the religious father, was the third
,architect of Shivaji.
And the fourth maker and moulder of Shivaji was
Tuljn Bhavani, the All Powerful, the mother of the w.orld,
:the Goddess Tribbuvaneshwari of Tuljapur.
She gave the sword to Shivaji.
So Ramchandraji bad been presented with Brahmastra •
-by Agastya Rishi when entering the precincts of the
·.nandakarnnya forest •
.so did Tulja Bb-awani present the Sword to Shivaji
:Maharaj. 1t was the embodiment of the Great Force for
re-attainment of Swa~aj by India .
.Ihese:Jour were.the creators of Shivraj Maharaj.
Two incidents in the life of Shivraj Maharaj stand out
:before me today. .
Some ~ay have the capture of Toma in view;
--others may · think of the fall of Sinhgad. ' The
J:<'ortress was_ conquered, but the Lion was lost.' Some
 . 118

may remember the Durbar at Agra, . otb·ers may .'rememberr

.the installati_qn ceremo~ies at Raigad. · . ..
My gaze is rivetted, however, on two.other incidents
in _his life. --------- --·--· · · -- ·. -
One, ..the gift of_the E!Dpire to Shri Ramdas Swami.
The pages of history have registered many a gift ; but
it is difficult to find another to mate this.
That was the supreme sacrifice of the goal and success.
of Life. it was' the grand donation· of attainment after·
long striving,
On that occasion Shivraj Maharaj was laying down the ·
exploi~s of a life-time, the labour. of bis life, the _entir~
battlefield of his life; all the powers of. life, his all and all.
life. · .
He was making a present · in the fold of his hands, oC
all Maharashtra, of all Hope of Swaraj, of the erltire ·
regeneration of Hinduism.-·--- ----....__ - ·· .... ·
The episode is well known. .I shall not de.scribe it,.
nor ~epeat it.
Understand how~ver the significance of the incident.
and let it e~ter your soul.
• 0 Aryan Spirit ! What was Shivraj Maharaj present-
ing to Shri Ramdas Swami ? He was pour-ing .ae the feet
of his preceptor,· the wealt~ of a lifetime, the treasury of
his soul.
The great donation· of the All-of-life, stands· ·out before
us today. ·
. _---··-· ...Also. another incident. The hermitage at Alundi, the ·
cottag~ of T~karam, even like that of Sudamaji. As if'
· Krishadev visited Sudamaji.
A desire to ado~n · Poon a was born ~o Sbivraj. " L
shall make Poona tJie ce_1,1ti:~ of the progress ·I. shall Il!ake ·
it the home of my gre.at·
p~we'rs,·the capitnf ~f MaharshtraF-
 119
. .
the Heaven on Earth of the soul of Maharnshtia," such was.
the de~ire 9f Shivraj Maharaj~ ·
The iµinistry · of eight · proceeded to Alundi, bowed ·
down· before the 'snint' und, delivered the message of the
k_ing. · " The king beseecheth you .to come . to Puuya-
Puttana.·
JJ

' The Sudamn 1mid,-"·our. work do.es not lie in the

resort of pleasures, the centre of policies, tliat Dwarika ..
I cliarge you to give t·l1is Ablwnga to Maharnj and tell him
that lze.should 'Rrotect _Religion as lze protects life'_'.
\Vas tlre king offended thereby, or dio he think that
the invitation of Krishna Dev had received insult ?
On no account. Shivnrnj Maharaj ~as made of divine-
earth. He himself. proceeded to the house of Sudamji.
·." Prince o·f Devotees ! Grace by your presence, my Punya-
Pattana. Best of Poets ! come and adorn the grandeur of
· my Empire ! " .
The Prince of Devotees did not accede to the Prince
of the Empire. The Prince of Poets rejected the glories
of Empire. "Oh King !. Enjoy th~ ple~sures of Empire
and fight the battlefield of life. But guard always one-
thing with thy life, namely thy Religion " •.
Historians ,have not called this, the . arrogance of a
poet; students of Time have no~ called this, an in~ult to
the king.
Histor~ans have styled this as the ancient path of the
saints of India. Kauva Muni did no_t go to Hastinapur of
Bharat. Sandipani .1.lltmi did not visit Dwarikn of Shri
Krishna. Ramdasji did not abandon the forest caves of
Mahableshwar, the lairs of tigers and seek protection
witliin the fort walls of Pratapgad. Similarly Tukaram
also did not leave off Alundi at the invitation of the· king
and make Pu.nya-Pattana his abode.
Even upto this day, a palanqµin treads the pntp which
Shivaji trod from Punya-Pattana to Alundi, in remembranc.e
 120
of the reverence of the· devotee and the greatness of the
.best of poets. . .
And to those who read this, I ask~ ·For the last three
centuries, (today three centuries' are completed and we see
the morning of the fourth), What has Blzaratvarsha
worshipped ? H~s it worshipped the mortal frame · of ·.
Shivraj? Has it woshippecl the conquering sword ' of
Shivaji? ·
No, no; Hinduism does not worship that mortal frame
tod(ly ; it does not invoke the All-Conquering Sword in
battle.
. · · ·
.
Hinduism today does reverence a thousand times to
the heroic senti"ment per.vading that Great Heart •
.- .G-~nt1emen, ·ao y~~ .know Shivraj ? Who was Shivraj
Maharaj?
Shivraj Maharaj stands for. the Great.est Hfodu since
Prithviraj ehauhani He was the crown and essence of
Hinduism during the seven centuries, the Great Star of
Hinduism. · · ---········- _________._ .
Prithviraj Chauhan fell·· in the year 1193; Delhi fell
t,,,, also ; with it fell Hinduism; the _sun of the Hindu .Empire.
·V,~ -- -- - -
Shivraj 1\{aharaj dreamed of re-estaplishing a Hindu
' Empire.. " I will conquer Delhi from fts ancient throne,
I wili resuscitate Hinduisin."
That great and burning desire of his he·art, it was not
given to• -Shivraj M~haraj to attain. A descendent of his
-grand-son's minister, for a moment, as .when flinging a
ball in the air, did indeed capture Delhi ~r_ .!l. _s!i()r_t ..while ... -----
. unfurled the Bhagvq, Jhenda on the hoarY. walls of its
.Panda_va-old fortr.ess ; for a little time 1 re-established
Hinduism on . that ancient throne of Bharatvarsha. Fo.r a .
little while, the dream of Shivraj Maharaj came true. ·
But the decrees of Fate had been inscribed otherwise.
It all lived for .a moment,. ·e_ven as a dream.
 121
. .

The· Hinduism of. Bharat today worships the unsatisfied

rriire of his Soul. · It worships the ·Great Desire of Shivraj
Maharaj.
The re-establishment of Hinduism, radiating f~om
·-every fibr.e of his body; th~.k~Lf~~ _such re-establishment-
- Bharat worships today that Great Star of Hinduism of
·the last seven centuries.
Pratap, the Rana of Mewar; Prince Ranjitsingh, the
Lion of the Punjab; anci that great Saint Swami Dayanand
·Saraswati, refulgent in the glow of B1alzmaclzarya, he who
exalted. the Vedas. These three were also the heirs of
•that great Sentiment, they were the mes.sengers of the
· same great_Call.
But $hivraj Maharaj was the crown of them all, the
resuscitators of Hinduism-. .
Th·e ideal of Rana Pratap was of a _negative character:
·"l shall not bow''. Rana Pratap pad sworn· .tliat Mewad
shall not yield to the Mugbals. Maharana Pratap bad no
positive constructive ideal (such as Shivaji had) to ·conquer
· '"Delhi, to . raise Hinduism on its throne, to establish
,Hinduism in Bharatvarsha. •
Ranajit, the-lion of the.Punjab and of the Sikhs,- the
' heroic discipl~ o( Gurus, remained the Lion of the Punjab,
he did not become the lion of Bharat. The ideal. dio not
· come to him to over-bound the Punjab and extend himself°
throughoti_t India .
. And Swami Dayanand Saraswati ? T-he· Swamiji
:dreamed the dream of givi~g rebirth to the civilisation of
:.the East. That Sanyasi con9eived ~he idea of planting at
·the-door of ev€3ry house, the deep religiousness of Bharat,
. the pre-eminent civilisation of- Bhara.t, the· Ved-old culture
-.of Bharat, the true Aryatva of Bharat.
. • Aryatva is immortal, and the dreams of Swamiji will
·-come true in the spiritual progress of the World on this
'..Eartp and beyond.
 12:&

· But today, Swami Dayanand Saraswati is Shri · Ramdas.

Swami devoid of Shivraj. · In the 19th: century, MaharshL
Dayanandji did not come acrot}s Shivraj Maharaj. He ·
was indeed the equal· of Shri Sama rt ha, but be ha_d.. _n~t__th_e .
companionship ·of Shivraj. Maharaj.
The same is the lesson taught by history. Shivra}·
· Maharaj .was the Religious banner on the temple of ·
Hinduism of the last seven centuries.
· Humatiity today worships his .Hinduism, worships bfs ..
grea~ ideal.
. The entire career of Shivraj Maharaj was the Great--
Sacrifice to· the altar of Hinduism; and the awful tong~es·
of fire that emanated from that Great Sacrifice voice the- ·
one great message,'the re-establishment of Hinduism and.
again, the re-establi~hment ·of Hinduism.
To-day the E:Iinduism of Bharat puts upon i~s forehead
the ashes of that G,:eat Sacrificial. Fire; hangs its destiny-·
upon it;_lays down its soul before it.
To honour and to consecrate that great Fire.of the Soul--
such is the object with which this celebration is _lield. ·
.With you all, I too, bow to 'the great one. Salutations-
r.everently. and from the depths of qiy soul, t<? · the Fire of
the Hea~t of that He.ro of Bharat, to that great ideal of the
· Religious Banner, to that bearer of the Gandiv bow of:
Hinduism of the I 7th century.
 Shivaji and th~ Portuguese
By Prof. PANDURANG S. ?lSSURL.EKAR.

Note :-The following tran.qlation of a Document-

preserved in the archives of the Government of Goa throws -
considerable light on the relations between Shivaji and the
Portuguese during the period 1670-167 4. In l 660 and
.1661, Sµiv~ji plundered Rajl;"\pur and captured Danda--
Rajpuri' and all the three powers of the southern Kokan
viz., the Spah of Bijapur, the Siddi and the Savants, .united
against hi~. .These hostilities continued for a. long
tiµie with some interruptions. In 1670, Fatehkhan, the· ·
Siddi who was ·in the Bijapur interest fled to Jaujira and .
was willing to ·surrender even that. But three ·of the other
Siddis prevei;ited this and having deposed Fatehkban put
· themselves and tbe stat'e · under the protection of . the
Mughals-. .Khan Jahan, the Imperial General, sent ships to·.
assist them ~nd during the years 16'70 and 1671, there
. were frequent naval fights between thes~ and· Shivaji's
fleet~ ·
In~ 662, it appears that Shivaji made. peace with the Par-
. tuguese and the lettei: written by the Portuguese officers to -
the Secretary of State show_s that the Portuguese a~s'istanc~ .
. to 'the Siddi frustrated Sbivaji's -campaign against the Siddi ..
Shivaji sent Vithal Pandit his ambassador to treat with the
Portuguese. The treaty was signed on the 10th of
Febr~ary 1670, but as the document goes on · to say, in
November of the same year, ~hivaji captured a Portuguese·
ship n-ear Daman and took it to lJabhol. The Portuguese
capture9 twelve of Shivaji's ships and took them into
Bassein. The Siddis were now as anxious to take Danda-
Rajpuri as \:,hivaji was to. take Janjira, and about the Hal
of 1672, the Siddi took advantage of Shivaji's abse·nce, to.
land and destroy the fortifications. At the same time~ the-
. Sidai took several .forts in the neighbourho~d, one of which.
 :.Jie]d out for n week; after which it surren.clered on the
promise of quarter, but when 700 people had come out,
the Siddi put all the men to death, made slaves of the
<:hildren and pretty women, released only the old and the
_ugly. For this he was rewarded by the Emperor.
The Jetter from the Captain of Chaul to the Viceroy'.
,in the 5th of January 1673 addressed to the Viceroy refers·
-to· this inoident. It appears that . the .Portuguese · gave
. protection to the people in· these territories and Sbivaji
was very gruteful; he sent his am~assador to offer further
terms·but the King of Portugal when .be came to kno)v cl
· this, was very suspicious and the document says "the Prince
--was right". Jn· 167 4, Shiv~ji after he was crowned, he sent
· 1\.'Ioro Pandi.t to Knlyan with I 0,000 men and he proceeded
:to Bassein an4 demanded Chauth· from the P_ortuguese.
(See Bombay Gazetter, Vol .. 1. Part 11; History of.
:.Kokun, Deccan and Southern Marntha Gountry) •.
a
Danda-Rujpurhvas port originally under Nizamsliaha .
.It was captured by Shivaji in 1661.
Chaul was, extremely prosperous and famous for ·its
imports, horse traffio; silk weavings, wood carving and
,lacquer work. (P. S~· P .).

It is well known that the Siddi of Danda was a pow·er-

. fol enemy of. Shivaji, who attacked him vigorously in
1669. On this occasion, the Portuguese helped the· Siddi
against the Muhrattas. A letter of Antonio de Melo de
· .Castro and Manuel Corte -Rei,l de Sampip written ·fo the
: Secretary of State, Antonio Pais de ·sande on the 28th May
1669 runs thus:-
Yesterday, the 27th of the current month, we. receiv_ed
a letter from Nµno de Mello da Silva in which )1e gives an
· .account of the precarious condition of the fortres~ of.
-:'· Danda.-" to .which .Shivaji has laid seige. '.fhis matter is .
. of vital importance and we have decided that it is ·not
 125
convenient to the .State to have s_uch a. powerful enemy in
the neighbourhood. It appeared well to· us ·to order -·
you to assist .· the fai:tr~ss of D~nda with .some soldiers ·
p·o wder and shot necessary for its defence. This. can be -
done under the pretext that . he being our vassal, we
ara bound to help him or under any other pretext
which y~u might think· more fit •. And. in case, the
Siddi wishes to hand over the fort to us as Nuno de .Mella
gives us to understand, do not fail to seize this occasion
and we authorise you to take possesion of it, maintain~ng
the necessary (force) for its defence upto August, when it
can be secured properly and we can act with greater reflec-.
tion and resolution as ·may be convenient in the interest of.
His .i\fajesty". Ou August 21st 1669, the ~ame Acting-
Governor gave strict ordt3rs that the Siddi should be, suc-
coured by.all me~ns against the attack of Shivaji. Seeing
that the plan for the conquest of the fortre~s of Danda was.
thus being frustrated owing to the intervention of the
Portuguese in favour of the Siddi, Shivaji sent to Goa his
ambassador Vithal Pandit. The following notes · were
exchang~d between -this Envoy and the Viceroy.
From t~e Envoy Vithal Pandit : -
. 1. The Portuguese will no~ meddle with o~ cause any
damage to the ships and vessels of Raja Shivaji both while
coming or going. .
2. They should not give· refuge nor provisions of
any kind to the Abysinians o( Danda, and they should
s·e nd these orders to their ports.
3. They should pass orders to hand over the vessels..
and ships of provisions captured by the Portuguese.
4. They should give a person in company of this,
.Envoy with their letters to all the ea ptains of their ports,
so that they should . have friendly intercourse with the-
•subedars of Shivaji and that the said captai~s may act
according to th~ orde_rs of the GovernJilent • .
 . 126

.5~ The Ima·m had as~ed· us· (~bivaji's men) ·t~ giv.e him ·
··provisions and. for places in our ports to anchor ·ships and
:in return for tµis, l;ie agreed to giv~ ~s money and he also
want~d µs to give our sliips and vessels for .his help, t'o
which we replied that we ~ou!d not give anything to him
nor woul~ assist him since we are friends· of the Portuguese.
If on account of this, the Imam · should make any. war or
quarrel withus,· th·e Portuguese should help us and in
·. the same manner; we will help the .Portuguese when they
have ·to fight with the said Imam but for this they should
·give Ujl the necessary expenses.
6. There is war between us (Shivaji) and the Moghul
· on accC?unt of which we should unite· ·with the Portuguese
: and the latter. should not give access · to the men· of the
Moghuls and the Portuguef?e ·should render assistance t~
us in their territ<;>ries. ·· They should writ~ a. letter ~o. this
. effect
. to us. · .
7. Forget the past, for, in future. . we will not injure
the intere~ts of the Portuguese.
To this, the reply of the Governor was as follo'ws : -
1. Small vessels and ships will be allowed to sail
· freely and shall .not be interfered with ; ·but in case of big
vessels, men of war and big ships, which sail by the cqast
. and have to· pass the gulf, it will be necessary to ask for
pass-ports under which they will 'be passed in the· same
manne.r as it is done in the. case of the subjects of the ~ing
of the Moghuls. · ·
2. This .is agreed to. ··
3. You should hand over' the sh{!)B and vessels belong~
·iiig to our subjects and merchants here and in other ports
. and a~so whatever other property has · been captured froin.
~he said perso.ns. In the same manner, the vessels and ·
· ships which might ·have been· captured from Sh~vaji Raje ·
. and his subjects shall be retuq1ed by u_s. .
4. Our officer · will be sent with .letters to the• ·
. _captains ?f \he forts of S. A. to treat well _with the sube.-
 . 127
,<lars and ministers of Shivaji, should these show &imilar
treatme~t towards the Captains. ..
5. Should Raja Shivaji ask our aid and. help against
the Imam in case of war with him, we shall order it to be
given free of cost as to a friend of the State, provided that·
.n~ither Shivaji nor his ·subeda~s and captains, will give
. him provisions in their ports nor allow him to anchor nor
. give any other s9pply.
. 6. The · friendly : relations between this State and
the Grand Moghul are ancient ~nd in consideration of this,
,,·e cannot refuse 'to his poor subjects shelter and place in
our forts and cities and 'in the same manner' it shall be
. given ,vhen Shivaji and his subedars and ?aptains and
subjects should·have need of the same.
' .
}. There being now friendship between both parties,
we will forget the po.st and tl;ie same shall be done by
.Shiv1.1ji.
Antonio de Mello de Castro
. Manuel Corte Real de Sampaia
Seal of RaJe Shivaji. ·
They agreed upon the following agreement, in con-
:.firmatiori of the friendship between the iJlustrious
· Portuguese Government and General Captains of the State
,o( India and Shivaji Raje since the captains of Shivaji
·have .behaved discourteously with the subjects of H. H.
·and since he signifies by his letter and own· envoy that
he desires the continu_ation of pea~e with this State, the
·. said Governors etc., ~agree to tbis petition to establish ·
friendly relations on condition that Shivaji should at once
repay without any c~nning or deception 3000 ' Pagoda~'
·Of which he violently took _possession in their territories
under the mnsk 'of good faith and frie"udship, 2000 to
· Mallapa Chatim and 1600 to Santappa Gaunco reside.nt of
this city, who ·a re subjects of ff . H. within -the period of
 128
2 ·m,;mths. 'That the trade and caravans which come from
Balaghat to the island and port of Gou ·and to the parts of"
Bardesh and ~alsette,. should not be captured nor· detained
and also those thl\t go from Portuguese territories to-
. Bala.ghat or to any other part paying the usual and old:
established dues even if .there · is war between ShivaH
and King Adilsbab since the free 'trade of ijlerchants
always r_edounds to common utility. That the'. said ShivajL
should return all the vessels de_tained by him in his ports
without putting .. forward any 'pretexts, he should not ask
the owners of these vessels for expense or .repairs, that he
should hand over these vessels in. the presence of the fleei.
that makes its voyage to the North to the owners or to
their. proxies in whose company the proprietors of the
vessels of the subjects of ~hivaji can go to take charge of
the ves;els which are detained in the fortress of Chaul and
other forts of the North, t.hat Shivajj should not build any
fortress or building of stone and mortar on the confines of
the territory that he has conquered and which separate
· them from these of H. H. even if there is a river between
them.
5. That there shall exist a strong friendship between.
both the parties.by sea and land a_n,d· !3hould anything be
done wit.):lout reason, a report should be made by Raja:
... Shivaji to the Go'vernor of India a:nd in the same manner
by the said Governor to the Rnja Shivaji ·and without.
obtaining satisfaction in this way, this _peace and friendship;· .
shall not be broken. This shall be signed by the said, ·
Governor and Raja Shivaji.
.
· That the said Governqrs bind themselves in the same·
'

~anner.· to keep the following te,rins. ·. That the said·

government should hand all the vessels captured by the·
navy of H. H. and detained eitber in_ this city or in the-
fortresses. of the North gratis and without any charge.
That they shall give pass-ports when asked bY. the s~bjects.
of Raj~ Shivaji'to ·all the ports, except to those hostile to.·
 1.29

the state .on payment of the ordinary due·s in the same

way as are paid·. by -the subjects of the Grand Mugbal.
That the smaller vessels that sail, . between Karanjia and
this city with provisions, salt. and other materials, shall' .
not be bound to take out pass-ports and the a·rmadaa
meeting them shall give them· free passage that all the
armadas of-H. H. and the mercantile vessels of his-subjects
· which happen to betake themselves to the ports of Raja
Shivaji due to storm or any other mishap, shall be given.
nec.essary shelter and other necessaries on· payment and
in the same manner, shall be treated the vessels of ·Raja:.
Shivajf in the ports of H. H. since the Siddi ·of Danda is.
thE! tributary of this State and the Governors on this account
are bound to help him when he needs their assistance.· If
this cannot be given without offending the new treaty,.
which the said Government are now signing with Raja
Shivaji, the said Governors desire to avoid all distrust due
to their tf:\king the side of the Siddi. Therefore, by their
· authority and power, they should bring about a compromise
and adjust the quarrel of Raja Shivaji and the Siddi so as to
make a good and firm pea·ce, so that both may be satisfied.
To effect this the Raja should send his orders and,· powers
to his envoy Vithal Pandit attached to this court and
adjust the relations in the above manner.
That there should be a firm and good peace between
both parties by sea and land. If any thing is done without
reason, Raja Snivaji should make representations to the
Governors in the same manner, the .said Governors to ·Raja
· Shivaji and without satisfying the condition, no party shall
break this (treaty) peace and friendship signed by the said_
Governors and Raja Shivaji, (Goa 10-2-1670).
Despite this treaty the navy of Shivaji captured a
Portuguese ship near Daman and took it to Dabhol in
November 1670. , The· Portuguese in return captured 12
ships of tile Mahratta King taking thein. t~.Bassein. At
the end of the year 1672 Aurangzeb sent ij fleet of 36
17-18
 130

ship~ to Surat in order to help the Sidell of Danda Rajpuri,

which was beseiged by Shivaji. Referring to this fact,
there is a long letter w·ritten by Louis · Alvares Pereira de
Lacesda, Captain of Chaul,-to the Viceroy on 5th January
1673. It reads thus :-
" S!r, I have already informed your Excelle~cy bow the
armada which came to Surat to help the Siddi of Danda
burnt Dabul znd sacked it and burnt the armada of Shivaji
_in Quelecy (K~lasi) and eight big vessels and _they· did this
in almost all the expeditions and they devastated the coast
and occupied themselves in this for some_ days without
raising the siege of th~ fort. Dee to this devastatioQ. and
plunder, ·an the people fr~m Cbaul and . higher up betook
themselve~ t~ the jurisdiction of. this city._ As it was
rumoured that I had asked the Siddi not to do any harm to
the· neighbourhood and since all who came -for help were
well treated> Shivaji and his secretary and subedar wrote
to me thanking me for the favour done to these people to
whom I· replied that I did nothing but keep the terms oi
the peace signed between Shivaji and the State and that
no other motive moved me. After this reply, Shivaji sent
a Brahmin· ambassador of his government and his· great
P.ersonal physician who came to tell me that Shivaji wished
to avail h~mself of my help for he had found that the
Portugu~se stood by all those who sought their aid and
that he affectionately threw himself at my feet, and that
he had issued orders to give me the government of higher
Cha~l and the territory· round about. He placed his officers.
-at my disposal. I- replied that I could not fail to give him
.that help which the government were accustomed. to give
all those who sought -their help, but as I am by birth the
subject of His Majesty the King of Portugal ·and now by
appointment his servant what H. M. should order through
the Viceroy or Governor of this State, I wpuld obey • .
The am1'assador continued that he made this offer on
account of the esteem between me and his subjects and he
 131
~vanted to show to his officers the regard he had for the
Portuguese nnd as a. satisfaction for some unreasonable
things which these· officers .b~d done. He wished to put
them under _ my disposal.. I replied to him t~at I wanted
nothing, that if he were a friend of the State, his r_ninisters
should show it. If he were an enemy, he should declare
himself so to the Viceroy. ·we would treat him as ·such.
Without accepting any of these or many other offers,·
I told .him that the treaties should be drawn with your·
Excellency as you are the master of the State, I was only
a captain of this fort. He took note of' this al}.d went.
He asked me for sailors as the Siddi, he said, wished to
surrender the Fort to -the Moghul's and we knew well what
bad neighbours they were; they converted to their religion
all the Kaffirs that went there. He was ~sking me for men
and gunners for his army, to which I replied that I would
n·o t have-given any, even if I had them for only the Viceroy
could do it and that he should ·have recourse to your
Excellency and that your Excellency would pass orders.
He urged me much but l told him that these things like
peace -and war were within the sole province of your
Excellency. On· this point, they wished through the inter•
preter to tempt me with grand promises and said that he
had no time to send any one to Goa. I firmly declined to
ncced_e to his requests and said nothing would be done
without your Excellency's orders. To protect his people .
was presently in my hands, for that was ordered by your
~xcellency and _that within our limits, the Siddies would not
show any hostility and that though the Portuguese had re-
. ceived many insults at the· hands of Shivaji, they would not
take ·revenge nor seek satisfaction elsewhere as they were
best able to take· care of themselves.
After this, the physician returned after two days with
the same l_etter of credence to speak to me that Shivnji
being informed of my good treatment of his subjects ordered
him to offer me all the presents·, ·! might ncce-pt and ·me~·
tioned a lar~e sum <:>f money with other . soecifi"" ~ift,..
 132
! replied that Shivaji need not be surp~ised at the friendship
and treatm~1:1t meted out by. me. .The envoy . continued
that Shivaji desired to liave my friendship and this was his
reason why · he made this offer. ·and that he asked me to
• - J ~ ' '

allow his ships fo enter this part. I replied that I would

not do anything of the kind and if by chance he should
enter this part, I · would consider them trespassers for
sailing without pass-ports of your Excellency and thut they
. should provide themselves with these and theti would· obtain
ahelter. The said physician informed me that Sbivaji
wanted to make · himself a vassal of His Highness, for he
had 'learnt that others had done the same and on finding
the Po~tuguese disposed to protect him, he would send some-
one to Go~ to treat about this with your Excellency. He
asked me far a letter to .this effect· so that hia ambassador
could take it and be received well and get a fayourable
reply from his Excellency. I could not deny him this on
account of the importunity with which he asked, but I signi-
fied to him the·little effect it would have. He also asked
me for my intercession in their petition, which I ~id not
agree to. He said that Shivaji has many .people and much
money etc. I give account of all these to your Excellency
so minutely, because 1 am scrupulous and because your
Excellency will know of the matter when the envoy rea-
ches there: Fie asked me to write u_rgently about the
. matter and I could not write about it more briejly ." ·
The Viceroy Louis de Mendonca Furtado greatly rejoiced
because Shivaji came to offer to the captain of Chaul the-
rule of- higher Chaul and the territory above and its
j;}istricts nod also to be the vassal of this State, sent a copy
of this letter to His Majeaty, on 19th January 16n, who,
however, far from praising the action of the Viceroy,_ wrote
to him th~ following reply :
"-Having seen what you have written in you~ ·letter pf
19th:·January 1673, by 'which you informed me qf :~b,~·
condition to -which you have reduced Shivaji · without
 133
waging war, about his being forced to offer to the captain
of Chaul the government of Chau! and to be the vassal
of the State, I think it advisable to tell you to be careful
regarding the designs of ShivaJi. , You should ~reat with
him with all caution and diligence~ necessary for the safety
of this State without ·neglect, attending also to the insolence
with which he treats friends and enemies alike without
keeping faith with anyone ".
·written in Lisbon, 26th June 1674 by the Prince.
It appears that the prince was riglit.
 Original Documents.
-:o:-
Note :-Nothing· gives Buch a realistic idea of historical
events tls do tlie original letters of persons taking part in·
them. With this object a few letters· und papers are being
presented to the reuders of this volume. in English trnnR-
lution. The first is n letter of Shnhaji, Shivaji's father, to
Ali Adil Shub, Kiug of Bijupur and is dealt with sepnrntely.
A firman or order issued by Ali Adil Shah to the J edhe
Deshniukh of Muvnl is ·also being gi veii in original and it will
show the rigour with which Afzalkhnn :was marching against
Shivaji. Four letters from Shivnji himself are reproduced,
oue to his father, another to .Mnloji Ghorpade of Mudhol, and
the other two are t'o his officers and nre·very important as
they explain the character and object of Shivaji's policy.
The first of the following · dacuments is a' free
English rendering of a letter written by Shahnji, the
father of Sbivnji, ta Ali Adil Shub, king of Bijnpur
who ruled from 165 6 to 1672. The letter throws a
flood of new light an the important historical _problem
as to how Shivaji got his main inspiration for u11der-
tuking the difficult experiment of estnblisbing a swaraj.
The· letter first came to the notice of the late
Mr. Raj wade, who published it in the monthly magazine
' Ramdas and ~amdasi ' in 1916. Among the volumea
of historical materials published in" this magazine; wbicll
can be had from the " Satkaryottejak Sablza, Dhulia, ,, tber.e
is one entiUed, " Shri Sam;radayika Vividha Vishaya,
Part I" ·which gives this letter on p.p. 209-213 •. The
letter appears to be written a few days after 6-7-1657.
Shahan mentions, " I have now come in_ the vicinity of
Bellari, having left Kampli on 4 Sawwal. There was no
fodder left at Kampli, while here in the Tamgaud district
we have now plenty of it." The 1-th Sawwat of 1657 A. !J.
falls on Extra Shravan Shukla 6, Shaka 1519 and. the le_tter
 135
appears to be written· about' a . week later, synchronising
with the fact that recent rsins had produced fodder.
Therefore· · the date may be ac~epted as correct. The
contents of the letter offer no ground for ·qoubting the
authenticity of it. Mr. Rajwade thus .explain_s how
he obtained it. " Mr. Anantrao Fadnis, a member
pf the Blzarat · ltilzasa Samslzodlzaka Mandala of
Poona, brought to me a Maratha gentleman of
Jamkhandi, who had three old papers in a very
damaged condition with him. He had come to Poona.
• specially to haye them read, as they · were too difficult to
be deciphered. He brought the papers to me as he wanted·
to know their contents, believing them to. be useful fpr a
suit whiph he had then filed in a· court oflaw. All the three
papet:s belonged to the regime of Shahaji, the father or
Shivaji, written on old Daulatabadi paper; they were nearly
reduced to pieces. One of the papers was in a charming
old Modi script and· bore a ~tamp of Shahaji's seal in
Persian. It is addressed to the Adil Shaha of Bijapurr
Though the first ceremonial portions and a number of
words in the body are .Persian, the language is mainly
Marathi. Shahaji requests one Savantrao, a sardar in
the Adil Shah's court, to use his good offices in his behalf
· and so it xpay be inferred that the letter remained with
Savantrao and later came into my hands from Jamkhandi. ''
The letter as available, is mut1lated in the concluding
portions, and its language too is not easily intelligible, nor
has it attracted the necessary attention of students during
the ten years since it was pubiished, apparently for the
reason that the 'Ramdasi' volumes which contain it, are
·· not either easily_ available, or cared for by the public.
Ordinary readers cannot understand the letter easily, as it
contains Persian words and expressions foreign to Marathi •
.Shahaji, mentions in the letter that, being a Raj'put by race
he would brook no humiliation. Rajwade has utilised this
utterance as one of his proofs for establishing the
Kshatriya origin of the ·Bhonsles, There· ~re, · however, ..
 136

many more facts of "historic~! importance in. the letter

requiring patient attention of the students.· For this
.reason I · have reproduced the · .letter, purposely ·in ·
~riteJiigible Marathi and in English translation, -k~~ping as
clo~e to the original as possible, . with the help of °il few
Persian· sch9lars. The preamble containing ceremonial
titles ·is omitted. Those who care to· study the exact:
original, must refer for it to the ' Ramdasi' volumes. · I
should recommend all school-going boys and· girfs to read
and study the letter carefully.
Shah~ji alludes in this letter to the various -expeditions
· be undertook into the Karnatiaks, for the sake of the
Adil Shah of Bijnpur. _He also mentio_ns many well known
:and obscure places such as Kanakgiri, Anagondi, ·Bellari,
.Lakshmeshwar, Musalkal, Kadaniveli, Tamgaud, Vaderu,
Karve, Dilgoa and others, which must all be so_mewhere
'in the South, while. Akaluj · anci Tembhurni are in the
Sholapur distric;:t in the Deccan. There is a place called-
. Kampli on the Tungbhadra in the Bellari district, where.
Shabaji had built a house and reared his private gardens.
It appears.from the mention of th~se places that Shahaji's
work of conquest included the vast region from the west
coast to the east, near about Jinji and from the Godavari .
in the north to about Tanjore in the south, a region which
_ later his son Shivaji strove with all his might to bring into
his possession and named it 'Swaraj '. _Shahaji's· tone in
:this letter is distinctly threatening. He speaks of having
-served four different states and is proudly conscious of the
· valuable services he had rendered to the Bijapur State
in-two successive r.egimes. The mention of some Karnatik
.rebels having sent their envoys with Mir Jumla, apparently
:to the Mughal court, shows that the letter bas· been
written to . Ali Adil Shah in 1657, after the demise . of
Mohammao Adil Shah, which took place, as we kno.w, ori
-4th Nov. l65p. Possibly the letter may have been written
.a y~ar later in 1658 also. Mir Jumla had rebelle_d against
 137
the king of Golkondu und gono over to the Mughnls for
whom he· fought ngninst Bijllpur during the year . 1657.
It was the Knrnutik rebels whom, Shuhnji says in the
letter, ~o is trying to subdue in the vicinity of Bellnri. He
:also mentions with respect one Snvnutrao ns an
elder brother fl.Ud one Trimbakji, probubly his a.wn
cousin. In short, this letter together· with the Jed he
Slu:kmmli nnd the Jedhe Kareem: and the other
document:; which nre being presented to the render
.in this Section will, it is hoped, enable students
to formulate pretty ~ccurntely the early career of Shivaji
.ns well as that of his fother nod to estimate properly the
character and ability of both. The sudde~ rise of Shivnji
has long puzzled many writers, ·who nre unable to account
for tho wave of nationalism which cun.bled Shivnji to work
for national independence. By for the greatest result of
Rnjwuqo's labours hns been the successful search he made
for these old documents of precious value to history,
.throwing light upon the history of about n hundred yenrs
.before the rise of Shivaji. In this connection, Shivuji and
his three ancestors before him as \Yell us Aurnngzeb with
his three ancestors nlso, need to be studied carefully both
from 11urnthi und Persian sources, in order to account
satisfactorily for the conditions antecedent to the rise of
the Marnthns. Shnhuji's pre-emi.nencc, both in ·war and
diplomacy, is evident throughout the letter and much of the
· -credit that historians usually give to Shivnji ought really
to go to his father for hn\;ing given n prncticul shape, by
way of a· firm foundation, for the dreams of Mnrnthn
,supremacy which his son Shivnji Inter realised.
G. S. S.
 (1) Sha~aji's Letter *
TO
Ali Adil Shah (1656-72).
(The ceremonial preamble is omitted).
Mahara.ja Shahaji Raje humbly begs to make the
following reque~t to Your Majesty:-
From among the vassals of the Durbar of Your·
Majesty, I bad been deputed to the expedition against
Kanakgiri, and on having carried out the-mission successfully,.
was duly- rewarded. Subsequently I was despa~ched to Ana-
gondi where also I did my duty with credit. Although it is-
now a month since then, I have· not yet received my due
for that work. My army also remains to be paid 'for that
service. Your Majesty ordered· me to subjugate the rebels
of the districts of Kundgol and Tamgaud. The boundary
of Mysore also lies on the same border. Knowing that
the prestige and dignity of Your Majesty could no~ be
assured without keeping the frontier tri~es in awe, I have
employed about a ·thousand and five hundred more men.
into my service, who cannot be maintained without a
Jagir for their support. It is for this purpose that I am.
making this request to Your Maj~sty. · J should be given
such a Jagir for my services in Anagondi that it should
lie · adjacent to Karyat Akluj and Tape Tembhurni or'
Bhootagram and Pedne • . If it be not convenient·to grant' ·
me this territory, I should be given one in the district" of ·
Patsha~abad. And if even such a one cannot be granted~
the territory from the Vaderu district which bas been -given
to the Chanjaurkars· should at least · be given to me in ·
exchange (for Anagondi). I can wrest that district from the .
rebellious Chabjaurkars. · What is the acfvantage of sur-
rendering· to them back a province which bas once been
rescued from their possession? All these rebels have sent·.
~ Reproduced in Marathi Section p, 115.
 139
their envoys with Mir Jumla. The district of Musulkar
too is of my ownJagir .. When I came to Your Majesty's-
presence from Mahuli with Rustamjama ,vithin twenty days-.
of being summoned, I was given a Jagir of four laQS, which·
included the district of Musnlknl. Then on another
occasion Your i\fojesty confirmed the same to me at the
request of the late Khnne-Ajjam Asadkhan after my services .
at Lakshmesbwar.. The same order was later repeated at
· the time of Ahanmdkhan's affair. Thus the Jagir of the·
. i\Iusalkal district bas been confirmed to me by Your Majesty.
The offiqial records, doubtless have got · copies· of these·
documents, which will convince Your i\fojesty of the truth
· of what I maintain. · Under these circumstances, I cannot
understand why Your Majesty should have issued separate
jirnzans about the same to my relatives, simply to eatisfy
them? They carried fabulous reports to Your Majesty on
hearing which Your Majesty was pleased to grnnt fifteen
villages out of my Jagir of Karyat Karwe to Trimbakji ·
( Shahaji's cousin) in return for Musalkal. ·where was
the need of Your Majesty's doing so? When this.
district was first conferred upon me, I was assured
that not au inch of ground would in future be confiscated .
back from me. If it was ever necessary to do so for the
sake of state interests, I was to be amply compensated
far it. If in spite of these assurnuc~s, Your Majesty thus ·
treats my concerns on the advice of worthless intriguers,
I must remind Your Majesty that I am a Rajput by race ·
and ,vill therefore never brook disgrace or disfavour while
performing my duties to Your Majesty. I have served four
different· courts till . now, but never have I suffered .
indignities on any account. I have quietly and patiently
put up with this treatment for the last eighteen months .
with hope and ·courage, but always with this full faith,
that I would continue to receive the favour of Your Majesty
in the sa~e manner, as I had always com·manded it from
your worthy father. Having regard for your embarrass-
ments I waited so long ; and have not allowed my feelings .
 140
-to get the better of me. If Your Maje~ty therefore wants
my services· in the future, I demand that my status be
restored to its former height; if I ~m not required, Your
Majesty had better at once relieve -me. After all this I
hav~ ·no more desire now to go in for any ambitious
pursuits in search of fortune. I will retire to some sacred
pl~ce_ of the :flindus and will there serve my Almighty
)'faster and ever pray -for· Your Majesty. As regards my
-kinsmen, · Your Majesty may retain their services as you·
like or give them leave. They will earn their livelihood .
where their other brethren do; but Your Majesty _must not
humiliate me without any fault on my part. it is with
-this sole motive, that I thus entreat Your Majesty · to-day. ·
· My elder brother ( Sawantrao) · has also applied to Your
Majesty on my behalf that a jirman_may be granted tom~
for fifteen vilJages of equal value in exchange for Anagundi·
If Your Majesty is not disposed to grant my request I
-.should be allow~d to retire in good grace. I also conquered
for your State the districts of Anagondi and Kanakagiri.
I am nt present occupying one village called Kampli from
those districts worth about 2,000. I should be allowed to
keep that village also to myself: .I have built a house and
made some gardens at that place, as the climate is
wholesome. I had ·written to Mashrud-Daulla Sawaµtrao to
·_ secure the village of Kampli for me by petitioning to Your
Majesty. Sawantrao accordingly did make the · petition _
-= and in consequence Your MaJesty even declared that the
village was to be made over to me for my services rendered
in connection with Anagondi. -Later still as I had no fixed
-quarters to live in, and as it was known that the Kund·
golka.rs had reorganised · themselves and were advancing
· -close to the walls of Dilgova Galgala.? with intent to fight,
· I at once started, the moment the news was received from
- the Tamgaud d~strict, realising that if I di~ not go for
_ assistance, the_" place would be lost. r -at once
~ started out for · the expedition handing over the charg~ .
 14.i

of Kampli to Your Majesty's officer~ and the Kadamvelikars~ .

No sooner had I come to the first sfage, thari the-
Anagondikars.
and the· other ·peciple spread baseless stories.
..
They forcibly marched:upon us and took back Kampli from
·your Majesty's servants. I got this news at midnight after
leaving Kampli and this has been intimated to Your Majesty
already. Sidi Ajam Sidi Sambool is also reported to·be ·
advancing ; we will shortly know whether he is going to·
cause any trouble to Anagondi and Kampli. These troubles.
have·peep going on for the last hundred years. They
must once for all be stopped· after pro_perly punishing the-
offenders. iYour Majesty must demand an explanation
from those who have deprived Your Majesty's officers-
of those districts and given them to these traitors •
. I have been waiting for nearly a month and a halC:
now, all the time expecting Your Majesty's arrival which
seems to . be _v.ery much delayed. · I have_ therefore
come to the vicinity of Bellari in ·obedience to Your
l\'Iajesty's wishes already expresse,d and am proceeding
towards Tamgaud by slow marches. I would therefore
.· have Your Majesty se·nd a direct Fzrm~n to the Kundgolkar
rebels and send me all those documents which relate to
myself. There was not enough of grass at Kanipli and the-
horses· began · to suffer already. If I had stayed there-
_longer it would have meant -still greater loss. Seeing that.
·of
plenty grass was· available in the Tamgaud district,-
. t .moveq in that direction, defeated the villains,.
strenghtened both the districts, and am awaiting Your
Majesty's future .orders. I am equally prepared to lay·
aside this work and undertake any other expedition that:
YourM_ajesty may be pleased to assign to me. (6-7-1657) ..
 (2) .A Persian. Firman.*·
........ :o :------
1 BEGIN IN THE NAME OF i.'vIERCIFUL AND .
KIND GOD.

THE,.WHOL~ WORLD
BELONGS TO GOD.
IMi\:IAi.\1 ALI
ALI ADILSHA
son
of
i\IAH01'1ED ADILSHA

This gracious Raval Firman is issued to KANHOJI

JEDHE." TO \VIT :..-Since the beginning of tb~ year 1059,
Shivaji out of narrow-mindedness and evil propensittes has
·started troubling the Mahomedans residing in the Province
-of Konkan belonging to the NizamsfzaM.. He has also
plundered_ them. He has captured many forts in the
Padshalzi (our) Province; therefore in order to drive him
-out and conquer hiqi, we have appointed Afzulkhan
possessed of valour· and prestige, the most caI?able a_nd
-efficient of our noblemen, the most-va-iiant, resourceful a~d
successful Ruler, (the noblest of our chiefs who is alway~.
victorious) the Chief Commander, as the Governor of that
.Province, and we have uent him there with his most
-valiant army. He has been sent. by us. You must carry
ant his commands and fulfil. his requirements to his
-complete satisfaction. You must loyally obey all his com-
. mands and help him, so that Shivaji may be driven out and
uprooted root and branch. You must not giv~ his- men and
-volunteers, wherever they may be or from wheresoever
. ~ Reproduced in )iarathi Section p. 120. ·
 143
they may come, any quarter or opportunity but must kill
them. You must give a good account of yourself to this
Court and then whatever Afzulkhan may write to us and
recommend about rewarding your services and honouring
you, will be done by us. Whatever Afzulkhan may say or
write regarding our services and whatever he may direct
you -to do, you will obey implicitly. You should carry out
bis wishes and this· will ··bring you a good result. You
must act according to the orders contained in this Royal
Firman written on the 5th day· of Shavval in~lthe_ year
1069. (16-6-1659).
 (3) Sh~vaJi's lettei~ to his-· father:¥,:
( abot1t lGG,1 ).

At the sorvico of father, with profound respects from

Shivnji Rnje:-
. .
I have ju~t reccivecl- your letter blessing me in the-
following ,vords : -
'' You 11re nwnro of the critical aituntiou in. which l
found myself a few yeurs ago in the Bijapur Dnrbar, on
nccount of Buji Ghorpado of i\Iudhol having deserted the
cause of religion nnd truth, and ·having treacherot.:siy
joined the wicked Turkish party. By the grace of God, I
got ove·r the difficulty, kiad Providence having given you·
the _strongth .to fight for swarc:j nnd religion. Let me now
inform you of fresh developments. Khawaskhiin has again
been dispatched with nu- army to deal ,...-ith you. He is-
supported in this expedition by Baji ;and Lnkham Sawaot,.
who have -swoiu to overcome you. God Slziuc: and God-
dess Amba are nlwnys your protectors and-will, I am sure,.
give you victory. You must· avenge all the previous.
wrongs _o~ this occasion : I bless you, my worthy son."
Immediately on receipt of this news I started with a
body of soldiers to attack Baji Ghorpade nt MudhoI. As I
ravage~ his province he collected his forces and came for.
a fight. A very severe encounter ensued.. Bnji was killed
and many were wounded. Having faced· the situation in
this manner, I annexed the Mudhol · Panchamahal to my
territory. Thereupon Kha.waskhan ·marched upon me and
I on my part answered his charge vigorously. A thick battle-
. ensued, the enemy was completely routed nnd ran away
back to Bijapur. I then decided to punish the Sawant for
his wanton dese.rtion of my cause, ·and started to plunder·
s.- Reproduced in :muathi Sectionp. 118.
 .
145
his . te"rritqry. · ~nd · ·captui;e ' his forts and towns. The
'Por~uguesse or'Goa 's heltered hi°m and from the fort of
Fonda resisted my demands. I had to blow the fort out by
gu;npowder and capure it by sheer force. Having con-
quered the territory of the Sawants, I invaded the
Portuguese: p_ossessions. They negotiated for. peace and
presented me with some guns. The Portuguese and the-
Sawant could hold themselves no longer against me. · They,.
then, . sent an . envoy, Pitambar Shenavi, . to me for
negotiating for peace which· . I agreed · to, having only
decided to take a half share of the revenue for my govern-
ment Bl)d ~eave the other half to the Sawant. I also re-
minded him that he was a son of t~e Bh9sles, and ought.
thetefore to _fight together with me for his country and
religion. _Everything, subsequently, went off as was settl~d,.
under your blessings. · ·
(The formal ending.J-

.,.

]~-20
 . (•1) SHIYAJI TO MALOJIRAJE GHORPADE.
SHRI MAHADEO
.
Dnted· l\Inrch 1677. ·
To M~lojirnje Ghorpude, from. Shivnji Raje:~
( After compliments). Y<;lU aro already aware how
my late fomented father left the Nizamsbah( state and
entered Bijnpur service during tbo regime .of Ibrahim Adil
Shah aud with whnt confidence Ibrahim Adil Shah treated
'him •. My father's uppermost idea at the time was thnt
whatever power he pottsesscd should bo utilised in raising
the status of those Murntha Jagirdars who were . scattered
about in search of livelihood that they should attain distinc-
. ti.on ,and power in managing the affairs of the State •.
\Vith this object in view, my father brought your father
·Baji Ghorpnde for an interview with the Adil Shah and
raised him to the status of nn imperial commander. 1 know
what grent deeds you, and -your father did since then. The
kings of Bijnpur looked after your interests dur~ng three
regimes. It jg to be regretted, however, that your father.
forgetting all the good that my father bad done him, sided
with Mustafakhan in t:apturing him (my father). It was
your father, Bnji Gborpade, who undertook the hazardous
enterprise, and gave over my father as a captive into .Mus•
t.afa's hands, a consummation which for years caused bit~er
enmity between your house ~nd mine, resulting in open
battle and bloodshed on both sides. My people killed _your
father in a fight. Thus the enmity continued for a number
-of yenrs; but now has arrived the occasion for rectifying
the past mistakes, and I write to you to explain the present ·
political situation and to advise you how to use it to
mutual advantage. You are aware that there ·have been
three Mohammadan Stat~s in the South, the Nizamshahi,
the Adilshahi and the Kutbshahi.,. qpon the first being
destroyed by the Moghuls, its great nobles ·came into tho
 14.7

. :·service · of the Adil Shah of Bijapur, after personal consul-

•tations and conferences. This Adilshahi, however, has
now been captured by Buha.lolkhan, a Pathan. • The Adil".':
: Shah is a minor child, having only the name of a
, king, but virtually under the Pathan's restr'aint. The ·
:throne, the umbrella and the fort of Bijapur are captured
·by the Pathan, _a result altogether detrimental to the
dnterests of the Deccanis. If the Pathan is allowed to
·become powerful, he will surely ruin one and .all Deccani
··nobles. He will not let them rise. For these. reasons,
I have entered into a friendly understanding with the
Kutb Shah, witµ whom I had purposely kept amicable
.intercourse from the beginning, and who recently called me
.for a_personal interview, in an autograph-letter impressed.
·with his own-palm. I respected his invitation and met the
iKutb Shah, who upon learning that I had already declareti
.myself an independent king, excused me the usual Maham-_
. madan ceremonials whi~h he used to exact from one ~nd
.all, namely, to11ching the ground before them with the head.
The Kutb Shah and I met on equa1 terms, both coming half
_way for the meeting. He received me most honourably and
·-with sincere greetings. Holding me with his hand, he seated
,me by his si'de and showed various marks of respect,
:thereby cementing a mutual friendship. Then we entered
dnto a · discussion of political matters in which the Kutb
.Shah's minister Madanpant and I unitedly made certain
·proposals, which were at once granted by the Kutb Shah.
·Whatever I proposed, he at once agreed to. He has
placed such a high confidence in me that I am in a very
·favourable position ~hich l can well utiliae to enhance
the interests of the Marathas, and to reduce the power of
the Pathan o( Bijapur. As soon as · an· agreement was
:reached on both sides, my uppermost idea was to take into
-confidence all ·t he great Maratba nobles, to bring them for
.an interview with the Kutb Shah, to off er them fresh-
!i- Buhalolkhan died on 23-12-1677.
 148
prospects of service and with their help e:,tend the domi;..
nion of the Kutb Shah oii the one side and that of nil the·
.Marntha nobles on the other. You know how keen 1 have
been in consolidating the Marnth!l power by bringing
together all the scattered elements for o united action~
· Inspired with these motives, 1 have ·arranged with the
Kutb .Shnh that _he should employ you into his service •.
For thi,s, we must at once lay aside our hereditary enmity ;:
you must thro,..,. away all your suspicion about me;.
take my honest word that 1 um anxious to promote your
interests; and promptly respond to the formal letter of
invitation which I have obtained from the· Kutb Shah and·
sent to you herewith. You are born of a high family; you·
must truat me and immediately on receipt of this letter
Il\llSt contrive to get away from the service of the Pathan.
and by rnpid stages come and meet me at Bhaganagar. I am
sure, you will not lose this splendid opportunity, and by
·way of an assurance in advance you must send, ahead ot
you, an envoy of your coQfidence to settle matters before-
hand, at least four days before you can personally arrive,.
so that I shall be able to convince the Kutb Shah of the·
sincerity of our plan and obtain from him his autograph'
order and dresses of honour which can reach you before j '

you ar~ive for an actual interview. Thus when all.

arrangements are made, I can take you for the Kutb'
Shah's· . interview as soon as you arrive. I am just now in:
such a st_rong position to promote .your interests that.,.
I am sure, you. will ever afterwards remember. my· good
offices. Nay, your sons and grandsons also will remember
them with gratitude. Here is a rare 'opportunity for you.
to prqfit ·yourself.at the hands of t4e Kutb Shah. Do not
hesitate on any account. Do not hesitate to give up your-
loyalty to the Adil Shah, .which y~u might think has Jasted1
for. two generations. Nor should you allow any distrust
about me to com~ in your way. , Where is the Bijapur
State now in reality? When Khawaskhan was- captured,.
 149 -

-when the. Patban-took posses.sion of the Bijapur forts and

·i!,llprisoned the child king, the Bijapur kingdom came to an
end. · It is no more in existence and there is no more
, justification for you to serve that state. You can no longer
think it your own. The Pathan himself ma.y offer you
:inducements which might .deter y·ou from taking this new
· step, but you must remember that the Pa~han will never
:iook to your interest. The Kutb Shah, I and the ,various
:Maratha nobles are all ready to swallow the Pathan up•
You · ."vlarathas are my kith 'and kin. Your interest is
uppermost in my heart. That is why I write to you so
· plainly. The Kutb Shah and I can give you double of
what the Pathan may promise you. Nay, '1{hatever more
: is possiblt> will surely be done by way of rewarding your
:services: I have cast away all my suspicions about you.
1 swear by my Goddess Bhawani on this score. I will not
iail to keep my word. Fling away all suspicion, c~me to
me at once, and send your trusted envoy in advance with
·an oath jn the name of your family God, that you on your
part are as sincere as I am on mine. Send a similar oath·
in writing with. your envoy. I shall never, never, fail to
: advance your interests. ·What more shall • I write ?
:[ Sbivaji visited "the Kutb Shah in March 1677-Jedhe
-Shaka1Jali.]
 (5) Shivaji to his officers~
Dated 19th May 1673.

Shivaji Raje to :the Jumledars, - Havalilars and!

Karkuns an~ officers in · charge of the army stationed at.-
Halvarna, in Chiploon, district Dabhol, Suhur year 1074. L_,
ShivajiiRaje, have made arrangements for a cavalry regiment
to be encamped at' Chiploon, as it- was not likely to go to the.
ghats, fo_r, the present. Owing to the encampment of this -
army at Chiploon all the corn and other necessaries that-
were stored for the rainy season in th~ Subha of Dabhol,.
have been almost exhausted, causing in the count~y. about
Chiploon, considerable· damage and no end of distre·es by ·
the seizure of corn, grass and every other requirement.
There ·are yet twenty days· of the hot Vaislzakh. to pass.
Th~ severity of summer now prevents any change from !
the place. Provisions being urgently required, I have
ordered the officers to collect whatever corn could be· had :.
from the various forts and thus make provision for nien ·anci:
·horses. But if you sooner ask for corn, grass and other
things in extravagent amount, and feed the horses_ unspa-,..
ringly so long as the provisions last, the result will be tha;
when the supply i; exhausted ahd when the rains set in; .
no fresh provision will be obtainable; .the horsea will be · .:
starved and will die for· want of ·corn and grass. In other
words, you will be the cause of ruining the horses. Your men : ·.
will then begin to molest p~ople of th_e adjacent distri<;:ts. ·.. ·
They will go to t_he cultivators, some will extort corn, some .
· bread, some grass, ·some fuel and some yegetables. When :
you begin to make such encroachments,· the poor families
of these cultivators, who have been. with difficulty mainting
themselves, will leave tbeir homes and farms . . Some will
die of starvation. The result will be that you will be ..
regarded as greater. pests· than eve~ the Moghuls. Such:.
will be the piteous condition of the people in your chargr;
 151

and the discredit will be .entirely yours. You mustv

. therefore, take note of nll this : be he a footman or a.
cnvalrymnn, ' every one of you. should h~have properly ;' your.
men must 1iot,-.whether they nre living with their_regiments,
or in the. various villages,-give-the slightest trouble to the
ryot. They must not q1ove _a single step out of the place·
they live in. Each should get .only the fixed mtions and
no more. ·whoever wnnts anything, whether it is con:~,
or in the ·case of those who keep cattle, grass, or fuel or
vegetables or nny other thing which is out for sale, should.
· pay the proper price nnd then purchase it; if men go to·
· the bnznr they. should give the proper price and buy the-
required articles. No compulsion must be uaed or trouble·
given or alteration made with ryots and shop-keepers. The·
supplies given to the· regiments must Inst till the-
end of the rainy season. The allotted rations which,
the lwrkuns will· daily give out, should be tnken quietly
nnd nothing more should be asked, so that all will have
sufficient to eat, the horses shall be k1pt fit and no on~·
will starve. None must grumble and quarrel with the·
officers or trouble them for every trifling requii;ement. No
· one should · enter the store-rooms or the room of the
klzasdars and make free use of the stores. The men with·
the bo"rses must live wherever they ~re housed and will.
continue to do so without grumbling. Some will make·:nres-
for cooking purposes at places where it ·would be danger-
ous to make them. Some will take awny live coal for
· · s~oking . their tobacco-pipes with, without minding the·
direction in which the wind ~ight be blo~ing or the grass-
that might have been lying about, thus causing ruinous.·
fires unexpectedly. If one shed catches fire, all the rest
will soon be gutted top and be ruined. If the ends of the
grass catch fire in one way or another, all the ·grass and:
·the stacks will be completely burnt down. And then even
if the throats of the cultivators are cut or the officers be
J>eremptorily .ordered, not a piece of timber will be _got to,
 152
•{:OllStruc~ the sheds ·; not a; single ·:shed·. can be. constructed
·.,at .a -moment's. notice. ·Therefore keeping this . well in
·.mind,· t4~ leadiµg me_n amongst you mus~ _always . keep a_
watch iu t~e cump and see that nothing u~townrd . happen
·while you are .cooking food or_.,burning gras_s.· If light is
'kept at night, mice n;iay tlccidentally tllke away the lighted
wick and . thereby cause mischief~ You ·have to · guard
.nga_iast all this, You have .to see that · µres do not
unexpectedly break out. ~very precaution that will save
·the grass and the she~s from fire, must be taken. Then
only can the horses live out the rniny season. · If you fail .
·in this, you will have no need to stable the horses and to.
feed · them wit~ grnss and . gm~ for· . the simple
reason that the whole army will · be · no more. And you
·will have no work •. Such ·wm .b~,the consequences. There·
fore I write all this to you, in great detail. All the ·leading
Jumledars, Havaldars and Karkuns amongst yqu should
· hear this order read ~:rnt carefully and act with. •great care.
Often and often, day. after day, you must look to all tQings
:and guard them.. And whoever will fail 'in acting nccordin~
.to this order, whoever will be guilty of this offence, who-
-ever will be r~ported to be a ·def~ulter,-no Maratha ·or .
.Brahmin will b_e\ spared of his honour, what to talk _o f ·
·serYice ? Then ,µnderstand, ye all, I shall not hesitate" to
punish him severl,1y. Keep this in mind and act accord-
ingly. 12th day otf. Safar. . .. [Rajwade-vol. Vlll. 28.J · ·

Dated 18t_h January 1675.

 .. ( 6). SHIVAJI TO JIVAJI YINAY AK.
Dandavat of Shivaji Rnje to Jivaji Vinayak, Suhfzedar-
-and Kc:rlw11~ Subba and j.J.fama/a Prabhavnli. Suhur year
1075. Moropant Peshva sent you orders directing you to
supply corn and cash to the naval commanders Daulatkhan
-and Darya Sarang. But we learn with regret and surprise
that you hav·e not complied with these orders. I never dreamt
that there were persons iucompetentlike you. You probably
thought that if you did not supply corn and provisions which
you were asked to send, they could obtain them from some-
. where els~. You are aware that I have built and garrisoned
Pndmadurga, making it a second Rnjnpuri to match an~ to
· conquer the old Rajnpuri. Help is badly ueeded for Padma-
- durga; water, iuel and o.ther provisions must be supplied at
· · once . and for that purpose ships should have reached there
-quickly. Now the armies of the Sidi must be attacking
.Padmadtirgn from all sides and trying to overpower it; and
you have failed to supply the required provisions in time.
This .will cripple my navy at n most critical moment. The
·:result of your conduct will be as bad us treachery. What
ds the U:Se of sending provisions to Daullltkhan and
Darya Sarang when they do not reach at_ the required
. moment ? · Will that in any way make up the . loss. Can
it be that the Si_di has offered you bribes and made
·you his servants ? That must be the reason why you are
.acting in this way. Such treacherous servants must be
most severely dealt with. Who will connive at the crimes
· of a traitor simply because he is a Bralzmin? Please see
to it that the cash and corn-which Moropant has directed
you to send-are at once supplied. What they. require is
·-.of greater value to me than uny amounts sent by you into
. my treasury. Sq please arrange to send the supplies and
see that they have no ground for complaint against you.
Whet?- they get enough provisions for their maintenance,
they ,~ill be enabled to take the navy to the succour of
~adm~durna. If any complaint against you is made to me
m future, your negligence will not be condoned. I shall
be conv-inced that you have become the servants of the
· enemy and . will deal with you accordingly. I give you
· this clear warning. 2nd day of Jilkad. [ Rajwade
Vol. VlII. 31 ]. .
 Shivaji, th~ Indi_an Alexander
By D~, BALI(RlSHNA, M.A., Pli. D. ( London).
The title of this article· will startle many readers, aa-..
it sounds nothing short qf a hyperbole to call Shivaji, tha
Indian Alexander. Many of us know of him as a robber,.
freebooter, a Mountain RatJ a Mountain Monkey J as a false, _
perfidious, and heartless man who threw to the winds the -~
law·s of man and God •. His enemies who suffered . from bis •
depredations went to the length of calling him an Incarna-·-
tion · of Satan. History has not borne· out these verdicts,.
but bestowed upon Shivaji the title 'of "the Great".
THE GREATEST GENERAL.
. He was undoubtedly one of the greatest generals .of
the world. Orme's estimate should be remembered by all:
"In personal activity he exceeded all generals of · .
whom . there is record. For no general ever traversed as .
much· ground ·as he at the head of armies. He· met every
emergency of peril, however sudden or extreme~ with .
instant discernment and unshaken fortitude; the ablest .
of his officers acquiesced to . the imminent superiority of :
his g~nius, and the boast of the soldier was to have ,seen. .
Sbivaji . charging sword in hand."-( Historical .
. Fragments p. 94. )
THE GREATEST CONQUERO_R.
In our text-books of history prominence · .has not been.
given to the greatest campaign of Shivaji, viz., that in the ··
Karnat~c. It is this expedition to the South of India -~hich ·
places Shivaji · in the foremost rank of the greatest con-- ~-
querors . of,. the world. · With ·two sworn and -. powerful
enemies like the .LY.Iogul Empe_ror Aurangzeb -and ~he ~ijapur
king on· his· ·either side and with a wavering ally of ·the. ..
Golkonda king as a neutral, Shivaji left Rairi, on a con-
quering expedition • .He successful~y . traversed India from
 155
the St\byndri Hills to Tunjoro, tho Gnrden of lndin, nnd!
. back ugnin from the Cor.omuudel to the .Mu.lnbnr canst.
\Vell lms Kin~n.id snid, "In tho .course of eighteen mouths,
nt u distnnce of 700 miles from his bn1:1e, ho hnd conq uored'.
a territory us ·1urge us hit\ (onucr kingdom. While a single
rcven;c would hn.ve bcon fatul, he hnd not suffered oven n
· single check. Victory lrnd succeeded victory; · town bud
folle1n1ftcr town. As ho went, he organized hiH conquests;.
nud when ho returned to Rnygad, us ho now did, his new
possci;sionri were securely bound together from sea to sea,.
by a line of fortified strongholds held by ·glirrisollti bri:we
to the death tmd dcveoted to his cnu11c." [ Kincnid Vol. I
p. 260 J.
lt w:1s this conquest which brought au nnnual income
of 20 lnkhs of hons to Shiv.1ji and guvu him po!;sc:;sion of a
hundred forts. The whole of the Karnutic \YUS ' pi.!eled to
th~ bones' by his l!X11ctions imd plunder.
~lr. H. Gnry, the Deputy GoYcrnor of Bombuy .wrote
a fow letters to tho E. I. Cornpo.ny in Loudon in which .
he describes this Knrnntic campaign. These letters
n
furnish us walh coutempornry cstimuto of an Euglisbmnu
inn high position. The Surnt Letter of 31st October, 1677
bring:; out the important fact tlrnt he hud struck such n.
terror in the hcurts of the ~loslem nrmies that they sought
. their safety in fiigbt.
"Sevugee this yeare b1ith hnd gre11t successe Jn the·
uppor Cornutck hllving possest him~clfo of tho two strong
Castles of Chyugy und Chyngyoorc, the residence · nnd
Court of the VizapH. Vice Roys in tbos_e pnrti;, nnd pluu-
dcred the - famous Citty of Scrinpntam, ·whore he found
innumernble riches, and still continues thercnbouts recei-
ving tribute from the petty Rajahs who submitt to him,.
and chnstizing those thnt refuse · to pny him contribution,
the l\Ioores lcnving their Fortress and Strongh?lds, upon·
• any rumour of bis approach, and such is the great success-
 156
·that attends his Armys, that it is credibly believed he will
· shortly - extent his dominions from nere ·Surat to Cape .
· · Comerine, without encountering 'any· conside~abl.e apposi ..
· tion to confront him; your Agent and Council at ·Fort St.
·George advice that some of his. forces have been hovering
·thereabouts, and· from him here wee expect an ahuum
·shortly. But hope.as hitherto the Almighty will continue·
his providentiall hand over your honours affaires, to whose
blessed. protection wee commend you, and with _all sub-
. missiveness subscrible.'' (Surat Letter, 31st October 1677 to
. Lon~on).

The Bombay letter of 16/26 January 1678, is more ·

· important as it· compares Shivaji to the famous Roman
-conqueror Cresar who extended hia conquests· ovpr
·Germany, France, and Britain. It also asserts· that Shivaji
was not less dexterous than Alexander the Great, and that
.,.-ie. used to call his men Birds; Marc:ithas have · been called
-winged men by Mr. Gary.
• SHIVAJI COMPARED TO C.I.ESAR AND
ALEXANDER.
"Sevagee Raja carried on by an ambitious desire · to · be
· famed a mighty Conqueror:, left Rairi~ his stongest hold in
: the kingdom of Cuncan, at the latter and of the last faire
·Montzoone and marched with his Army consisting of 20,000 ·
Horse and 40,000 foote into Carnateeke, when -the -Fetingas
have two of the strongest holds in those ·Parts called
· Chindi, Chindawer, where many Merchants are consider-
. able inhabitants, and with a successe -as happy as Cresars
in Spaine, he caine, saw, and overcame, and reported so
-vast a Treasure in Gold,· Diamonds, Emeralds, Rubies . and
.and · wrought C9rall, that have strength~ned. his ·Armes
witl,1 very able . Sinews to prosecute his further victorious·
, design_s. He. is at present before Banca -Pore, two other
· very strong Ghurrs or. Rocks, which soe soon as . he bath •
 157
taken in ( being noe lesse dexterous there at, thnn:
Alexnndor the Grent wns, for the agility of bis winged men
( himselfe terming them birds ) he tooke . in less~ than 8
months time from the · Mogull, which· be hnd delivered up
to his then Genernll Rnjnh Jessing 23 inaccessible ones)-
resokres ngninst Vijnpore, the Metropolis . of the kingdome
of Deccnn propinquc to them ; nud being become Master
thereof, bus vowed to his Pngod, never to sheathe his
sword till he hns reached Dilly, and shutt up Ornngsha in
it.Morn Punt, one of bis Geu.,rnlls, lio.th nlsoe of lnte
plundered Trumbeck Nussekh, uud other considernble plnces
within the i\Iogulls Territory's which ho.th added much to ·
his treasure." (Bombay, 16/26 Jnn. 1677-8 to. London).

SHlVAJl THE INDIAN HANNIBAL.

The next letter justly compares Shivnji to Hannibnl
and brings to light the mnstcr stroke of policy which the
• Founder of the Marnthn Empire followed in the lust dnys .
of his life. He nided Bijapur ngoiust the Moguls and
created a divorsion by rniding the Mogul territories. His
nssistnnco nlone saved Bijupur from being conquered by
tho Mogul nrmies in 1678.
From Rajnpure ·l lately received letters that advises of
Nabut Bullellcknun's denth who departed this life ~u a
Castle whilst it wns beseidged by the Deccnnies, not long
before he closed up his eyes, bee put his· two sons in the
tuition of Serjn Ckaun who gladly seemed to nccept them,.
forgetting all differences formerly between him nnd theire
Father, Sae soone ns bee was interred nnd newei; there of ·
brought to Vijapore, Jemshett Cknun delivered up the
Castle and Cittye into the hands of Siddy Musond
who in company with Serja Cknun and Delil Cka.un the
great Mo'g ull's Genero.11 'intends to march against Sevngee
with 80,000 horse with resolution to destroy him utterly.
But tis too weU known thnt Sevagee . is a ~econd Sertori.
 158
·ous and comes not short of Hanpiball for stratagems~
And noe longer than this very day arrived newes, from the
:.Lascarr ·or Army that the king of ~olkonda, Deccanies and
Sevngee have very lately made a confid~racy against the
'Mogull and are now resolved to beat Delil Ckau~ out of
Deccan, Sevagee- having gotten 10,000 horse · to~ther
to come upon the back of him and was the only politician
-that diverted the Deccanies and Cuttub Shaw from joyning
with Delil Pkaum against him.'' ·

By H. Gray-Bombay Letter to LondorJ,,.I4Jai

of Fe.bruary 166-78.

It is evjdent now that Shivaji was one of the greatest

soldiers, generals and conquerors of tlie world. Still lie
yielded to none in deplomacy, statemanship and kingly
:virtues. Chhatrapay Shivaji is not only the Foundet of the
Maratha Empire, the Restorer of the Hjndu_ Raj, the,
wielder of the sceptre of Swarajya, the Preserver of Aryan
Culture, the welder of ~he Mabarashtra and the Hindu.
Pad Padshahi ; .and' is compa_rable in his exploits to
Alexander, Hannibal, Cresar and Napolea.n. Hence he
richly deserves the titles of Shivaji the Great, Shivaji the
Indian Alexander, the Indian Napoleon, the l?dian HannibaJ
and· the Indian Cresar.
 Battle· of Pratapgad
C.i;t,;in G. V. J!OIJAN, G::.ilfor .-1,my.

'(be :ncctillr! of S i1h·Jji und A(;aUdwn. at the fool o(

Pr.,t:,jl,-!.id Fort with the :.\Ube,1ucnt murder of the Khan untl
thl! t!cfc;it o( hiil ltoop;,, i:, ,.Ill intrrc:ili11;: cpi11cdc ill :'lforntha
hL, to:y. Jn the followinr; line:,, thl~ writer h~1n tric<l to
p;Jt hi:. view:. !roai a p~tdy milit.,::, ,,t:md-point. l~1!:int:
into c:011 ,,:~!ci.i~ica t:1c };1:o·,-.·11 factii of Jii.,tory :l.i, they arc
;-:ivct1 o;:t at the prc,1r:lt 1L1 r;c c( rci1catch and from
;, pn ,,c n;1l in,,prcticn <.;f th(.': tllc;1trc of w.1r. To the
. : · , .••
Oh,ll, . . ..,. JC ,1(,CJ,
. l I' t,.: . . .i.e.
....... . . .,Hv,ui.,.
.. .. I 1=· 1 •(•1'
•i,•h 1. -~l l't ···o·IJ
" 1,
h1 rn;-; ii;:r::. d w.,r. · 'ict wit:,,.l'.1! f;oi:1,: iato ;~1iuutc <!ct,l\1~,
l.l :... . t -.~l···, -· , ,....,1 'o
, .• ~ ,1 \.·t' \ ..... •'-t-1i·,,
l 'i -.;t,.
f t'" ;1,,-: , 1c,,• "·( •.! 1i"';' ·1 l 1I 1',1tor)'
•'be•Y t\. ...., -~-~ .......... \

hc~c;c: t!ic ;c:,,!<:i" :J:i a ti~:l:!a wo:;)d ·de·:,· it.

Ddcf~ tic,ti:l ~! the r-u~jcct piojicr,. it i1 1.ccc~1-. iry to
;!h· c b:ic.:iy ll:rn r~rncr:1l u:itlit:c:i of the :nilit;1:y i:n1:o:t.1llcl!
'ot t!liti i:npo:Lm~ ~\·ctll. i\p ;,r! (ro;n other c1rn11idcr.1tio11ti
t:;c :itr ,1tc ~;ic.;ll \' il'W :tionc ir~ import..nt cnc.~;~h lo .1\lr:1ct.
thl! ;,ttcntio:1 of tilt:dcnt:. o( :nihL1rr t,cicm.:c.
The t-.•·o p;utica that enter into ii~:ht atl' tryini: their
be~:: to o·,·cqw,·,·cr c;1ch other. 'Nhcu one p:uty talt..- ,1 th1>
01fcn 1>_i'\'<-', th~ othl!t h:i,, 11ccc r,,·;aih• to ub: the <lc!i:n:,i\'c.
l.3ut. the 11tronr:cr of th!! two h he, ·,,·ho, while Jcfo1H.lini.:
the :,ltad~ ho:u tbo ;mt1r~l)llir,:, !,till cnric, on tlll offcntih·o
1fahl. :,f c1c <.!dcn~a i:1 of little ,·:lluc iu l)\·crcomi11s a foe.
ln ot<lcr to bc ;1lllc to ~;ain the upper haml over ul\ cncIUy,
one :Ut!~t ha.·c :ound 1:nowlcJ~c of )tf!llC!{)' and 1,t~tcrnrnn-
:ibip. Tlrnt cli:ar .·hiou nnd thtJ in1>ighl to forsi:o the
protublc plan,, of the foe, 11r,, an Cli:.cnti:11 attribute of
:1 r:ood f!cucrnl. Attcntiou hhould not be concc:ilr1ltct.l
only 011 the uctunl 1i~htin~:, but tll1\0 on the c.Jiplo:irntic
w1l}'li a.ntl rno,·cmcnt,1 of tho opponent. ·rhc topoi,:raphi•
cal 1mu the :;coirnphical 11un·cy of the country ,,·hero thl!
 160
:fight is to take place, can no~ be neglected. The Maratha.·.
. tactics, known as the guedlla warfare, .were characteristic:- .
because of ·the peculiar · position. ·: of the land in · which
the· Marathas generally fought. One of the main. reasons
of the . success of the Marathas everywhere even :when
immense odds were against them, was that th~y · knew· .
each and every hill and dale, of · the district over which _
they were ·fighting; while .their opponents were .quit~ ,
strangers to such hilly paths.
With these preli_minary observations, the actual .figbting-
has got to be compre!:iended. Since the opponent bas-
to be subdued in any way, the attacking party w'ould.
do well to dictate to him the threatre of war. Thus, the
, enemy can be- brought into ·a p_lace to which he fa foreign,
but with which the attacking person is well familiar. This-
dictating of the place of combat is a great achievement
towards the goal, namely, to overcome the enemy •.-
Without the neces.sary attributes e_n umerated above, it is
not possible to succeed in the tactics of forcing the foe to·_
go where "their opponents want him to. .
B:avirig first determined this threatre of war, the plan
· of the campaign bas to oe chalked _out. Everythin·g,.
including the minutest details, has gpt to be arranged and
herein the _organising capacity is put to a severe test.
The first attack-when and by whom should it be made,.
the next movement, the line of. action, the p~sition of the-
reserve a·nd its manceuvres, the situation and w~rking of
the gunnery under various circumstances, t_h e signals and
th.eir significance and so many other points connected ~itn
the actual battlefield, .are to be ·settled. beforehand. - Nor-
is this enough. The central difficulty is the provision for
the troops, the food, fodde~,· drinking water, places ·suite.hi!!
for encampment at night, supply of ammuJ?,ition, comm uni~
cation with the base, and so on. An efficie_n t department.
of spies and scouts · is r~quired to keep !ll t_ouch with the
latest moves of the enemy. The last thing and yet the
most important is providing · for the future, ·should. the
 161
order of events be reversed or in case the. ·attacking pnrty,.
so confident of success, were defeated. It is not for lack·
of confidence thnt one thinks of cases in which fate
rev.erses the order of events, nor can this be suid to be
a defective policy. ·wishing for the best, one has alwn.y:i
to keep one's self prepared for the wo~st.
Time is by for the important factor in war. The·
greatest war-lord, the world hns ever seen, used to say-
" It is these quarters of an hour that decide the fate of a
battle," A quick decision has therefore at all times to be
given to ensure succesa. To frighten the foe by'·various
means, to suprise him, to keep him ignorant of your
nctivities,-all these factors play a part not insignificant.
in winning success.
This is briefly · the test by which n battle is judged.
V{ e shall try to · find out wherein lie the merits of the
·battle of Pratapgud and thus indirectly, we shall have
judged the capacity of its fighter, whose tercentenary bus..
given the writer an opportunity to express these ·views.
After the rains of 1658 Afznlkhan started from Bijapur •
with the motive of capturing a11ve or dead" the mountain
rat". He had n vast army with him and be had letters of
authority to get assistance from the neighbourin-g people.
(See page 142).
The whole of the Dnrbar· of Bijapur was·much upset
by Shivaji's mischievous deeds, as they thought them to be,
and they wanted to restore order once for all in that
region. Shivaji had murdered the More of Javli, who was
a subofdinate of_ Bijapur and this enraged the .Darbnr of
Bijapur. The· increased following which Shivaji was
obtaining day after dny was naturally looked upon as a
sign of his gaining more power and territory. So it was
with a very serious design that the -Khan was marchino::,
on Shivaji. Naturally.the Darbar had concentrated all its
~apes on this attempt.
·21-22
 162
. · . Taking all these points .into ·consideratioµ, and also.
the information which he h.ad obtuh~ed through his. spies
and partly from his personal knowledge of the affairs at
Bijapur, Shivaji could foresee·the object of the Khan. He
: therefore prepared himself to offer· fight to the Khan at
Pratapgad. Why thi~ fort was particularly selected will be
evident from the application of the above mentioned tests.
Let us analyse theni.
The geographical position of the district of Pratapgad
·and its vicinity is typical and- the i\llarathas alone could
-offer blittle there. The streams and rivers as also
the various ranges of the Sahyadri, were of special
,importance in the battle and needless to say, very
favourable to Shivaji. The various difficult places of
:shelter in the hills of the surrounding district could easily
hide.some of Shivaji's soldi'ers.; and the army of the Khan
though outnumbering the Marathas, could well be·
.destroyed by these handful of fighters with their usual
procedure. The peculiar position which Pra;apgad
occupies was most favourable to Shivaji. The portion of .
• ·the district, eastward upto ,Wai for 24 miles, ~pto Javli,
·Chandragad, and Dhavala ghat by north-east and to the
-south as far as Chatur ·Island, is conspicuously covered
,over with a thick forest and the mountain ranges add to
-the difficulty ·of passage. Shivaji's ·object in turning the
-course of the Khan who was marching towards Poona is
,obvious. enough. The Marathas could not fight with such a
·big army as that of the Khan in the plains near Pooria.
Hence Shivaji went to Pratapgad and the Khan had ta.
·follow hiip. ·
An open piain as such, can hardly be_ found there.
None but those who.. are well accustomed to do so,-can
travel over this part of the country which ·is characterised
'by its high precipkes, its. difficult ascends, and its thick .
· jungle. Much mora difficult it is .to carry - on military
.movements in this region with their heavy bag and baggage~
 163

:!Should the scales be 'turned against Shivnji; his army c~ulc)

. -~rnsily take refuge in the ·adjacent hills without the fe~r
-of being detected or persecut~d. From all these points of
· -view Prntapgad was chosen as a fit place for meeting the .
'Khan. By taking resort to this fort just prior to the .
.- -arrival of the !<han, Shivaji with a clever and timely
· movement dictat~d the field of battle, i.e., the Pratapgad
fort and the vicinity to the Khan. Afzalkhan was too
, ·confident of his st~ength to suspect any plans to entrap
·him in this move of Shivnji.
As regards actual fighting: Shivaji's arrangements in
· this battle alone would show that he had perfectiy. mastered
·the science of war. He took to himself the defence of the
fort. l\foropnnt Pingle was stationed in the Kineshwar
"Valley ·with his infantry. N etnji with his cavalry occupied
iJ<adesar plateau! Knnhoji Jedhe, Bandai, Annaji Datta
·Pasalkar with their contingents, we1e strewn all over in
~the Pm pass. To the south or'the Par pass· were · placed
Babaji Naik and Babaji Silimkar, with Haibatrno Silimkar
··to the north. Babaji Bbonsle, with his cavalry, occupied
Bachegholi ghat between Wai t\nd Javli, The army under·
'Moropant was scattered in small bands over the chasm,-
·north of the ghat and on the banks of the Koyana and
-·through the jungles. They were to hide themselves
· without giving the Khan any ~uspicion of their presence.
Should the Khan prove treacherous, Shivaji had.
:· arranged to destroy his forces stationed at Par and Javli so
~ as t<? prevent them from ascending the fort. Bandai and the
· other~ were appointed to do this work. If howeyer through
· the favour of Gcddess Amba, the Khan should . meet his
death, signals were to be fired from the fort and Moropant,
: Silimkar, Jedhe; and the others were to come out of their
.. respective hiding places to. rout the Khan's troops before
·,;they could go to help. him. Hiroji Farjund was deputed to"
~..mind the p'ersonal attendants of the Khan. To at~ack the
 164
base af the Khan's. atmy, ~ncamped at Wai, besides-
r_endering sucocur in Bachegholi and Par passes, was the-
work of Netaji. These were the plans decided upon before-
the actual meeting took place.: A horn was first to be
· blown from the place of the meet{ng, which was a few·
hundred yards below the fort, to give pa~ticular directions.
to fire the signals from the top of the fort. As a measure·
of emergency, armed men were scattered here· and there-
under · the guise of attendants in charge of the various
ceremonial functions on the - way from the fort to the
place of the meeting.
The artillery of Shivaji, if he had any of considerable-
magnitude, was practically useless in this particular battle_.
On all sides _of the fort within short reach were wandering.
all hjs own men, as were those of the enemy .and it.
would have been quite useless to· fire the artillery. In.
de~troying the enemy, it would have also killed his own
people. The-only purpose served by the artillery of the-
fort \\"as to fire the signals and that was sufficient. That
the 1laratha warriors spread all over the mountainous
. tract, had no heavy artillery. with them is evident enough.
Xot only were the scanty means of transportation the
probable reason for this; but the very nature of the fight.
and the particular position of the fighters, did a\\"ay with.
this necessity altogether.
Now when the actual event took place, onl0thNovem-
ber 1659 and when the Khan was killed, the horn was
blown to direct the gunmen to fire· the signals from the-.
fort. Accordingly on hearing those signals, all the forces
of Shivaji discharged their respective .duties. The simul-
taneous and surprise· attack on ~he Khan's army secured
success for Shivaji.
The \'arious bands of pickets in the out-post zone,.
·headed by Banda!, Jedhe, Pasalkar, Silimkar and Annaji
Pant who were stationed .at the foot of the fort en the
 165
· eastern side, on hearing lhe si_gnal immediately attacked the ·
1500 advancing men of the Khan furiously.
The infantry reserve in the southwest under Moropant
·started at the_ very moment to' a·ttack the ·Khan's troops,
-stationed at Par on the bank of the Koyna.
Some of the cavalry under Netaji, stationed on the
north-western side, marched at the same time· against the
troops of the Khan near Javli. 1Nfth the rest of the
cavalry, Netaji proceeded to fight tte base of the Khan's
.army at Wai. ·
· The special mission of a detached post stationed on
: the south west in the Bochegholi pass under Babaji Bhonsle,
with his band of cavalry, was to stop the forces of the Khan
· fro1:11 taking refuge at the base at \iVai. When the forces
were attacked -with a sudden surprise they were sure to
· take to heels. And if they were allowed to do so and to
;reach Wai to communicate the sad event to the remaining
. · army ~f the Khan, it would have been very difficult to
defeat them, So to break off the communication with
the base was the special mission · of this band.
If Netaji's forces had been substituted in place of
."Moropant's, the former could not have reached Wai to
, attack the Khan's army there, for want of ::.uitable roads,
-Similarly Moropant's infantry, if placed at N etaji's post.
- could not have possibly attacked the Khan's forces al .
. Par. They would have had to cover a longer route to
. reach Par. The paths at Par are difficult for horsemen, but
- ~nfantry could very easily pass through them. So ~lso, Wai
being at a distance from the fort, cavalry could reach the
place sooner than ififantry. If, however, horsemen were
· stationed at Kineshwar i.e., in the place of the infantry, there
· was every fear of their being detected from the neighing
· of the horses, as the place was quite close to the _camp of
the Khan. For all° these reasons Netaji and i\foropant
-~ ccupied the fittest positions with their f9..rces ~nd_ ··
 166

change howsoever slight, would liave changed the fate1

·of the battle, In this Shivaji exhibited his thorough,
knowledge of the geographical and topographical positions ·
. of the various places, as a1so,'of the tactics of war. The.·
chieftains of the army, posted for defence did, on bearing,
the signals, take full advantage of their peculiar position
an
and started offensive campaign.
The _general reserve need not necessarily. be cavalry•.
Heavy artillery and even infantry at times are iqcluded iu ,
i~. There is no hard and fast rule· as to the proportion,
which the reserve should bear to the general f ~rces; it !s, .
however, safer to have as great a reserve as possible. Let .
us now see why Sbivaji's reserve was composed of cavalry-
only. For fighting with cavalry, a plain is evidently the ·
suitable place and not certainly the hilly and mountainous-,
tracts such as Pratapgad and its vicinity.·. The Khan's:
forces at Par were in a similarly difficult position and'
cavalry would have been of very little avail there, To
cover a distance of 22 miles to reach the Khan's army and' •
fight it there, would have b~en an impossible feat to achieve :
in such a short time by the infantry, and time is obviou~ly ·
an i'mportant factor in wars. Especially on this occasion
time was valuable and important still. So in order to··
be able 'to carry out all these plans, it was necessary to;
.utilise the cavalry. ·
Having seen the · propriety of the position of the ·
cavalry, let us now mark how the cavalry commander
Netaji w.as in communication with Sbivaji. On the necessity
of such commu~icatian, we need not offer any explanation • .
l'he proper. moment has to be seized. and utilised; other-
wise all' t,he efforts to win would be fruitless. Hence the--
chief commander (and Shivaji himself acted the C-in-C here)i·-
must make some · a.rrangement to be in · communication·
with the reserve, to be · able to direct it at the proper.-
time. The blowing .of the horn would have · been hardly-
audible in the vast uneven area over which the troops were.~
 167
scntt.ercd, to these reserve forces, and so the signals t'.l be
fired from tho guns on the fort, worl! nrrungcd. These were
ensilY. nudiblo to Notaji uud ho could uct accordingly.
When to offer u defensive battle, ·depends mostly ou the-
strntegical situation before the buttlt.! tukes pince. The
officer cammnuding lrns thorefore to wait for tho enemy's
nttuck. As soon (hi the nttuck is mndo, ho has to seek nu
opportunity to offer nn offensivo move uud mould his plan
to suit this. Taking into considerntion tho vast army of
thl! Khuu; Shivuji, fully uwnro of his weaker position, wus
e~pecting nn offensive from the Khnn. 13ut the Khan
iu6tcnd of doing this, swallowed Shivuji's propo_sals for a.
personal me~ting. After the meeting wns over, Shivuji, who
uoticipated au nttuc!t from the Khan's army, teak to
offensivc fighting, di:icurding, an was first plunned, the
defensive ma\ emonts. The probuble lines of opcrntiou
aro to bi! thought over nt the begh~niug, nud the defonce-
hns to be chalked out accordingly. Shivnji hud chosen
such u battlefield that tho Khnu could reach it by one
. . wuy alone. The course wns ~asily witbin the rench of
Shivnji's army which could bid~ itself in the hills and.
jungles, reudy for the uttuck nt uny time. lf the enemy is
mudo to accept the theatre of ,vnr which one dictates nnd
if furthor he is obliged to tuke tlrn offensive first, ns one.
expects him to do, he can be snicf to havo acted tactfully_
in the best way possible. If the enemy however. does not
act according to expectations, his initiative force is lost
and he hus moreover to offer a battle wherever his-
opponent would drng him. Thus his plnns are upset, nod
hiR army gets scntteted. The Khnn wnuted to offer a battle
to Shivuji in the pluiri and so he first marched in tho direction:
of Poonn. But Shivaji forced the Klum to go to \Vni nnd
Prntapgnd where the vast army of the latter could, without
much difficulty, be overcome. by his compnrntively
smaller urmy. The Khan had divided, his army probably
with the intention of surrounding Shivaji nnd his r ·
 168

.-Mahad •. He had not the least idea that he would be

required to fight with Shivaji at Wai or in the Par pass.
, Naturally the Khan was quite_J!~I?_repared. Par village ...
and Par pass are two distinct places separated-by
·a df~tanc~ .
of about 2 miles and a half. So the . Khan was obliged
to offer a battle to Shivaji's forces at places which never
· occured to his mind and con.sequently the Khan's arniy
was sclltterad all over the place.
Shivaji seized the moment quite promptly and then
without giving the enemy any time to think, he· overcame
·the Khan's army. ,.:TimtL.was a factor of the greatest
,importance in this case. It is doubtful whether or not
Shivaji would have won, had not the actions of his various
generals been simultaneous. Becaus~ in a little time the
-divided armies of the Khan at Par and Wai could come
together, and to face· them would have been a difficult task
for Shivaji's army, small as it was in comparisan with that
-of the Khan's. ·

·f-:~
Note-I know on how very useful lines Capt. Modak.
: started fresh research into the various compaigns of
: : history: but it is unfortunate that he could riot
" .. self do j~stice to the subject in the short time at our
:4lsposal. He sent me o.uJy_~-!~.-~!llLft.ni§.~g__ !!.Q.~E'JL.(gr_
~\his commemoration volume, and I put them together with.
:some difficulty, with the sole object of drawin,g the re~der's
attention to this important branch of. historical studies. I
hope Capt. Moda.k will be able some day to publish full
results of his va!;lt reading and valuable experience.
G. S. s.
 •

Shivaji's Letter to Jaysi11h

. Note .-On this. 3rd Ccutcnu.ry Jay of Shrea Shivajj
:.\falmrnj thc.Committc·c i:1 gla<l to givo below, iu Hindi
letters nnd with its Hindi truuslntion ns. published by the
Nugnri Prnclrnrini S11blm of Buuarc8 1 the poem-letter of
siuoc Shivaji to Prince Jity:iinh of Jnipur, when tho noble
Raj put Prince invudc<l the Deccnn tit tht! hcttd of the 'Mughn 1
army. A i\Iarathi mctricul trnusl11tion of this historical
cpit;ocfo an<l n similar Gujrnti trunslation will, I feel sure,
be welcome to the public.

The short introduction of the pocm~lcttcr is from the

pen of the ·greatest Gujrnti poet of today, Knvi Nhanuhil
Dnlpatrnm, \Yhose lecture on I-Iit,toricnl Epochs of Indiu,
roading und revealing their higher n}enuing, is published
in the Gujarati ncction of this Shivuji Souvenir.

The reader may kindly note thnt Juysinh arrived ut

• · Poona from Delhi on 3-3-1665, and relieving Jns\•mntsinh
. immedin~cly laid siege to Purnndar. Ncgotintions 'between
him nnd Shivuji went on during :\lny when probably the
letter on which the poem •is bnsed, wns despatched by
Shivnji. An uctuul interview between thom took plnce
near Purnndnr from 11 th to 14th June following •. Shivnji
visited the Emperor at Agra on 12th i\fay 1656 and
cscnpcd on 19th August from the Emperor's· custody.
Juysinh wus subHcquently disgrnc"ed for complicity and died
near Burhnnpur on 2nd July, 1667. ·
The origiuul as published in the Nngnri Prnchnrini
Pntrika (Part 3, No. 2, Shrnvun 1 Samvnt 1979) is printed in
the i\fornthi-Hindi section, page 161 of this volume.
G, S.S.
 INTRODU'OTION.

( By N. D. KA VI) . .

This poem-letter published below is a historic docu-

ment. · It reveals at once the high Raj put chivalry of a ,·
Raj put fgeneral and also the broad cqncept and all-em~rac-
ing . statesmanship of the Regenerator of Maharashtra·
The as'tute Emperor Aurangzeb had ordered out a Hindu .
Commander-in:chief to subdue a Hindu·rebel. Shivraj was
~ore astute than the . Emperor; and the . Maharashtra .
·p3:t~iot appealed to the heart of a Hindu · prince for
Hinduism. But the Rajput generalissimo was, as his race
has ever been, honour incarnnte. Jaysinh was his
Emperor's servant; and was ordered to go to Deccan to put
down his Master's foe. Shivraj and Jaysinh ultimately
came to ah honourable understanding, whereby ShivraJ.
agreed to go as a?,vised by Jaysinh to the Emperor's court
at Agra. .This is what all students of Indian History know.
What they know not, are tihe steps which led to that
culmination. This document sheds a flood of light on the-
events .of that great episode of a great epoch, when Fate- ·
was re-estimating Hinduism for its ~ 1 1 (re~irth).

The historic importa:nce of this letter is great : greater·=

is its importance as a poem which reveals t_he whole
"·--.psychology of Shivraj in those momentous years. This-
poem-letter discovers his concept of the re-estaplishment .
of the Hindu suzerainty,· bis appeal for it to a Hindu
Sipa!z-Salar, his persuasive patriotism, and his yet greater ·
epic heroism in which the letter ends : ' If this· epistle gets. ·· ·
a suitable reply, I will com~1:o meet you ·alone.· If other-
.
wise, tomorrow when the ·sun goes behind the .curtain of
darkness, my crescent sword will come out of its cover;::
 171
and then there shnil be on the battle field my host-cutting:
sword nnd ·your nrniy. Pence be with you'. This is n.
letter from the greatest Hindu in Indian history after
Prithwirnj Chowhnu, tho inst Hindu Emperor of Delhi, to-:
tho Kuchhvu Prince of Jaypur : from a for-seeing states-
man to nuothor, showjng \vbut tho other hlid nol seen :.
from. n Nutionul Hero to u R1ijput gcuerulissimo, whoge
ncunc of honour and probity were higher ever tbnn his
love for Hinduism. As n study in psychology, this short
'letter shows rurc sentiments in History as well as in Epic
Poetry. As n poem, as 11 document thut shows Sh,ivrnj's
stutcsnurnsbip, ns n letter thnt reveals the high-resolved
__ pay<:hology c.nd epic heroism of thut Mubnrnshtriun
Riigeucrntor of Hiuduiam, this stundi; today us a rare.
Qocument in Hititory.
 Shiv~ji's Letter. to J aysinh
.Rendered into English by N. 11. PANDJA, .ilf•.11., L,L,B.

l. 0 Surdnr of Snrdnrn, King of Kings, Manager of

· the muugo-treos of the gurdon of Bharat,
2, 0 Piece of the heurt and consciousness of
Rnmchnndru, the Rnjputs hold up their bends owi~g
· to thee.
3. The grnudcur of the Empire of Bnbnr's dynasty is
rendered nil the more powerful owing to thee nnd it is its
good fortune to receive thy help.
4. 0 /u.yshnh, whose fortune is ever young nnd whose
intellect over old, be pleased to accept the snlutntions and
,blessings of Shiva. .
5. May the Creator of the -world protect thee. Mny
he show thee the path of Religion which is Justice.
6. l hnve heard t_hnt thou hnst come-t~-~~k-e battle
up?n me nod to subjugate t~e Deccun.
7 • Thou desirest in this world to make thy face glow
with blood drawn from the hearts and eyes of the Hindus.
8. But thou knowest · not tb.nt thy face is painted in
black, because owing to it, this· country and religion are
in danger.
9. If thou considerest for a moment or givest thought
·to thy hands and thy stre,ngth,
10. Then thou wilst discover whose blood lend:i the
glow and what will be the colour of the glow in this world
.and the nexc.
11. Further if thou lladst come of thy own accord to
-conquer the Deccan,~ my ·eyes and my head could hav(? ·
:been laid on earth for ~bee to tread upon.
 173
12. I would have marched with my whole force at the--
stirrup of thy horse and would hav~ yielded up to thee the 0

country from one end to the ·other.

13. But thou hast in fact come to conquer at · the·
instance of Aurangzib and under the instigation of those·
___ w_ho· desire to destroy the Hindus.
---- .,...,:__ -·
14. i do not know how 1 shall deal with thee. IC
I join ~hee there is no manliness.in it.
15. For brave men are not time-seryers. 'J;he lion..
pursues not the policy of the fox.
· · 16. Or if I lift up the sword. and the axe, then the-
Hindus on path sides will suffer.
17. The greater sorrow is that my sword, which
thirsts for the blood of the Mussalmans, should be drawn
from the scabbard for some other purpose. ·
18. If the Turks had come to fight thjs battle, then.
indeed the prey would have come ta the lion in its lair.
19. For they are Rakshasas in the guise of men·
devoid of justice and religion, and sinful.
20. When supremacy coultl not be secured by- Afzal-
khan, and Shastakhan proved no better,
21. You are engaged to fight me because he himself
( Aurangzib ) is not fit· to bear battle with me~
22. He desires that" ~o ~hang persons should be left
surviving
.
among the Hindus in this world; '
23. That lions may fight among themselves and ·get "-··
disabled, so that the fox may rule the forest •
.24. How is it that his secret policy is not transparent
to. thy brain ? It is clear that thou art under the influence
of his magic spell. ·
~--w-- •·• - -
,o \

· 25. Thou hast seen much good and evil in this world.
Thou ha~t reaped both flowers and thorns in the garden..
of life.
 174•

26. Is it not meet thnt thou shouldst fight us people

: and bring t~e heuds of Hindus to death ?
27. After having attained ripe wisdom .in action, do
,not thou e:!hibit ( the folly of) .youth, but remember the
____ saying
~ ..
of Saadi.
~ ~ .-
·
. 2°8. ·" The
horse cannot be ridden 01;1 all the roads;
.someti~es discretion 'is the better part of valour 11 •
( Lit: Sometimes it is more fittingto throw down the
-shield nnd fly ).
29~ Tigers at~ack the deer and other animals. They
-do not indulge ~n a fratricidnl wnr with lions.
30. Or if thy cutting sword bas true wnt~r : if thy
·prancing horse bus true spirit, .
31. Then do thou attack those who are the enemies
-of religion and abolish
--........ ___!shun
_~-· .root and bru.nch.
.
32. Had Darushikoh been King of the country, he
·would have treated his people with kindness and favour.
33. But thou decievedst Jaswantsing; thou didst not
·first consider the high and the low in thy heart.
34. Thou art not satisfied with having played the
__ J~x :.,,nd hast come to fight the battle with the lions.
35. What dost thou get from this running about and
labouring under the sun ? Thy desires lead thee to
:a mirage.
36. Thou art even 11s a mean creature who exerts bis
~tmost and captures a beautiful damsel ? . · ·
37. But instead of·tasting the fruit of that garden cif
,beauty himself, delivers i~ into the hands of his rival.
38.• How canst thou feel pro.ud at the mercy of th~t
·,mean man l Dost thou know how the services of
--J~b~r~ing were rewarded ? .
39. Dost thou know by what means he desired to
~bring calamities tq Prince Ch~atrasal ? .
 .175
40. Dost thou know what calamities that sinful man ·
:bas left inflicted o~<:>~_h~~ -H~n~us a~so?
41. I believe that thou hast attached thyself to him
.-and hast laid down for him the self-respect of thy family~
42. But whnt ia- the value of this net in which thou
.art caught for the Sllke of the Raksasa ? This bond that
binds thee is not stronger thnn the cord that girds thy
loins.
43. In order to attain his ends, he hesitates not to
shed the blood of his brother, or take the life of his father.
44. Or if thou appenlest to loyalty, remember thou
.also thy conduct in reference to Shah Jahnn.
45. If fate bas endowed thee with any intellect or if
thou seekest to pride thyself on thy manhood, or
mo.nliness,
46. Then do thou heat thy sword at the fire of
-distress of the land thou wast born in, and wipo off the
.tears of the unhappy ones who suffer from tyranny.
47. This is not the time for fighting between our-
-:Selves .since a grave danger faces the Hindus.
·43, Our children, our country, our wealth, our God,
,our temples and our holy ,vorshippers, .
49. Are all in danger of existence owing· to his
machinations and the utmost limit of pain that can· be
•borne, has been resched. ·
SO. If the work goes on like this for some time, there
·will not remain a vestige of ourselves ou the earth. .
51. It is a matter of supreme cWonder that a handful of..
.. !\o~ussalmans should establish' supremacy over· this · vast - ·
-country'~ ··-··--- · -· ·
52. This supremacy is _not due to ·any valour on their
part. See if thou bast eyes to see.
53: Se~ what policy of -~~P.!icity he plays with us;
how differently he ~olours hi~ face from~time to time.
 176
f 54. He claps our own chains to our feet ; he cuts our-.
i
i heads with our · own swords.
f 55. The most strenous efforts should be made at this.
i time to protect Hindus, Hindustan and the Hindu religion.
56. I desire to make an effort and bring about.
stability and strive my utmost .for the sake of the country.
57. Polish· thy sword and thy intellect and prove,
thyself a Turk to the Turks.
58. If -thou joinest hands with Jaswantsing and
divestest thy heart of the layers of trickery,
59. And if thou bringest about unity with the Rana.
(of Mewar), then indeed t!iere is hope for great things.
· 60. Do you all rush and fight fro~- ~ll~id~;;--t-ra_m_p-___
down that serpent under the rock;
· 61. So that he may for some time occupy himself with
ruminating on the consequences of his · ~wn actions ; and
may not further entangle the Deccan in his meshes;
62. And I may in the mean time with the aid of these
and other lance-bearing heroes, make away with the other
_.... ·two_ _egiperors (S-gltans of Bijapur and Golkonda);
63. So that I may rain the .shower of swords from tbe-
thunde~ing clouds of my army on the Mussalmans;
. 64. So that from one end of the Deccan to the·

. Mahommadanism. -----
other, I· may wash out the Q.ame and very vestige of
- - ----------
· .
·· ·----
65. 66. Thereafter with the assistance of wise states-
men and the army, like the river swirling and foaming as it ·
emerges from the ·mountains of the Deccan, and I may
come out of the plains ;
· -67. • And forthwith present myself for.your service and
bear you render your accounts;
68. And we may inaugerate ·a grim war on aH sides
and devote the battle-field to it;
 177
69. And the tide of. our army may submerge the:
crumbling wn~ls of Delhi,
70. So that nothing ma~, be Jeft of the Aurang (the·
throne) or the Zeb (gardener); so that nothing may remain ,
of the sword of his tyranny or the net of his policy;
71. So that we may flow a river of pure blood and.
satisfy the souls of our ~ncestors; and
72. With the grace of God, the Just and the Giver of
Life, we shall
. entomb him below the bottom.
of the.eartn •.
7 3. If two hearts combine, they can burst a mountain;.•
they can dispel nnd scatter the whole armies.
75. I bnve much· to tell t.hee in regard to this matter
· which cannot in sooth be put on paper.
76. I am desirous of having a talk with thee, so· that.
no -unnecessary paip or labour may be involved.
77. If such is thy desire, I shall come to thee and
. hear. what thou bast to say.
78. Thy maiden or' speech may open her mouth in
privacy and I may take guard agai_n st the words being .
divulged,
79. So that we put our bands to the plough · of effort
and practise some incantations ·o~ that mad Ruksasa.
81. I swear by my sword, by my horse, by my
country, and by my religion, that no harm shall befall
· thee ·in this.
81. Or we may find out some other ·way to attain our
object and make our names fo this ,~orld and the next.
82. Be not suspicious owing to the incidont .of
Afialkhan: the . report spoke not truly •.
83. He had secretly kept_ twelve hundred wax:like-
Hubsee cavalry to· accomplish my death.
• •
84. Had I not raised my arm against him .first, who
would have written -this letter to you ?
23-24
 178
85. But. I do not believ.e any such thi.ng .of you;
"t:here is no inherent enmity between us.
86. ·Or if I receive the desired repiy from thee, I
-B~all present myself ~efore thee alone at night~
87. And I will show thee the secret letters which. I
-cleverly extracted from She.stakhan, · ·
88. So that I may remove all doubts from thy mind
.and rouse thee from thy ·sweet sleep. .
89.. I tnay show· thee the true. result of thy dream~
• .and then receive thy answer.
90. Or if this letter does not appeal to. thee, then
indeed I am ready with my sword to deal with thy ~rmy.
91. Tomorrow, the moment the sun· shall conceal his
face· behind the evening cloud, the crescent moon of my
:aword shall flash forth. That is all. qod be with thee.
 .Ancient Indian Engineering
FORE\VORD, BY B. G. Kmm.

The i°bllowing urticlc ou the subject of Ancient

·Indian Engiuccring, makes most het\lthy and checriitl
·reading. The fashion of running down the Et\st to the
ndv:rnta.gc of the astute \Vest, hi\s been eo much iudu]g-
·ed iu Indio. of late, that men like Rao Sa.heh Vaze are
to be 7ougrntufatc<l for th~ir public service in briugiug to
·light tho great science of Euginecriug which flourished
· until very recent times in Indh~, im<l which way
with advantage be and which ought to be re:mscitated,
before it is too la.to. That i:ciencc was developed· to a
· vory high <legree," havi1ig reg:ud to the 110.bits and
cu::;toms of the people nucl the <:lmracter of the land. To
brush it a~i<le as not cvtm worth .i. ruonHmt's uotice, a.ntl
·to accept iu its place the science of the \Vest, is not only
unpatriotic; it is positively clcba:;ing. The domain of
knowledg'1 i:; very wide iuid light sl.iot'.1ld always be wel-
uomed from whichever direction it ·comes.· But the encl
sliould nlwu.ys bo to support. n.nd strengthen the home
. ·product ~y a. wise o.ud <liscrimiuo.ting use of ;.,foreign
.elements.

Rao S?heb Yazo's article gives a vivid pen picture

·among other thing:; of the buildings, fortresses and
roads of Shivaji'e time. The learned nuthor has giv.en ·
. ,sufficient dctuils to whet the appetite but not to. satisfy
:it. The article ought to t!Crve u.s o. starting point both
for the authorities and tJ1e p·ublic to dcwote attention to
·-the hitherto neglected subject of In<lio.n Engineering

-
=.and introcluce its study in to the University curriculum.
.
 ANCIENT ~NDIAN ENGINEERING.

. .
( By Rao Saheb K._ V. Vaze. L. C; E. RwFf.cilMfit.)
.
After passing the L. C. E. Examination · of the· ·
Bombay University in 1891, I was surprised to find that.
the Poonu. Engineering College, the highest institution:
for the study of Engineering in the Presidency of Bombay
made no mention of any Indian author or text-book or·
ev:en a formula put forth by· Indian writers.· It is un-·
believable that India did not possess any engineering
'Yorks fit for study in' an Engineering college. The
Jndian buildings, ·forts, canals and many other works of .
. engineering sJ.dU are admired by all; Indian paintings-.:
a.nd sculpture~ are models worthy of being copied by the- .
liighest artists in the world. To execute these works~
there must have been master· engin~ers · and there must ·
have been works worth a study possessed by those·
engineers. For the ·last thirty-five years, the author of
this article has been in search of these treatises on
Indian engineering and it is a pleasure for him to say
· .that he has found the names of aboµt f~ur hundred
_works on this ·subject. He has read· about a .hundre~ of
these and possesses copies of about twenty-five,
. These texts ai:e scattered all over India and are,
possessed by indignous artis~ns, carpen~ers, smiths, ·.
stone-cutters, dyers and even shoe-makers and. some-
times artisans converted to tlie Mahomedan faith. It .
·is these artisans who, though at present unable to under--·
· stand Sanskrit text·s, have kept up the traditions of the
· ·::J,rts and are very valuu.ble repositories of Ancient.
knowledge,-repositories, worthy of being unearthed and:"
brought to light. This 'is a·. department of researc_h.
wholly untouched and commonly neglected, because 1t.
.
requires not only a research-instinct but also a knowledge·
.
 · 181 •

of engineering with a full grasp of the Sn,nskrit language.

Generally a Sanskrit schol:ir does not know engineering
and in rare instances in which there is u. combina.tion
·of these two qualities, the patience and perserverence
required for resea.rph :\l't? wanting, ·

Eugiuceriug b a 1~mterial branch of lnuun.u ucti-

·vitics and in its :itudy one gets uu insight into the
meta.physical aud spiritual conceptions of .:1.11cient
Indians. ;ifa.ny incongruities-seemingly absurd manners
.and customs of thu Indian communities-a.re rationally
·explained by a study of the physical sciences an<l
their worldly <le\·clopmeut::; by :mcfout Indians. By
tbe kind permitision of the editorti of this volume,
I shall in the::;e fow page::; endeavour to show how
-va.hmble ri.ncl u:;~fnl the study of these sciences is. I
:;lmll foel myself-very fortun:.ite if I am ab~e to draw the
·attention of the cnlighte1!e<l public to these stores of
.knowledge. I h:we been, for the lnst fifteeu years,
.t rying to get these works introduced into the Indian
colleges. and universities, but w stroug is the perver-·
t1ity of sight created by \Vestern studies, that I have
.uot oven been kindly heard, much less <luly appreci:ited.

The· Sanskrit name for engineering is 'shilpa _.

·(Rm). The· yery word ''Engineering '· in Euglish mellns
'a. science dca.liug with engines'; but the word ~ has
a much widBr· significance; it is derived from ~~' to
· satisfy ' uud means 'a. scieuce dmiling with the produc-.
tion of things requil·cd for the satisfaction of human
wants ' ; in short, ~ deali:; with the production of all
amenities. All things, from the cooking of food to the
. construction of forts a.nd towns, from the mo.nufo.cture
of a pin to the building up of o. large 111ill, from :L fi~ld
 terrace or the buil<liug of a hut to the construction of a.,
harbour or of mngnificellt · pa.faces. are included in,
this term. · · · · .
'~f@r 1 7 the Engineering ,Encyclopedia fs divided·
~uto three pu.rts according to the· lo.bour required~
'' l'ff~r ID'c'f<fr.Tt :.r cff~f J1<k.q{1fficlq_, '' viz., ( ~ ) l:'tlf!-the part
dealing with the extraction · of ·materials. .( ~ ) ffll:Ff-
the pu.1:t <lea.ling with the conveyance of materials and'
( ~ ) cfl\i'j-the part dealing with the construction of
structures, Extraction is easy, conveyance is more
difficult and manufacture or construction is the most.
. difficult of all. These parts are again divided into three·
sciences such as under:-

~ ~~ l'ffwa<Ii f.{l:TT .Jaif. II

<ttcfiH~tfn41..\1<1l <!iffi: ~ II
~~!'.lltfil(i{~l«"<(<i1 ~l~{1fi@{ II ~-
-~ is subdivided into ~ Agriculture, ~
Hydraulics and ~ Mining; ~~ is subdivided into,
·*6r naval architect~re, t4 transport. faciliti'es and roads,
and ~ balooning or aeronautics. Each of these:
sciences is u.lso defined.
· ~a.=11r.:_!'.lijtll<l44M<i1R f.lim ~= 11

~ Agriculture is the science of the 'production,.

rearing and uses of trees, animals and man. All things·.
in the universe are divided by Indian biologists into·
.two parts viz. ~ inorganfo u.nd ~ organi?. ~t~ ·
or organic things are again subdivided into three
classes according to the direction of the flow by' which·
they are fod; viz., (1) ~ or things having an upward1
:flow (2) ~ or things· having an oblique flow and
(3) Q\itfrtt~d or th.ings having a downward flow.
 183 •

T h e ~ things n.re <lividcd iu~o six geucrnlly:-

viz., ~ti, ~'ttqf.T; ~t, ~ , clW:t and [ii. This is Botnny
of modern times.
All n.nima.l life takes food by the mouth t\11d throws),
the residue ut the tail. Tl10 flow is thus in a sfonting
direction. All animals arc included in fu-<1:roto or ~IFf•.
T~1is is Biology of modern time~.
All l~umau life is Ct\llctl arqr~ us they tu.kc their
food through the mouth situated high in the head and,
throw the residue through a1Jcrtures vcrtica,lly down.
the trunk. The flow is thus <lowmvurd.
Sanskrit 15{'-imU or Agriculture deals with the
production, bringing up :\nd use of t\ll the ~ or·
organic beings. Thus the scicuco includes mo<lcru-
Bot:mv,JI BiolOff\'
/;)J
and Sociolo")'.
0

An engineer in his professional work has to deul

with. both orgimic and inorganic substances uud amongst
orgunic substances not only with the vegetable and
trnimul kingdoms but also with huumu bcingo iu all their·
grades. Engincero have to use all labourers, u.rtisnns
and even specialists in various sciences in the construc-
tion. of their works und therefore must know the
properties, qualities u.nd defcctl:3 of thcso humtm beings
ns well as ofthe inorganic.substances or ofvegctu.ble and
nnimal substances. This bmnch of the study is wholly
neglected iu "\Ycstcrn engineering and the engineers-
and managers of farge mills and factories arc left to do
the best they can in. the mutter without a proper scient~fic
study of the meterials (human nature) they hnve to use:
An e~gineer must know the qualities of a philosopher,.
of a.n electrician, or of n. cnrponte1· as well us the
properties of the wood n.nd other things he uses for
his work.
 · 184

~~~f~_~II .
~ or Hydraulics deals with three · subjects ·viz .•
•{1) ~'qii Water-supply or irrigation (2) fflUf ·Drainage
·or 1·eclamation·and (3)~ Bunding or storage of water .
.India11s are known to be born irrigation engineers as is
-manifest from the various small and large canals and
other irrigation-works ·built by them in -Sind, becc~n
and other parts of India from times.immemoriai. Indian
-engineers say that the '.flow of water in -a river i~ +kf.J~flc:f
:and ~ i.e. the head of the water is like the head of a
fish', the P?rtion in the centre having .t he greatest
·velocity flows front-most and the surface of the flo_wing
water is like the back of a tortoise, the portion in the #

-centre with tha greater ·velocity being the highest-with

.sides falling towards both the banks : - ·
qJqlllfcl1;i1Rt~@©g__+Ioo<h<1Ji o~ n
"' ~ ~ ,-... ,-... ,...
ql@tl<h44l't.!ef!l<h{IJIII~ ~ ~ : II

~-lf.l~n~ or Mining science deals with (J) ~ . quarrying

,of stones and meta,ls, (2) +l~cfr(iJI burning of stones and
reduction of metals, (3) ~ preparation or mixtures and.,
alloys and (4) 4T~cFT analysis or the separation of. the
.component parts of a mixture or alloy.
. '
The gradatiqn of these · sciences is according to the
labour involved in these operations; the production and
r·earing of animate beings are easy and deal with th_e
surface of the earth only ; storing and removal o_f water
,are more difficult as they have to go deep into the· crust
of the ea.rtb in digging weJls and obtaining, impermeable
str!Lta for foundations ; and mining and metallurgy are
still more difficult as they have to use not· only deep
shaftina0 and vast · calcination but various chemical
.reagents and forces.
 185
~ ~ . .,..... ......
qf-fiTt41101<11::tf<ff <li@: m·c1.-ig-e4d. II

Transportation by running wq,ter is the easiest

·,and so .=t~~ is divided into three parts viz., (1) au
Rafts,. (2) ( -lr) Boating (3) ·( ;irt!ir) .S~1ipping. (au')
- or rn.ft_s are floated on the water and go as it carries
them. -rr is a boat thu.t is helped by wind in u. sail
, ( tJql{r-romr~t ~. .n: )
and ,¾cor is rowed, sailed and floated.
The· modern steamers are ships rowed by machines
worked by ste::mi or such other flower.
t ~ deals with the construction of (cr4) paths, (afc:q)
clenred ron.rds and ( ~ ) pu,ved or metalled roads.. In
. c<?nstructing roads there are three classes viz. (1) (ffl4')
hill-roads on which the use of (:kr) bells was compulsory
as a warning to other carts; these had their surfaces all
_sloping towards the hill. (2) (~) town-roads whose.
surface was low in the centre and carried the rain-water
. away frorri the plinths cf houses. (3) (\UTT) plain-roads
whose surface was high in the centre. I~cl{ or tunnels
.were not quite unknown though ordinary roads did not
require them very frequently.
~ ie- called ~ or a conveyance pa.ssing over
water, t1 is called a ~ or a conveyance passing over
land a_nd similiarly ~ a baloon is called ~ or
· °"~+141-i a ·conveyance passipg over fire or through air.
J'he wor"d ~ when occurring in Anc;ient texts is
· frequently mis-interpreted as meaning a railway ; but
a text of ~~1@<l~ctr gives the deta.iled cohstruction of an
~ - ~ is much similar to ~ Zeppelin the motive
power instead of a motor engine· being a flock of birds.
• •. . . . ~.,,,....,::->:. ,-..
,((i<;,_+l\~6: i:fittil {.-4: ' i t ~ II
- ' .... • r,. ~ •r-...
aw!il:it cil~4'41-i 1cf+lF!1*1m ~ II ~'1€461 di •
·i
. ~ in his ~QT gives methods for training birds
. and using them for cn.rrying the bn.loons through the
 l86

air. .The want of light engine~ prevented the generar

use of these baloons. The names ~,~c11~..i - for Vishnn
. '
~ for Brahma a n d ~ for Agni indica.te the power .
they used for the propulsion of their baloons. The have~
played PY ~q'Jf - and ~R<I with their baloons made the
Indians detest the_se conveyances and their . use was.
probably prohibited · by comµiob consent. In the
Ramayana we read of Rama resigning· the atqq:;fcii-11..f to .
Himalaya wbich is a store-house of all .·the be~t things --
and beings of Indian culture. ·
el~!!i<lil(il•l{{-q.JJ til{f!l1@dij_ II

cli~<laOs comprises of three sciences viz. (~) Building

construction, ( ·!IJcliR ) Defence-works or construction of ···
Forts and (ii•l((-it-ii) Town-pla.nning. The term ~ means -
-something belonging to c{{g which means a receptacle.·
A thing in which crom+rr resides is a q{g and a thing that.
is made of cl'{g is ~ ' as explained in the ·following
verse:-
!ll(-llitli{)M ~ c!G,(i;ilg,G,-6~~ II
"Pi""
cfl:g1+-I n ""· ~ II
i"ldti=li:€1 5hhirllcl ~'l.m-i:

The great peculiarity of Indfon buildings· is that.-

tJ;iey consist of open court-yards. The town excavated .
near Mahin go ~ero in Larkhana district in . Sind and
the great cities of Vijayanagar and those founded by·~
other Indian , kings consist of houses having one
or niore open court-yards. The Raste's Wada in P<,>ona-
is the best example of a palace on a small scale as.
described in the Ramayana and· Indian· Engineering
books. · The front Delhi-gate of Shanivar Wada is -
exactly as described in the · ol"'~ of Kautilya.
· Three temples 1n Nasik ·a re ·exactly as required by the
three principle Samhitas of . Engineering. (1) Naro,-.
 · ... 187

Shankar's 'temple according to i:fi¥J4ij~dl. (2) Sundar

Narayan's temple according to ~ - (3) Kalu. Ram's
Temple accqrding to +{,!Fdffi.a1. and this shows that 'upto-,
the advent of the British rule the Ancient engineering
texts were consulted and adhered to. During the ··
Maratlia period the Mahomedu.n style was abandoned
and attempts were made to revive the Ancient texts and.:
to follow them in detail as is seen in the houses, -
temples, towns, dr~inage works, •at Wai, Satara.,' Poona
· and N asik. The palaces, particularly the Darbar-I;Iall
at Satara · are just as they should be according t~ the _.
Ancient engineering texts. · ·
deals- with fortifications and various kinds ·
5ilifii{~II(.:!(
of defensive works. In the par·t of Engineering texts
five ~ s are mentioned viz. ( 1) efw~ ( 2) ~ : .
(3) ~~ ( 4) ~ ( 5) -· ~ - Of these the
first four are at present available, and a short descrip- ·
tion of them is given below.
( 1) ~ - T h i s consists cµiefl.y of gymnastics
only and this was the text that was followed by W,flcI
and his army as. narrn.ted in the Ramayana. Weu.pons ·
were unkpown at that time and the ·name ~ comes -
from the breaking of the e1temy's body by bending a·n d , .
not from~, a bow. After the quarrel between ciftrn and
A»t11fi:t-;(, the latter invented weapons and bows .
. (2) ~ gives details of the weapons inven.te? -
by Vishwamitra, who afterwards imparted his know- -
ledge to Rama.
(3) ~ describes the formation and proprieties..
of~ the arrangement· of the army. A particular ~~
is to be used under particular ·circumstances and with.
a particular object. The art lies in the formation and..
 · 188 ..
i.developrnent of ~he <Rt~S by which the arrangements of
: the fighters a.re the least exposed t_o an attack, and
·this is called ~'l~..fr t¾r; the. art of counteracting the
. los8es by death in the battle. .

( 4) ~~ descri.bes the explosives disc~vered

. by ~ and known after him as c~~) living fire. ~m
· describes some a{~fS mi~siles which a·re a sort bombs· of
. to be attached to arrows a11d exploded on striking against:
'. the· enemy's body. These we~·e used by +fiqr and , ~tr;
: others.

(5) ~ was· the text taught ·by :Ulff and used'

·.·in the great battle of ~.a);r between the ~ s and the
0
qr~s. No text of this ~ is yet found. ·

It was ~ who invented the means of protecting

· human- bodi_es against the weapons of the enemy such
-~s, shields, a~mours; and this idea was developed into
\rnmparts, trenches and at.her defensive works.

<l~ ~ <¼i¥l4<l-il.-JI~ I ~~li:l<!;!'-<hci Rffl+JIWf_ II

~-I_~ a?fifur: ~ l a~~~~ II .

This verse from ~ ~ describes the protective ·

works used by ~ and this 1D course of time 'has
(developed into 5flcfilWI~;

In (.-i~1«-il..Jl~II~) the_ pla:µning o.f towns of vario\lB

-:.shapes and sizes under different· conditions is ,described
Jn detail, selection. of sites, supply of amenities, con-
 189
·. struction of temples, courts, palaces, recreation groundsf.
educational and charitable . institutions, disposal of"
waste prodqcts and the allotnient of land for bazaar and
trade centres are the chief sections of this science. Ail
town-1~rn.nagement is 9arried out by the representatives
of the various communities living in their own wards
and the. Mayor is called affertfq. ~ in his ~~Ri
describes the foi<mation of a town, the settlement of a .
country and. management · of a community. Poona~
N agpur, GwaliorJ Ind ore, are examples of-towns plam:ed ·
· ·and settled during the Maratha • period. According to~.
the texts, water-supply to a town was not .to be through
pipe-connections but through cisterns for each ward or
locality. The· quantity of water required for each
locality is calculated at nine ~s for a Erahmin, seven
for a Kshatriya, five for a Vaishya, th1·ee for a Sudra
and one for low-caste Chandal (a criminal out-.law). ·
In ancient literature there is no separate ffl~ but
the various implements and machines are . described .
· with the operations where they are used. In later ·
pel'iods, however, ~~~T~ is separately treated. Indian
authors divide the whole world into five elementl?
recognised by :five senses viz. ( 1) ~ is . recognised by
the eu.r through its property of sound (2) ~ is recog-
nised by the sense of touch through its property of
touch. (3) ~ is· recognised by the eye through its -
prop!:n·ty of colour and fqrm ( 4) awr_ is 1·ecognised by the
taste through its property of dissolving-and ( 5) ~2.cft is
recognised by the sense of smell through its property
of odour. The five senses of the human body are the
only means. by ·which the existence of anything is .
perceived and hence tlle prin{ary elements cann<~t ·b~ 0

more than frve.

 lDO
In ( ~ ) Mecho.nics, them o.rc. ·five mechanical
-~appliances suited to the .operations to be carried out as
;Under:- '
•
Namo of olomont. Mcohanloal appliance. Oporatione to po done.

~iq') Solids. ~ Level. ~ - J3reaking.

anq_-Liquids. ~ ·w1ieel. tJ?<rftf,{1Jl Leading.

· cfiE Ga,ses~ ~ Spokes or ~ Stopping.

' vanes.
~Light. WJJ Inclined ~RUT Concentration
plane.
anm Ether. WI Screw. ilR11f Annihifation.

~®"«~~ ffl:lr.JP.~1'..,,,.,:
-~ ~ ~ "' ~T
II
~: ~ f.tqr =ill0-l ~~ II mwi!<I.
~;~
is o. contrivance in which one or more of the
·mechanicu.l appliances ·noted ,above are :ueed for trana-
·mitting and changing direction and pince. Power used
:is called ~, ·outturn is called ~Rfi and fulcrum is
called <!ff~.
From the above details, it will be seen that ancient·
Indians were not ignorant of anything except the steam
or motor engin$3. Coal and petrol ·was unknown in
India and engines propelled by these agencies .were
. .consequently unknown. Indian enginee1s, howewer,
.useq vegettible n.nd animul products very profusely and
;this.is not n. small legacy. Mineral products, however
,extensive, are sure to be exhausted one day oi: other,
whenever the day might come, and Indian engineers
1·ely ,more upon the everlasting sources of vegetable and,
, animal products. ·
 ·101

Ha.ving so far described in detail the extent of the

]rnowledge of Engineering in Indio., we shall now turn
· to some of ihe peculinrities of engineering practices in
India under three bends viz ( 1) Theory (2) Design and
· . ( 3) Execution.
( 1) THEORY.

· In Indian Engineering, there are certain first prin·

--ciples which are to be followed i_n all works. (1) The
most importn.nt "is the axiom that the effect produced
is proportional to the power applied. Money, time anq
energy :.i.re the principle powe"rs used in engineering
works and nothing co.n be done without i1tilising some.
· of these powers.
(2) Things :.1,re to be used in their natural st:.1,te,
for ex~mple, in the case of a. post, its bottom must be
. the bottom of the tree and.its top, the top of the tree
of which it is made. All wood is to be used with the
bottoin down.
(3) Time is changing and engineering works
must provide for this cho.nge; for example a house should
be warm in cold weather and cool in hot ~eather or n.
ship should float well not only when it is·loaded but also·
,when it is empty.
(4) Previous experiences should always be duly
-considered nnd in making additions and alterations the
changes in the disposition of force~ under the altered
conditions should be to.ken into consideration.
cfdr<[..·cR'tilihF(R~t~~l~©~ ti
~~ '. . .
'1'-1"1'1 ~~l.!iWI ~ 4@-{l3lih~ II

An engineer must know the colour, smell, · taste,

shape, .crystallis~tion, sound and touch of all things
a.nd he should select the best mn.terin.ls a.vailable, In -
_order to import this · knowledge su.mples of all things.
should be preserved in the School :Museum. • ,
ti11J~~: q'ij'~ 't;f i:l0ick'J{ I
. ' .. "' .~
:i:r--~ :i:r---W-«llf ~..--f,F('-lc1<i1: 11
Before using any materials, they should .be properly·
improved u.fter ta.king into consideration its qrii, R!m, cP-T,.
~ , ~ > ~ a.nd iitnmT. rileo.ni~go of theEe terms are
given below: ·
• ciiiI is the clo.Es to which a. thing· belongs by its
natural prope:tics. ·• · ·
~ is a mark denoting o. peculinrity in quality due·
to the formation of the body.
cP-T is ·the efl:'e~t produced upon .a thing by the ::i.ction-
of time.
~ is the stage reached by anything owing to the·.
improvements it has undergone.
~ is the peculiar c::i.pn.city or defect of particular
'thing. Thus tempered steel is very hard but too.
·brittle etc.
· ~ is the.: situation in which a thing is to be used ..
The same thing when used in different situations requires.
difteren? qualities as it is a<?ted upon by d~:fferent forces.
~~ is the peculfo,r quality required to suit the
:req~ir.ements of a peculiar situation.
All these considerations have to· be carefully weig_hed.
befote. the material 'is prepared
- for use in a. structurei.
( 2) DES_IGN•. .
. . In designing ·· engineering works the gr~at. pec~li--
arity ·of Indian methods is the conskl.eratio:r;i not. only of
 physica 1 comfort but also of material ease. )Vlmt effect
would a. thiug pro~uce· on the mind of the beholder
and ~he occupant ·rs
n. matter ·tl_ie Indin.n _· engineer has
to consider. In designing a house an Indfo,n engineer
has to co~1side~ whether the structure would fast till
.the owner is a.gnin in an u.ffl.nent condition. Indian houses
were designed to last n.t 1eu.st -for 200 years and palaces
-~ -and_ such other impQrtaot structures for n.t least· 600
years. The .dimensions of posts, beams, 1.1.re fixed ~ccord-
ing to this. requir~rnent.
'Safety first' is the motto of Indiu.n engiueers..
Hons~s hn.vitig forge q nadrangles with wells n.re the
sn.fest. Thick walls all round, full light, _air, water etc.
from the open space of the q nndranglc, all these go to
-make an ideal Indian house. Indian roads are divided
into five pnrts viz .
. (1) One in the centre for elephants, (2 and 3) two .
-on both sides for horses, ( ·1 and 5) two on the outskirts
for foot-passengers. There are rules laid down for the
.regulation of traffic nt the junction of the roads. r1ie
:ma.in trunk roads are to pn.~s north and south so that
shade can be had by foot-passengers all day long except
:at noon when anybody goes out very rarely. ·
In designing a flight of steps, a. broader step is
introduced n.fter every four or five steps in order to
:give relief to the knee-joint. Such steps are at len.st
twice .as broad as the others. In all the flights of steps
·on the bathing ghats on rivers as .
also· those leadino·
0
to
1.1IJountai11-tops, tl1is practice is invarfably- followed.
Temples a1'Etdesigned ~o meet these requirements:-
(i) . 1ffe. or t~a idol is intended to satisfy the sense of
touch.
25
 · 194

(ii) •MI~-TR is intended to satisfy the sense of taste.

,-oN~ is distributed in this place.
(iii) ~ is intended to satisfy the sense of smell
as sacrificial fires are blazed here.
(i \') ~ is intended for the satisfaction of the
sense of sight. The idol is seen from this place. The
ideal of Indfan God is not the idol but ·the. lamp
that burns near it. As the lamp devotes its whole
existence.to distribution qf light, so a man is to devote
the whole. of his life in doing good to t11~ world.
(v) lit~~;{ is the open space for going round the
temple.
(vi) ~ is the place where prayers. n.re heard 01
sung.
(vii) ~ is the place where the· ideal devotee i::.-
. installed as o. model for n.ll to copy.
(viii) .iffi.itsa is the place where t~e_ poor are fed
and cared for. · ·. ·,- ·. ·
. . In designing a. structure,. Indian engineers specify
that the most important· parts should be made very
strong and the remaining parts so as to suit the purse
of the ow:ner. No revised estimates are allowed by Indian
authors who specify that all the requirements of tbe
owner .must be satisfied within the amount he intends
to spend. The engineer ia • o.t liberty to selec~ the
materials. suited to the purse but he lms to satisfy all
comforts o.nd requirements. A king requires as· much
food and warmth as a poor man does but their financial
capacities · differ considerably. . The ·engineer~ therefore
fulfils-the' re·quirements and comforts of. botJ,f by using
different materials suited to differe11t persons. -
 195

..... It is not easily.·. po·ssible to. get all. good qualities

at once. :But the artisan has to avoid as many : defects.
and ·secure as many advantages as possible. ·
. .

(3) EXECUTION.

(a) Selection of site:-the site for a building or

reside~ce _is selected Oil the following consideratiQill,3:-
( l) Th~ kind of fand and its neighbou.rhood.
(2) Yicinity of water and its supply.
(3) Kinds of pla.nts surroundjng the site.
( 4) Kinds of beasts aud birds near by .
. (5) .Kinds of men in the vicinity.
( 6) Gradient and the directions of the prevail-
. ing winds and·flow of water.
(b) Testing of foundations:-
. .
. The foundation of u building is tested in the follow-
mg ways:-
(1) By the absorption of.water.
(2) By the compactness of the soil.
(3). :By the direction of the currents of air.
(4) By the absorption of heat tl.nd light by
the soil.
( c) .Selecti·on of materials-the materials are select-
. ed, n.s already noted, by testing their colour. It is_,
then, determined· what material is useful in the parti-
cular place. It is then wrought to suit the requirements
and this -process is· -known as ~ - _· There· are 16.
important ~ s and,24 secondary ffllUS to a first-class
 196
material._ The least ~ s are 4 and even the ·wr~st
rrrnterial unde1·goes these 4. The strength of a
s·trnc . .
tu.re is that of its weakest part· and hence Indian
engineers .specify that ·the whole structure should be ·of
uniform. streno·th.
O•
·
(cl) Plinth~-these are requ.i red to make up levels,
to add to the security against floods etc., and_to enhance
beauty. Various designs for plinths ::-,re·. recommended
and to suit these, different designs for -chairs, posts,.
cl.!Cbes, lrnte}s, doors etc. are specified SO as to have a
uniform ii::npression from the bottom to the top. ·
(~) Doors and. Windows-The .dimensions of ·doors
and· windows are fixed with reference to the num b~r of
storey~, the heig.ht of one storey and the width of the
rooms. A uniform light is desired and with this
object the heights of the lower storeys and therefore the
dimensions of the doors a~d · windows are kep.t greater
than those of t}:ie upper sto1·eys.
(/) Roofs-Different typ.es of roofs are rec,om-
mended for different climatic conditions. The slope of
the roof val'ies from 1 in 12 in Sind to 1 in 1 in
'.~rashmere to suit the rainfall and wind conditions of
the various Indian districts.
(g) ·Ornamentation-It is very difficult to '.keep ·
delicate carvings free from dust and Indian engineers
therefore specify that carvings should be used only on
structures of well-to-do_ persons where ·cleanliness .can
be easily secured. Carvings are to be used in teniplea;
pa.faces and not in ordinary houses.
ln ·conclusion it ~1aybe noted that I_ndian ·students
ought to study · Indian texts. Indian texts pre_scribe
 197
Indian ma.teritl.ls, indigencous methods a.nd are suited to--
local. manners, c_ustoms and conditions. ,vhcn the
people n.ro able to aatis(y most of their wants by indi-
geneous products, then and then alone c:rn they be
prosperous. Indiuu texts specify Indian wood, Indian
stone, India:o rnetals and take into conf!iclemtion Indiu.u
conditions. Indian manners, habits, customs and
religious practices are the outcome of these conditions.
atid therefore Indian texts l\fC worth tho lltu<ly by Indian
students. New ideas, new inventions and discoverio::; aro
also to be studied uud used bnt only in ad<litio1i to Indian
ones.· In tlie present system of tenching the \Vestern
element is prcposteron:;. Iudiuu cngiueeriug grndua.tes
of ~he present day know how to build a bungalow, design
a coffin or decorate a church but are quite iguomut as
to the "building of In<liau houses, de:;igns, toiubs of
Sanyasis or construction of temples. They know the
properties of oak nnd pine trees but not those of the
· Indi.\u trees. Indiu.n stone, Indian soil, In<lian colours,
dei,;ervc to be tested by·the modern methodo t~s 11.lso the
preecription of ancient authors to be veriiied.

The great advantage of the otn<ly of Indian Engi-

irnering is tlmt it embodies the experience of so· ma.ny
ages. Termces constructed on the present me:thods
alwa.ys let1ik but terraces constructed according to
the.Indian specifications do not,. Tempcrii;1g of tools
according to Indian specifict\tions is more lasting tho.n
tµa.t according .to the Western specifications. It is true
that Indian authors use minemls very sp,tiringly ~ud
amongst meta.ls, they depreciate iron as the worst and
easily peri~bable metll.l. The experience of animal and
veg~ta.ble materials as -recorded bv Indian authors is.
vast.
 198
I~1dian authors advise tbat engineers ought to be
·able to treat ordinary accidents on their works. and for
tpis purpose devote a chapter on (~1twut,{'ll) treatment
·of wounds, bruises and dis~ases. 1Ja~y of these re~edies
a.re very simple ·a nd effective. They require ordinary
plants and herbs that are available everywliere and can
.b e had anywhere in India. ·
Shivaji Souvenir
MARATHI-HINDI SECTION
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a
an~ 3l?.lfc( ~ ~ ( page 96 ).
· (3) Cf. Orme's Bistorieal Fragments, note XXIIr
l\~ ~ ~- 'Father Navarette, who sniled from Goa.
on 16th Nov. 1670, writes:-'' I mentioned in another·
place how he (Shivaji) attacked the territory of Goa, and
carried away two or three hundred Christians and a
Franciscan''. (ed. 1805).
,.... t'\ '"\(" p· J ,_
· 1~ti::11Jii'€41· ~r cil~lct<l0 ~t=crr ~ Ifi'q !f:fruf 1erre osepu:
t\ ..... ~· "

d'Orleans ~ ~r ~ · ( ~r Histoira d~ Sevagi et" de.son

Successeur,' Paris, 1688·) -
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~~ ~ di "U'.l( · ::t i ·After· all History. is the· in erplay of
the Civilizations-~K\~l~ ~l~ ~·:._~Rt~1c{\ ~1~!!9C\ ';\ ~-~~Rt-
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tj, \:lfu~L~ · ~cf :i_ct~ ~~1s .. ~ ~lij ~kJ.t.~~fctcl M~l~~l"Ul~.
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To-day India is the ,b~ttle-grou_nd of Civilizations.
_ 'clKl~l~ (§~~,
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~~
·~ci\ ct\, ~\+\--~ .';\ ~"\i~.-{\ \\'g, ~i ctl ~ll 'l.l°! &, ::\tl\~ ~';\ ~"\i~.-{\
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(ttl~ctlli {! ~~ !
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~iji\' ~-
~ rctttit+ti ':Vila-( i ci~ @ctf.
The coming world race & the coming world civilization
,shall be th~ harmop.iatzion of worldraces & word-civilizatign.
And at this moment both are be ng forged in India by
the grest V ulican, the W orld-fql:l.L<'tl. .
·~l:f\ ~ +\l ..it.C\lrli ~l~i?,}l+li :IJllcr( rt~ <sctf. ofi<>,d ~lt:t~ ~~ctl
-<i~ +tii. ~i~Cll~ l-~\~l .~Uil+\i-:U.~l+\l ~~lit~f ~; clJ~l ~~I.
Unfortunately for India Gandhi Tagore Bose Shraddba- ·
nand Iqbal could not harmonize-could not work together
for the uplif.t 0£ India, & through India 0£ humunity.
:IJl::\ '3'!~t ..ct: .The European Civilization has seen its
meridian.
 What was the last Europetn "\Var ? was it the evening-
bell of the presE.nt Liviathon, or the birth pangs of a new
i~~? .
~Jfu~l{"trfl ~~rfl ~ @tj~ @'q~ :v{\(t{<{\ ~~t\flitr{ ~~~fctd ~urcc
l:\l~ 0.
Europe is outstrepped by America in. riches, in Ford,.
' in Eddison, in the Panama Canal: :vtl"4~ ~l(l ~W\<{\ ~~E{l.
:i>ttEfi:Cllrt ~lrlctl, :i>tllR~t~i 't 'to ~W\r{\ ~~t:fl ut~ltt 0 •.
Yet America does not show a new ci_vilization; fulfilling-
defects of Modernism, subjective & objective.
Unfortunately for the wo!ld, · Lenin Mussoloni. Gandhi
Zaglul Kamal Pasha S-un Yat Sen Lloyd George the Kaisar·
Wilson Clamentean·: cannot cow:ork, cannot cooperate. .
Non-cooperation is not an Indian disease only; it seems--
to be today a .world disease.
And thus, humanity suffers.
I do not undervalue the western civilization, old or·
new. But like evei·ything else in the world it has its limits::
& unless New Light is born, it has reached its "limits.
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:i>tllR!st eh §~ ot1Cl\1s 0, ~ ct1 !s)J~i~l ~ <){1i1 ~- 'tt?J. \~ti1 ~~,
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.!!;i.~ @0ld ~cud 0.
. Today the World, probably, awaits the birth of the
Chirst to Be. ~-1~1::\1 ~~!tl ~ctctl~, ~~1~';:tt. ~~L{l, lll~fl~l~,.
Promised Land d ~:a[ rt.
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