for a clear, accessible and balanced presentation of representative themes of this vibrant era of Catholic discourse will be well rewarded by perusing
the middle part of this book.
The assumption guiding this treatment is that the social encyclicals are instances of religious ‘myth’, which were appropriated by Catholic actors
in ‘ideological’ ways during the period under study. Some readers will be put off by the use in this context of the terms ‘myth’ and ‘ideology’, with their
corresponding connotations of discourse that is not literally true to fact and is shaped by material interests. In practice, the use of such categories
to explain religious truth often results in explaining it away. In this book, be assured, the author takes the texts and debates involved quite seriously,
with no apparent reductionism. If he had simply reported these categories as his own perspective for historical analysis, there would be little reason
to comment on them; but he goes much further.
The primary motivation for the history presented - we are told - is to present evidence in support of the view that the encyclicals are, in themselves,
religious myth. Indeed, this thesis follows from a comprehensive view that the categories of myth and ideology characterize the nature of religious
truth. On this theory, mythic truth claims become embodied as self-evident and authoritative, but also adaptable for ideological appropriation, in the
discourse of religious communities. The well-known creation myth of Genesis, for example, is appropriated in divergent ways corresponding to
ideological interests in contemporary debates over gender roles. Likewise, the variability of Catholic appeals to the encyclicals provides evidence
that ‘.the mythic character of Genesis and its role in contemporary society is comparable to the mythic quality of the papal encyclicals that shaped
Catholic economic thinking in the pre-Vatican II years’ (p. 12).
This thesis is overly broad, in my judgment, to the detriment of the book. It is not clear (and never explained) why all religious truth must be of a
single type or nature. This point is pertinent, as Catholics specifically distinguish a wide range of types of revealed truth. The reasoning behind the
author’s method of argument, moreover, is fraught with fallacy. To assume a text is mythic in order to analyze its use, in order to then prove that it is
mythic, appears to be an instance of assuming one’s conclusion. And if, further, one ‘discovers’ thereby that the encyclical texts are variably used,
like myths are ideologically appropriated, then is not one merely affirming the consequent? If all bachelors are males, to affirm that someone is male
does not thereby establish that he is a bachelor. There may be other explanations.
In the case in point, there is indeed another explanation, which the author never acknowledges or addresses. The Catholic Church specifically
addresses the question of the status of the religious truth of the encyclicals in question, in a way that explains both their authoritativeness and their
varied usage, and that specifically rebuts the author’s thesis. The 1987 social encyclical Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (SRS) clarifies that ‘[the Church’s
social doctrine] belongs to the field, not of ideology, but of theology and particularly of moral theology’ (Section 41; emphasis in original). In the
Catholic understanding since at least the middle ages, moral theology consists of discourse at two levels: abstract principles, which are general,
authoritative and unchanging; and concrete directives, which apply the principles to specific situations and can be quite variable depending on the
circumstances. In the case of social doctrine, SRS further asserts the operation of yet a third - middle - level of discourse consisting of criteria by
which to judge collective social arrangements or developments.
This 1987 statement was formulated specifically to address claims, such as that of this book, that the social encyclicals function as some sort of
ideology in the Church. It should be noted that the category of myth - though the social encyclicals are not judged to be such - is of value for describing
the nature of some religious truth for Catholics. Indeed, a faithful Catholic understanding of the Genesis creation account would understand it as
myth in much the manner described in this book.
My point, of course, is not that one need accept SRS’s account of the status of the social teachings as moral theology in preference to the author’s
mythic argument. My point is merely that, in order to provide a scholarly argument worth reading, the latter needs to acknowledge and respond to the
former. One would not know from this book that the religious group under study had already rebutted its thesis in specific terms.
The focus on the myth thesis, moreover, narrows the historical analysis somewhat, even as regards religion. For each of the three central
discourses analyzed, the author draws a similar conclusion: that the participants each ‘reproduced the distinctive ideology of the social encyclicals
on their own terms’ (p. 81). No attempt (that I could find) is made to expand on this bare finding in light of the extensive and suggestive historical
material that forms its basis. There is no discussion of the fact that, in each dialogue chronicled so well, the participants tend to agree on aims but
differ on strategy. Nor is there recognition of the fact that one of the participants is invariably more sect-like, rejecting existing arrangements and
advocating separation from culture in order to challenge it or find perfection, while the other is more church-like, advocating working within the system
to influence society from within ‘like leaven in the loaf. The notable fact that there were clear limits to disagreement - for example, no Catholic group,
no matter how critical of abuses of such things, ever opposed unions or private property - coterminous with the perspicacious teachings of the
encyclicals, is not noted. Nor is there any attempt to consider more general implications of the fact that the three approaches chronicled together
address three definitive elements of modern society - urbanization, industrialization and capitalism.
In sum, those interested in a well-conceived argument on the nature of religious truth claims or the Catholic social encyclicals will likely be
disappointed. But those in search of a readable, balanced history of this lively era of American Catholic life could hardly do better than this book.
Paul Sullins
The Catholic University of America (U.SA) E-mail address: Sullins@cua.edu doi: 10.1016/j.religion.2010.05.004
Kate Cooper and Julia Hillner, eds., Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage in Early Christian Rome, 300-900. New York, Cambridge University Press,
2007, xv + 327 pp., $99 (hardback), ISBN 978 0 521 87641 4.
In recent years, the notion that as the western Roman empire collapsed the pope inexorably and inevitably replaced the emperor as the civic
authority in the city of Rome has come under a great deal of scrutiny. This largely excellent collection of essays offers a compelling
critique of this representation of history, aptly termed ‘papal teleology’ by the editors in their superb introduction. In a clear and concise manner, the
editors not only sketch some of the key historical events from 300 to 900 CE and their place in modern scholarship, but also outline the relevant
literary evidence, underscoring the need to re-examine and re-evaluate this evidence that was increasingly produced by the papacy. The inevitable
biases of such sources highlight the pressing necessity for greater reciprocity between historians and archaeologists in order to balance the
difficulties of the textual evidence as scholars re-define late antique and early medieval Rome. Unfortunately, however, no archaeologist appears in
this volume, nor does archaeological evidence play any substantial role. The need for an updated survey of the physical city becomes clear - especially
as the still-canonical Krautheimer survey is both mired in the papal teleological narrative and out-of-date as vast amounts of new archaeological
evidence has been produced over the past 25 years. Material evidence aside, this volume laudably interrogates the literary sources for late antique
and early medieval Rome, revealing the limits and possibilities of the evidence while presenting the complex and intertwined relationships between
334 Book Reviews / Religion 40 (2010) 324-377
dependent upon the powers and prerogatives of the classical Roman aristocracy. However, as Hillner’s essay argues, this dependence varies
according to circumstance, as the aristocracy may not have exercised as much control over the tituli as many scholars have argued.
In conclusion, although largely aimed at a specialist audience, the essays by Humphries and Cooper offer broad overviews that are accessible to
the general reader. The other essays, while dealing with specific issues, engage a set of similar themes. First, most of the essays demonstrate the
ongoing power and prestige of Roman aristocratic households and the enduring authority of the emperor even in absentia - except for Hillner’s, which
controversially re-evaluates the status of the tituli. A simplified image of late antique Roman social and political life aided the development of the
papal teleology and so this exploration of the complexities and diversity of Rome from 300 to 900 CE works to unsettle that view. The papacy certainly
became a power, but not immediately and not without competition. Second, the essays collectively interrogate much of the literary evidence for late
antique and early medieval Rome, although the lack of archaeological material is lamentable. In particular, the value and import of the gesta martyrum
in the construction of contemporary power relations and ideologies becomes clear in the contributions of Sessa, Leyser and Costambeys. The
emphasis on aristocratic authority and the reconsideration of the evidence make this collection a very valuable contribution to the study of early
Christian Rome.
Jacob Latham
University of California, Santa Barbara (U.S.A) E-
mail address: jlatham@ihc.ucsb.edu
doi: 10.1016/j.religion.2010.05.005
Jeff Wilson, Mourning the Unborn Dead: A Buddhist Ritual Comes to America. New York, Oxford University Press, 2009, viii + 260 pp., $35
(cloth), ISBN 978 0 19 537193 2.
This is a study of mizuko kuyo, the contemporary Japanese rite performed on behalf of ‘water babies’ - aborted children/beings - by some Buddhist
temples, as this rite is brought to America, performed and adapted here. The ritual has been a source of controversy in Japan, but Wilson’s story is a
very different one. Here, it has been used as fuel for both sides in the American abortion controversy. Much more interestingly, it has become a
resource of healing for both American Buddhists and non-Buddhists. It is also one mark of the renewal of interest in ritual and specific Bodhisattvas
among the former. The book is an excellent contribution to the study of Buddhism in America, and it is also relevant and important to other academic
discussions, most notably the re-discovering and reshaping of mourning in America.
Mizuko kuyo is one of several relatively new religious rituals from postwar Japan. It became popular after 1946, when abortion was legalized
there, and is aimed to placate and protect the mizuko, or ‘water baby’, who is seen as having been wreaking revenge on its family. Almost all family
troubles can be attributed to the unquiet mizuko. The rite asks Jizo, the Bodhisattva of children, to protect the mizuko, saving this poor in-between
being from the dry riverbed hell in which it is now abandoned. The Japanese family purchases a statue ofJizo - who resembles both a monk and a child
- and dresses him with a bib, cap and other adornments suitable to a very young child. The controversy in Japan is focused around the concept of
‘revenge’ and whether this is truly a Buddhist idea, as well as questions about the mercenary motives of the temples that do well in performing these
rites.
But what happens when this ritual is brought to America? Who imports it, how, and why? It is these questions that Wilson’s fascinating study
answers, although some background information about the ritual’s Japanese history and meanings is provided. The first and most straightforward
section deals with how Japanese-American Buddhist communities - often called ‘churches’ as a legacy of an era when immigrant faiths tried to adapt
to American Christian patterns - do and do not celebrate mizuko kuyo. Because most of their members are descen- dents of immigrants who came
here long before the ritual developed in Japan, there is no firm pattern of inherited practice. However, certain new Japanese residents (such as
students) want the rite performed, and some temples have accommodated this. It is clearly not a big business for these quiet and small-scale religious
communities. Wilson, like many others who write about American Buddhism, must decide which terms to use in acknowledging the basic division
between these groups and ‘convert’ Buddhism, with which the next part of the book deals.