New York, NY: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/ move beyond conclusions based on simple cross-sectional cor-
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conditions are controlled. Some explanations for this include how other people are doing. Findings from my laboratory and
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
cultural standards for feeling and expressing positive emo- those of others suggests that social comparison effects on
tions (Eid & Diener, 2001), differences in social support SWB do not fully follow from the theory proposed by Fest-
(Oishi & Schimmack, 2010), and differences in positivity inger (1954), which stated that individuals compare them-
(Diener, Scollon, Oishi, Dzokoto, & Suh, 2000). Societal selves to those who are similar and proximal to them. On the
circumstances can be associated with very large differences basis of the original theory, people ought to be more satisfied
in SWB, which are due both to objective circumstances and with their incomes and lives if they are better off materially
to other cultural factors. than their neighbors and co-workers, and less satisfied if they
fall below this standard. Findings reveal, however, that ma-
Predictors of Well-Being Across Cultures terial standards now extend across the nations of the world.
There are some differences between cultures in the predictors of Festinger (1954) constructed the theory of social compar-
SWB, and these often fit the pattern of culture–person congru- ison before television became ubiquitous. Now 84% of
ence (for reviews, see Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2003; Tov & households worldwide own a television (based on the Gallup
Diener, 2007; Oishi, 2012). To the extent that people have the World Poll). Many television programs aired around the
characteristics that are valued in their culture, they tend to be world are produced in Western nations and portray prosper-
happier. Because some characteristics are valued in some cul- ous lifestyles in these countries. The Internet and print media
tures more than in others, there are differences in what predicts provide information about material comforts in the most
happiness in societies. For instance, Diener and Diener (1995) economically developed nations. Thus, people may know as
found that self-esteem was a stronger predictor of life satisfac- much about the material lives of individuals in wealthy
tion in individualistic cultures than in collectivistic cultures. Suh nations, as portrayed in the media, as they do about their
(2002) found that a consistent personality is valued more in the neighbors. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that people now
West than in South Korea, and hence consistency was more judge their own incomes in reference to a world standard.
predictive of SWB in the West. Fulmer et al. (2010) found that In support of a worldwide standard for income, nations
extraverts tend to be happier in extraverted cultures than in line up well in life satisfaction based on their average
introverted cultures. incomes. Figure 1 shows the strong relation between in-
Suh, Diener, and Updegraff (2008) found that a person’s come and life satisfaction among the nations of the world,
moods and emotions were more predictive of life satisfaction indicating that national wealth is a major predictor of the
in an individualistic culture, whereas one’s social life was average SWB in them. When people’s incomes were stan-
more predictive of life satisfaction in a collectivistic culture. dardized by their age and occupation within their nations,
Recently, Diener, Tay, and Myers (2011) found that in very these predictors reflecting people’s local standing on in-
religious nations and states of the United States, religious come added only a small increment in predicting their life
people have higher life satisfaction than nonreligious people, satisfaction beyond people’s absolute incomes (Diener,
whereas in the least religious nations and states this differ- Tay, & Oishi, 2012). Furthermore, the slopes of income
ence disappears. Thus, whether religion is associated with and life satisfaction within nations are not as steep as the
SWB depends on the society. slope of mean income and mean life satisfaction across
The findings that there are both universal and society- nations, thus contradicting the idea that local social com-
specific predictors of SWB raise intriguing questions for parisons are primary.
future research: What are the universal predictors of SWB Becchetti, Castriota, and Giachin (2011) found that life
and why do they have effects across all societies? Are the satisfaction depends on the distance between people’s
universals more inherently evaluable (Hsee & Zhang, 2010) income and that in the richest nations. People’s satisfac-
Correlation = .82 severe disabilities (Lucas, 2007). We also know that over a
7 period of years, a significant number of individuals do change
substantially in their levels of life satisfaction (Fujita &
Diener, 2005). The income and SWB relation shown in
6
Figure 1 also suggests incomplete adaptation to circum-
stances, because people in rich and poor nations who have
5 been in these conditions for many decades remain quite
dissimilar in their levels of SWB.
4
The adaptation pattern for an individual can be revealing.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Adaptation Figure 2
“Harry’s” Moods Over Six Weeks
The idea of adaptation to conditions prevailed in the field of 6
Cancer Remission
SWB for many decades. Brickman, Coates, and Janoff-Bul-
Average Daily Moods
5
man (1978) proposed that people react strongly to good and 4
bad events, with higher and lower SWB, respectively, but 3
then quickly adapt back to their original baseline levels. This 2
1
meant that in the long run, even extreme conditions such as
0
paraplegia or extreme poverty would have negligible influ-
-1
ences on a person’s SWB. However, recent longitudinal -2
findings suggest that adaptation to conditions is more intri- 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
cate (Diener, Lucas, & Scollon, 2006) and that circumstances Day Number
can have a large impact on SWB. It may take many years for Note. Possible moods vary from 6 (extremely positive) to ⫺6 (extremely
adaptation to occur, and sometimes adaptation is not com- negative).
plete.
income (Diener, Nickerson, Lucas, & Sandvik, 2002). There Not only are there issues about when SWB is beneficial,
is evidence linking certain forms of SWB, for example, job there are also questions about whether there is an optimal
satisfaction, to organizational citizenship (e.g., Brief & Mo- level for effective functioning. Diener and Biswas-Diener
towidlo, 1986). In a large meta-analysis, Oishi (2012) found (2008) argued that people without negative emotions can be
that “happy” workers are more productive. In a large study of deviant and debilitated and that people with positive emo-
thousands of work units, Harter, Schmidt, Asplund, and Kil- tions that are too intense and continuous can also suffer. In
ham (2010) found that job satisfaction prospectively pre- support of this line of reasoning, Oishi, Diener, and Lucas
dicted the performance of work units. Oswald, Proto, and (2007) found that the highest levels of SWB were optimal for
Sgroi (2012) found in both a laboratory experimental study social functioning, as measured by the stability of romantic
and in a naturalistic study that positive moods benefited relationships, but for the most effective functioning in
productivity on a speeded task but did not affect the quality achievement domains, as measured by school grades and
of work. Edmans (2012) found that stock price returns were income, being happy, but not extremely happy, was most
predicted by earlier job satisfaction in companies. These advantageous. George and Zhou (2007) found that positive
findings are compelling because they rule out reverse causal- mood was predictive of employee creativity but that creativ-
ity from good performance to job satisfaction, and they take ity was highest when some negative affect was also present.
into account the numerous channels such as customer satis- Gruber, Mauss, and Tamir (2011) argued that there might
faction and employee turnover through which employee be a wrong time for happiness, a wrong amount of it for the
SWB might influence organizational performance. occasion, and wrong ways of pursuing it. For example, they
Recent research ties SWB to desirable social behavior and found that people who were about to confront someone
good citizenship behavior in the community. For example, preferred to be in an angry mood and performed better if they
Aknin, Sandstrom, Dunn, and Norton (2011) found that in were.
122 of 136 nations, life satisfaction was associated with Much more research is needed into why SWB predicts
donating more money to charity. Priller and Schupp (2011) desirable behavioral and health outcomes. Low life satisfac-
found that people who were happy during the past month, tion predicts a greater likelihood of suicide, a connection that
who felt high in positive feelings and low in negative feel- seems straightforward. However, findings by Luhmann, Lu-
ings, were more likely to donate blood and donate money to cas, Eid, and Diener (2012) suggest that life satisfaction
charity, even after controlling for income, education, and predicts future events for varying reasons. It predicts events
employment. Shin et al. (2011) found that positive affect in such as divorce because a conflictual marriage leads both to
children was associated with peer acceptance, teacher-rated low life satisfaction and to a greater probability of divorcing.
adjustment, and initiating positive interaction with peers. Other events might be predicted by low life satisfaction
Boehm and Lyubomirsky (2008) reviewed evidence that because it accompanies a desire to change one’s circum-
happy people tend to be more popular and likable. stances. Consistent with this interpretation, Luhmann et al.
The correlates of high SWB are broad, including biolog- found that starting a new job and relocating to a new geo-
ical factors such as fertility and survival of healthy offspring. graphical location both followed low life satisfaction. Finally,
These findings led Diener, Oishi, and Suh (2012) to argue long-term life satisfaction might predict even temporally
that humans have been evolutionarily selected for positive distant events because the antecedents of life satisfaction,
levels of happiness. Although researchers analyze the corre- such as higher income and a happy disposition, also might
lates of differences in happiness, it is noteworthy that most increase the likelihood of certain events. Luhmann et al.’s
people are above neutral in their moods and emotions (Diener findings on a higher likelihood of parenthood for those high
better. For example, if happy employees are more productive, tion is lower when commuting to work is long and difficult
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
this is important information for organizations and societies. (Stutzer & Frey, 2008), when the air is polluted (Luechinger,
However, if people in some societies are already happy 2007), and when there is airport noise (van Praag & Baarsma,
enough for effective functioning, and further gains will not 2005). Each of these findings can have policy implications.
benefit productivity, citizenship, or other outcomes, this too For example, the SWB findings point to certain policies (e.g.,
is important information for citizens and leaders alike. zoning that allows work areas, shopping areas, and housing
Thinking of SWB as an antecedent of events, not just as areas to be proximal to one another) rather than to other
following from them, raises a host of intriguing new ques- policies (e.g., building more freeways and subways connect-
tions: When and why does SWB predict outcomes? In what ing to the suburbs).
circumstances is high SWB most beneficial, and when is it In the health area, SWB data can help apportion research
detrimental? Are there optimal levels of SWB for particular dollars between diseases based in part on the amount of
situations? Are societies best served by having individuals misery or unhappiness they cause (Dolan & White, 2007).
who differ in levels of SWB? Do cultures differ in the degree There are policy questions in education, housing, and many
to which the experience and expression of SWB are benefi- other areas on which the SWB data can help throw additional
cial? light on the issues. The data on “happiness” do not provide
complete answers about what policies should be adopted, of
National Accounts of Subjective course, but they can provide additional insights that can be of
Well-Being help in policy deliberations.
It can be argued that the good society is one offering the most There has now been notable success in nations discussing
SWB to the greatest number of its citizens. Thus, assessing and adopting measures of SWB to use in policy deliberations.
the SWB of societies is a way of measuring the quality of life For example, in 2010 the prime minister of the United King-
in them. My colleagues and I have argued that the SWB dom announced that the nation would monitor well-being,
approach captures important information that is not contained and the measures that were adopted included life satisfaction
in economic indicators (Diener, Lucas, Schimmack, & Helli- and positive feelings. The Organization of Economic Coop-
well, 2009; Diener & Seligman, 2004). eration and Development (OECD) is a major international
On the basis of the idea that an important aspect of a good organization that helps coordinate statistics between more
society is that people in it like and enjoy their lives, I than 30 of the wealthiest nations of the world. The OECD has
proposed that societies establish national accounts of subjec- been issuing reports on the validity of the SWB measures and
tive and psychosocial well-being (Diener, 2000). Because how they might be used in the national accounting systems of
quality of life includes more than money, the SWB measures nations. There are parallel efforts in nations such as Chile,
can help highlight quality of life factors such as the environ- Japan, and Australia. In the United States, some of the
ment, social relationships, health, and so forth that are not national health-monitoring activities of the Centers for Dis-
fully captured by economic indices. Furthermore, the bene- ease Control and Prevention (CDC) include surveys of SWB.
ficial outcomes of high SWB add an additional reason to The Himalayan nation of Bhutan has famously declared that
adopt measures of SWB at the national level. it will use GHP, or the gross happiness product, to guide its
Measures of SWB can provide a greater voice to factors policies. Thus, the idea of national and international accounts
beyond economic growth that are important to well-being and of SWB is becoming a reality.
quality of life. For instance, in the Gallup World Poll, after The finding that societies differ substantially in SWB
controlling for income, average life satisfaction and the en- leads to important applied questions: What societal factors
joyment of life in societies are both predicted by other fac- most influence SWB? What do the SWB measures assess that
used. Thus, we need more rigorous research methods in the satisfaction scales, virtually all of the studies reviewed were
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