edu/entries/k
epler/
Johannes Kepler
First published Mon May 2, 2011; substantive revision Thu May 21, 2015
Johannes Kepler (1571–1630) is one of the most significant representatives of the so-called
Scientific Revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries. Although he received only the basic
training of a “magister” and was professionally oriented towards theology at the beginning of
his career, he rapidly became known for his mathematical skills and theoretical creativity. As
a convinced Copernican, Kepler was able to defend the new system on different fronts:
against the old astronomers who still sustained the system of Ptolemy, against the
Aristotelian natural philosophers, against the followers of the new “mixed system” of Tycho
Brahe—whom Kepler succeeded as Imperial Mathematician in Prague—and even against the
standard Copernican position according to which the new system was to be considered
merely as a computational device and not necessarily a physical reality. Kepler's complete
corpus can be hardly summarized as a “system” of ideas like scholastic philosophy or the
new Cartesian systems which arose in the second half of the 17th century. Nevertheless, it is
possible to identify two main tendencies, one linked to Platonism and giving priority to the
role of geometry in the structure of the world, the other connected with the Aristotelian
tradition and accentuating the role of experience and causality in epistemology. While he
attained immortal fame in astronomy because of his three planetary laws, Kepler also made
fundamental contributions in the fields of optics and mathematics. To the little-known facts
regarding Kepler’s indefatigable scientific activity belong his efforts to develop different
technical devices, for instance, a water pump, which he tried to patent and apply in different
practical contexts (for the documents, see KGW 21.2.2., pp. 509–57 and 667–691). To his
contemporaries he was also a famous mathematician and astrologer; for his own part, he
wanted to be considered a philosopher who investigated the innermost structure of the
cosmos scientifically.
4.1 Realism
Realism is a constant and integral part of Kepler's thought, and one which appears in
sophisticated form from the outset. The reason for this is that his realism always runs parallel
to his defense of the Copernican worldview, which appeared from his first public
pronouncements and publications.
Many of Kepler's thoughts about epistemology can be found in his Defense of Tycho against
Ursus or Contra Ursum (=CU), a work which emerged from a polemical framework, the
plagiarism conflict between Nicolaus Raimarus Ursus (1551–1600) and Tycho Brahe:
causality and physicalization of astronomical theories, the concept and status of astronomical
hypotheses, the polemic “realism-instrumentalism”, his criticism of skepticism in general,
the epistemological role of history, etc. It is one of the most significant works ever written on
this subject and is sometimes compared with Bacon's Novum organum and
Descartes' Discourse on Method (Jardine 1988, p. 5; for an excellent new edition and
complete study of this work see Jardine / Segonds 2008).
The focus of the epistemological issues could be ranked mutatis mutandi with modern
discussion surrounding the scientific status of astronomical theories (however, as Jardine has
pointed out, it would be sounder to read Kepler's CU more as a work against skepticism than
in the context of the modern realism/instrumentalism polemic). For Pierre Duhem (1861–
1916), for instance, the position of Andreas Osiander, which was adopted by Ursus and
which was, according to Duhem, naively criticized by Kepler in his MC, represents the
modern approach known as “instrumentalism”. According to this epistemological position,
held by Duhem himself, scientific theories are not to be closely linked to the concepts of
truth and falsehood. Hypotheses and scientific laws are nothing more than “instruments” for
describing and predicting phenomena (seldom for explaining them). The aim of physical
theories is not to offer a causal explanation or to study the causes of phenomena, but simply
to represent them. In the best-case scenario, theories are able to order and classify what is
decisive for their predictive capacity (Duhem 1908, 1914).
Contrary to Tycho and Kepler, Ursus held a fictionalist position in astronomy. Yet in the
very beginning of his work De hypothesibus, Ursus makes a clear declaration about the
nature of astronomical theories, which is very similar to the approach suggested by Osiander
in his forward to Copernicus' De revolutionibus: a hypothesis is a “fictitious supposition”,
introduced just for the sake of “saving the motions of the heavenly bodies” and to “calculate
them” (trans. Jardine 1988, p. 41)
Following his approach in MC and anticipating the opening pages of his later AN (see
particularly AN, II.21: “Why, and to what extent, may a false hypothesis yield the truth?”
Engl. trans., pp. 294–301), Kepler addresses the question of Copernicanism and its reception
by thinkers such as Osiander, who emphasized that the truth of astronomical hypotheses
cannot necessarily be deduced from the correct prediction of astronomical. According to this
interpretation, Copernican hypotheses are not necessarily true even if they are able to save
the phenomena, otherwise one would commit a fallacia affirmationis consequentis.
However, according to Kepler, “this happens only by chance and not always, but only when
the error in the one proposition meets another proposition, whether true or false, appropriate
for eliciting the truth” (trans. Jardine, p. 140). To be noted is that, as Jardine (2005, p. 137)
has pointed out, the modern scientific realist departs from a real independent world, while
Kepler's notion of truth presupposes that neither nature nor the human mind are independent
of God's mind (Jardine 2005, p. 137).
4.2 Causality
The reality of astronomical hypotheses—and hence the superiority of the Copernican world
system—implied a physicalization of astronomical theories and, in turn, an accentuation of
causality. Despite Kepler's criticism of Aristotle, this aspect can actually be considered the
realization in the field of astronomy of the old Aristotelian ideal of knowledge: “knowledge”
means to grasp the causes of the phenomena.
Thus, on the one hand, “causality” is a notion implying the most general idea of “actual
scientific knowledge” which guides and stimulates each investigation. In this sense, Kepler
already embarked in his MC on a causal investigation by asking for the cause of the number,
the sizes and the “motions” (= the speeds) of the heavenly spheres (see Section 3 above).
On the other hand, “causality” implies in Kepler, according to the Aristotelian conception of
physical science, the concrete “physical cause”, the efficient cause which produces a motion
or is responsible for keeping the body in motion. Original to Kepler, however, and typical of
his approach is the resoluteness with which he was convinced that the problem of
equipollence of the astronomical hypotheses can be resolved and the consequent introduction
of the concept of causality into astronomy – traditionally a mathematical science. This
approach is already present in his MC, where he, for instance, relates for the first time the
distances of the planets to a power which emerges from the Sun and decreases in proportion
to the distance of each planet, up to the sphere of the fixed stars (see Stephenson 1987, pp. 9–
10).
One of Kepler's decisive innovations in his MC is that he replaced the “mean Sun” of
Copernicus with the real Sun, which was no longer merely a geometrical point but a body
capable of physically influencing the surrounding planets. In addition, in notes to the 1621
edition of MC Kepler strongly criticizes the notion of “soul” (anima) as a dynamical factor in
planetary motion and proposes to substitute “force” (vis) for it (see KGW 8, p. 113, Engl.
trans. p. 203, note 3).
One of the most important philosophical aspects of Kepler's Astronomia Nova from 1609
(=AN) is its methodological approach and its causal foundation (see Mittelstrass 1972).
Kepler was sufficiently conscious of the change of perspective he was introducing into
astronomy. Hence, he decided to announce this in the full title of the work: Astronomia
Nova, Aitiologetos, seu physica coelestis, tradita commentariis de motibus stellae Martis. Ex
observationibus G. V. Tychonis Brahe: New Astronomy Based upon Causes or Celestial
Physics Treated by Means of Commentaries on the Motions of the Star Mars from the
observations of Tycho Brahe … (trans. Donahue). In the introduction to AN Kepler insists on
his radical change of view: his work is about physics, not pure kinematical or geometrical
astronomy. “Physics”, as in the traditional, Aristotelian understanding of the discipline, deals
with the causes of phenomena, and for Kepler that constitutes his ultimate approach to
deciding between rival hypotheses (AN, Engl. trans., p. 48; see Krafft 1991). On the other
hand, since his celestial physics uses not only geometrical axioms but also other, non-
mathematical axioms, the knowledge obtained often has a kernel of guesswork.
In the third part of AN, chapters 22–40, Kepler deals with the path of the Earth and intends to
offer a physical account of the Copernican theory. By so doing he includes the idea that a
certain notion of power should be made responsible for the regulation of the differences in
velocities of the planets, which in turn have to be established in relation to the planets'
distances. Now, the Copernican planetary theory departs from the general principle that the
Earth moves regularly on an eccentric circle. For Kepler, on the contrary, the planets are
moved irregularly, and the slower they are moved, the greater their distance is from the
center of power, the Sun. Addressing the physical aspects of his new astronomy, he deals in
chapters 32–40, perhaps the most idiosyncratic of the work, with his notion of motive power.
Here, he combines different approaches and sources, sometimes producing—for the purpose
of simplifying the whole geometrical construction of geometrical astronomy by introducing a
power causing motions—a new confusion at the dynamical level. To begin with, it is not
always absolutely clear what kind of power Kepler has in mind. He inclines, above all, to the
idea of a magnetic power residing in the Sun, but he also mentions light and, at least
indirectly, gravity (which he does not bring into operation in the central chapters of the AN
but which is to a certain extent implied in his explanations using the model of the balance
and which he surely accepts as true for the Sun-Moon system, as he explains in the general
introduction). Secondly, it is not always clear what this power is and how it acts, especially
when he is speaking merely analogically, “as if” (particularly in the case of light).
Essentially, Kepler breaks down the motions of the planets into two components. On the one
hand, the planets move around the Sun—at this state of the discussion—circularly. On the
other hand, they exhibit a libration on the Sun-planet vector. The rotation of the Sun is
responsible for the motion of the planets. Irradiating from the rotating Sun is a power which
spreads at the ecliptic plain. This power diminishes with distance to the source of the power,
that is, to the Sun. A decisive work for Kepler's development in his physical astronomy is
William Gilbert's (1544–1603) De magnete (London, 1600), a work which also intends to
offer a new physics for the new Copernican cosmology and which surely influenced Kepler's
thoughts about this power. One of the main problems was, of course, how to apply the
general principles of magnetism to planetary motion, first to explain the difference in
velocity on a circular path, and later to give an account of the motion on an ellipse. Kepler
conceives of a model with parallel magnetic fibers which links the Sun with the planets in
such a way that the rotation of the Sun causes the motion of the planets around it. The fibers
are born in the planets parallel and perpendicular to the lines of apsides by a kind of “animal
power”. The planets themselves are polarized, that is, with one pole they are attracted to the
Sun, with the other pole they are pushed away from it. This explains very well the direction
of planetary motion: the planets all move in one direction because the Sun rotates in that
direction. Nevertheless, a further problem still seems to remain unresolved: according to
Kepler's explication, the planets should move around the Sun as fast as the Sun itself rotates,
which is not the case. This phenomenon can be explained by referring to a property of
matter, which for Kepler has an axiomatic character: the inclinatio ad quietem, that is, the
tendency to rest (see especially AN, chap. 39; KGW 3, p. 256). As a consequence, the
planets are moved around the Sun slower than they would be if the power of the Sun were at
work alone.
Kepler's causal approach is above all present in his Epitome, a voluminous work which
exercised a considerable influence on the later development of astronomy. In the second part
of Book 4, he deals with the motion of the world's parts. Not the two first laws but rather the
third law, which he had recently announced in his HM, is Kepler's starting point; for this law,
rather than a calculational device for the path of one planet, represents a general
cosmological statement, and thus it is more convenient for his approach here. At the same
time, it should be pointed out that the third law is not necessarily the best point of departure
for a dynamical, causal approach to motion, as Kepler intends here; for, in comparison with
the previous causal approaches, the question of the location of the cause of power
responsible for the production of motion remains relevant. The spheres, which in the
traditional view transported the planets, had been abolished since the time of Tycho.
Furthermore, Kepler is clearly against the “moving intelligences” of the Aristotelian
tradition. The fact that the orbits are elliptical and not circular, shows that the motions are not
caused by a spiritual power but rather by a natural one, which is internal to the composition
of matter. The planets themselves are provided with “inertia”, a property, as Kepler
understood it, that inhibits motion and represents an impediment to it. The motive power (vix
motrix) comes indeed from the Sun, which sends its rays of light and power in all directions.
These rays are captured by the planets. Kepler, however, tries to explain this behavior of the
planets less through astrology and much more through magnetism (a physical phenomenon
which was by no means clearly understood in his time). Firstly, the Sun rotates and, by so
doing, sets in motion the planets around it. Secondly, since the planets are poles of magnets
and the Sun itself acts with magnetic power, the planets are, at different parts of their orbits,
either attracted or repelled; in this way the elliptical path is causally produced. Kepler
partially gives up the mechanical approach by postulating a soul in the Sun which is
responsible for its regular motion of rotation, a motion on which, finally, the entire system
depends. In fact, the planets are also supposed by Kepler to rotate and are therefore provided
with “a sort of soul” or some such principle which produces the rotation.
In addition to astronomy and cosmology Kepler expanded his causal approach to include the
fields of optics (see Section 6 below) and harmonics (Section 7 below).
4.4 Empiricism
A general presentation of Kepler's philosophical attitude and principles is not complete
without reference to his link to the world of experience. For, despite his mainly theoretical
approach in the natural sciences, Kepler often emphasized the significance of experience and,
in general, of empirical data. In his correspondence there are many remarks about the
significance of observation and experience, as for instance in a letter to Herwart von
Hohenburg from 1598 (KGW 13, let. N° 91, lines 150–152) or from 1603 to Fabricius
(KGW 14, let. N° 262, p. 191, lines 129–130), to mention only two of his most important
correspondents. Looking for empirical support for the Copernican system, Kepler compares
different astronomical tables in his MC, and in AN he makes extensive use of Tycho's
observational treasure trove. In MC (chapter 18) he quotes a long passage from Rheticus for
the sake of rhetorical support when, as was the case here, the data of the tables he used did
not fit perfectly with the calculated values from the polyhedral hypothesis. In this passage,
the reader learns that the great Copernicus, whose world system Kepler defends in MC, said
one day to Rheticus that it made no sense to insist on absolute agreement with the data,
because these themselves were surely not perfect. After all, it is questionable whether Kepler,
using for instance the Prutenic Tables (1551) of Erasmus Reinhold (1511–1553), had access
to complete and correct empirical information to confirm the Copernican hypothesis in grand
style, as he claimed (for an analysis of Reihold's tables and their influence see Gingerich
1993, pp. 205–255).
The situation changed completely when Kepler came into contact at Prague with Tycho's
observations (which, as Kepler often reports, were seldom at his disposal). However, a
change of attitude is evident in AN, where he used Tycho's observations without restriction
(which is something he makes clear in the work's title). In part 2 (chap. 7–21), he presents
the “vicarious hypothesis”, which in the end he refutes. This hypothesis represents the best
result which can be reached within the limits of traditional astronomy. This works with
circular orbits and with the supposition that the motion of a planet appears regular from a
point on the lines of apsides. Against the traditional method, here, Kepler does not cut the
eccentricity into equal parts but leaves the partition open. To check his hypothesis, he needs
observations of Mars in opposition, where Mars, the Earth, and the Sun are at midnight on
the same line. From Tycho, he “inherited” ten such observations between the years 1580 and
1600, and to them he added another two for 1602 and 1604. In chapters 17–21, Kepler
carries out an observational and computational check of his vicarious hypothesis. On the one
hand, he points out that this hypothesis is good enough, since the variations of the calculated
positions from the observed positions fall within the limits of acceptability (2 minutes of
arc). In fact, Kepler presents this hypothesis as the best hypothesis which can be proposed
within the framework of a “traditional astronomy”, as opposed to his new astronomy, which
he will offer in the following parts of the work. On the other hand, this hypothesis can be
falsified if one takes the observations of the latitudes into consideration. Further calculations
with these observations produce a difference of eight minutes, something that cannot be
assumed because the observations of Tycho are reliable enough. Kepler's famous sentence
runs: “these eight minutes alone will have led the way to the reformation of all of astronomy”
(AN, KGW 3, p. 286; Engl. trans., p. 286). There seems to be agreement that Kepler's AN
contains the first explicit consideration of the problem of observational error (for this
question see Hon 1987 and Field 2005).
Kepler also gave an important place to experience in the field of optics. As a matter of fact,
he began his research on optics because of a disagreement between theory and observation,
and he made use of scientific instruments he had designed himself (see, for instance, KGW
21.1, p. 244). Recent research on the problem of the camera obscura and the “images in the
air” shows, however, the limits of a traditional approach to Kepler's optics following the
main current of the history of physics. Rather, his notion of experimentum needs to be
contextualized within the social practices and epistemological commitments of his time (see
Dupré 2008).
Finally, it should be mentioned that a similar significance is assigned to experience and
empirical data in Kepler's harmonic-musical and astrological theories, two fields which are
subordinated to his greater cosmological project of HM. For astrology, he uses
meteorological data, which he recorded for many years, as confirmation material. This
material shows that the Earth, as a whole living being, reacts to the aspects which occur
regularly in the heavens. In his musical theory Kepler was a modern thinker, especially
because of the role he gave to experience. As has been noted (Walker, 1978, p. 48), Kepler
made acoustic experiments with a monochord long before he wrote his HM. In a letter to
Herwart von Hohenburg (KGW 15, ep. 424, p. 450), he describes how he checked the sound
of a string at different lengths, establishing in which cases the ear judges the sound to be
pleasurable. Kepler does not accept that this limitation is founded on arithmetical
speculations, even if this was already assumed by Plato, whom he often follows, and by the
Pythagoreans. On the basis of his experiments, Kepler found that there are other divisions of
the string that the ear perceives as consonant, i.e., thirds and sixths.
If cosmology is the main framework of Kepler's interest, there is no doubt that, as Field has
pointed out, he “felt the need to seek observational support for his model of the Universe”
(Field 1988, p. 28; see also Field 1982).
Figure 2. Kepler's first law of ellipse and second law of areas (modern representation with
greatly exaggerated eccentricity).
The first two laws were published initially in AN (1609), although it is known that Kepler
had arrived at these results much earlier. His first law establishes that the orbit of a planet is
an ellipse with the Sun in one of the foci (see Figure 2). According to the second law, the
radius vector from the Sun to a planet P sweeps out equal areas, for
instance SP1P2 and SP3P4,in equal times. The planet P is therefore faster at perihelion, where
it is closer to the Sun, and slower at aphelion, where it is farther from the Sun. In accordance
with his dynamical approach, Kepler first found the second law and, then, as a further result
because of the effect produced by the supposed force, the elliptical path of the planets (for
the two first planetary laws see especially Aiton 1975c, Davis 1992a-e, and 1998; Donahue
1994; Gingerich 1993, pp. 305-347; Wilson 1968 and 1972).
Perhaps the most significant impact of Kepler's two laws can be found by considering their
cosmological consequences. The first law abolishes the old axiom of the circular orbits of the
planets, an axiom which was still valid not only for pre-Copernican astronomy and
cosmology but also for Copernicus himself, and for Tycho and Galileo. The second law
breaks with another axiom of traditional astronomy, according to which the motion of the
planets is uniform in swiftness. The Ptolemaic tradition in astronomy was, of course, aware
of this difficulty and applied a particularly effective device for saving the “appearance” of
acceleration: the equant. Copernicus, for his own part, insisted on the necessity of the axiom
of uniform circular motion. Ptolemy's equant was understood by Copernicus as a technical
device based on the violation of this axiom. Kepler, on the contrary, affirms the reality of
changes in the velocities of the planetary motions and provides a physical account for them.
After struggling strenuously with established ideas which were located not only in the
tradition before him but also in his own thinking, Kepler abandoned the circular path of
planetary motion and in this way initiated a more empirical approach to cosmology (though
see Brackenridge 1982).
Kepler published the third law, the so-called “harmonic law”, for the first time in
his Harmonice mundi (1619), i.e., ten years later. In his Epitome, he provided a more
systematic approach to all three laws, their grounds and implications (see Davis 2003;
Stephenson 1987). In Book 5, chapter 3, as point 8 of 13 (KGW 6, p. 302; Engl. trans., pp.
411–12), Kepler expresses, almost accidentally, his fundamental relationship connecting
elapsed times with distances, which in modern notation could be expressed as:
(T1/T2)2 = (a1/a2)3
with T1 and T2 representing the periodic times of two planets and a1 and a2 the length of their
semi-major axes. A further formulation of this relationship, which is often found in the
literature, is: a3/T2= K, which expresses with K that the relationship between the third power
of the distances and the square of the times is a constant (however, see Davis 2005, pp. 171–
172; for the third planetary law see especially Stephenson 1987). As a consequence of the
third law, the time a planet takes to travel around the Sun will significantly increase the
farther away it is or the longer the radius of its orbit. Thus, for instance, Saturn's sidereal
period is almost 30 years, while Mercury needs fewer than 88 days to go around the Sun. For
the history of cosmology, it is important to make clear that the third law fulfils Kepler's
search for a systematic representation and defense of the Copernican worldview, in which
planets are not absolutely independent of each other but integrated in a harmonic world
system.
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