https://www.philstar.

com/headlines/2018/03/22/1799288/majority-senators-back-anti-political-dynasty-bill

Majority of senators back anti-political dynasty bill

Patricia Lourdes Viray (philstar.com) - March 22, 2018 - 12:14pm
MANILA, Philippines — Majority of senators approved the proposal to prohibit immediate and extended relatives from
running for public office to succeed an incumbent relative in the same area.

On Wednesday evening, 13 senators signed Senate Bill 1765, which is a consolidated bill banning political dynasties.

Among the senators who approved the bill were Sens. Sonny Angara, Bam Aquino, Nancy Binay, Leila de Lima,
Franklin Drilon, JV Ejercito, Sherwin Gatchalian, Risa Hontiveros, Panfilo Lacson, Loren Legarda, Francis Pangilinan,
Grace Poe and Ralph Recto.

The proposed measure limits the prohibition to second degree of consanguinity and covers spouses (legal and
common-law), siblings (full or half-blood), parents and children (legitimate, illegitimate and adopted) and the spouses
of these second-degree relatives.

Pangilinan and De Lima drafted the committee report of the Senate electoral reforms committee after holding
separate hearings. Pangilinan heads the Senate's constitutional amendments committee while De Lima chairs the
electoral reforms committee.

In a February 15 hearing, resource persons from the academe listed the reasons for banning political dynasties such
as the prohibition of the Constitution on political dynasties.

"Political dynasties don't allow others to serve as the way of picking leaders is biased toward political dynasties.
Younger, more able leaders are kept from joining politics due to political dynasties," a release from the office of
Pangilinan read.

President Rodrigo Duterte had expressed his support for the proposal to abolish political dynasties but said that he
doubts if the public would agree with it.

"A few of the principled men, I would say, want this kind of thing about dynasty is abolished. I am for it," Duterte said
on Tuesday.

The president also cast doubts if the proposal would pass through Congress

http://www.bamaquino.com/sen-bam-challenges-congress-pass-anti-political-dynasty-law-cha-cha-talks/

Sen. Bam challenges Congress to pass anti-

political dynasty law before any Cha-cha talks
Date: February 14, 2018
14947 Views
Senator Bam Aquino has filed a measure seeking to prohibit political dynasties in the country, stressing
that the passage of an anti-dynasty law is a necessary precursor to any moves to amend the 1987
Constitution.

“Kailangan nating ipasa ang anti-political dynasty law nang mabilisan, lalo na ngayong may banta ng
Cha-Cha at pinipilit ang Pederalismo,” said Sen. Bam, author of Senate Bill No. 1688.

“I call on Congress to pass the Anti-Political Dynasty Act before any moves towards Federalism,” Sen.
Bam added.

Sen. Bam said that no less than the 1987 Constitution itself prohibits political dynasties, but there is a
need for an implementing law to enforce it.

“There are already 6 anti-political dynasty bills filed and we have the Constitution on our side. I am
confident we will have the votes to pass an anti-political dynasty law in the Senate,” Sen. Bam affirmed.

If passed into law, Senate Bill No. 1688 will prohibit the spouse, or any person related within the third
degree of consanguinity or affinity to an incumbent elective official seeking re-election from holding or
running for any elective office in the same province in the same election.

If the incumbent elective official is a national one, the aforementioned relatives shall be disqualified from
running only within the same province where the former is registered voter.
If none of the candidates are related to an incumbent elective official but are related to one another within
the said prohibited degree, they and their spouses, shall be disqualified from holding or running for any
local elective office within the same province in the same election.

In all cases, no person within the prohibited civil degree of relationship to the incumbent official shall
immediately succeed to the position of the latter.

Sen. Bam hopes an anti-political dynasty law will give the Filipino people a greater variety of candidates
to vote for, with new names, faces, platforms and solutions for the country.

“We must encourage and empower more excellent Filipinos with a passion for service, to run for office
and change the Philippine government from within,” said Sen. Bam

http://www.manilatimes.net/senate-will-pass-anti-dynasty-bill-pimentel/388412/

Senate will pass anti-dynasty bill—

Pimentel
0
BY BERNADETTE E. TAMAYO ON MARCH 25, 2018TOP STORIES

Twitter
SENATE President Aquilino Pimentel 3rd called on the House of Representatives “accept
the reality” that the country would soon have an anti-political dynasty law.

He made the remark after 13 senators signed Senate Bill 1765 or the Anti-Political Dynasty
Act of 2018 which defines political dynasty as the “concentration, consolidation, and/or
perpetuation of public office and political powers by persons related to one another within
the second degree of consanguinity or affinity.”

Sen. Francis Pangilinan, chairman of the Senate Committee on Constitutional Amendments

and Revision of Codes, conducted public hearings to tackle several bills banning political
dynasty.

“We can pass that in the Senate. We will also incorporate a self-executing anti-political
dynasty provision in the new Constitution. Hence, the House has no choice but to accept
the reality that there will soon be an anti political dynasty law,” Pimentel said.
The proposed anti-political dynasty law will cover spouses (legal and common-law), siblings
(full or half-blood), parents, and children (legitimate, illegitimate, and adopted) and the
spouses of these second-degree relatives.

The bill was signed by Senate President Pro Tempore Ralph Recto, Senate Minority Leader
Franklin Drilon as well as Senators Juan Edgardo “Sonny” Angara, Paolo Benigno “Bam”
Aquino 4th, Nancy Binay, Joseph Victor “JV” Ejercito, Sherwin “Win” Gatchalian, Risa
Hontiveros, Panfilo Lacson, Loren Legarda, Grace Poe, and Sen. Leila de Lima.

Senate Majority Floorleader Vicente Sotto 3rd signed the committee report but gave a
dissenting opinion.

“Signing a committee report does not mean one is in favor,” he said, adding that an anti
political dynasty bill “is unfair to legitimate family members (of a politician).”

“A wife or anyone in the second degree of consanguinity may not run for public office but
mistresses and their relatives may?” Sotto said in a text message.

Recto said he agreed with President Rodrigo Duterte that it would be “difficult” to pass an
anti dynasty bill. “I signed it with amendments.”

“I am thinking of a version that may be acceptable to the House and Palace so we can
move it forward. Must recall that we passed an anti-dynasty provision for the Sangguniang
Kabataan (youth council) elections that was acceptable to all,” Recto said.

Drilon said judging from the responses of resource persons during the public hearings on
Charter change, Filipinos wanted Congress to pass the anti-political dynasty law before
proceeding with amending the Constitution that will pave the way for a shift to federalism.

“There is a growing appeal for Congress to pass the enabling law that will ban or regulate
political dynasty in the country, as stated under the 1987 Constitution before amending the
Constitution to shift to a federal form of government,” he said.

Aquino said it is time to pass an anti political dynasty bill. “Almost all experts say that
federalism will not succeed if this measure is not passed.”

“That’s why proponents of federalism must also promote the proposed measure prohibiting
political dynasty,” he sai
http://opinion.inquirer.net/40168/lets-have-an-anti-political-dynasty-movement

Let’s have an ‘Anti-

Political Dynasty
Movement’
By: Neal H. Cruz - @inquirerdotnet
Philippine Daily Inquirer / 09:33 PM November 04, 2012

“The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and
prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law.”—1986 Constitution

The Constitution is very clear. Only a little common sense is needed to understand
it. The State shall prohibit political dynasties to allow others (those who do not
belong to political dynasties) to become public servants. The trouble is the framers
added the phrase “as may be defined by law.”

The constitutional provision needs an implementing law. The other trouble is,
laws are written and passed by members of Congress many of whom are
themselves members of political dynasties. Decades after the passage of the
Constitution, we still have no defining law banning political dynasties.
ADVERTISEMENT

Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/40168/lets-have-an-anti-political-dynasty-

movement#ixzz5D6QXgXpL
Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook
https://www.rappler.com/nation/200542-comelec-perpetual-disqualification-candidates-not-filing-soce

13 senators sign panel

report approving bill vs
dynasties
The bill covers spouses, siblings, parents, and children; and the spouses of these
second-degree relatives

Camille Elemia
@CamilleElemia
Published 3:26 PM, March 22, 2018
Updated 3:26 PM, March 22, 2018

Facebook
Twitter
Reddit
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ANTI-DYNASTY. At least 13 senators sign committee report pushing for a bill against political dynasties.

MANILA, Philippines – Thirteen of 23 senators have signed the committee report

approving the bill seeking to ban political dynasties.

Senator Francis Pangilinan, chair of the Senate committee on constitutional

amendments, filed Committee Report No. 367 with consolidated Senate Bill No. 1765
on Wednesday, March 21.

SB 1765 or the Anti-Political Dynasty Act of 2018 defines political dynasty as the
"concentration, consolidation, and/or perpetuation of public office and political powers
by persons related to one another within the second degree of consanguinity or affinity."

Article 2, Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution mandates the state to "guarantee equal
access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be
defined by law." (READ: How much of our country will we lose to political dynasties in
2016?)

The proposed measure covers spouses (legal and common-law), siblings (full or half-
blood), parents, and children (legitimate, illegitimate, and adopted); and the spouses of
these second-degree relatives.

The bill prohibits these people from running for and holding public office under the
following circumstances:
  To immediately succeed or replace the said
incumbent
 If the incumbent is an elective barangay official, the
spouse and the concerned relatives are prohibited to
run simultaneously for any position in the same
barangay as well as in the barangays in
municipalities or cities within the same legislative
district
 If the incumbent is an elective official of the
municipality or city, legislative district or province,
the spouse and above relatives are prohibited to run
for or hold any elective office simultaneously with the
incumbent within the same barangay, municipality,
city, legislative district or province
 If the incumbent is a national elective official, the
spouse and the above relatives are likewise
prohibited to run simultaneously for any position in
the national or local level as barangay captain,
mayor, governor or district representative in any part
of the country
 If the incumbent is a barangay
captain/mayor/governor or district representative, the
spouse and the other concerned relatives are also
prohibited to run simultaneously for any position in
the national level

Persons who are not holding public office shall also be prohibited from running in the
same poll if their election will result in a political dynasty relationship.

Under the bill, the Commission on Elections may deny the application for certificate of
candidacy of any candidate found in a political dynasty relationship.

Aside from Pangilinan, the following senators signed the report:

1. Senate President Pro-Tempore Ralph Recto

2. Minority Leader Franklin Drilon
3. Risa Hontiveros
4. Loren Legarda
5. Panfilo Lacson
6. Grace Poe
7. Joseph Victor Ejercito
8. Paolo Benigno Aquino IV
9. Nancy Binay
 10. Juen Edgardo Angara
11. Leila de Lima
12. Sherwin Gatchalian

Of the 13, 6 are members of political families: Recto, Ejercito, Aquino, Binay, Angara,
Gatchalian.

Majority Leader Vicente Sotto III, who also has relatives in public office, signed the
report but to express his dissent to the measure.

The fate of the measure is still unclear, as it still has to undergo a period of debates and
amendments in the chamber. In the House, where the bill has met stronger opposition
from lawmakers coming from dynasties, the counterpart measure remains pending in
the committee level.

President Rodrigo Duterte has said he supports the bill but doubts it will pass in
Congress, which is fillied with his allies.

Here is the copy of the committee report, which would still face scrutiny of senators
http://cnnphilippines.com/news/2018/01/09/Anti-political-dynasty-political-reforms-proposed-federal-constitution.html

Anti-political dynasty, other

political reforms in proposed
federal constitution
By Eimor P. Santos, CNN Philippines
Updated 13:26 PM PHT Thu, January 11, 2018

Metro Manila (CNN Philippines, January 9) — The elusive ban on

political dynasties may finally be enforced once the country shifts to a
federal form of government.

An anti-political dynasty provision is among the major political reforms in

PDP-Laban's proposed Constitution for a Federal Republic, a copy of
which was obtained by CNN Philippines on Monday.
"It is proposed that relatives of incumbent politicians up to the 2nd
degree of affinity or consanguinity shall be prohibited from running for
public office in the territorial jurisdiction where the incumbent was
elected," the executive summary of the "PDP Laban Model of PH
Federalism" stated.

The provision under Article 9, Section 15 of the draft charter covers the
President and all elected officials including members of the Federal
Assembly and Senate, regional government, and local government
units.

Related: Proposed charter for federal PH weakens Senate, eyes prime

minister

Although the 1987 Constitution explicitly prohibits political dynasties, no

law has been passed governing such, even after three decades. Critics
said it's because many lawmakers themselves come from political
dynasties.

Anti-political dynasty bills are pending in the 17th Congress, five in

Senate and two in the House of Representatives.

While there is yet to be a clear-cut definition of the term "political

dynasty," a pending Senate bill defines it as the "concentration,
consolidation or perpetuation of public office and political power by
persons related to each other."

"In order to democratize political power, we propose to make the anti-

dynasty provision in the Constitution self-executing," PDP-Laban said.

This addresses concerns that a federal system could empower abusive

political dynasties as regional governments would have more autonomy.

The PDP-Laban's proposal states the creation of 11 regional

governments, which will have legislative powers over basic services
such as social welfare and development, tourism, regional development
planning, and franchises, among others.
Under the draft proposal, regional governments would also have control
over 60 percent of its revenue, unlike in the current setup where 83
percent of revenue is controlled by the national government and only 17
percent is allocated to local governments.

A 2015 study by the Asia Institute of Management Policy Center showed

there are strong links between the existence of dynasties and poverty. It
found that the fattest dynasties – or those with the most number of family
members in office – are concentrated in the poorest parts of the country.

Controlling the expansion of dynasties is "a good first step," but much
more needs to be done, said Ateneo School of Government Dean
Ronald Mendoza.

"(We need to build) a more inclusive development trajectory for the

country because we see that when there are more poor people there will
always be the tendency for traditional politics," he said.

Government-funded political parties

The PDP-Laban's proposal further seeks to strengthen political parties.

In the draft, the parliament shall provide state subsidy to registered

political parties, "on the basis of their electoral performance in the
previous election."

"This is to reduce or all together eliminate the influence of big business

and drug and gambling lords in our politicians," the proposal read.

In turn, political parties shall publicly account for the use of these funds,
subject to audit by the government.

The draft charter also bans the switching of political parties, one year
after the adoption of the constitution.

"No elective public official may change his political party affiliation during
his term of office and no candidate for any elective public office may
change his political party affiliation within one year immediately
preceding or following an election," Article 9, Section 13 of the draft
constitution stated.
An elected official who violates this provision shall lose his position and
be barred from public office.

Mendoza, however, said the reforms being pushed for by advocates of

federalism are not to be treated like a silver bullet.

"What really needs to happen is they need to all click together to

produce the better outcome," he said.

President Rodrigo Duterte's allies in Congress are proposing a

constitutional assembly shortly after both houses resume session on
January 15. The assembly will introduce changes in the Constitution to
give way to a federal form of government - a major platform of the
Duterte administration.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_dynasties_in_the_Philippines

Political dynasties in the Philippines

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Philippines

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Political dynasties have long been a feature of the Philippine political landscape. They are typically
characterized as families that have established their political or economic dominance in a province
and have coordinated efforts to move on to involvement in national government or other positions of
national political prominence. Political dynasties usually have a strong, consolidated support base
concentrated around the province in which they are dominant. Members of such dynasties usually
do not limit their involvement to strictly political activities, and have been found participating in
business or culture-related activities."
Political dynasties started emerging after the Philippine Revolution when the First Republic of the
Philippines was established. With the decline of Spain's economic power and international prestige
in the 19th century, the expansion of British and American influence around the world, and the
political current of emergent nationalism among the children of the economically enfranchised
bourgeois, the power of the peninsulares', or Spanish-born aristocracy declined propitiously.
Following the defeat of the Spanish in the Spanish–American War, the surviving members of
the Spanish or Spanish-sanctioned landholding elite and the newly ascendant merchant elite, who
were mostly foreign expatriates or of Chinese origin, formed a de facto aristocracy to replace the
power vacuum the Spanish had left.
Aristocracy survived and prospered under the American colonial regime, and remained a permanent
fixture in Philippine society even following the independence of the Philippines was finally confirmed
following the devastation of the Philippines under the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during
World War II. Over the years, political dynasties continued to adapt, as newer dynasties emerged to
fill power vacuums left behind by the extinction of older dynasties. The majority of the available
positions in Philippine government are currently held by members of these political dynasties.
Notable Philippine political dynasties include the Aquino, Marcos, Arroyo, Binay, Duterte, and Roxas
 families." There has been a lot of debate regarding the effects political dynasties have on the political
and economic status of Philippine society. Despite the negative reaction of the populace towards
political dynasties and the association between dynastic activities and corruption,[1] there are no laws
that restrict the presence of political dynasties in the Philippines.

Contents
[hide]

 1Definition
 2Philippine laws
 3Statistics of Philippine political dynasties
 4Critical reception
 5Influence
o 5.1Negative
o 5.2Positive
 6Notable Philippine political dynasties
o 6.1Ampatuan
o 6.2Aquino
o 6.3Estrada
o 6.4Marcos
o 6.5Ortega
o 6.6Roxas
o 6.7Duterte
 7See also
 8References

Definition[edit]
Political dynasties refer to family units with members involved in government activities. In the
Philippines, political dynasties refer to groups of politicians who come from the same family. The
group in question is usually associated with a certain province or city, which members of the family
have led or represented for successive generations. This can occur in two ways. One way is for
members of a family to occupy a same certain government position in every term. Once the term of
the member of a political dynasty runs out, a relative of the incumbent will run in his stead, thus
ensuring political dominance. The second way is for a number of family members to occupy
government positions at the same time.[1] As of the moment, there are no legal documents or laws
that officially define a political dynasty in the Philippines. There have been bills that attempt to define
a political dynasty such as the Anti-Dynasty Bill. However, such attempt usually miscarry and end in
failure, as proven by the defeat of the Anti-Dynasty Bill in Philippine Congress on February 2, 2016.

Philippine laws[edit]
The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines states in Article II Section 26, "The State shall guarantee
equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by
law."
Despite the provision in the Constitution, no law has been concerning the status of political dynasties
in the Philippines. The closest explicit mention of political dynasties in Philippine law can be seen in
Republic Act 7160 or the Local Government Code, where Book I, Title Two, Chapter 1, Section 43
states the term limit of local government officials. However, it does not include any limitations on the
running of the incumbent's family relations or on the holding of multiple political positions by
members of the same family.
(a) The term of office of all local elective officials elected after the effectivity of this Code shall be
three (3) years, starting from noon of June 30, 1992 or such date as may be provided for by law,
except that of elective Barangay officials: Provided, That all local officials first elected during the
local elections immediately following the ratification of the 1987 Constitution shall serve until noon of
June 30, 1992.
(b) No local elective official shall serve for more than three (3) consecutive terms in the same
position. Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an
interruption in the continuity of service for the full term for which the elective official concerned was
elected. (c) The term of office of Barangay officials and members of the Sangguniang kabataan shall
be for three (3) years, which shall begin after the regular election of Barangay officials on the second
Monday of May 1994.
Several bills have been filed in relation to the prohibition of political dynasties, and are currently
pending to be approved by the Congress. Many have called for the Congress to pass the Anti-
Dynasty Law, but this bill has been passed over by each Congress since 1987.
On January 24, 2011, Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago filed Senate Bill 2649 which prohibits
political dynasties from holding or running for elected local government positions. The bill disqualifies
the following candidates from running for local government positions:

 relatives of an incumbent elected official running for re-election up to the second degree of
consanguinity, and are planning to run in the same province in the same election as the elected
official
 relatives of an incumbent elected official that holds a national position up to the second degree
of consanguinity, and are planning to run in the province of origin of the elected official
 persons that are not relatives of an elected official that are candidates to the same position in
the same province in the same election but are related to each other up to the second degree of
consanguinity.
The bill also prohibits relatives within the prohibited civil degree of relationship of an incumbent from
succeeding to the incumbent’s position, except for the positions of Punong
Barangay and Sangguniang Barangay.
Three bills were filed in the House of Representatives which are also in relation to the prohibition of
political dynasties, which are similar in content to Senate Bill 2649:

1. House Bill 172 filed on July 1, 2013, by representatives under the Bayan
Muna, Gabriela, ACT, Anakpawis and Kabataan party lists.
2. House Bill 837 filed on July 2, 2013, by Representative Erlinda Santiago of the 1-SAGIP
party list.
3. House Bill 2911 filed on September 18, 2013, by Representative Oscar Rodriguez from
the 3rd district of Pampanga.
On December 16, 2013, the House of Representatives Committee on Suffrage and Electoral
Reforms agreed to replace the three House bills into a single bill filed as House Bill 3587.

Statistics of Philippine political dynasties[edit]

Due to the increasing number of political dynasties in the Philippines, majority of the positions in
government are held by politicians that are members of political dynasties. In fact, in the years 1995-
2007, an average of 31.3% of all congressmen and 23.1% of governors were replaced by relatives.
In the 1995 elections, of the 83 congressmen elected on to their third term, 36 of them were replaced
by a relative in the succeeding elections. The term "relative" here referring to anyone with a familial
connection such as a wife, a son or daughter, a cousin, etc. In many of these cases, the people who
would eventually go on to take their place had no previous political background or experience save
their familial connection.[2]
In a study done in 2012 by economists Beja, Mendoza, Venida, and Yap, it was estimated that 40%
of all provinces in the Philippines have a provincial governor and congressman that are related in
some way.[2] Another 2014 study done by Querubin of the Department of Politics in New York
University indicated that an estimate 50-70% of all politicians are involved or associated in a political
dynasty within the Philippines, including local government units. In the same study, it was concluded
that approximately 70% of all jurisdiction-based legislators in the current Congress are involved in a
political dynasty, with 40% of them having ties to legislators who belonged to as far as 3 Congresses
prior. It is also said that 77% of legislators between the ages of 26-40 are also dynastic, which
indicates that the second and third generations of political dynasties in the Philippines have begun
their political careers as well.[3]
In order to analyze patterns of political dynasties within the 15th Congress, categories were formed
according to the number of familial ties each politician had to politicians belonging to previous
Congresses:
Category 1: Those with ties to the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th Congress as well as at least one family
member elected into a local government unit between the years 2001 and 2010
Category 2: Those with familial connections to at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or
14th Congress
Category 3: Those who share kinship with at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th
dynasty, or at least one relative with a local government unit (LGU) position from the 2001, 2004, or
2007 elections
Category 4: Those with at least one relation in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress or holding a local
government unit (LGU) position in the elections in between 2001 and 2010
In a population of 229 legislators in the 15th Congress, 155 of them are classified as belonging to
the fourth category. Of those 155, 144 of them also belong to the third category. 84 of the 144
belong in the second category, and of the 84, 10 belong to the first category.[3]

Critical reception[edit]
Various writers wrote articles that analyze and critique politicians that fall under the domain of a
political dynasty. Often, these articles hold these said persons and families in a critical
light.[4] Although political dynasties have already been present in the Philippines for a significant
period of time, the public has only recently started clamoring for a change in system.[5] The public
support for the bill against political dynasties has steadily increased because the president, while
part of a dynasty himself, fully supports the passage of the Anti-Dynasty Bill.[6] In a provincial scale,
political dynasties are often held in higher regard- contrasted with dynasties that oversee a wider
public, where reception is mostly negative. A study that used empirical data correlated political
dynasty presence with socio-economic development. This study stated that "this partial correlation
coefficient finds a positive relationship between poverty incidence and the proportion of political
dynasties in each province." Although the study found a correlation, this does not determine whether
it is a causal relationship since poverty is multifaceted.[7]

Influence[edit]
Negative[edit]
One of the more notable theories concerning the negative effects of political dynasties is a political
"Carnegie Effect", named after Andrew Carnegie. The "Carnegie Effect" is based on Carnegie’s
decision to give all his wealth to non-family members, where he argues that his son might have less
incentive of working hard if he were to be assured of his father’s wealth.[8] This idea of inherited
wealth and connections discouraging future generations to work hard can also be attributed to
dynastic politicians. Dynastic politicians have a significant advantage from the start of their political
career They have a statistically higher probability, due to factors like popularity and incumbency
advantage, to win elections when pitted against politicians with no such political networks. Dynastic
politicians also have generally lower educational attainment, because of their reliance on dynastic
connections rather than bureaucratic or academic competence for their position.[9]
There is also significant evidence to suggest that Philippine political dynasties use their political
dominance over their respective regions to enrich themselves, using methods such as graft or
outright bribery of legislators. These kinds of situations arise as conflicts of interests- political
dynasties often hold significant economic power in a province- and their interests are
overrepresented due to dynastic politics.[10] Another negative effect of political dynasties is that
political dynasties tend to be for the status quo and develop interests largely separate from the
people they were supposed to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the
upper classes, are naturally biased towards defending their own vested economic interests, which
presents conflict of interest problems. Political dynasties also prevent challengers with potentially
effective policy ideas from being able to take office, which limits the capacity for bureaucratic
responsiveness and administrative effectiveness and adaptation to new ideas.
Positive[edit]
Political dynasties also have extra incentive to develop their own jurisdictions. Based on Mancur
Olson's theory of political governance or the "Roving Bandits vs. Stationary Bandits" theory, dynastic
politicians are more likely to pursue long-term development oriented strategies since they expect to
hold power and benefit from their position for longer. This is usually set in contrast to non-dynastic
politicians who would, under this theory, have less incentive to develop due to their limited term.
Political dynasties can gain benefits either directly or indirectly through their relatives.[11] Political
dynasties are also responsible for the increase in women’s political participation in politics. Female
politicians hailing from political dynasties can easily get into politics due to their
connections.[11] Political dynasties have the advantage of continuity. The more control the family has
over the government unit, the more members of the family can occupy positions of power. Political
dynasties can use this continuity by promoting and enacting laws and ordinances that are long term
in nature; with only a slim chance of other candidates outside of the dynasty interfering with the
plans.

Notable Philippine political dynasties[edit]

See also: List of political families in the Philippines
Ampatuan[edit]
The Ampatuan family has exercised political crowd control over the Maguindanao region since 2001,
with several of its members holding positions in government. The family’s patriarch, Andal Ampatuan
Sr., was elected Governor of Maguindanao in 2001. His sons, Andal Ampatuan Jr. and Zaldy
Ampatuan, were the former mayor of Datu Unsay and former Governor of ARMM respectively.[12] 80
members of the Ampatuan clan ran for governmental positions during the 2013 elections.[13] The
Ampatuans' rise to power is attributed to support received from former President Gloria Arroyo.[14] As
a result of their connection, the Ampatuans won Arroyo a large majority of votes from Maguindanao
during the 2004 Presidential elections. The Arroyo administration’s issuance of Executive Order 546
then allowed the Ampatuans to form their own private army, also known as civilian volunteer
organizations.[15]
Despite their prominence in Maguindanao, the Ampatuans were generally unheard of outside of the
region until the infamous 2009 Maguindanao Massacre. They are considered the main suspects
behind the massacre that killed 57 people. The victims had been on their way to file the candidacy
of Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu for the 2010 elections when they were stopped by an armed convoy.
They were later abducted and murdered; some victims were also reported to have been
raped.[16][17] After the discovery of the mass graves, President Arroyo declared martial law in
Maguindanao.[18] 198 people, including Andal Ampatuan Sr. and Andal Ampatuan Jr., were charged
with murder.[19] Charges against some of the suspects have been dropped in the years since. Andal
Ampatuan Sr., suspected to be the mastermind behind the massacre, died on July 17, 2015.[20] The
trial remains ongoing today.
Aquino[edit]
The Aquinos are a political family that originated from Tarlac. The dynasty began with Servillano
Aquino, a general during the Philippine Revolution and delegate of the Malolos Congress. His
son, Benigno "Igno" Aquino, Sr., was a Speaker in the House of Representatives during the Second
Philippine Republic. He was charged and arrested for collaborating with the Japanese during World
War II. Nowadays, the Aquinos are oftentimes viewed as opponents of the Marcos family, mainly
due to the actions of Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. A former Governor of Tarlac who has his critical
views against the Marcoses resulting to a family-political feud. However, he was convicted for
murder and possession of firearms. He was also charged for collaborating with the Moro
secessionist in Malaysia and held responsible for leading a communist insurgency in which leads to
various of massacres. He was imprisoned and was sentenced to death but was pardoned and exiled
to the US by President Ferdinand Marcos for his recovery after suffering from heart attack. On
August 21, 1983, few days upon his recovery and decision to run for presidency, he returned to the
Philippines. Upon leaving the plane, Ninoy was assassinated on the tarmac in the Manila
International Airport. An estimated two million Filipinos attended his funeral procession. After his
death, his wife, Corazon Aquino, became more active in politics. She was a key figure during
the People Power Revolution. Cory later became the first female President of the Philippines after
beating Ferdinand Marcos in the snap elections. However, this is brought up oligarchy and
democracy. Her death in 2009 garnered widespread public support reminiscent of her husband’s;
this support is one of the major reasons why her son, Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III, won the 2010
presidential elections. Other active politicians from the Aquino family include Paolo Benigno "Bam"
Aquino, the youngest ever Senator in the 16th Philippine Congress.
Estrada[edit]
The Estrada political dynasty began with Joseph "Erap" Ejercito Estrada, who began as a successful
film actor. The popularity Estrada gained from acting would prove to be valuable when he pursued a
career in politics. He served as the Mayor of San Juan from 1969-1986, Senator from 1987-1992,
and Vice President from 1992-1998. He later succeeded Fidelto be the 13th President of the
Philippines. During his term, Estrada's wife and First Lady, Loi Estrada, served as Senator.
Allegations of corruption under his administration led to an impeachment trial, which was
discontinued after the court voted against opening an envelope possibly containing incriminating
evidence. This resulted in the four-day-long Second People Power Revolution.[21] His resignation
from presidency was declared soon afterwards. Despite this, the absolute pardon given by former
President Arroyo allowed Estrada to run for and eventually became the Mayor of Manila in 2013.[22]
Many other members of the Estrada dynasty are still active in politics, particularly in San Juan.
Among these are his sons, Jinggoy Estrada and JV Ejercito, who both served as Mayor of San Juan.
JV's mother, Guia Gomez, is the current Mayor.[23] Jinggoy Estrada himself has been a member of
the Senate since 2004. He is currently under trial for his alleged involvement in the multi-billion peso
pork barrel scam.[24]
Marcos[edit]
The Marcoses are one of the most well-known political dynasties in the Philippines. The dynasty
started with Mariano Marcos, a lawyer from Ilocos Norte who was a member of the House of
Representatives back in 1925. Ilocos remains to be the Marcoses’ political stronghold today.
The dynasty was at its most prominent during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos, son of Mariano
Marcos. Ferdinand is one of the most controversial figures in Philippine history, due his declaration
of martial law and the numerous human rights violations and rampant corruption of public funds
during his rule. He and his father, Mariano Marcos, were also convicted for the murder of their
political rival, Julio Nalundasan, who was killed by a sniper while brushing his teeth at his home on
September 20, 1935.[25] Ferdinand Marcos supposedly declared Martial law to suppress the
widespread of communism and civil strife. However, he used it to suppress dissent, and consolidate
power through the ratification of a new constitution. Marcos family members also held several
governmental positions during this period and were involved in the misuse of public funds.[26] Though
they were exiled as a result of the People Power Revolution, the Marcos family has since regained
power and is currently active in Philippine politics. Imelda Marcos, wife of Ferdinand and former first
lady, is currently a district representative of the second district of Ilocos Norte. Marcos’
daughter, Imee Marcos, is a governor of Ilocos Norte. His son, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr.,
was a former senator who was a candidate for vice president in the 2016 national elections.[27] The
Marcoses currently cannot set foot in any United States territory because of a contempt judgement
regarding their human rights violations.[28]
Ortega[edit]
The Ortega political clan is believed to be the Philippines' political dynasty with the longest unbroken
political rule, ruling over the province of La Union for over a century.[29]
Roxas[edit]
The Roxas political dynasty started with Manuel Roxas, the fifth President of the Philippines. Before
being President, he served as the Governor of Capiz (now named Roxas City). As a descendant of
Antonia Róxas y Ureta, he is also related to the Zobel de Ayalas, a prominent business family. His
son, Gerardo Roxas, served as a representative of the First District of Capiz and Senator. His
grandson, Mar Roxas, was a former Senator and Department of Interior and Local Government
Secretary. He lost the Vice Presidency in 2010, and lost the Presidency in 2016 elections.
Duterte[edit]

 Rodrigo Duterte, President since 2016 (Mayor of Davao City 1988-1998, 2001-2010, 2013–16)
 Sara Duterte, Mayor since 2016 (Vice Mayor 2007-2010, Mayor of Davao City 2010-2013)
 Paolo Duterte, Vice Mayor since 2013
http://news.abs-cbn.com/business/04/23/14/why-congress-must-pass-anti-political-dynasty-bill-nowWhy Congress must pass
the anti-political dynasty bill now

by Jose M. Galang

Posted at Apr 23 2014 08:14 AM | Updated as of Apr 24 2014 12:08 AM

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MANILA, Philippines - Two reports last week, one from the Asian Development Bank and the other from Bertelsmann
Foundation of Germany, might seem unrelated but they both come out as new and urgent reasons for the Philippine Congress
to act on proposals to ban political dynasties from public office.

The Philippine Constitution says that “the State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit
political dynasties as may be defined by law.”

To this day, 27 years after the ratification of the Constitution, there has been no implementing law passed by Congress.

Various studies over the past few years have pointed out that one of the reasons that contribute to the big gap between the
rich and the poor in the country is the domination of political families in elective posts — either simultaneously or in terms of
office that succeed each other.

In many towns and provinces around the country,

access to both economic and political power is
often dominated by political clans, or “dynasties”
as they have come to be referred to.

Last week, Bertelsmann Foundation, recognized

worldwide for its work in promoting social change
towards “society’s long-term viability,” was
reported to have said that “true progress in the
Philippines would be out of reach unless the
improbable was achieved: dismantling of
oligarchies that control both politics and business.”

The German foundation, in its newly released

biennial Bertelsmann Transformation Index for this
year, was quoted in a Philippine Daily Inquirer
report as saying that “the dominance of
entrenched family clans in politics and the
economy should be reduced to make politics and
economics more transparent and competitive.”

Bertelsmann specifically argued for congressional

passage of an anti-dynasty legislation which has
been debated since 1987, the report said.

Separately, the ADB, in its newly released annual Asian Development Outlook for this year, pointed out that “widening income
gaps in developing Asia strengthen the case for government response.”
“It is important to address inequality as this hampers economic growth itself, debilitates poverty reduction efforts, reduces
middle class by leaving more people at the extreme ends of income distribution, triggers political repercussions and affects the
crime and violence situation which in turn conditions the investment climate in a country,” the ABS-CBNnews.com quoted an
ADB supplementary report, “Rising Inequality in Asia and Policy Implications”, as saying.

Without citing political dynasties as a factor behind this situation in the Philippines, ADB deputy chief economist Juzhong
Zhuang was quoted in the ABS-CBNnews.com report as saying “the gap between the rich and the poor in the country is still
significantly high.”

Closer to home, the National Statistical Coordination Board presented last October findings from a study by economists at the
Asian Institute of Management (AIM) showing that poverty was linked to the “prevalence of political dynasties.”

The study cited empirical evidence showing “strong evidence that the more severe poverty is, the higher the prevalence of
political dynasties” and that “areas with more poor people tend to have many political dynasties.”

The study was authored by economists Ronald Mendoza and David Yap of the AIM’s Policy Center, together with Edsel Beja Jr.
and Victor Venida of the Ateneo de Manila University’s Department of Economics.

“Given that the poor are most vulnerable to political patronage and manipulation as well as practical to sell their votes, a
worsening, if not unchanging, poverty would be beneficial to political dynasties,” the AIM economists’ study said.

“Since the largest political dynasties would, in most situations, be the families that have cultivated the most extensive networks
of patronage, accumulated the most political and financial capital, and have the access to the largest political machineries, they
would also be in the best position to take advantage of vulnerable economically disadvantaged voters,” the study further said.

“Political reforms will be critical in helping families and communities break out of the dynasty-poverty trap,” the study
concluded. “Alternative political candidates will need the support of political parties to convey their message of reform and
non-traditional politics, built on empowerment, participation and accountability against patron-client relationships that thrive
on poverty and inequality.”

In another study last year, Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG) said that “94 percent of all provinces in
the Philippines have political dynasties, with an average of 2.3 political families per province.”

With this control of political power, the dynasties have entrenched themselves to dominant positions in land ownership,
mining, logging, sugar, tobacco, other industrial enterprises, real estate, media, links to banks and financial institutions, and tie-
ups with foreign and local big businesses, CenPEG said.

Quite clearly, all these simply indicate that Congress has run out of excuses to not pass the bill banning political dynasties from
public office.

In the House of Representatives, while a consolidated bill on political dynasties and electoral reforms has been approved at the
committee level as early as November of last year yet, there has since been a long delay in reporting it out to the plenary.

There seems to be no interest in putting the bill on the plenary’s calendar although Majority Leader Neptali Gonzales II has
publicly stated that the anti-dynasty bill remains to be “part of the House agenda” for the remainder of the second regular
session which ends in June.

At the Senate, on the other hand, there has been no movement even at the committee level. According to Senator Miriam
Defensor-Santiago, after the bill she filed in the Senate in July last year went through its first reading and was referred to the
committee on electoral reforms and peoples participation, nothing has been heard about it.

A second anti-dynasty bill in the Senate was filed in November last year by Senator J.V. Ejercito but it too got lukewarm
reception from the chamber.

Now still on its summer recess, Congress will resume its session in the first week of May. If the legislators really want a
participative and transparent democracy to prevail in this country and make its economic growth touch the lives of a bigger
number of Filipinos, they must act on the anti-political dynasty bill and pass it when they go back to work.
https://globalanticorruptionblog.com/2014/12/01/the-philippines-must-break-the-power-of-political-dynasties/

Posted on December 1, 2014 by Beatriz Paterno

Democratic systems are no strangers to political dynasties. In the United States, some well-
known families have been in politics for generations—the Kennedys held an impressive 64-
year streak in Congress until 2011 (and staged a comebackonly two years later), and earlier
this month George P. Bush won the race for Texas Land Commissioner, carrying on the
political legacy of his father Jeb Bush, his uncle George W. Bush, and his grandfather
George H.W. Bush. Although the idea of political royalty inheriting power seems to cut
against equal opportunity, members of such families have been revered throughout history.
But political dynasties present a much greater threat to democracy when they control a
majority of power in the country. In the Philippines, one study estimated that political
dynasties comprised up to 70% of the last Philippine Congress (compared to 6% of the last
U.S. Congress). During the last election, one notorious political clan had 80 members
running for office. Indeed, Philippine political clans have evolved into the most efficient (and
at times, deadly) means of monopolizing power. Various members of the same family often
cycle through the same congressional, gubernatorial, and mayoral seats in their home
province, and it’s not unusual to see an electoral race pitting two members of the same
family against each other. In many ways, the dynastic culture of politics has removed
meaningful choice from the voters, and exacerbated the pervasiveness of corruption in
government.
A possible solution is before the Philippine Congress right now—the Anti-Political Dynasty
Bill. This bill would prohibit any spouse or first-degree relation (including parents, siblings,
and children) of an incumbent elected official from seeking elected office. Although
individuals may run once their relative’s term is up, they may not immediately succeed that
relative in the same elected office. (The bill would have a enormous effect on the upcoming
2016 elections—Vice President Jejomar Binay, who has already announced his candidacy,
and whose daughter’s term in the Senate runs until 2019, would be precluded from running
for President.) At first blush, the bill may seem antidemocratic, as it (temporarily) suspends
the rights of many individuals to seek elected office. Still, in the Philippines, where the
concentration of political power has bred such a strong culture of corruption, certain rights
may need to be sacrificed. It is a drastic problem in need of a drastic solution.
There are several reasons why Congress should pass this bill and limit the influence of
political families:
 First, political dynasties corrupt the system of checks and balances. One recent
example is Vice President Binay, who, for the past few months, has been under
investigation by a Senate Blue Ribbon Committee for alleged corruption. One might
question how effective the investigation will be given that Binay’s two daughters are
members of Congress. The problem is even more pronounced in smaller localities. By
packing every major office, it’s quite easy for clans to organize local militias, siphon
off public funding, and perpetuate their rule by cycling through the ranks.
 Second, the centrality of dynasties to politics lowers the costs associated with
committing corrupt acts. Even if they face corruption or other criminal charges,
political actors can continue to reap the benefits of power by having spouses or
 children take their seats. After one representative was found guilty of murdering the
sons of his political rival, his seat in the House was taken over by his wife, ensuring
that the family name remained relevant long enough for him to seek reelection after the
appellate court cleared him of all charges.
 Third, the continued success of political families despite corruption charges
undermines the rule of law, and perpetuates a system of corruption in government.
Well-intentioned individuals are deterred from seeking office, leaving positions open
to individuals who view government as an opportunity to amass more wealth and
power.
These issues have plagued Philippine politics for countless generations—in fact, the framers
of the 1987 Constitution called upon Congress to pass a law to inhibit the power of political
clans. Article II, Section 26 of the Constitution states that “[t]he State shall guarantee equal
access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined
by law.” Because the provision is not self-executing, however, it has remained largely
meaningless for the past three decades.

And there is a particular reason that the anti-dynasty bill should be passed now. Enacting an
anti-dynasty law is no small task for a Congress overrun with the very families it seeks to
preclude from office. But after 27 years, efforts to pass such a law have come further than
ever before, perhaps in part because of widespread public support the bill garnered after one
of the largest corruption scandals in recent memory. For the first time ever, the
bill reached the House plenary session, and a Senate version was discussed during a
committee hearing weeks later. In his Fifth State of the Nation Address, the President stated
that he would immediately sign the Act if it successfully made it through Congress.
Although this bill is quite controversial, it would go a long way toward addressing the highly
corrosive nature of political dynasties, and provide opportunities for talented, energetic
individuals to challenge the current state of Philippine politics. It’s important that
Congress—and the electorate—seize this political moment to ensure the passage of the bill.

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Political Dynasty: Advantages and

Disadvantages
PRINT REFERENCE THIS
Published: 23rd March, 2015 Last Edited: 8th June, 2017

Disclaimer: This essay has been submitted by a student. This is not an example of the
work written by our professional essay writers. You can view samples of our professional
work here.

Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are

those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of UK Essays.

Keywords: political dynasty effects, political dynasty problems, political dynasty

advantages

Filipinos have always been proud of how much value is put into the concept of family. In
the Filipino community, it can be seen how close families can be when they go as far as
supporting even extended members of the family, despite the hardships and nuisances
it may bring. It is not uncommon to see cousins, aunts, and grandparents all living
together under one roof in the typical Filipino household. Being "clannish" [1] and family
oriented people, Filipinos tend to give in to relatives and friends. Although it could very
well serve as a positive trait that Filipinos have, it can also pose as a problem that no
matter how principled one may be, it is so easy for one to bend the rules in favor of
their beloved "kapamilya" [2] . The same clannish trait of the Filipinos is one that is not
forgotten in the arena of Philippine politics.

Since time immemorial, political dynasties have been in the Philippine political arena
and still are very much around today. Sons and daughters, nephews and nieces, and
even wives of political figures have been seen to enter politics not for merit or expertise,
but simply because of affinity by blood to those who hold the political power. Power, in
terms of how it is transferred from one family member to another, is handed from a
seniority to his or her successor by means of a "padrino" [3] system where the successor
is endorsed by an outgoing member of the family so that the successor would rake in
the same support that the outgoing member had received from his supporters when he
or she was in a position of power. Here it is not seen that it is not merely a show of
power but that there is an organized transfer of this same power that runs within these
political dynasties that keep them surviving up until today. The most famous or
infamous of which, include the Marcoses [4] , with Ferdinand, Imelda, Imee and
Bongbong, and the Estradas or Ejercitos [5] , with Erap, Loi, Jinggoy and JV (Joseph
Victor) (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). In the municipal and provincial government,
positions of power are usually dominated by a particular clan. Family members simply
take turns in alternating between various posts for as long as the term allows. In the
May 14, 2007 elections, as much as 53 candidates belonging to a background of
political dynasties ran for office. Among which included families like the Aquinos,
Biazons, De Venecias, Ortegas, Rectos, Roxases, Remullas and many others (Somosierra,
2007). Also in the recent May 10, 2010 elections, the same candidates from powerful
political families landed key positions in government. Senator Benigno Simeon
"Noynoy" Aquino topped the presidential race while Makati City Mayor Jejomar Binay
surprisingly bagged the position of vice president. In the senatorial race, the likes of
Senators Ramon "Bong" Revilla Jr. and Jinggoy Estrada were re-elected to the same
position as they topped the list of winning senatorial candidates.

Influence and Power of Political Dynasties

The political dynasty undoubtedly plays an influential role in Philippine society. Families
of political dynasties are sitting side by side to deliberate on important legislations that
will affect the future of more than 80 million Filipinos both young and old for
generations to come (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). It has been often contended that
political dynasties go against the values upheld by democracy since it does not provide
an equal opportunity for people to hold offices of power and service. With the set-up of
the political dynasty, it seems as if positions of power are exclusively dominated by a
particular clan or family. Arguably, the political dynasty is said to monopolize the system
of governance since it limits the chances of other common Filipinos to serve the people.
It creates a brain drain in the sense that the new and capable leader who could possibly
perform better than those currently in office, would not be given an opportunity when
running against someone with a name. Former Mayor, and now DILG Secretary Jesse
Robredo of Naga City, who has firmly stood against political dynasties, he believes, "The
right to serve does not belong to one family alone. Ordinary people who deserve to be
empowered should be given the opportunity to serve the community," [6] (Medel,
2007).It is undeniable that there are candidates who are voted into office simply because
of their name and fame. Sons, siblings and even wives of politicians - people who have
no knowledge whatsoever of how to lead and serve, are voted into office simply
because of their connection to previous leaders. Electoral votes are not so much based
on the capability of one to serve, but rather on the name carried by one who is running.
It is quite obvious that the family name of an elected official or a potential candidate
plays a big role in the success of one who falls under the category of being part of a
political family. It can be identified that power can be seen not only in exercises of
excess but also in tangible things such as a candidate's family name. This symbolic
power could be seen as a perpetuation of the power system that runs through a political
dynasty since it plays a big role in a dynasty's continued existence and evolution.

The validity of the political dynasty has always remained a highly debatable matter. Why
do traditional political clans that which do not ground their resources based on their
economic stance, still exist in the Philippine political arena despite some rejections by
others that it does not provide equal opportunities for other candidates to run for public
office? What key elements existing in these political dynasties make them dominant in
the political arena up until today? Does the existence of the political dynasty really help
the Filipino people, or is it just making the political maturity of the nation stagnant?
(PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). Despite the negative connotation brought about by
political dynasties and its detrimental effects throughout Philippine history, political
dynasties are not entirely negative and can bring certain positive effects. The solution to
stop the negative effects linked to political dynasties is not to ban political dynasties in
general, but instead, to educate people to vote more responsibly in choosing a leader.
In this paper, I intend to find the factors that make political dynasties relevant today in
the face of a democratic Philippine society by taking into consideration Michel
Foucault's theory on power and Vladimir Lenin's theory on organization.

In line with what Michel Foucault mentioned in his work, "Discipline and Punish",
political dynasties in the Philippines are unique in a way that they possess dynamic
qualities that keep them surviving up until today. He stressed in his work that power is
exercised in ways that it can be excessive to maintain order and discipline in society. The
example would be that of Francois Damiens [7] , who was publicly tortured and
executed for his attempt to assassinate the sovereign. As Foucault recounts the event,
one can see the display of the excessive use of power to punish Damiens for his actions,
as seen in his recount wherein "…Damiens, who cried out profusely, though without
swearing, raised his head and looked at himself; the same executioner dipped an iron
spoon, in the pot containing boiling potion, which he poured liberally over each
wound..." [8] (Focault, 1977). Here we can see the sovereign's excessive use of power to
punish a subject who attempted to challenge his sovereignty by attempting to take his
life. Francois Damiens' public torture and execution was made as an example to others
that contesting the king's sovereignty would be subject to the same level of punishment
or worse.

What Michel Foucault was reiterating in his account of Damiens' torture is that power is
primarily being exercised on the body as a means of strategizing the deployments of
power rather than to punish the violator by causing physical pain. The crime committed
by Damiens was against the body of the king; therefore, the punishment that was given
to the violator was also against his body, through the form of torture. The pain caused
to the body was clearly not intended only for the body alone but rather reached out to
those who have witnessed or heard about the execution. The gravity of such an event
still touches on modernity in a way that whoever reads or hears about such an event
could still feel the gravity of the excessive use of power.

During the early 18th century, there was a display of excessive torture on the body
according to Michel Foucault. In a span of a few decades, the process of torture became
a process of organized disciplinary action in the form of a penal justice system. This
evolution of torture saw the disappearance of punishment on the body and a loosening
of the hold of the sovereign over the body. In the disappearance of punishment, it
enters into the abstract consciousness of society rather than of perceptions. Moreover,
there is a focus on the effectivity of punishment rather than of spectacles, wherein it
focuses only on visibility or intensity of punishment such as that of Foucault's account of
Damiens' torture. On the loosening of hold of the sovereign on the body, one can see
that punishment no longer touched the body but rather as Foucault would state, "The
body now serves as an instrument or intermediary: if one intervenes upon it to imprison
it, or to make it work, it is in order to deprive the individual of a liberty that is regarded
both as a right and as property" [9] (Focault, 1977). In the spectacle of scaffolds,
executioners served as the king's "hand" in punishing offenders. As time passed,
doctors, psychiatrists, guidance counselors, judges and jail wardens now took over the
executioner's role of administering punishment. As Foucault aptly put it, "To sum up,
ever since the new penal system - that defined by the great codes of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries - has been in operation, a general process has led judges to judge
something other than crimes; they have been led in their sentences to do something
other than judge; and the power of judging has been transferred in part, to other
authorities than the judges of the offence. The whole penal operation has taken on
extra-juridical elements and personnel." [10] (Focault, 1977).

Negative Sides to Political Dynasties

"The very excess of the violence employed is one of the elements of glory: the fact that
the guilty man should moan and cry out under the blows is not a shameful side - effect,
it is the very ceremonial of justice being expressed in all its force. Hence no doubt those
tortures that take place even after death: corpses burnt, ashes thrown to the winds,
bodies dragged on hurdles and exhibited at the roadside. Justice pursues the body
beyond all possible pain" [11] (Focault, 1977)

Similar to what Foucault had studied about power relations, this paper, uses the same
theory but relates it to the phenomenon of political dynasties in the Philippines.
Throughout Philippine history, the political dynasty has taken on a negative
connotation. Often linked to problems like graft, corruption, and abuse of power, it has
taken on a detrimental role to society. Perhaps the most infamous of all would be the
political dynasty of the Marcos family. Alleged to have embezzled between US$5 billion
and US$10 billion from the Philippines, Transparency International [12] has ranked
Ferdinand Marcos at second on a list of the world's most corrupt political leaders of the
past two decades; surpassed only by former Indonesian President Suharto (Ferdinand
Marcos: Killer File, 2000). Names like the Estradas/Ejercitos and the Singson families
have also linked the image of the political dynasty to allegations of graft and corruption.
Luis "Chavit" Singson, governor of the province of Ilocos Sur, alleged that he had
personally given Estrada the sum of 400 million pesos as payoff from illegal gambling
profits such as "jueteng", as well as 180 million pesos from the government price
subsidy for the tobacco farmers' marketing cooperative. Singson's allegation caused an
uproar across the nation, which culminated in Estrada's impeachment trial by the House
of Representatives in November 13, 2000. A more recent example, would be that of the
Ampatuans', whose name has been thrust to the limelight after the event of the
"Maguindanao Massacre" [13] where 58 individuals consisting of their family rival's, the
Mangudadatus, relatives and some journalists were shot and killed preventing them
from filing their patron's certificate of candidacy.

Families linked to political dynasties flood the news with allegations of all sorts of crime
ranging from corruption, theft, murder and even rape. Regardless of whether these are
proven or unproven, it all translates into the tarnished and dirty image that the political
dynasty holds in today's society. This is exactly what Michel Foucault talks about in the
spectacle of the scaffold wherein there is a display of an excessive use of power through
torture. As Foucault mentions, there are three criterions where punishment must follow
in order to fall under the category of torture. The first being, that it must manifest pain
on a certain degree, that could be seen in the example of Francois Damiens' torture. The
second being that such pain is regulated in a way that suffering is maximized rather
than imposing death immediately because this suffering would insure a more effective
notice of change on the offender's part. Last but not least, perhaps the most important
would be that torture marks the individual and that it should serve as a spectacle.
Torture marking the individual means that there is a reclaiming of the sovereign by the
ruler and that the making of the execution as a spectacle would serve as a public display
of the ruler's sovereignty. Such a public execution seeks to reach out to the whole of the
society by letting the thought of punishment run through their consciousness making
them aware of the total power of the sovereign, them serving as his subjects.

The context of the logic of torture is that there is contempt for body, wherein the body
serves a possession of the sovereign. There is a political need for the sovereign to
display his power which will serve as a recognition of his dominance over his subjects. In
addition, this display of power actually runs through an internal organization of
politicization and serves as a disciplining factor towards order. As Foucault mentions
how the Enlightenment period called torture as an atrocity, "atrocity is one of those that
best designates the economy of public torture in the old penal practice." [14] (Focault,
1977) Further, he states that "insofar as being the crime before everyone's eyes in all its
severity, the punishment must take responsibility for this atrocity: it must bring to light
by confessions, statements, inscription that make it public, it must reproduce it in
ceremonies that apply it to the body of the guilty person in the form of humiliation and
pain. Atrocity is that part of the crime that the punishment turns back as torture in order
to display it in the full light of day" [15] (Focault, 1977)

In light of Michel Foucault's study of power, he shows how the display of excessive
power can serve as a negative connotation towards disciplining society. In relation to
the existence of political dynasties, their display of excessive power by means of running
private armies or reliance on coercion in order to establish and maintain their power,
could very well serve as a detriment to public order as well as to their own existence.
This is where Vladimir Lenin's theory on organization can come into play because power
alone in a democratic society, especially excessive power, can clash with the values of
democracy while power coupled with proper organization could compromise with the
said values. Organization, furthermore, would tweak how power is distributed, dispersed
and used on the sovereign's subjects. In the case of political dynasties where power is
seen to be a tool used for political domination, power alongside organization can
produce an effective dynasty, which operates on behalf of and for the public rather than
for itself and its interests.

Good Sides to Political Dynasties

In his book, "What is to be done?", Vladimir Lenin talks about the importance of
organization to serve as a focusing of all efforts towards a certain goal. An organized
exercise of power would mean that there is a proper system that is undergone where it
is both regulated and directed towards achieving a goal rather than just a spectacle. In
the case of political dynasties, despite the weaknesses that they are prone to, it also has
its strengths. Political dynasties provide continuity and political stability - which is
particularly obvious in provinces such as those held by the Josons of Nueva Ecija,
Ortegas of La Union, and Dys of Isabela. There is minimal political risk and this plays a
huge role when it comes to investments. With the continuity offered by political
dynasties, investors can be assured that laws do not change mid-stream of an investor's
project and that business agreements made in the past would still be upheld in the
succeeding generations. This sparks an interest in terms of foreign corporations doing
business in third world countries since it takes out premium on political instability
insurance (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). Furthermore, this continuity assures that the
desired goal is achieved overtime and will be implemented throughout a long-term
establishment made by these dynasties. In addition, their continued existence help
promote continued progress and development, so long as the succeeding leader is
actually capable and not just voted for his namesake. For example, a son who is to take
the place of his father's position in office, would be able to benefit from the experience
and guidance of his father. Assuming that the succeeding leader has been trained from
early on by the example of good leaders who have also lead from his dynasty, he would
be able to emulate the good qualities and learn from mistakes made in the past as well
as assure the constant upholding of the good qualities taught by his predecessors. By
this process of learning from the example of the previous generations, they would have
a huge advantage in terms of leadership and experience.

An example of a prosperous region, which has been ruled under a political dynasty for
over a century, is La Union. "The family of Ortegas have occupied elective and appointed
positions in the province since the 20th century. In 1901, Joaquin Ortega was appointed
governor by the US colonial administration. In 2006, ten Ortegas were holding various
elective posts in La Union" [16] (Medel, 2007). The prosperity of the region speaks
clearly, of how well the dynasty has managed. Boasting a 97% literacy rate and a 94.77%
employment rate, La Union is classified as a first class province (La Union, 2007). The City
of San Fernando is now the seat of national government agencies in Region I and center
of trade, commerce, financial and educational institutions, among others. From a "deep
rooted potential of stable community governance, to international shipping, an airport
with viable capacity to accommodate international air traffic, natural terrain conducive
to tourism development and a people endowed with cultural and virtuous heritage of
industry, spirituality, nationalism and aspiration for growth, peace and prosperity, the
City of San Fernando has emerged as the booming Metropolis of the North." (San
Fernando City). In response to issues raised regarding the continued existence of a
political dynasty in the region, Mayor Mary Jane C. Ortega replies, "It is not an issue.
Why punish people who deliver? Like in Frankfurt, they have a Mayor for 25 years and
she keeps delivering. Look how developed Frankfurt is. It is not an issue if you are in
power for a long time. It is not actually the length of service. It is the quality of service
that you give. If the leader delivers, why punish him/ her? On the other hand, if you have
a term limitation, three years is too long kung hindi naman nagdedeliver," [17] (Medel,
2007).

Another respectable leader belonging to families with a background in political

dynasties include Senator Mar Roxas, son of the illustrious Senator Gerry Roxas, and the
grandson of the venerable President Manuel Roxas whose public service careers have
greatly benefited the country. Mar's public service life began in the House of
Representatives in 1993. After his congressional stint, he was appointed as Secretary of
the Department of Trade and Industry; and then in 2004, he was elected to the Senate
with a staggering 20 million votes - the largest ever obtained by a candidate in any
Philippine election. Mar's stint in the House is most noted for his principal authorship of
RA 7880, also known as the Roxas Law, which ensures fair distribution of the education
capital budget among all the provinces. This gave life to his advocacy for fair and
equitable access to education, free from regional bias and political patronage
considerations. Owing to his record of accomplishments as a public servant and political
leader, the international community described Mar as "one of the young leaders in
politics and business who will bring Asia and the Pacific to the forefront of world affairs."
(Senator Mar A. Roxas) At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Mar was
named as "one of the Global Leaders of Tomorrow who is expected to shape the future."
(Senator Mar A. Roxas) Recently, the Singapore Government has awarded him as the
16th Lee Kuan Yew Fellow (Senator Mar A. Roxas).

Another example of a leader who has chosen to stick by his principles despite the
temptations offered by that of a political dynasty is Governor Barbers. Governor Robert
Lyndon S. Barbers is the eldest son of Senator Robert "Bobby" Z. Barbers and Vergie
Smith of Makati City. The family has a deep-rooted background in politics. His brother
was second district Rep. of Surigao del Norte and was succeeded by other family
members who ran for governor in the province. Despite his family's involvement in a
political dynasty, Lyndon Barbers has made a clear stand against nepotism; relatives are
banned from benefiting from any project on account of his position as Governor. This
has been proven on several instances. A relative of his was once caught operating a
sand-gravel quarrying business without a license or permit and was brought to court. In
another instance, a cousin of his was arrested for illegal gambling
operations [18] (Medel, 2007). In addition, there are many other families belonging to
political dynasties that have also contributed a great deal into building the nation and
serving its people. Families like the Magsaysays, Osmenas, Biazons, Cayetanos, Villars,
Duavits, Escuderos, Espinas, Gordons, Madrigals, Mitras Plazas, and Rectos have done a
good job of keeping a clean image. These are the leaders who prove that the political
dynasty can be beneficial to society so long as it does not abuse its power.
It cannot be discounted that one will not practice the use of power, although, there can
be ways wherein this power can be diverted into good reasons to achieve societal order
and development. This is what Vladimir Lenin is stresses when he mentions in his work
that, "Such workers, average people of the masses, are capable of displaying enormous
energy and self-sacrifice in strikes and in street, battles with the police and the troops,
and are capable (in fact, are alone capable) of determining the outcome of our entire
movement - but the struggle against the political police requires special qualities; it
requires professional revolutionaries" [19] (Lenin, 1902). In this quotation, Lenin stresses
that organizing a mass of people requires a strategic use of power as opposed to a
fueling of the mobs emotions. A possible historical example would be that of the
American Revolution in contrast to the French revolution. The French revolution had
failed to recognize their freedom because they failed to organize their efforts of
systemizing their revolution. The leaders of the French revolution relied solely on power
and doing so led to the abuse and struggle of power. In the end, the French revolution
served as a spectacle of disorganization, wherein towards the end, Napoleon
Bonaparte's emergence to take hold of power was recognized. This emergence of
Napoleon from this disorganization is an opposite to that of an organized succession
and transfer of power seen in the American Revolution. The American Revolution,
through proper organization, gave birth to freedom, liberty and equality among the
states. The transfer and succession of power from one president to another required
organization as well as a regulation of their, being the presidents', powers.

The political dynasty has its own share of pros and cons. There are examples of good
political dynasties as well as bad ones. However, it is usually the faults of the political
dynasty that are highlighted and scrutinized. More often than not, the news is filled with
reports about charges of theft, plunder and whatnot. As a result of which, many have
turned to the solution of trying to ban political dynasties completely.

Laws Regarding Political Dynasties

In terms of the legality of political dynasties, Art. II, Sec. 26 of the Constitution says, "The
State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit
political dynasties as may be defined by law." However, there is no clear definition of
political dynasties and therefore the provision is none self-executing. It is the most
ignored policy by Congress due to certain reasons. The framers left it to the congress to
define political dynasties - which it has not done (Cruz, 2007). This loophole in the law
has allowed the political dynasty to continue up to the present day even if it is
technically not allowed. The only law being actively enforced to prevent the abuse of
power is the term limits on elective positions. However, providing a term limit for
elective officials is easily countered by having families pass on their power. To retain
political hold on his constituents, a forcibly retired official arranges to have his wife, a
mistress, one of his children, his own siblings, or a parent to occupy his position for one
term. After which, he will be qualified again to run for office (Cruz, 2007).

In an effort to ban political dynasties, there was an anti-dynasty bill that was filled by
Majority Floor Leader Arthur Defensor of Iloilo. Section Five of House Bill 783, which
reads, "Any person who has a political dynasty relationship with an incumbent elective
official is disqualified from running for any elective public office within the same city
and/or province where the elective public official is running." This bill will only be
proactive. It will not affect those who are already currently holding positions. The bill
also limits the definition of a political dynasty relationship as existing only among
relatives up to the second degree of affinity or consanguinity. Thus, only the spouse,
children, siblings or parents of the incumbent are deemed disqualified and similar in-law
relationship. The bill disallows a relative of an incumbent from running for a position like
governor, vice governor, mayor, vice mayor, as these positions are vested executive
power. Another distinct feature of this bill is that it allows relatives of the incumbent to
run for posts such as board member or councilor where power is shared owing to the
collegial nature of the office. The idea of the bill is to bar relatives from holding
positions where power is concentrated in an individual, but not from positions where
decision-making is made through deliberation and consensus (Bordadora, 2007).

Solution to Problems Regarding Political Dynasties

Although this new bill seems like a good and effective idea for countering the negative
effects of the existence political dynasties, it has yet to have been decided by legislators
whether this will be fully implemented or not. It is up to the Congress to decide whether
this bill will be passed and it seems highly unlikely that they will do so. This is partly due
to the fact that political dynasties have become so much a part of the current system of
governance that it is almost impossible to change. "I don't think it has much of a chance
under the present Congress," stated Defensor regarding his opinion on possibility of the
bill being passed (Bordadora, 2007).

Like it or not, the emergence of political dynasties in the Philippines still operate well
within the framework of so-called democracy (PHILIPPINEPOLITICS.NET., 2000). No
matter how much effort is put against the political dynasty, it is here to stay. It is simply
futile to hope for any change regarding the current laws on political dynasties. Instead
of looking at something that is simply out of reach, people should realize that there lies
a much simpler solution. It would be impossible to ban all political dynasties in general;
however, it is possible to put an end to the bad political dynasties. People should realize
that they are the ones who elect their leaders into office. No matter how strong a
political dynasty may be, sovereignty is held by the people. At the end of the day, it will
be the people to decide whether or not a dynasty will be succeeded. "Absolute power is
when you have a dictatorship. We still have to go through an election. The electorate
will be the ones to dictate who are the ones who will lead. The people have the power,
not the officials" [20] (Medel, 2007). All this talk about outlawing political dynasties and
its bad effects would not even be necessary if people were to vote more responsibly.
What is happening in today's society is that the people are the ones choosing to make
themselves powerless. They are quick to find faults in the system and demand for
change, yet they do nothing to actually work for change. People need to realize that as
much as the bad political dynasties are to blame, they are also responsible for allowing
these dynasties to remain in power. Ultimately, people have the power to put a stop to
political dynasties if the need arises. If they see that a certain dynasty abuses their
power, they possess the power and responsibility to vote towards a change in
leadership. On the other hand, if a dynasty is doing a good job, then they have the
option to allow the dynasty to continue in the succeeding generations. According to
then Representative of Tarlac and now President Benigno Aquino, the issue of whether a
member of a political family should continue in office or not is a matter of public choice.
"At the end of the day, people deserve the government they get," he said (Cusi, 2004).
That being said, these traditional political dynasties, that which do not ground their
resources based on their economic stance, are still existing up to this day because they
don't just merely exercise power on behalf of their families but rather they direct this
power towards an ordered use to improve the public's welfare which is the way it's
supposed to be in a democratic society. While progress continues to be delivered by
these political clans to their constituents, then their dominance and relevance in the
Philippine political arena and society will be here to stay. On the other hand, if one lacks
or exceeds in either their organization or exercise of power, then that dynasty is bound
to fail.

All in all, it is difficult to make a generalization whether the political dynasty is in fact
good or bad since this would differ on a case-to-case basis. It can be detrimental to
Philippine society on some instances, yet beneficial on other cases. There are both good
political dynasties and bad ones. Each political dynasty has its own strengths and
weaknesses and it is the duty of the people to be the judge. The political dynasty, like
any other system of leadership, is prone to error. After all, no system of government is
truly perfect; problems will always arise. What are needed are the unified efforts of each
and every individual to continually strive in building the nation into a better place.