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The Magna Carta, signed by King John 40.

To no one will we sell, to no one


in 1215, marked a decisive step forward in deny or delay right or justice.
the development of constitutional government
in England. Later, it became a model for 41. All merchants may enter or leave
colonists who carried the Magna Carta’s England unharmed and without fear,
guarantees of legal and political rights to and may stay or travel within it, by land
America. or water, for purposes of trade, free from
all illegal exactions, in accordance with
1. . . . [T]hat the English Church shall ancient and lawful customs. This, how-
be free, and shall have its rights entire, ever, does not apply in time of war to
and its liberties unimpaired. . . . we have merchants from a country that is at war
also granted for us and our heirs for- with us. . . .
ever, all the liberties written out below,
42. In future it shall be lawful for any
to have and to keep for them and their
man to leave and return to our kingdom
heirs, of us and our heirs:
unharmed and without fear, by land or
39. No free man shall be seized or water, preserving his allegiance to us,
imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or except in time of war, for some short
possessions, or outlawed or exiled, or period, for the common benefit of the
deprived of his standing in any other realm. . . .
way, nor will we proceed with force
60. All these customs and liberties
against him, or send others to do so,
that we have granted shall be observed
except by the lawful judgment of his
in our kingdom in so far as concerns our
equals, or by the law of the land.
own relations with our subjects. Let all
men of our kingdom, whether clergy or
laymen, observe them similarly in their
relations with their own men. . . .
63. . . . Both we and the barons have
sworn that all this shall be observed in
good faith and without deceit. Witness the
abovementioned people and many others.
Given by our hand in the meadow that is
called Runnymede, between Windsor and
Staines, on the fifteenth day of June in the
seventeenth year of our reign.

Illuminated manuscript, Middle Ages

Documents of American History 985


On November 21, 1620, 41 colonists aboard the another, covenant and combine ourselves
Mayflower drafted this agreement. The Mayflower together into a civil Body Politick, for our better
Compact was the first plan of self-government ever put Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance
in force in the English colonies. of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof do
enact, constitute, and frame, such just and
In the Name of God, Amen. We, whose
equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions,
names are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects
and Officers, from time to time, as shall be
of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, by
thought most meet and convenient for the
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the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France,


general Good of the Colony; unto which we
and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc.
promise all due Submission and Obedience.
Having undertaken for the Glory of God, and
In Witness whereof we have hereunto sub-
Advancement of the Christian Faith, and the
scribed our names at Cape-Cod the eleventh
Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to
of November, in the Reign of our Sovereign
plant the first Colony in the northern Parts of
Lord King James, of England, France, and
Virginia; Do by these Presents, solemnly and
Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland, the
mutually, in the Presence of God and one
fifty-fourth, Anno Domini, 1620.

James Madison wrote several articles support- A republic, by which I mean a government
ing ratification of the Constitution for a New in which the scheme of representation takes
York newspaper. In the excerpt below, Madison place . . . promises the cure for which we
argues for the idea of a federal republic. are seeking. . . .
The two great points of difference between
By a faction, I understand a number of
a democracy and a republic are: first, the dele-
citizens . . . who are united and actuated by
gation of the government, in the latter, to a
some common impulse . . . adverse to
small number of citizens elected by the rest;
the rights of other citizens. . . .
secondly, the greater number of citizens, and
The inference to
greater sphere of country, over which the latter
which we are brought
may be extended.
is that the causes of fac-
The effect of the first difference is . . . to refine
tion cannot be removed
and enlarge the public views, by passing them
and that relief is only
through the medium of a chosen body of citi-
to be sought in the
zens, whose wisdom may best discern the true
means of controlling
interest of their country, and whose patriotism
its effects. . . .
and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice
it to temporary or partial considerations. . . .
James Madison

986 Documents of American History


At the end of his second term as president, George No alliances, however
Washington spoke of the dangers facing the young strict, between the parts
nation. He warned against the dangers of political can be an adequate substi-
parties and sectionalism, and he advised the nation tute. They must inevitably
against permanent alliances with other nations.
experience the infractions
and interruptions which
. . . Citizens by birth or choice of a common
all alliances in all times
country, that country has a right to concentrate
have experienced. . . .
your affections. The name of American, which

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The great rule of con-
belongs to you in your national capacity, must George Washington
duct for us in regard to for-
always exalt the just pride of patriotism more
eign nations is, in extending our commercial
than any appellation derived from local dis-
relations to have with them as little political
criminations. With slight shades of difference,
connection as possible. . . .
you have the same religion, manners, habits,
. . . I anticipate with pleasing expectation
and political principles. You have in a common
that retreat in which I promise myself to
cause fought and triumphed together. . . .
realize . . . the sweet enjoyment of partak-
In contemplating the causes which may dis-
ing in the midst of my fellow citizens the
turb our union it occurs as matter of serious
benign influence of good laws under a free
concern that any ground should have been fur-
government—the ever-favorite object of my
nished for characterizing parties by geographi-
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of
cal discriminations. . . .
our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

During the British bombardment of Fort Whose broad stripes and bright stars
McHenry during the War of 1812, a young Balti- through the perilous fight,
more lawyer named Francis Scott Key was inspired O’er the ramparts we watch’d, were so
to write the words to “The Star-Spangled Banner.” gallantly streaming?
Although it became popular immediately, it was not And the Rockets’ red glare, the Bombs
until 1931 that Congress officially declared “The bursting in air,
Star-Spangled Banner” as our national anthem. Gave proof through the night that our
Flag was still there;
O! say can you see by the dawn’s
O! say does that star-spangled Banner
early light,
yet wave,
What so proudly we hailed at the twilight’s
O’er the Land of the free, and the home
last gleaming,
of the brave!

Documents of American History 987


In an 1823 address to Congress, President James of any unfriendly disposition
Monroe proclaimed the Monroe Doctrine. Designed toward the United States. . . .
to end European influence in the Western Hemi-
sphere, it became a cornerstone of United States Our policy in regard to
foreign policy. Europe, which was adopted
at an early stage of the wars
. . . With the existing colonies or dependen- which have so long agitated
cies of any European power we have not inter- that quarter of the globe, never-
fered and shall not interfere. But with the theless remains the same, which James Monroe
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Governments who have declared their inde- is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of
pendence and maintained it, and whose inde- any of its powers; to consider the government
pendence we have, on great consideration and de facto as the legitimate government for us;
on just principles, acknowledged, we could not to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to
view any interposition for the purpose of preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and
oppressing them, or controlling in any other manly policy, meeting in all instances the just
manner their destiny, by any European power claims of every power, submitting to injuries
in any other light than as the manifestation from none. . . .

The Indian Removal Act our residence and our privileges, and secure us
of 1830 called for the relocation against intruders. Our only request is, that
of Native Americans to territory these treaties may be fulfilled, and these laws
west of the Mississippi River. executed. . . .
Cherokee leaders protested
. . . We have been called a poor, ignorant,
the policy.
Beaded shoulder and degraded people. We certainly are not
bag, Cherokee rich; nor have we ever boasted of our knowl-
We are aware that some
people edge, or our moral or intellectual elevation.
persons suppose it will be for
our advantage to remove beyond the Missis- But there is not a man within our limits so
sippi. We think otherwise. Our people univer- ignorant as not to know that he has a right to
sally think otherwise. . . . live on the land of his fathers, in the possession
We wish to remain on the land of our of his immemorial privileges, and that this
fathers. We have a perfect and original right to right has been acknowledged by the United
remain without interruption or molestation. States; nor is there a man so degraded as not to
The treaties with us, and laws of the United feel a keen sense of injury, on being deprived
States made in pursuance of treaties, guaranty of his right and driven into exile. . . .

988 Documents of American History


One of the first documents to express the desire and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
for equal rights for women is the Declaration of same object, evinces a design to reduce them
Sentiments and Resolutions, issued in 1848 at the under absolute despotism, it is their duty to
Seneca Falls Convention in Seneca Falls, New York. throw off such government, and to provide
Led by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton,
new guards for their future security. . . .
the delegates adopted a set of resolutions that called

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The history of mankind is a history of
for woman suffrage and opportunities for women
in employment and education. Excerpts from the repeated injuries and usurpations on the part
Declaration follow. of man toward woman, having in direct
object the establishment of an absolute
When, in the course of human events, it tyranny over her. To prove this, let facts be
becomes necessary for one portion of the fam- submitted to a candid world. . . .
ily of man to assume among the people of the Now, in view of the entire disfranchise-
earth a position different from that which ment of one-half the people of this country,
they have hitherto occupied, but one to which their social and religious degradation—in
the laws of nature and of nature’s God entitle view of the unjust laws above mentioned,
them, a decent respect to the opinions of and because women do feel themselves
mankind requires that they should declare aggrieved, oppressed, and fraudulently
the causes that impel them to such a course. deprived of their most sacred rights, we
We hold these truths to be self-evident: insist that they have immediate admission to
that all men and women are created equal; all the rights and privileges which belong to
that they are endowed by their Creator with them as citizens of these United States. . . .
certain inalienable rights; that among these
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;
that to secure these rights governments are
instituted, deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed. Whenever any
form of government becomes destructive of
these ends, it is the right of those who suffer
from it to refuse allegiance to it, and to insist
upon the institution of a new government,
laying its foundation on such principles, and
organizing its powers in such form as to
them shall seem most likely to effect their
safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will
dictate that governments long established
should not be changed for light and transient
causes; . . . But when a long train of abuses

Elizabeth Cady Stanton

Documents of American History 989


On January 1, 1863, President Abraham conclusive evidence that such state, and the
Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, people thereof, are not then in rebellion
which freed all enslaved people in states under against the United States. . . .
Confederate control. The Proclamation was a step And, by virtue of the power and for the
toward the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), which
purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that
ended slavery in all of the United States.
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all persons held as slaves within said desig-


. . . That on the 1st day of January, in the nated states and parts of states are, and
year of our Lord 1863, all persons held as henceforward shall be, free; and that the
slaves within any state or designated part of Executive Government of the United States,
a state, the people whereof shall then be in including the military and naval authorities
rebellion against the United States, shall be thereof, will recognize and maintain the
then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the freedom of said persons.
Executive Government of the United States, And I hereby enjoin upon the people so
including the military and naval authority declared to be free to abstain from all violence,
thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- unless in necessary self-defense; and I recom-
dom of such persons, and will do no act or mend to them that, all cases when allowed,
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.
in any efforts they may make for their actual And I further declare and make known
freedom. that such persons, of suitable
That the Executive will, on the 1st day of condition, will be received
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate into the armed service of
the states and parts of states, if any, in which the United States. . . .
the people thereof, respectively, shall then be And upon this act, sin-
in rebellion against the United States; and the cerely believed to be an
fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall act of justice, warranted
on that day be in good faith represented in the by the Constitution
Congress of the United States, by members upon military necessity,
chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority I invoke the considerate
of the qualified voters of such states shall judgement of man-kind
have participated, shall, in the absence of and the gracious favor of
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed Almighty God. . . .

Abraham Lincoln

Members of the
4th Infantry

990 Documents of American History


On November 19, 1863, President Abraham The brave men, living and dead, who strug-
Lincoln gave a short speech at the dedication of a gled here, have consecrated it far above our
national cemetery on the battlefield of Gettysburg. poor power to add or detract. The world will
His simple yet eloquent words expressed his hopes little note nor long remember what we say
for a nation divided by civil war.
here, but it can never forget what they did

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here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedi-
Four score and seven years ago our fathers
cated here to the unfinished work which they
brought forth on this continent a new nation,
who fought here have thus far so nobly
conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedi-
proposition that all men are created equal.
cated to the great task remaining before us—
Now we are engaged in a great civil war,
that from these honored dead we take
testing whether that nation, or any nation so
increased devotion to that cause for which
conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
they gave the last full measure of devotion;
We are met on a great battlefield of that war.
that we here highly resolve that these dead
We have come to dedicate a portion of that
shall not have died in vain; that this nation,
field as a final resting place for those who
under God, shall have a new birth of free-
here gave their lives that that nation might
dom; and that government of the people, by
live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we
the people, for the people, shall not perish
should do this.
from the earth.
But, in a larger sense, we can not
dedicate—we can not consecrate—
we can not hallow—this ground.

Soldier’s kit, Civil War

Gettysburg Memorial

Documents of American History 991


In 1877 the Nez Perce dead. It is the young men who say yes or no.
fought the government’s He who led the young men is dead. It is cold
attempt to move them to a and we have no blankets. The little children
smaller reservation. After are freezing to death. My people, some of
a remarkable attempt to
them have run away to the hills, and have no
escape to Canada, Chief
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Joseph realized that resist- blankets, no food; no one knows where they
ance was hopeless and are—perhaps freezing to death. I want to have
Shield made advised his people to time to look for my children and see how
of buffalo hide surrender. many of them I can find. Maybe I shall find
them among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs.
Tell General Howard I know his heart. I am tired; my heart is sick and sad. From
What he told me before I have in my heart. where the sun now stands I will fight no
I am tired of fighting. . . . The old men are all more forever.

In 1892 the nation celebrated the


400th anniversary of Columbus’s landing
in America. In connection with this cele-
bration, Francis Bellamy, a magazine
editor, wrote and published the Pledge of
Allegiance. The words “under God” were
added by Congress in 1954 at the urging
of President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

I pledge allegiance to the Flag of


the United States of America and to
the Republic for which it stands, one
Nation under God, indivisible, with
liberty and justice for all.
Students in a New York City school recite
the Pledge of Allegiance

992 Documents of American History


William Tyler Page of Friendship Heights, racy in a republic; a sovereign Nation of
Maryland, wrote The American’s Creed. This state- many sovereign States; a perfect union, one
ment of political faith summarizes the true mean- and inseparable; established upon those
ing of freedom available to all Americans. The U.S. principles of freedom, equality, justice, and
House of Representatives adopted the creed on
humanity for which American patriots
behalf of the American people on April 3, 1918.
sacrificed their lives and fortunes.
I believe in the United States of America as I therefore believe it is my duty to my

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a Government of the people, by the people, Country to love it; to support its Constitution;
for the people; whose just powers are derived to obey its laws; to respect its flag, and to
from the consent of the governed; a democ- defend it against all enemies.

On January 8, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson our own part we see very clearly that unless
went before Congress to offer a statement of aims justice be done to others it will not be done to
called the Fourteen Points. Wilson’s plan called for us. The program of the world’s peace, there-
freedom of the seas in peace and war, an end to secret fore, is our program; and that program, the
alliances, and equal trading rights for all countries.
only possible program, as we see it, is this:
The excerpt that follows is taken from the President’s
message. I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived
at, after which there shall be no private inter-
. . . We entered this war because violations national understandings of any kind but
of right had occurred which touched us to the diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and
quick and made the life of our own people in the public view.
impossible unless they were corrected and the
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon
world secured once for all against their recur-
the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in
rence. What we demand in this war, therefore,
peace and in war, except as the seas may be
is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the
closed in whole or in part by international
world be made fit and safe to live in; and par-
action for the enforcement of international
ticularly that it be made safe for every peace-
covenants.
loving nation which, like our own, wishes to
live its own life, determine its own institutions, XIV. A general association of nations must
be assured of justice and fair dealing by the be formed under specific covenants for the
other peoples of the world as against force and purpose of affording mutual guarantees of
selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world political independence and territorial integrity
are in effect partners in this interest, and for to great and small states alike. . . .

Documents of American History 993


On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in development and its present place in Ameri-
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, can life throughout the Nation. Only in this
that racial segregation in public schools was uncon- way can it be determined if segregation in
stitutional. This decision provided the legal basis for public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the
court challenges to segregation in every aspect of
equal protection of the laws.
American life.
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Today, education is perhaps the most


. . . The plaintiffs contend that segregated important function of state and local govern-
public schools are not “equal” and cannot ments. Compulsory school attendance laws
be made “equal” and that hence they are and the great expenditures for education both
deprived of the equal protection of the laws. demonstrate our recognition of the impor-
Because of the obvious importance of tance of education to our democratic society. .
the question presented, the Court took . . In these days, it is doubtful that any child
jurisdiction. . . . may reasonably be expected to succeed in life
Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on if he is denied the opportunity of an educa-
merely a comparison of these tangible factors tion. Such an opportunity, where the state has
in the Negro and white schools involved in undertaken to provide it, is a right which
each of the cases. We must look instead to the must be made available to all on equal terms.
effect of segregation itself on public education. We come then to the question presented:
In approaching this problem, we cannot Does segregation of children in public schools
turn the clock back to 1868 when the Amend- solely on the basis of race, even though the
ment was adopted, or even to 1896 when physical facilities and other “tangible” factors
Plessy v. Ferguson was written. We must con- may be equal, deprive the children of the
sider public education in the light of its full minority group of equal educational opportu-
nities? We believe that it does.
. . . We conclude that in the
field of public education the doc-
trine of “separate but equal” has
no place. Separate educational
facilities are inherently unequal.
Therefore, we hold that the
plaintiffs and others similarly sit-
uated for whom the actions have
been brought are, by reason of
the segregation complained of,
deprived of the equal protection
of the laws guaranteed by the
Fourteenth Amendment. . . .
Troops escort students to newly integrated school

994 Documents of American History


President Kennedy’s Inaugural Address on Jan- Let every nation know, whether it wishes us
uary 20, 1961, set the tone for his administration. well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any
In his address Kennedy stirred the nation by call- burden, meet any hardship, support any
ing for “a grand and global alliance” to fight friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival
tyranny, poverty, disease, and war. and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge—and more.

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We observe today not a victory of party but
To those old allies whose cultural and spir-
a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end
itual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty
as well as a beginning—signifying renewal as
of faithful friends. United, there is little we
well as change. For I have sworn before you
cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.
and Almighty God the same solemn oath our
Divided, there is little we can do. . . .
forebears prescribed nearly a century and
Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let
three-quarters ago.
us never fear to negotiate.
The world is very different now. For man
Let both sides explore what problems unite
holds in his mortal hands the power to abol-
us instead of belaboring those problems
ish all forms of human poverty and all forms
which divide us. . . .
of human life. And yet the same revolution-
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders
ary beliefs for which our forebears fought are
of science instead of its terrors. Together let
still at issue around the globe—the belief that
us explore the stars, conquer the deserts,
the rights of man come not from the generos-
eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and
ity of the state but from the hand of God.
encourage the arts and commerce. . . .
We dare not forget today that we are the
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not
heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go
what your country can do for you—ask what
forth from this time and place, to friend and
you can do for your country.
foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not
new generation of Americans—born in this
what America will do for you, but what
century, tempered by war, disciplined by a
together we can do for the freedom of man. . . .
hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient
heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit
the slow undoing of those human
rights to which this nation has
always been committed, and to
which we are committed today at
home and around the world.

President Kennedy speaking


at his inauguration

Documents of American History 995


On August 28, 1963, while Congress debated a dream that one day this nation
wide-ranging civil rights legislation, Dr. Martin will rise up and live out the
Luther King, Jr., led more than 200,000 people true meaning of its
in a march on Washington, D.C. On the steps of creed: “We
the Lincoln Memorial he gave a stirring speech in
hold these
which he eloquently spoke of his dreams for African
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truths to be
Americans and for the United States. Excerpts of
the speech follow. self-evident,
that all men
. . . There are those who are asking the are created
devotees of civil rights, “When will you equal.” Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
be satisfied?” I have a dream that one day on the red hills
We can never be satisfied as long as the of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the
Negro is the victim of the unspeakable hor- sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit
rors of police brutality. . . . down together at the table of brotherhood.
We cannot be satisfied as long as the I have a dream that one day even the state
Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with
ghetto to a larger one. the heat of injustice and oppression, will
We can never be satisfied as long as be transformed into an oasis of freedom
a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and and justice.
a Negro in New York believes he has I have a dream that my four little children
nothing for which to vote. . . . will one day live in a nation where they will
I say to you today, my friends, that in not be judged by the color of their skin but by
spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the the content of their character. . . .
moment I still have a dream. It is a dream . . . When we let freedom ring, when we
deeply rooted in the American dream. I have let it ring from every village and every ham-
let, from every state and every
city, we will be able to speed up
that day when all of God’s chil-
dren, black men and white men,
Jews and Gentiles, Protestants
and Catholics, will be able to
join hands and sing in the words
of the old Negro spiritual: “Free
at last! Free at last! Thank God
Almighty, we are free at last!”

The March
on Washington

996 Documents of American History

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