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Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.

2016 Race and Capitalism

Table of Contents

1. Preliminary Notes................................................................................................................................................................. 2

2. History....................................................................................................................................................................................... 2

3. Economics............................................................................................................................................................................. 10

4. Sociology................................................................................................................................................................................ 15

5. Political Science................................................................................................................................................................... 17

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

1. Introductory Remarks
This is a brief overview of the social science literature relating to the intersection of race and
capitalism broadly construed, with a focus on recent US scholarship. The relevant literature is
discussed by discipline. This sometimes leads to a fragmentation of interdisciplinary debates.
Wherever possible, I have indicated overlaps between the terminology and debates of different
disciplinary traditions.1 Given the breadth of the issues under discussion, it might not come as a
surprise that this literature review is a far cry from comprehensive—some of the most glaring
omissions include the intersectionality literature and some of the classic black Marxist
approaches to race and capitalism. The sociology section in particular should be read as a
preliminary sketch rather than an exhaustive depiction of the debate. In spite its weaknesses, I
hope that this literature review will serve as a useful starting point for a concerted effort to
develop a more exhaustive overview of the relevant literature. Any and all suggestions for
changes and additions are most welcome and can be send to

2. History
The recent upsurge of interest in the history of capitalism in History departments across the US
emphasises the central role slavery played in the development of American capitalism. This
renewed focus on the role of racial exploitation for capitalist development continues, in many
ways, earlier debates amongst historians regarding the role of slavery in American economic
development. Earlier debates had focused on whether the pre-abolition slave-based economies
in the US South could be considered capitalist. Behind this seemingly inauspicious definitional
question lurked more fundamental questions about the centrality of slavery for the economic
development of the US and US history more generally. What was at stake was whether slavery
and racial exploitation should be seen as an archaic remnant of the past, which was in tension
with the development of a capitalist economy, or as a central and characteristic feature of US
economic development. Eugene Genovese and Douglas Egerton both stressed the non-capitalist
aspects of the Southern society and economy. Eugene Genovese famously argued that the South
was characterised by a paternalist culture that rejected the market as an arbiter of social
relations (Fox-Genovese 1988; Genovese 1969, 1976; J. R. Young 1999). In a similar vein, Douglas
Egerton argued that the economies of the South had not undergone a market revolution and
could therefore not be considered capitalist (Egerton 1996). In contrast to this, James Oakes,
Stanley Engerman and Robert W. Fogel emphasised the capitalist aspects of the Southern
economy and stressed the continuities between the Northern and Southern economies, such as
the centrality of liberal private property for the slaveholding regime (Fogel 1995; Oakes 1998;
Woodman 1999).

Contemporary debates about the role of slavery in capitalist development could therefore
be considered a mere continuation of these older debates—a “capitalist moment” in the
historiography of the Southern economy. It is certainly true that current scholarship largely
emphasises the capitalist aspects of the Southern economy in general and the compatibility and
centrality of slavery and the domestic slave trade with and for capitalist development in the
South (W. Johnson 2009). However, there is also a more fundamental shift in the literature—
away from a focus on the Southern economy as an isolated phenomenon in global and US history.
Instead, scholars increasingly adopt a more holistic perspective and stress the importance of

1 There are three topics/areas of inquiry that the preliminary literature review does not (yet) cover adequately,
namely conceptions of race and class in the intersectionality literature, analyses of the racial dimensions of
globalisation and analyses of race and capitalism in Political Theory. I would be happy to work on these over the
coming weeks.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

slave-based economies and the transatlantic slave trade for capitalist development within the US
and across the globe (Baptist 2014; Beckert 2014b; Rockman 2006; Schermerhorn and
Schermerhorn 2015). For the former, see for example (Farrow et al. 2005; Schermerhorn and
Schermerhorn 2015), for the latter refer to (Blackburn 1998; Tomich 2003; van der Linden
2008). The analyses of the role of slavery in the economic development of the US cover a wide
range of different aspects, including the role of slavery in commerce and as commerce (Deyle
2005; W. Johnson 2008), the emergence of financial markets and financial products (Baptist
2010; Boodry 2014; Kilbourne 1995, 2006; Martin 2010), scientific management (Commons
1920; Esch and Roediger 2009; Rosenthal 2013b, 2013a, 2016 (forthcoming)), wage labour and
commodification (Baptist 2001; Stanley 1998; Waldstreicher 2004) and various industries, such
as sugar, cotton, tobacco (R. Bailey 1990; Beckert 2004, 2014b; Boodry 2014). In short, it
illustrates, as Sven Becker has put it, “the impossibility of understanding the nation's spectacular
pattern of economic development without situating slavery front and centre” 2 and continues an
interrupted and marginalised tradition of historical inquiry into the role of slavery in capitalist
development (Cox 1964; Greene 1942; Mannix and Cowley 1963; E. E. Williams 1944).

One other strand of the literature that seems relevant to the “problem space” of slavery
and capitalist development is the long-standing debate about the relationship between racial
hierarchies, race-thinking and the gradual institutionalisation of slavery in the early days of the
British colonies in North America. This debate, which has been re-heated several times over the
past decades, largely revolves around the question of whether slavery preceded or was partially
motivated by pre-existing European conceptions of race and racial hierarchies. The debate is, for
the most part, caught between two diametrically opposed poles: those who claim that race-
thinking and racism preceded and contributed to the institutionalization of slavery, and those
who claim that racism and conceptions of race are by-products of slavery. For those who argue—
with wildly differing degrees of sophistication—that racism preceded slavery, see (Degler 1959;
Jordan 1972, 1974, 2012; Ruchames 1969; Soderlund 2000; Wood 1997, 2005; D. R. Wright
1990). For those who argue that racism did not precede slavery, see (T. Allen 1994a; Fields 1990;
Handlin et al. 1960; Handlin and Handlin 1972; Tomlins 2010) Some recent work has tried to
overcome the chasm by arguing that race thinking and racial prejudice was both a cause and an
effect of the establishment of slavery—i.e. that it existed both prior to and was strengthened due
to the establishment of slavery (Wood 2005).

In comparison to the literature on the centrality of slavery to capitalism, there are

considerably fewer historical treatments that deal primarily with the intersection of race and
capitalism after the Civil War. However, even if race is not the main focus of the analysis, a
number of works that trace the complex co-evolution of governance, legislation, capitalist
development and the racial order make important contributions to the understanding of racial
economic disparities, their origins, development and impact. There are three clusters of inquiry
that seem particularly prominent, namely (a) the question of spatial segregation and its relation
to the reproduction of unequal economic power, (b) the relation between racial dimensions of
credit, debt and financialisation and (c) the emergence of a new, specifically Southern mode of
capitalist enterprise after the Second World War. 3 With regards to questions of how spatial
segregation is implicated in the reproduction of unequal economic power and the ways in which
it functions as a tool for rent extraction and preserving white economic power, see (Connolly
2014; Gotham 2002; Kruse 2013; Satter 2009). In A World More Concrete, Connolly analyses the

2 Sven Beckert, 'Slavery and Capitalism', The Chronicle of Higher Education, 2014a.
3 Labour history likewise offers some crucial insights into the history of race and capitalism after the Civil War. See
next section.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

relationship between the colour line and capitalism in Jim Crow South Florida. He argues that
the colour line proved highly profitable—both because it made certain populations vulnerable to
super-exploitation (landlords could charge exorbitant rents in ghettos, for example) and because
it largely prevented African American property ownership—initially through violence and later
through more “civilized” measures, such as eminent domain expropriations and neighbourhood
redevelopment programs that entailed the displacement of residents—thus reproducing a
racialised distribution of wealth. Connolly argues that both black elites and the black poor were
implicated in maintaining the system of white supremacy insofar as they aspired to property
ownership as a form of individual or racial uplift—an aspiration that encouraged individual
solutions and did not challenge the underlying structures of white power, according to Connolly.
Kruse’s White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism, on the other hand, shows
how white flight undermined the aims of the Civil Rights Movement. White flight, Kruse argues,
was a bottom-up movement that sought to resists the Civil Rights Movement’s demands for
integration and responded with the flight of people, capital and industry. Lewinnek likewise
stresses the racial dimension of suburbanization and emphasises the way in which suburban
living was framed as the white working man’s reward (Lewinnek 2014), while Hirsch and Sugrue
trace how segregated housing and resistance to integrated neighbourhoods have shaped current
patterns of racialized poverty in de-industrialised cities (Hirsch 1998; Sugrue 2014).

(b) The financialisation of the US industry has received much attention in the context of
recent neoliberal restructurings of the economy. Julia Ott, Louis Hyman and Jonathan Levy
provide historical accounts of the rise of the role of credit and debt in the US economy and the
evolution of the financial system. While race isn’t the primary focus of their work, all of them
analyse the racial inflections of the emerging financial markets and the ‘debt economy’. In When
Wall Street Met Main Street Julia Ott analyses how stock market investment came to be seen as a
mass practice that provided individuals with a stake in the national economy. She provides an
account of how this shaped both US American capitalism and conceptions of citizenship (Ott
2011). Ott addresses the racial aspect of the changing role of the financial markets most
explicitly with regards to wartime government bonds, so-called Liberty Loans. She argues that
African Americans and recent immigrants saw Liberty Loans as a way to claim full citizenship
rights.4 Local business elites, she argues, resisted the expansion of the financial markets, worried
that new ownership structures might undermine existing social hierarchies (Ott 2011). In
Debtor Nation, Louis Hyman traces the growing importance of credit in the US economy,
especially with regards to consumption (Hyman 2011). He argues that even as credit became a
defining feature of full American citizenship and a basic prerequisite for economic participation,
racialised minorities remained largely excluded from access to credit. Legislative efforts to
change discriminatory and exploitative credit relations did little to ameliorate the situation,
however, since it did not address underlying racial disparities in wealth, income and job
prospects which determined creditworthiness. 5 Levy’s Freaks of Fortune is likewise preoccupied
with the emergence of financial markets and instruments (J. Levy 2012). One of Levy’s central
theses is that the commodification of risk, which came to full fruition in the beginning of the mid
19th century, brought about a significant shift in the conception of personal freedom. Freedom

4 She does, however, also mention that minorities were sometimes coerced into buying Liberty Loans, and that Liberty
Loans were often sold in a manner that employed malicious racial imagery.
5 Hyman argues that since race and gender did reflect genuine differences with regards to the risk of default due to
discriminatory labour markets, other variables (such as the zip code) functioned proxies for race and gender given the
actuarial basis for credit extension. Without remedying the underlying causes for different ability to pay back loans,
extensive legislation to end credit discrimination and the shift to actuarial basis for credit extension therefore did not
end credit discrimination along lines of race and gender but merely provided it with the veneer of scientific

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

was now thought to entail the ownership of one’s own risk, which had previously been
structured by hierarchical relations. He traces the development of the notion of alienable and
commodifiable risk back to long-distance trade in general, and to the Atlantic slave trade in
particular. He makes two key arguments about the relation between slavery, commodified risk
and new conceptions of personhood and freedom: (1) the transatlantic slave trade would have
been impracticable without risk management, and hence without the commodification of risk;
(2) various legal decisions on the liability of insurers in the case of slave mutinies shaped the
conception of freedom as the ownership of one’s risk. According to Levy, legal decisions
redefined slavery as somebody else owning the risk of one’s life; while defining freedom as
owning one’s own risk. Peter Hudson, finally, draws yet another connection between the
expansion of financial markets and racial orders. Hudson argues that the financial interests of
New York investment banks in the Caribbean were articulated and legitimated through ideas of
race. Investment banks directly contributed to a discourse of financial paternalism in which
financial control was constructed as a benevolent and constructive intervention into the affairs
of a backward and childlike people (Hudson 2013: 94)

(c) In the post Second World War era, two shifts in the economic landscape of the US
seem particularly relevant to the nexus of race and capitalism: firstly, the defeat of labour in the
South (see next section on labour history) and secondly, the emergence of a new form of
capitalist enterprise—low-waged, non-unionized and state-supported (which, some have
argued, became the basis for globalising capitalist enterprise)(Frederickson 2011). In Serving
God and Wal-Mart, Bethany Moreton offers an exemplary account of this story by analysing the
history of Wal-Mart’s success (Moreton 2009). Moreton identifies a number of ways in which the
rise of populist corporatism in general, and Wal-Mart in particular, shaped and was shaped by
the racial order. Firstly, corporations that were largely owned by white elites profited in multiple
ways from government support: federal loans subsidized private enterprise without imposing
regulatory control, the Cold War defence industry redistributed national wealth to the South and
West and federal investment enabled rising mass consumption. In other words, this new type of
Southern corporation profited from a type of “white affirmative action”, to use Katznelson’s
terminology (Katznelson 2005). Moreover, Moreton argues that Wal-Mart’s success was partially
built on the weakening of labour and the civil rights movement in the South, which itself was in
part a result of black disenfranchisement. The success of Wal-Mar was also linked to the racial
order in less obvious ways: for example, Wal-Mart self-consciously cultivated a populist image.
While populism had initially been directed against large corporations and chains, Wal-Mart
capitalized on the underlying antipathies towards foreign capital, including their racial and anti-
semitic undertones, and managed to present itself as a locally financed and locally owned
corporation. Wal-Mart became a repository of the national imagination: a remnant of an
imagined and romanticized American past populated exclusively by white, thrifty, hard-working
yeomen. Finally, Moreton argues, Wal-Mart’s self-image and its predilection for a rural white
work-force shaped notions of “reliable” labour more generally—thus linking Wal-Mart’s success
and self-imagination to a perpetuation and reinforcement of a racialization of the labour force.

Recent Additions
1. (Zimmerman 2010)

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

2.2 Labour History

Since the literature of race and labour history is quite extensive, I have organized the discussion
into different subsections. The first section deals with a general overview of the literature on
race and organized labour, the second provides a brief chronological sketch of the literature on
race and labour more generally (rather than focusing primarily on organized labour), the third
focuses on gender, race and labour and the fourth and final section briefly discusses the history
of labour legislation and race.6

2.2.1 Organised Labour and Race

There is a large body of literature that deals with the history of labour, and especially of
organised labour in the United States. While labour history has traditionally not been very
concerned with question of race, there is a growing body of work that seeks to understand the
complex role that race has played in relation to the working class and organised labour.

For a good overview of the history of black labour and its complex relation to organized
labour in the US, see (Arnesen 2007; Foner 1976; William H Harris 1982; Jones 1998; Zieger
2007) and Spero and Harris’ classic The Black Worker (S. D. Spero and Harris 1968). For general
accounts of 20th century labour history that emphasise the role of black workers, see (N.
Lichtenstein 2013; Zieger and Gall 2002). (Foner 1975; Foner 1978; Taft 1957) provide a general
introduction to the racial politics of US American trade unions. As is well known, US trade unions
have a rather dismal track record with regards to the treatment of African American workers. A
rough sketch of the racial politics of various union associations would range from the Railroad
Brotherhoods, which pursued an unabashedly exclusionary policy for most of their history
(Arnesen 1994, 2001b)7, over the lukewarm and often hypocritical egalitarianism of the National
Labour Union (1866-1874)8 and the American Federation of Labor (1886-1955) 9 (Mandel 1955;
Myrdal 1944; Taft 1957) to the more explicit but often troubled egalitarianism of the Knights of
Labor (1869-1893)10 (Fink 1978; Gerteis 2007; Hild 2007; Kann 1977; Kessler 1952; McLaurin
1978), the International Workers of the World (1905-1924) 11(Foner 1970) and the Congress of
Industrial Organisation (1935-55) (Goldfield 1993; Goldfield et al. 1995; N. Lichtenstein 2003;
Zieger 1997).

Despite the strained relationship between organized labour and African American workers,
interracial organising was not uncommon. Examples include the interracial organising of
waterfront workers in New Orleans between 1892 and 1923 (Rosenberg 1988) (Arnesen 1991),
biracial organising in coal mining (Gutman 1968; H. Hill 1988; Kelly 2001; Letwin 1998; A.
Lichtenstein 1995), interracial cooperation in the steel and auto industry between 1927 and
1941, biracial organising in the cotton fields of western Texas and eastern Alabama in 1934 as
well as in the cannery industry in California between 1920-40s (Ruiz 1987) and in Chicago’s
meatpacking industry in the 1930s. However, as many commentators stress, interracial labour

6 The literature review reflects the literature’s focus on the relationship between African American and white workers
(rather than on Asian American or Hispanic workers).
7 For a good account of the African American Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP) see William Hamilton
Harris, Keeping the Faith: A. Philip Randolph, Milton P. Webster, and the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, 1925-37
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991)..
8 The dates next to individual unions or union associations refer to the periods in which the respective unions were
9 The AFL merged with the CIO into the CIO-AFL in 1955.
10 Officially, the K of L existed until 1949, but it lost its importance after the 1893 depression.
11 The IWW still exists, but its significance declined precipitously after a 1924 schism.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

organizing was often quite limited in its goals. Strategic cooperation usually did not extend to a
political commitment to the social equality of African Americans, and white workers insisted on
maintaining racially segregated social lives (Arnesen 1991; Boyle 1995, 1997; Gutman 1968; A.
Lichtenstein 1995; Zieger 2007). As a counterpoint to this depressing trend, Garcia’s analysis of
labour politics in the citrus growing regions of the eastern Los Angeles County stresses how
social interaction laid the groundwork for racially integrated labour struggles (Garciía 2001).

Despite occasional instances of interracial organising, the underlying tensions between

white, African American, Chinese and Hispanic workers were often more tangible than any
prospects for a genuine unity of the working class. While most of the literature seems focused on
analysing the relations between white and African American workers, there is also a substantial
literature on the strained relations between organized labour and Asian Americans (Cheng and
Bonacich 1984; Gyory 1998a; Saxton 1971, 1990). Non-white workers were often perceived to
undermine the gains of the white working class. This was especially true with regards to African
Americans and gave rise to the trope of African Americans as strike-breakers (Arnesen 2003;
Whatley 1993). Labour related tensions sometimes erupted into out and out violence
(McLaughlin 2002; Rudwick 1964; Tuttle 1970). For debates amongst labour historians about
general patterns regarding the relationship between African American and white workers, see
(H. Hill 1984) (Arnesen 1993, 1998, 2001a; Goldfield 1993; Goldfield et al. 1995; H. Hill 1988,
1996; A. Lichtenstein 1995; G. Peck 2004).

A number of scholars have also attempted to go beyond analysing the patterns of conflict and
cooperation between white and non-white workers and seek to understand the way in which
conceptions of race have shaped the American working class more generally—including how
different groups of immigrants were racialised and integrated into the racial hierarchy of the
American working class (Nelson 2001; Roediger 1999 [1991], 2006). Nelson and Roediger both
stress that the white working class was heavily invested in notions of race and racial hierarchy,
whereas Allen emphasises the role of the ruling classes in imposing racial distinctions in order to
better control the working class (T. W. Allen 1994b). For a recent view that seeks to complement
Roediger’s argument that race played a crucial role in the formation of the white working class
with an account of class distinctions in constructing interracial solidarity, see (M. J. Roberts
2015). The role of race in shaping the modern American working class is also brought out by the
literature on the complex dialectic between the racial order and US immigration policy—and the
way in which both were both influenced by and shaped organized labour as well as the racial
divisions within organised labour (Milkman 2006; Ong et al. 1996; Waldinger and Lichter 2003;
Yancey 2003). African American workers tended to share organized labour’s antagonistic stance
towards new immigrant workers—not least because European immigrants tended to compete
for the same jobs and enjoyed the privileges conferred by whiteness (Diamond 1998; Hellwig
1981; Shankman 1978, 1982). For an account of organised labour’s attitude towards Asian
immigration, see (Gyory 1998b).

2.2.2. A Chronological Overview of the Literature on Black Labour

For good introductions to the history of black labour during Reconstruction, see (Robert 1993)
and (Saville 1996). (Matison 1948) provides a succinct overview of the issues surrounding
labour and race in the Reconstruction South. (A. Lichtenstein 1998; Rodrigue 2001; Saville 1991;
Scott 2000) focus particularly on the labour struggles by African American sharecroppers and
agricultural labourers. For accounts of convict labour see (A. Lichtenstein 1996; Mancini 1996;
Oshinsky 1996). Two recent books, No Mercy Here: Gender, Punishment, and the Making of Jim
Crow Modernity by Sarah Haley and Chained in Silence: Black Women and Convict Labor in the

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

New South by Talitha L. LeFlouria shed light on the particular position of women in the convict
labor system (Haley 2016) (LeFlouria 2016). Rosenberg and Arnesen provide a good overview of
the lot of black labour during the end of Reconstruction and the beginnings of the Jim Crow
regime in the South (Rosenberg 1988); (Arnesen 1991), while Kelley provides an analysis of
black working class resistance during Jim Crow (Kelley 1993).

For treatments of the Great Migration, see (Gottlieb 1996; Grossman 1989; Lewis 1991;
Marks 1989). For analyses of the development of the Northern black working class, its
employment patterns and the discrimination faced in housing and occupational markets, see (Du
Bois and Eaton 1899; Gerber 1976; Katzman 1973; Osofsky 1971). The impact of the Great
Depression on African Americans has been aptly analysed by (Sitkoff 1978; Skotnes 2012)
(Wolters 1970a). Goldfield provides an overview of the implications of New Deal legislation for
African American workers (Goldfield 1989a, 1991, 1997). World War II and the increase in
wartime production did not automatically improve the situation of the black working class—
access to production jobs had to be won through a series of protracted struggles (Anderson
1982; Kersten 2000; N. Lichtenstein 2003; Winkler 1972). For accounts of the labour relations in
wartime industries, see (A. Lichtenstein 2001; Nelson 1993). Korstad offers an analysis of the
links between the budding civil rights movement and wartime labour activism, see (Korstad and
Lichtenstein 1988).

The Civil Rights Era brought new, fragile alliances between the civil rights movement and
labour activism into being (Honey 2007). For an examination of the resistance of the white
working class and organized labour to the civil rights movement, see (Brattain 1997a; Draper
1994; McElvaine 1981; Norrell 1991). For accounts of labour militancy in the civil rights era, see
(Beifuss 1985; A. Brenner et al. 2010a; P. Johnston 1994; McCartin 2005) and for a broader view
on the Left and its relation to labour in the civil rights era, see (P. B. Levy 1990). Racial tensions
in labour unions after the Second World War are examined by (Boyle 1995, 1997; Katznelson
2005; Nelson 2001). Salmond and Korstad provide an account of why alliances between
organized labour and the civil rights movement often proved elusive, despite the fact that they
faced some shared obstacles (Korstad and Lichtenstein 1988; Salmond 2004). Korstad provides
an analysis of the way in which the failure of civil rights unionism influenced the development of
the civil rights movement (Korstad 2003). In a similar vein, a number of scholars have examined
the impact of the red scare on black labour (Halpern 1997; Honey 1993; Huntley 1990; Korstad
2003; Levenstein 1981; Woods 2004), as well as the role that racial divisions in labour played in
labour’s post-War retreat (Goldfield 1989b).

For an account of the key labour struggles in the South, see Minchin’s accounts of the
hard-won desegregation of the southern textile industry and paper industry (Minchin 1999,
2001). For an examination of the failure of the unionizing drive (Operation Dixie) in the post-war
South, see (Brattain 1997b). While Minchin stresses the advance of black workers in the textile
and paper industry, a number of scholars have noted the limits to the post-war advancement of
black workers in other industries, especially steel (Dickerson 1986; Hinshaw 2012; Needleman
2003). The precarious nature of the improvements for black labour could also be observed in the
racial implications of early post-war de-industrialisation (Baron and Hymer 1968; Sugrue 1995)
and the conflicts—both in the workplace and more generally in urban centres—that was
contemporaneous to the de-industrialisation of traditional industrial centres and the shift of new
industrial developments out of the urban centres of the North—out of reach of the African
American working class (W. A. Darity and Myers 1998; Durr 2003; Georgakas 1975; Self 2005; Sugrue 2014; Thompson 2001; W. J. Wilson 2011).

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

Recent Additions

1. (Foley 1997)
2. (A. S. Johnston 2013)
3. (Calderon-Zaks 2008)

2.2.3. Gender, Race and Labour

Labour history’s move away from an exclusive preoccupation with the history of (mainstream)
organized labour has produced very interesting work on the history of women’s labour,
including black, Asian and Hispanic women’s labour (Anderson 1982; Hunter 1997; Jones 1998,
2010; Woody 1992). While minority women certainly did play a role within organized labour
(Ruiz 1987) and sometimes organized their own unions, especially in the domestic labour sector
(Hunter 1997; Palmer 2010), they tended to be marginalised and side-lined within organized
labour (Zieger 2007). See Nakano Glenn for insightful analyses into the way in which socio-
structural forces, such as the racial segmentation of the labour market and immigration policy
shaped the sexual division of labour (Glenn 1986)12 and how changes in the capitalist
organisation of reproductive labour changed women’s work (Glenn 1992, 2001, 2010; Palmer

2.2.4 Labour Legislation and Racialised Labour

Finally, the debate about whether anti-discrimination legislation and collective action have
advanced or hindered the full equality of racial minorities in the labour market should be
mentioned briefly. For accounts that assess the way in which legislation shaped the labour
market, and the impact this had on racialised labour, see (William H Harris 1981; Kenneth 2011;
Kersten 2000). For sharply critical views of the role of legislation in equalising access to the job
market, which maintain that labour legislation and collective action generally harmed African
Americans while markets offered them considerable opportunity, see (Bernstein 2001; Higgs
1977; Moreno 2006).

12 Nakano Glenn here focuses on Japanese American communities.

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3. Economics
Given the contemporary predominance of neoclassical economics, it is maybe not altogether
surprising that questions about the intersection of race and capitalism are predominantly
discussed within the framework of the neoclassical theoretical framework of ‘discrimination
economics’. Discrimination economics is not concerned exclusively with racial discrimination
but also deals with questions of discrimination due to gender, sexuality, disability and
immigration status. There is a fairly extensive literature on racial discrimination, however, which
focuses on discrimination in labour, housing and credit markets.

One of the most influential neoclassical approaches is the so-called “taste-based” model
of discrimination, which was first advanced in Gary Becker’s Discrimination Economics,
published in 1958 (second edition 1972). Racial discrimination is here understood as a question
of individual preference. Race is understood as a concrete and discrete characteristic of
individuals that is both ontologically and temporally prior to economic and social interactions.
Becker’s taste-based model of discrimination assumes that the market will eventually eliminate
racial discrimination in the labour market, given that (a) only some individuals (rather than all)
are prejudiced and (b) entry into the market is free (Dymski 2006). Under these conditions,
Becker argues, competition for labour will result in the elimination of discrimination. For similar
arguments that maintain that the competitive market is a “strong ally of those who are subject to
discrimination”, see (Fearn 1981) as well as (Alchian and Kessel 1962; Cymrot 1985). For a in-
depth discussion of this position, see (W. Darity, Jr. 1989). Subsequent applications of Becker’s
model, however, have called this conclusion into question for a variety of reasons. They range
from the argument that discrimination in the labour market need not appear under the
conditions specified in Becker’s model if employers have “ income to spend on taste indulgences“
(Bowlus and Eckstein 2002; Heckman 1998) to application of his model in the housing market
that find that the cost of discrimination is borne by those who are discriminated against, rather
than those who discriminate (Courant 1978; Cronin 1982; Dymski 2006; Masson 1973).

The statistical discrimination model is the main competing neoclassical explanation of

racial differences in employment, income and wealth (Arrow 1973; Loury 1977, 2002; Lundberg
and Startz 1998; Phelps 1972). The theory of statistical discrimination stipulates that under
conditions of imperfect information—for instance in cases in which it is difficult to measure
individual traits, or where it is costly to do so—race comes to serve as a stand-in for average
group behaviour/performance (Arrow 1973). In contrast to the taste-based model of
discrimination, statistical discrimination models maintain that discrimination can occur in cases
in which the relevant economic agent—for instance the employer—is not racially prejudiced.
Statistical discrimination models consequently do not assume that competition will eliminate
discrimination. While statistical discrimination models do recognize that some individuals are
discriminated against, they do ultimately presume that there are real difference in the average
behaviour/ levels of human capital/productivity of different racial groups (Fryer 2010).13 In
some cases, this is explained by reference to pre-market mechanisms of discrimination, such as
differential access to education and by the long-term impact of past pre-market and labour
market discrimination on the human capital of future generations, which can create persistent

13 Robert Fryer attributes the income differentials almost exclusively to the „racial achievement gap“ and devotes
most of his research to the question of how one can close the educational gap between minority and white children.
His solution to differential educational provisions is to advocate for charter schools that are funded but not managed
by the federal government. These charter schools, he maintains, ought to be run according to market principles—i.e.
funding must be conditional on closing the „skill gap“. Roland G Fryer, 'Racial Inequality in the 21st Century: The
Declining Significance of Discrimination', (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2010).

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

differences in the skill set of groups (Benabou 1996; Durlauf 1994; Loury 1977, 1981, 2002;
Lundberg and Startz 1998).14 Others have advanced culturalist explanations for differential
average productivity levels, according to which minority culture is inimical to the development
of required skills/equivalent productivity levels (Loury 1984; Sowell 1975, 1981, 2008).

Some scholars have expressed dissatisfaction with the assumption underlying the
statistical discrimination model; i.e. the notion that discrimination ultimately reflects real group
differences in productivity. They have suggested that initial discrimination in labour markets
produces the very effects that it supposedly reflects; i.e. initial discrimination negatively impact
the human capital development and /or productivity levels of members of racial minorities, thus
becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy (W. A. Darity and Mason 1998; Elmslie and Sedo 1996;
Scalera and Zazzaro 2001). In a similar vein, network-based models of job allocation
(Granovetter 1995) and membership theories of inequality (Bowles et al. 2006; Durlauf 1997)
seek to explain differential economic outcomes as reflections of the organising forces of race in
non-market areas of social life.

To my knowledge, neither taste-based models nor statistical discrimination models

entertain the possibility that there are intrinsic linkages between capitalism and racism/
racialization/racial exploitation. With the exception of some approaches in
Marxian/feminist/black economics, which tend to be marginal to the discipline, economic
research on racial discrimination tends to assume idealised rules of capitalist market economies
that are distorted by exogenous factors—such as the racial bias of individuals or pre-market
social discrimination.

3.2 Radical Political Economy

Two strands of what can be broadly defined15 as a Marxist tradition of political economy seem
relevant. Firstly, there is Baran and Sweezy’s treatment of the intersection of “race relations” and
capitalism in their classic Monopoly Capitalism (Baran and Sweezy 1968). Baran and Sweezy
argue that racism first arose as a justification for slavery. As capitalism developed, however, it
eventually came to serve other (or additional) purposes. Under conditions of monopoly
capitalism the economic, social and political subordination of racialised minorities is
perpetuated because (a) it serves a “formidable array of private interests” (this includes the
white working class) (b) it mitigates the status-anxieties of the white population, which are
exacerbated under monopoly capitalism and (c) monopoly capitalism’s declining demand for
labour disproportionately impacts racialised minorities.
Secondly, there is the debate about racial economic gain. Becker’s argument that the
elimination of racism would benefit capitalists, but negatively impact the white working class
(Becker 1971 [1957]) sparked a debate amongst radical political economists. The debate
revolved around the question of whether the racial stratification of labour markets benefitted
the white working class. In Racial Inequality, Michael Reich made the case that racism solely

14 Stiglitz and Weiss make a similar argument with regards to the credit market. In cases in which it is costly to assess
the risks of individual projects, banks may use general notions about risk in minority neighbourhoods Joseph E Stiglitz
and Andrew Weiss, 'Credit Rationing in Markets with Imperfect Information', The American Economic Review, 71/3
(1981), 393-410.. They can be reflective of real differentials of risk due to general societal discriminatory patterns,
thus perpetuating rather than being the primary cause of a generally disadvantaged position William W Lang and
Leonard I Nakamura, 'A Model of Redlining', Journal of Urban Economics, 33/2 (1993), 223-34, Jack M Guttentag and
Susan M Wachter, Redlining and Public Policy (New York University, Graduate School of Business Administration,
Salomon Brothers Center for the Study of Financial Institutions, 1980).
15 I say broadly defined because some of the scholars here mentioned draw on Marxian economics rather than being
self-defined Marxists.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

benefits the capitalist class since it undermines workers’ political strength and thus reduces
their capacity to raise wage levels and gain a measure of control over the work process (Reich
1975, 1978, 1981, 1994 (1974)). Scholars and activists like Perlo, Baron and Leiman argued
along similar lines—i.e. they did not see a fundamental, long-term contradiction between the
interests of the white working class and racialised minorities (Leiman’s account is notable
because he argues that the shifting interest of different segments of the capitalist class with
regards to the maintenance of racial hierarchies contributed to the success of the Civil Rights
movement) (Baron 1985; Leiman 1993; Perlo 1975). In contrast to this, Rhonda Williams argued
that privileged sections of the working class actively seek to construct entry barriers to the
privileged segments of the labour market in order to reduce competition (and hence maintain
wage levels and employment). She therefore maintained that the white working class not merely
profits from a racially segmented labour market, but is actively involved in its construction and
perpetuation (Botwinick 1993; W. A. Darity and Williams 1985; Mason and Williams 1997; R. M.
Williams 1987)

It should also be noted that some economists participated in the debates on ‘internal
colonialism’ and intentional underdevelopment, which sought to explain the oppression of
racial(ised) minorities as a domestic form of colonisation (Cotton 1992; Tabb 1970).16 17

3.3 Economic History

There are four strands of economic history that are broadly relevant: (a) the economic history of
slavery, which deals with questions of the origins of slavery, its profitability, productiveness and
efficiency, its development and variations, (b) analyses of the evolution of racial disparities in
wealth, income, employment, and housing market outcomes (c) the economics of political
developments, such as the Civil Rights movement and (d) the economic outcomes of anti-
discrimination policy initiatives.

(a) Economic historians have contributed some well-known accounts that make the case
for the centrality of slavery and the domestic slave trade to the economic development of the US
(Conrad and Meyer 1958; Fogel 1995; Woodman 1999; G. Wright 1975, 2003, 2006). There have
also been long-standing debates about the economic viability of slave-based economies,
including the productiveness and efficiency of slave labour. Engerman and Fogel’s controversial
analysis of the economics of slavery, for example, stressed the efficiency and productiveness of
slave labour and portrayed slavery as a central and modern feature of American economic
development rather than as an archaic aberration (Fogel 1995). Engerman and Fogel’s
arguments in Time on the Cross have been contested by a number of historians who diverge in
their estimations of the productivity of slave labour (David et al. 1977; Fox-Genovese and
Genovese 1983; Gutman 1975; G. Wright 1978). Despite the long-standing and continuous
debate (Field-Hendry and Craig 2004; Fogel 1989-1992), no consensus around the question of
the efficiency of slave labour has emerged. Gavin Wright has recently suggested that the
question of the economic viability of slave-based economies might have more to do with the
question of property rights rather than efficient labour. Wright argues that the fact that planters
could own labour in the antebellum South allowed cultivation where it would not have been
profitable under free labour regimes (G. Wright 2006). In many ways, the debate about the

16 Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa served as one of the main sources of inspiration for this
approach Walter Rodney, 'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa', in Paula S. Rothenberg (ed.), Beyond Borders: Thinking
Critically About Global Issues (New York, N.Y: Worth Publishers, 2006 [1972]), 107-25.
17 See Sociology, Section III.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

economic viability of slave-based economies has close affinities with the question of the relation
between capitalism and slavery (see history section). 18 The work that has been done on the
financing of the slave trade is relevant in this regard because it shows how the slave trade, and
hence slave-based economies, both depended on and were linked to the global capitalist
economy and its financial infrastructure (Coclanis 1989, 2006; Curtin 1984; Menard 1994; Price
1980). Economic historians have also attempted to assess the overall effect of slavery on
economic development (Dupuy 1989; Frank 1966; Nunn 2008; Ransom and Sutch 2001; G.
Wright 1986).19 In a related vein, there have also been a number of investigations into the way in
which the economic conditions of emancipation impacted the economic standing of African-
Americans long-term (Mandle 1992; Ransom and Sutch 2001) .

(b) Analyses of the historical development of racial economic disparities have focused on
the long-term developments of racial employment patterns (Bayer and Charles 2016; Button
2009; Cogan 1981; Fossett et al. 1986; Freeman et al. 1973; Freeman 1978; Vedder and
Gallaway 1992; Whatley and Wright 1994), including the impact of black political power on
employment patterns (Eisinger 1982; Perry 1980), racial disparities in wealth (Lin and Harris
2008; Miller 2011); racial disparities in business ownership and analyses of minority
entrepreneurship (Fairlie and Robb 2008; Mangum 2010; Rogers 2010; Walker 2004, 2009) and
racial disparities in consumption (Jalloh and Falola 2002; Weems 1998).

(c) Economic history has also provided some insightful accounts of the economics of
major social, political and demographic changes since the Civil War and the ways in which they
affected different populations. In rough chronological order, see (Woodman 2001; Woodward
1981; G. Wright 1986) for accounts of the racial dimensions of the political economy of the New
South, and (Cobb 1993; Schulman 1994) for accounts of the Southern drive for industrialisation.
For analyses of the Great Migration economic impact on the racial segmentation of labour
markets, racial disparities in incomes and spatial segregation, see (Boustan 2007; Margo 1989).
For the impact of the Great Depression on African Americans, see (Wolters 1970b). The New
Deal’s impact on the economic outcomes of different racial groups has also received relatively
sustained attention. See, for example, (Davies and Derthick 1997; D. L. Smith 1988; Whatley
1983). For a similar analysis with regards to the effects of the Second World War, see (Collins
2001; Turner and Bound 2003). Finally, Gavin Wright has recently written an influential analysis
of the economic consequences of the Civil Rights Movement, arguing that the material gains it
brought about ultimately benefitted all sides—even those who had opposed it (G. Wright 2013).

(d) Economic historians have long debated the role and importance of government
intervention and collective action with regards to economic development in general, and racial
economic divisions in particular. Unsurprisingly, this debate surfaces in almost every analysis of
economic history, but it crystallises most clearly in the discussions around the historical
economic consequences of anti-discrimination policies, such as school segregation, fair
employment and affirmative action. For the case against anti-discrimination legislation, see

18 This debate has a number of facets and implications, not all of which are debated explicitly. For example, the
question of whether slave-based economies are viable (economically, that is) intersects with the question of whether
slave-based economies are to be considered capitalist or not. If one subscribes to the notion that slavery is an archaic
remnant rather than a feature of capitalist modernity and simultaneously adheres to Marxist conceptions of economic
development then the demise of slavery must seem like an inevitability, which might be hastened but is ultimately due
to underlying economic developments. If one maintains that slave-based economies are a feature of capitalist
modernity and economically viable, on the other hand, the abolition of slavery takes on a very different hue.
19 For an attempt to assess the long-term economic impact of the slave trade on African economic development, see
Nathan Nunn, 'The Long-Term Effects of Africa's Slave Trades', (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007).

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

(Epstein 1995) who claims that anti-discrimination legislation amplifies rather than mitigates
the obstacles that racialised minorities face in labour markets. For a well-argued case for the
importance of anti-discrimination legislation in undermining patterns of racial economic
exclusion, see (G. Wright 2013). For more analyses that deal more narrowly with the economic
implications of specific legislation, see (Button and Rienzo 2003; Collins 2001, 2003a, 2003b,
2004; Leonard 1990) for analyses of the impact of anti-discrimination legislation on the labour
and housing markets. See (Ashenfelter et al. 2006) for the economic consequences of school

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

4. Sociology
The relevant sociological literature is vast, but also relatively dispersed. In terms of the object of
study, there is significant overlap with the economic literature on discrimination in labour,
housing and credit markets. As one might expect, the theoretical approach and terminology
are rather different, however. There is also a relatively extensive literature on questions dealing
with relation between class and race. Another cluster of relevant research centres on questions
of social marginality and resulting new modes of economic exploitability or the political modes
of dealing with the consequences of permanent economic exclusion as well as the ways in which
these new ‘arrangements’ can be exploited for economic gain.

4.2 Race and Labour, Race and Class

Racial differentials in income and wealth Racial disparities in income (S. R. Bailey et al. 2014;
Penner 2008) and wealth (Oliver and Shapiro 2006) are well documented. The most striking
difference between sociological and economic approaches to racial inequality in wealth and
income is that sociological approaches pay closer attention to the mutual determination of race
and socio-economic status and analyse the way in which socio-economic status shapes racial
self-identification and external racial classification (Telles and Paschel 2014).

Labour market segmentation In terms of the object of study, there is significant overlap with the
economic literature on racial disparities in access to labour, housing and credit markets. For
research that moves within the parameters set by the economics of discrimination, and stresses
the persistence of (increasingly subtle forms of) employer discrimination, see for instance
(Pager 2007, 2008; Pager and Shepherd 2008; Pager and Karafin 2009; Pager et al. 2009; Pager
and Western 2012). Unsurprisingly, there are a variety of approaches to the study of labour
market segmentation. The approach that is most distinct from models commonly applied in
economics is the so-called “split labour market theory”, which was first advanced by Edna
Bonacich (Bonacich 1972, 1976; Boswell and Jorjani 1988; Boswell 2006; C. Brown 2000; Marks
1981; Restifo et al. 2013; W. J. Wilson 1980). Split labour market theory sees racial differences in
income levels and the racial segmentation of the labour market as the outcome of group conflicts
between business, high paid and low paid labour. This has the distinct advantage that race is not
constructed as a static and pre-existing characteristic of individuals, but rather seen as partially
(re-) constituted in the process of labour market conflict. This allows one to see the way in which
of different segments of the working class and the capitalist class are implicated in constructing
and maintaining racially segregated labour markets. This debate links up with the much-
discussed question of whether the white working class benefits economically from the racial
division of the labour force. Studies have mostly answered this question in the affirmative (Baron
and Hymer 1971; B. Blauner 2001; Bonilla-Silva 2006; Boswell 2006). Analyses of the relation
between organised labour and race, on the other hand, have often stressed the way in which the
racial structure of the labour force ultimately weakens class politics and thus disadvantages all
segments of the working class (Bracey 1971; S. D. Spero, - 1968).20

20 These two analytical focus points are obviously compatible with each other, as long as one understand them as
operating on different time scales. For accounts of instances in which the racial division oft he labour force was
mitigated by interracial labour organising, see Joseph Gerteis, Class and the Color Line : Interracial Class Coalition in the
Knights of Labor and the Populist Movement, ed. Joseph Gerteis (Politics, History, and Culture.; Durham: Duke
University Press, 2007), Moon-Kie Jung, 'Interracialism: The Ideological Transformation of Hawaii's Working Class',
American Sociological Review, 68/3 (2003), 373-400, Maurice Zeitlin and L Frank Weyher, '“Black and White, Unite and
Fight”: Interracial Working-Class Solidarity and Racial Employment Equality', American Journal of Sociology, 107/2

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

Group conflict in the labour market and racial economic gain do not, of course, exhaust the
intersection of race and labour. A number of scholars have analysed the complex and variegated
way in which the hierarchies within the labour force serve to re-constitute the racialization of
certain groups, and how pre-existing racial hierarchies and schemes of classification allow for
the hierarchical structuring of the labour force (Glenn 2002; Munoz 2008).

Race and Class The literature on labour market segmentation, the racial structuring of the labour
force and racial economic gain all overlap with questions of the intersection of race and class.
Some additional strands of research on class and race (that are not primarily preoccupied with
questions of labour and the labour market) are debates around the respective status of race and
class in contemporary US society (Fainstein 1993; Steinberg 2007; Willie 1983, 1989; W. J.
Wilson 1980) and debates about how class and race relate to each other as general social
phenomena (Robinson 2000 [1983]) (Bonilla-Silva 2006; Cox 1964; Dollard 1937; Du Bois 1935;
Franklin 1991; Martinot 2003; Warner 1936). For debates on the conceptualisation of the
relation between class and race in Marxist theory, see, for example (Meyerson 2000; T. Thomas
1972; West 1988, 1999).

4.3 Discrimination in Housing and Credit Markets

The literature on differential access to the housing market focuses mostly on segregation, racial
discrimination and redlining (Bradford and Rubinowitz 1975; Dymski et al. 2013; Gotham 2002;
Massey 1993; Rugh and Massey 2010). Contrary to some economic perspectives that see racial
segregation and/or racial discrimination in the housing market as the outcome of aggregate
individual decisions (Schelling 2006), the sociological literature stresses macro-structural
factors, including structural racism (rather than individual racial “bias”), capital concentration
effects and the role of the state in constructing housing and credit markets (Gotham 2009;
Newman 2009; E. Wyly et al. 2009). Differential access to and discrimination in credit markets
has also received sustained attention (Cloud and Galster 1993; Dymski 2006; Shlay 1989; E. K.
Wyly and Holloway 1999), with a special focus on the racial dimensions of the American
subprime crisis (Dymski et al. 2013; Rugh and Massey 2010). 21

4.4 The racial dimensions of social marginality

The relevant debates on social marginality discuss the effects of economic restructuring and the
retrenchment of the welfare state on different racial groups with a special focus on its
particularly devastating effects on marginalised populations (Massey 1993; Sugrue 2014;
Wacquant and Wilson 1989; Wacquant 2008; W. J. Wilson 2012). For the most part, this
literature does not seem to draw strong connections between the specific workings of the
capitalist system and the production of “advanced marginality”, as Wacquant puts it (although it
does, of course, pay attention to the ways in which particular economic developments affect
different segments of the population). There is an older debate—internal colonization theory—
that does establish stronger links between the capitalist system and racialised social marginality.
It understands underdevelopment, ghettoization and social marginality as a form of domestic
colonisation and thus as the direct outcome of an economically exploitative relation (Acunñ a
1972; R. L. Allen 1970; Almaguer 1971; Barrera et al. 1972; Barrera 1979; R. Blauner 1969; B.
Blauner 1972; Carmichael and Hamilton 1967; Cruse 2009 (1962); Marable 2000 [1983]; Tabb
(2001), 430-67.
21 For a fuller account of the literature on discrimination in housing and credit markets, see research on debt
available on the website.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

1970).22 There have been sporadic attempts to revive the notion of internal colonialism (R. L.
Allen 2005; Calderoí n-Zaks 2010; C. Johnson 2011; Pinderhughes 2010). For a good introductory
and relatively recent overview of the literature, consult (Chavez 2011). For (now somewhat
dated) critiques of the internal colonialism model, see (Garcia 1978; Gonzalez 1974).

The literature on the rise of the carceral state also seems pertinent since it (a) envisages the
carceral state as a phenomenon that arose in part in order to deal with the social dislocation that
resulted from economic restructuring and the retrenchment of the welfare state; (b) points out
the economic profitability of the prison-industrial complex and (c) analyses the economic
consequences of disproportionally high imprisonment rates for minorities (Alexander 2010; A. Y.
Davis 2003; Dillon 2012, 2013; Gilmore 1999, 2007; Parenti 1999; J. Peck 2001, 2002; Prashad
2003; Sudbury 2002; Wacquant 2008, 2009, 2010). For early theorizations of the link between
de-industrialization, concentrated urban poverty and the rise of the carceral state, see (Aptheker
1971; A. Y. Davis 1971; Shakura 1976).

5. Political Science

There are a number of debates within Political Science that deal with the economic dimensions
of racial subordination. The four research areas that seem most relevant are (a) the emerging
literature on the role of race in American Political Development, (b) debates around race and
class and (c) race and labour and (d) racial neoliberalism.23 However, there is a relative
dearth of research that tackles the question of the intersection of race and capitalism head-on.
While there are various debates that pertain to the economic dimensions of racial subordination,
the specificity of the capitalist order tends to be less of a focus—with the potential exception of
the literature on social marginality (which is in close conversation with the sociological
literature on social marginality and economic exclusion).

5.2 American political development and race

While most commentators seem to agree that questions of race have been neglected within the
American political development literature (Ericson 2010; King and Roger 2008; R. Young and
Meiser 2008), there is a growing body of work that puts race at the forefront of American
political development (Frymer 2004; Lieberman 1998; Lowndes et al. 2008; Nobles 2000; R. M.
Smith 1997). Most of these contributions make at least passing reference to the economic
dimensions of this “problem space”, but few prioritize the economic aspects (see, for example,
Lowndes et al. 2008). Economic considerations commonly enter into these analyses 24 as the
economic interests of political actors that influence policy choices and as the racially
differentiated economic outcomes of public policy. Examples of this include accounts of how race
functioned as a tool for the construction of white identity, mitigated class and regional
differences and allowed for the continued hegemonic position of a wealthy, Anglo-American elite
(R. Young and Meiser 2008); analyses of the central role that race and racialization played both

22 The theory of internal colonialism was first developed by Pablo Gonzalez Casanova to describe the status of
indigenous groups in post-independence Mexico. See Pablo Gonzalez Casanova, 'Internal Colonialism and National
Development', Studies in Comparative International Development, 1/4 (1965), 27. It was consequently applied to a
variety of contexts, including the United States Southwest, as well as more generally to the situation of ethnic and
racial minorities in the United States (as well as numerous cases outside of the United States).
23 Racial neoliberalism is somewhat arbitrarily placed under the Political Science section, and combines a number of
different disciplinary perspectives.
24 I am here referring to analyses of how race has shaped the course of American political development and has been
shaped by the course of American political development.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

as motives and as justifications for state-sponsored projects of enslavement and dispossession

(Liebergott, 1984; Bruchey, 1990; Banner, 2005) and accounts of the racially structured nature
of the New Deal and its economically disparate influences on different racial groups (M. K. Brown
1999; Katznelson 2005, 2013; Lieberman 1998; Quadagno 1994). The literature on how race
shapes public policy, especially welfare policies, is fairly extensive. It examines how welfare
policies were constructed in a racially exclusionary way and secured white privilege while
stigmatising racialised minorities as dependants (Bunche 1936; Katznelson 2005, 2013;
Lieberman 1998; Schram et al. 2003); how racialised conceptions of welfare influence policy
reform (Gilens 1999; Mendelberg 2001; Quadagno 1994) and how welfare policies are
implemented in a discriminatory fashion at the local level (Frymer 2004; Lipsitz 2006; Mink
2002; L. F. Williams 2003).25 It also examines the ways in which welfare has mediated the
relations between racially differentiated groups, for example by reinforcing existing labour
market segmentations (Quadagno 1990). 26 In some ways, the literature on—what one might call
—the feedback loop between racialization and public policy can also be understood as an
analysis of the relation between class and race, since it shows how the public policy shapes the
link between race and economic disadvantage/marginality. Apart from that, the debates about
race and class within Political Science seem to focus mostly on the determinative influence that
race and class have on political preferences and individual life chances (Bobo and Hutchings
1996; M. Dawson 1994; Hutchings and Valentino 2004; Kinder and Winter 2001; Reed 1999).

5.3 Race and Organised Labour

The intersection of race and labour has been studied from a number of different perspectives.
This includes studies of the racial division of the workforce (H. Hill 1977)27 as well as analyses of
the role of race in shaping the politics of organised labour more generally (Gould 1977).
Overwhelmingly, scholars stress the way in which the racial division of the working class has
undermined the political efficaciousness of organised labour. This, many argue, has led to a
general weakening of the Left and a restructuring the US political landscape (Banerjee and
Goldfield 2007; Frymer 2009; Goldfield 1987, 1997; Warren 2010).

5.4 The racial dimension of social marginality

The racial dimensions of economic restructuring, deindustrialisation and the retrenchment of

the welfare state has been taken up most consistently by sociologists (Byrne 1995; R. C. Hill and
Negrey 1987; Sugrue 2014; Wacquant and Wilson 1989; W. J. Wilson 2012). The heightened
vulnerability of racialised groups that results, in part, from the economic restructuring and the
retrenchment of the welfare state also makes racialised minorities disproportionately more
vulnerable during natural and man-made disasters (Frymer et al. 2006; C. Johnson 2011;
Klinenberg 2003). Finally, the literature has also taken up the repressive ways in which the US
state has attempted to deal with the social consequences of increased inequality and dislocation,
such as the rise of the carceral state and the militarization of community policing (Murakawa
2008; Sutton et al. 2008).28

25 Lipsitz is, of course, a sociologist, but since his work is very relevant in this context, I’ve included him here.
26 It seems to me that the notion that the state shapes the economic order in a way that is compatible with the
interests of set of actors and the complementary argument that state policy shapes economic interests and political
allegiances could be true of any given period in economic history (given a certain level of state capacity) and thus fails
to pay attention to the specificity of the capitalist system.
27 This includes treatments of the role of the state in structuring the racial division of the workforce, for example
through anti-discrimination legislation Herbert Hill, Black Labor and the American Legal System (Washington Bureau
of National Affairs, 1977).
28 Cf. Sociology Section on Racial Dimensions of Social Marginality

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

5.5. Racial Neoliberalism

The critique of racial neoliberalism has served as a focal point for a renewed analysis of the
intersection of race and capitalism (M. C. Dawson and Francis 2016; Melamed 2006, 2011, 2015;
Reed 2013). Neoliberalism is widely used as a short hand for the contemporary political
economic landscape, characterized by drastic cutbacks in social service provisions, a transfer of
risk from collective actors to individuals, extensive privatization and a predilection for market
mechanisms for all social coordination processes (N. Brenner and Theodore 2002; Nik Brenner
et al. 2010b; W. Brown 2006; Comaroff and Comaroff 2001; Foucault 2008; Harvey 2007;
Mirowski and Plehwe 2009; Prasad 2006). Scholars increasingly interrogate the racial orders of
neoliberal economies and societes. The literature has focused on four key issues: Firstly, the
genealogy of neoliberalism in the United States and its roots in a backlash against gains made by
the civil rights movement(Torres 2015) (Hohle 2012, 2015). Secondly, the way in which
neoliberalism—understood here as a form of governance that involves drastic cut-backs to state
responsibilities and welfare provisions and that privileges market mechanisms for processes of
distribution and coordination—has had on racialized economic inequalities. This has been
explored in particular in the literature on neoliberal urban governance. A number of scholars
have extended the debate about urban neoliberal governance (Aalbers 2013; N. Brenner and
Theodore 2002; Hackworth 2007; Nik and Jamie 2002; J. Peck and Tickell 2002; J. Peck and
Whiteside 2016) to ask what effect neoliberal urban governance has had on existing racialized
urban economic inequalities. Christopher Mele, for example, examines how neoliberal racial
ideology can shore up the legitimacy of neoliberal urban governance and redevelopment (Mele
2013). In a similar vein, David Wilson argues that poor black populations are increasingly
constructed as impediments to attracting investment capital, and thus presented as hindrances
for ‘entrepreneurial cities’ (D. Wilson 2007). A similar issue has been explored with regards to
the disproportionate burden born by minority populations in major environmental disasters. In
some ways, the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina has served as a focal point for critiques of racial
neoliberalism—the displacement and destruction it left in its wake illustrated the brutal
consequences of state retrenchment, and the racialized economic inequalities that not only
preserved but oftentimes deepened. Moreover, a number of scholars have argued that the
disorientation and devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina was used in order to deepen
neoliberal governance and to remake the racial and class make-up of New Orleans (Derickson
2014; Henry A Giroux 2006; C. Johnson 2011).
Many have also called attention to the ways in which racial neoliberalism is as a racial
ideology shapes economic policy by displacing racialized economic inequality as a legitimate
object of state intervention, and suppressing the history of its development. Scholars have
explored the riseof what is variously called “banal multiculturalism” (M. E. Thomas 2008) or
“(neoliberal) colorblindness”(Bonilla-Silva 2006), and have critically examined the way in which
ideologies of colorblindness transfigures racial economic inequalities into private
responsibilities of racialized individuals. (D.-A. Davis 2007; Henry A. Giroux 2008; Goldberg
2009; Mukherjee 2006; Omi 1994; D. J. Roberts and Mahtani 2010; Schueller 2009; Semati
Finally, the literature has explored the way in which neoliberal attitudes have become
pervasive both in black political thought and practice. A number of scholars have critically
examined the pervasiveness and increasing acceptance of neoliberalism in black political
thought (M. C. Dawson and Francis 2016; Enck-Wanzer 2011; Spence 2012, 2015). 29

29 For the literature on the Neoliberal Carceral State please see section Sociology 4.4.’The racialization of social

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

5.6 Political Psychology (under construction)

Sidanius and Pratto argue that there is a positive correlation between support for free-market
capitalism and racism (1980s), and that the best explanation for this is social dominance theory
(i.e. having a preference for one’s own social group, however constructed, to be socially
dominant) (Sidanius and Pratto 1993).

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

6. Sections Under Construction

6.1 New Economy & Race

1. Silicon Valley
a. (Pellow 2002; Pitti 2003; Wong 2006; Zlolniski 2006)
2. Data Janitors
a. (Chen 2014; Fish and Srinivasan 2012; Irani 2015a, 2015b)

6.1 English/Literary Studies/Cultural Studies (under construction)

7. Recent Additions
1. (Kahrl 2015)
2. (Reed 2002)

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

Aalbers, M. B. (2013), 'Debate on Neoliberalism in and after the Neoliberal Crisis', International Journal of
Urban and Regional Research, 37 (3), 1053-57.
Acunñ a, Rodolfo (1972), Occupied America : The Chicano's Struggle toward Liberation (San Francisco:
Canfield Press).
Alchian, A. A. and Kessel, R. A. (1962), 'Competition, Monopoly, and the Pursuit of Money', in H.G. Lewis
(ed.), Aspects of Labor Economics (Chicago Price Theory; Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of
Economic Research), 157-75.
Alexander, Michelle (2010), The New Jim Crow Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, ed. Michelle
Alexander (New York : Jackson, Tenn.: New Press ; Distributed by Perseus Distribution).
Allen, Robert L (1970), Black Awakening in Capitalist America: An Analytic History (Doubleday).
--- (2005), 'Reassessing the Internal (Neo) Colonialism Theory', The Black Scholar, 2-11.
Allen, Theodore (1994a), The Invention of the White Race (The Haymarket Series; London ; New York:
Allen, Theodore W (1994b), The Invention of the White Race Vol I (London and New York: Verso).
Almaguer, Tomaí s (1971), 'Toward the Study of Chicano Colonialism', Aztlan, 2 (1), 7-21.
Anderson, Karen Tucker (1982), 'Last Hired, First Fired: Black Women Workers During World War Ii', The
Journal of American History 82-97.
Aptheker, Bettina (1971), 'The Social Function of Prisons', in Angela Y. Davis (ed.), If They Come in the
Morning: Voices of Resistance (New York: Third Press).
Arnesen, Eric (1991), Waterfront Workers of New Orleans : Race, Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (New York:
Oxford University Press).
--- (1993), 'Following the Color Line of Labor: Black Workers and the Labor Movement before 1930',
Radical History Review, 1993 (55), 53-87.
--- (1994), '"Like Banquo's Ghost, It Will Not Down": The Race Question and the American Railroad
Brotherhoods, 1880-1920', The American Historical Review, 1601-33.
--- (1998), 'Up from Exclusion: Black and White Workers, Race, and the State of Labor History', Reviews in
American History, 26 (1), 146-74.
--- (2001a), 'Whiteness and the Historians' Imagination', International Labor and Working-Class History,
60, 3-32.
--- (2001b), Brotherhoods of Color: Black Railroad Workers and the Struggle for Equality (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press).
--- (2003), 'Specter of the Black Strikebreaker: Race, Employment, and Labor Activism in the Industrial
Era', Labor History, 44 (3), 319-35.
--- (ed.), (2007), The Black Worker: Race, Labor, and Civil Rights since Emancipation (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press).
Arrow, Kenneth (1973), 'The Theory of Discrimination', in Orley Ashenfelter and Albert Rees (eds.),
Discrimination in Labor Markets (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press).
Ashenfelter, Orley, Collins, William J, and Yoon, Albert (2006), 'Evaluating the Role of Brown V. Board of
Education in School Equalization, Desegregation, and the Income of African Americans', American
Law and Economics Review, 8 (2), 213-48.
Bailey, Ronald (1990), 'The Slave (Ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The
Textile Industry in New England', Social Science History, 373-414.
Bailey, Stanley R., Saperstein, Aliya , and Penner, Andrew M. (2014), 'Race, Color and Income Inequality
across the Americas.', Demographic Research, 31 (24), 735-56.
Banerjee, Debdas and Goldfield, Michael (2007), Labor, Globalization and the State: Workers, Women and
Migrants Confront Neoliberalism (Routledge).
Baptist, Edward (2001), '"Cuffy," "Fancy Maids" and "One-Eyed Men": Rape, Commodification, and the
Domestic Slave Trade in the United States', American Historical Review, 1619-50.
--- (2010), 'Toxic Debt, Liar Loans, and Securitized Human Beings: The Panic of 1837 and the Fate of
Slavery."', Common-Place: The Interactive Journal of Early American History, 10, 651-77.
--- (2014), The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism (New York, N.Y.:
Basic Books).
Baran, Paul A and Sweezy, Paul M (1968), Monopoly Capital: An Essay on the American Economic and Social
Order (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books).
Baron, Harold M (1985), 'Racism Transformed: The Implications of the 1960s', Review of Radical Political
Economics, 17 (3), 10-33.
Baron, Harold M and Hymer, Bennett (1968), The Negro Worker in the Chicago Labor Market: A Case Study
of De Facto Segregation (Chicago Urban League).

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

--- (1971), 'The Dynamics of the Dual Labor Market', Problems in Political Economy: An Urban Perspective
(Heath Lexington, Mass), 94-101.
Barrera, Mario (1979), Race and Class in the Southwest : A Theory of Racial Inequality (Notre Dame:
University of Notre Dame Press).
Barrera, Mario, Munñ oz, Carlos, and Ornelas, Charles (1972), '"The Barrio as an Internal Colony"', in Harlan
Hahn, - (ed.), People and Politics in Urban Society (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications).
Bayer, Patrick and Charles, Kerwin Kofi (2016), 'Divergent Paths: Structural Change, Economic Rank, and
the Evolution of Black-White Earnings Differences, 1940-2014', (National Bureau of Economic
Becker, Gary S (1971 [1957]), The Economics of Discrimination (2nd edn.; Chicago: University of Chicago
Beckert, Sven (2004), 'Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production
in the Age of the American Civil War', The American Historical Review, 109 (5), 1405-38.
--- (2014a), 'Slavery and Capitalism', The Chronicle of Higher Education.
--- (2014b), Empire of Cotton : A Global History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf).
Beifuss, Joan Turner (1985), At the River I Stand: Memphis, the 1968 Strike, and Martin Luther King
(Brooklyn, N.Y.: Carlson Publishing).
Benabou, Roland (1996), 'Equity and Efficiency in Human Capital Investment: The Local Connection', The
Review of Economic Studies, 63 (2), 237-64.
Bernstein, David E. (2001), Only One Place of Redress : African Americans, Labor Regulations, and the Courts
from Reconstruction to the New Deal (Constitutional Conflicts; Durham N.C.: Duke University
Blackburn, Robin (1998), The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800
(London: Verso).
Blauner, Bob (1972), Racial Oppression in America (New York, N.Y.: Harper & Row).
--- (2001), Still the Big News: Racial Oppression in America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press).
Blauner, Robert (1969), 'Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt', Social Problems, 16 (4), 393-408.
Bobo, Lawrence and Hutchings, Vincent L (1996), 'Perceptions of Racial Group Competition: Extending
Blumer's Theory of Group Position to a Multiracial Social Context', American Sociological Review,
Bonacich, Edna (1972), 'A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market', American Sociological
Review, 37 (5), 547-59.
--- (1976), 'Advanced Capitalism and Black/White Race Relations in the United States: A Split Labor Market
Interpretation', American Sociological Review, 41 (1), 34-51.
Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo (2006), Racism without Racists : Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial
Inequality in America (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers).
Boodry, Kathryn Susan (2014), 'The Common Thread: Slavery, Cotton and Atlantic Finance from the
Louisiana Purchase to Reconstruction', Doctoral Dissertation (Harvard University).
Boswell, Terry (2006), Racial Competition and Class Solidarity (Albany: State University of New York
Boswell, Terry and Jorjani, David (1988), 'Uneven Development and the Origins of Split Labor Market
Discrimination: A Comparison of Black, Chinese, and Mexican Immigrant Minorities in the United
States', in Joan Smith (ed.), Racism, Sexism, and the World-System (New York: Greenwood Press),
Botwinick, Howard (1993), Persistent Inequalities: Wage Inequality under Capitalist Competition
(Princeton: Princeton University Press).
Boustan, Leah Platt (2007), 'Black Migration, White Flight: The Effect of Black Migration on Northern
Cities and Labor Markets', The Journal of Economic History, 67 (02), 484-88.
Bowles, Samuel, Durlauf, Steven N, and Hoff, Karla (2006), Poverty Traps (Princeton: Princeton University
Bowlus, Audra J and Eckstein, Zvi (2002), 'Discrimination and Skill Differences in an Equilibrium Search
Model', International Economic Review, 43 (4), 1309-45.
Boyle, Kevin (1995), '“There Are No Union Sorrows That the Union Can't Heal”: The Struggle for Racial
Equality in the United Automobile Workers, 1940–1960', Labor History, 36 (1), 5-23.
--- (1997), 'The Kiss: Racial and Gender Conflict in a 1950s Automobile Factory', The Journal of American
History, 48 (2), 496-523.
Bracey, John H (1971), Black Workers and Organized Labor (Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing
Bradford, Calvin P and Rubinowitz, Leonard S (1975), 'The Urban-Suburban Investment-Disinvestment
Process: Consequences for Older Neighborhoods', The Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, 422 (1), 77-86.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

Brattain, Michelle (1997a), 'Making Friends and Enemies: Textile Workers and Political Action in Post-
World War Ii Georgia', The Journal of Southern History, 63 (1), 91-138.
--- (1997b), '" A Town as Small as That": Tallapoosa, Georgia and Operation Dixie, 1945-1950', The Georgia
Historical Quarterly, 81 (2), 395-425.
Brenner, Aaron, Brenner, Robert, and Winslow, Calvin (2010a), Rebel Rank and File: Labor Militancy and
Revolt from Below During the Long 1970s (London and New York: Verso).
Brenner, N. and Theodore, N. (2002), 'Cities and the Geographies of "Actually Existing Neoliberalism"',
Antipode, 34 (3), 349-79.
Brenner, Nik, Peck, Jamie, and Theodore, N. (2010b), 'Variegated Neoliberalization: Geographies,
Modalities, Pathways', Global Networks-a Journal of Transnational Affairs, 10 (2), 182-222.
Brown, Cliff (2000), 'The Role of Employers in Split Labor Markets: An Event-Structure Analysis of Racial
Conflict and Afl Organizing, 1917–1919', Social Forces, 79 (2), 653-81.
Brown, Michael K (1999), Race, Money, and the American Welfare State (Ithaca: Cornell University Press).
Brown, W. (2006), 'American Nightmare - Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization',
Political Theory, 34 (6), 690-714.
Bunche, Ralph J (1936), 'A Critique of New Deal Social Planning as It Affects Negroes', Journal of Negro
Education, 5 (1), 59-65.
Button, James W (2009), Blacks and the Quest for Economic Equality: The Political Economy of Employment
in Southern Communities in the United States (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University
Button, James W and Rienzo, Barbara A (2003), 'The Impact of Affirmative Action: Black Employment in
Six Southern Cities*', Social science quarterly, 84 (1), 1-14.
Byrne, David (1995), 'Deindustrialisation and Dispossession: An Examination of Social Division in the
Industrial City', Sociology, 29 (1), 95-115.
Calderoí n-Zaks, Michael (2010), 'Domestic Colonialism: The Overlooked Significance of Robert L. Allen's
Contributions', Black Scholar, 40 (2), 39-48.
Calderon-Zaks, Michael Aaron (2008), 'Constructing the “Mexican Race”: Racial Formation and Empire
Building, 1884–1940', Ph.D. (State University of New York at Binghamton).
Carmichael, Stokely and Hamilton, Charles V. (1967), Black Power; the Politics of Liberation in America
(New York: Random House).
Chavez, John R. (2011), 'Aliens in Their Native Lands: The Persistence of Internal Colonial Theory', Journal
of World History, 22 (4), 785-809.
Chen, Adrian (2014), 'The Laborers Who Keep Dick Pics and Beheadings out of Your Facebook Feed',
Wired. Retrieved May, 20, 2015.
Cheng, Lucie and Bonacich, Edna (eds.) (1984), Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the
United States before World War Ii (Berkeley: University of California Press).
Cloud, Cathy and Galster, George (1993), 'What Do We Know About Racial Discrimination in Mortgage
Markets?', The Review of Black Political Economy, 22 (1), 101-20.
Cobb, James Charles (1993), The Selling of the South: The Southern Crusade for Industrial Development
1936-1990 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press).
Coclanis, Peter A (1989), The Shadow of a Dream: Economic Life and Death in the South Carolina Low
Country, 1670-1920 (New York: Oxford University Press).
--- (2006), 'Atlantic World or Atlantic/World?', William and Mary Quarterly, 63 (4), 725-42.
Cogan, John (1981), 'The Decline in Black Teenage Employment: 1950-1970', (National Bureau of
Economic Research Cambridge, Mass., USA).
Collins, William J (2001), 'Race, Roosevelt, and Wartime Production: Fair Employment in World War Ii
Labor Markets', American Economic Review, 91 (1), 272-86.
--- (2003a), 'The Labor Market Impact of State-Level Anti-Discrimination Laws, 1940–1960', Industrial &
labor relations review, 56 (2), 244-72.
--- (2003b), 'The Political Economy of State-Level Fair Employment Laws, 1940–1964', Explorations in
Economic History, 40 (1), 24-51.
--- (2004), 'The Housing Market Impact of State-Level Anti-Discrimination Laws, 1960–1970', Journal of
Urban Economics, 55 (3), 534-64.
Comaroff, John L. and Comaroff, Jean (2001), Millenial Capitalism and the Culture of Neoliberalism (Duke
University Press).
Commons, John Rogers (1920), Races and Immigrants in America (New York: Macmillan Co. Limited).
Connolly, NDB (2014), A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida
(Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press).
Conrad, Alfred H and Meyer, John R (1958), 'The Economics of Slavery in the Ante Bellum South', The
Journal of Political Economy, 27 (4), 95-130.

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

Cotton, Jeremiah (1992), 'Race, Politics and Economic Development', in James Jennings (ed.), Race, Politics,
and Economic Development: Community Perspectives (Verso).
Courant, Paul N (1978), 'Racial Prejudice in a Search Model of the Urban Housing Market', Journal of Urban
Economics, 5 (3), 329-45.
Cox, Oliver Cromwell (1964), Capitalism as a System (New York: Monthly Review Press ).
Cronin, Francis J (1982), 'Racial Differences in the Search for Housing', Modelling Housing Market Search,
81, 85-103.
Cruse, Harold W (2009 (1962)), 'Revolutionary Nationalism and the Afro-American', in Cedric Johnson
(ed.), Rebellion or Revolution? (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press).
Curtin, Philip D (1984), Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University
Cymrot, D. J. (1985), 'Does Competition Lessen Discrimination? Some Evidence', Journal of Human
Resources, 20 (4), 605-12.
Darity, William A and Williams, Rhonda M (1985), 'Peddlers Forever?: Culture, Competition, and
Discrimination', The American Economic Review, 75 (2), 256-61.
Darity, William A and Myers, Samuel L (1998), Persistent Disparity: Race and Economic Inequality in the
United States since 1945 (Cheltenham, UK: Elgar Publishing).
Darity, William A and Mason, Patrick L (1998), 'Evidence on Discrimination in Employment: Codes of
Color, Codes of Gender', The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 12 (2), 63-90.
Darity, William, Jr. (1989), 'What's Left of the Economic Theory of Discrimination?', in William Darity, Jr.
(ed.), The Question of Discrimination: Racial Inequality in the U.S. Labor Market (Middletown, CT:
Wesleyan University Press), 335-74.
David, Paul A, et al. (1977), Reckoning with Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press).
Davies, Gareth and Derthick, Martha (1997), 'Race and Social Welfare Policy: The Social Security Act of
1935', Political Science Quarterly, 112 (2), 217-35.
Davis, Angela Y. (1971), If They Come in the Morning Voices of Resistance (Black Women Writers Series.;
New York: Third Press).
--- (2003), Are Prisons Obsolete? (New York: Seven Stories Press).
Davis, Dana-Ain (2007), 'Narrating the Mute: Racializing and Racism in a Neoliberal Moment', Souls, 9 (4),
Dawson, Michael (1994), Behind the Mule (Race and Class in African American Politics. Princeton, Nj:
Princeton University Press).
Dawson, Michael C. and Francis, Megan M. (2016), 'Black Politics and the Neoliberal Racial Order', Public
Culture, 28 (1), 23-62.
Degler, Carl (1959), 'Slavery and the Genesis of American Race Prejudice', Comparative Studies in Society
and History, 2 (01), 49-66.
Derickson, K. D. (2014), 'The Racial Politics of Neoliberal Regulation in Post-Katrina Mississippi', Annals of
the Association of American Geographers, 104 (4), 889-902.
Deyle, Steven (2005), Carry Me Back : The Domestic Slave Trade in American Life (New York: Oxford
University Press).
Diamond, Jeff (1998), 'African-American Attitudes Towards United States Immigration Policy',
International Migration Review, 32 (2), 451-70.
Dickerson, Dennis C (1986), Out of the Crucible: Black Steel Workers in Western Pennsylvania, 1875-1980
(SUNY Press).
Dillon, Stephen (2012), 'Possessed by Death the Neoliberal-Carceral State, Black Feminism, and the
Afterlife of Slavery', Radical History Review, (112), 113-26.
--- (2013), 'Fugitive Life: Race, Gender, and the Rise of the Neoliberal-Carceral State', Ph.D. (University of
Dollard, John (1937), Caste and Class in a Southern Town (6: Taylor & Francis).
Draper, Alan (1994), Conflict of Interests : Organized Labor and the Civil Rights Movement in the South,
1954-1968 (Cornell Studies in Industrial and Labor Relations.; Ithaca: ILR Press).
Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt (1935), Black Reconstruction: An Essay toward a History of the Part
Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880
(Harcourt, Brace and Company).
Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt and Eaton, Isabel (1899), The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study
(Published for the University).
Dupuy, Alex (1989), Haiti in the World Economy: Class, Race, and Underdevelopment since 1700 (Boulder:
Westview Press).
Durlauf, Steven N (1994), 'Spillovers, Stratification, and Inequality', European Economic Review, 38 (3),
--- (1997), 'The Memberships Theory of Inequality: Ideas and Implications', (Santa Fe Institute).

Katzenstein, Preliminary Literature Review, 29.09.2016 Race and Capitalism

Durr, Kenneth D (2003), Behind the Backlash: White Working-Class Politics in Baltimore, 1940-1980 (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press).
Dymski, Gary (2006), 'Discrimination in Credit and Housing Markets: Findings and Challenges', in William
M Rodgers (ed.), Handbook on the Economics of Discrimination (Northhampton, MA: Elgar
Dymski, Gary, Hernandez, Jesus, and Mohanty, Lisa (2013), 'Race, Gender, Power, and the Us Subprime
Mortgage and Foreclosure Crisis: A Meso Analysis', Feminist Economics, 19 (3), 124-51.
Egerton, Douglas R (1996), 'Markets without a Market Revolution: Southern Planters and Capitalism',
Journal of the Early Republic, 16 (2), 207-21.
Eisinger, Peter K (1982), 'Black Employment in Municipal Jobs: The Impact of Black Political Power',
American Political Science Review, 76 (2), 380-92.
Elmslie, Bruce and Sedo, Stanley (1996), 'Discrimination, Social Psychology, and Hysteresis in Labor
Markets', Journal of Economic Psychology, 17 (4), 465-78.
Enck-Wanzer, Darrel (2011), 'Barack Obama, the Tea Party, and the Threat of Race: On Racial
Neoliberalism and Born Again Racism', Communication, Culture & Critique, 4 (1), 23-30.
Epstein, Richard A (1995), Forbidden Grounds: The Case against Employment Discrimination Laws
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
Ericson, David (2010), 'Revising the History of the Early American State', APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper.
Esch, Elizabeth and Roediger, David (2009), 'One Symptom of Originality: Race and the Management of
Labour in the History of the United States', Historical Materialism, 17 (4), 3-43.
Fainstein, Norman (1993), 'Race, Class and Segregation: Discourses About African Americans*',
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 17 (3), 384-403.
Fairlie, Robert W and Robb, Alicia M (2008), Race and Entrepreneurial Success (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press).
Farrow, Anne, Lang, Joel, and Frank, Jenifer (2005), Complicity: How the North Promoted, Prolonged, and
Profited from Slavery (New York Ballantine Books).
Fearn, Robert M. (1981), Labor Economics : The Emerging Synthesis (Cambridge, Mass.: Winthrop
Field-Hendry, Elizabeth B. and Craig, Lee A. (2004), 'The Relative Efficiency of Free and Slave Agriculture
in the Antebellum United States: A Stochastic Production Frontier Approach', in David Eltis, Frank
D Lewis, and Kenneth L Sokoloff (eds.), Slavery in the Development of the Americas (New York:
Cambridge University Press).
Fields, Barbara Jeanne (1990), 'Slavery, Race and Ideology in the United States of America', New Left
Review, 181 (1), 95-118.
Fink, Leon (1978), '“Irrespective of Party, Color or Social Standing”;: The Knights of Labor and Opposition
Politics in Richmond, Virginia', Labor History, 19 (3), 325-49.
Fish, Adam and Srinivasan, Ramesh (2012), 'Digital Labor Is the New Killer App', New Media & Society, 14
(1), 137-52.
Fogel, Robert William (1989-1992), Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery
(New York: Norton).
--- (1995), Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (New York: Norton).
Foley, Neil (1997), The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley:
University of California Press).
Foner, Philip S (1970), 'The Iww and the Black Worker', Journal of Negro History, 55 (1), 45-64.
--- (1975), History of the Labor Movement in the United States, Volume 2: From the Founding of the A.F.L. To
the Emergence of American Imperialism (New York: International Publishers).
Foner, Philip Sheldon (1976), Organized Labor and the Black Worker: 1619-1973 (475: International
--- (1978), History of the Labor Movement in the United States: From Colonial Times to the Founding of the
American Federation of Labor (International Publishers).
Fossett, Mark A, Galle, Omer R, and Kelly, William R (1986), 'Racial Occupational Inequality, 1940-1980:
National and Regional Trends', American Sociological Review, 69 (2), 421-29.
Foucault, Michel (2008), The Birth of Biopolitics Lectures at the CollèGe De France, 1978-79, eds Michel
Senellart, Graham Burchell, and Michel Foucault (Foucault, Michel, 1926-1984. Lectures at the
Colleè Ge De France.; Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire England ; New York: Palgrave
Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth (1988), Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press).
Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth and Genovese, Eugene D (1983), Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois
Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, USA).
Frank, Andre Gunder (1966), The Development of Underdevelopment (Boston, MA: New England Free
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Franklin, Raymond S (1991), Shadows of Race and Class (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press).
Frederickson, Mary E. (2011), Looking South : Race, Gender, and the Transformation of Labor from
Reconstruction to Globalization (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida).
Freeman, Richard B (1978), 'Black Economic Progress after 1964: Who Has Gained and Why?',
(Cambridge, Mass., USA: National Bureau of Economic Research ).
Freeman, Richard B, et al. (1973), 'Changes in the Labor Market for Black Americans, 1948-72', Brookings
Papers on Economic Activity, 1973 (1), 67-131.
Fryer, Roland G (2010), 'Racial Inequality in the 21st Century: The Declining Significance of
Discrimination', (National Bureau of Economic Research).
Frymer, Paul (2004), 'Race, Labor, and the Twentieth-Century American State', Politics & Society, 32 (4),
--- (2009), 'Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic
Party', Industrial & Labor Relations Review, 62 (4), 15.
Frymer, Paul, Strolovitch, Dara Z, and Warren, Dorian T (2006), 'New Orleans Is Not the Exception: Re-
Politicizing the Study of Racial Inequality', Du Bois Review, 3 (1), 37-57.
Garcia, Mario T. (1978), 'Internal Colonialism: A Critical Essay', Revista Chicano-Riquena, 6 (3), 38-41.
Garciía, Matt (2001), A World of Its Own Race, Labor, and Citrus in the Making of Greater Los Angeles, 1900-
1970 (Studies in Rural Culture.; Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press).
Genovese, Eugene D (1969), 'The Logical Outcome of the Slaverholders' Philosophy: An Exposition of the
Social Thought of George Fitzhughof Port Royal, Virginia', in Eugene D Genovese and George
Fitzhugh (eds.), The World the Slaveholders Made: Two Essays in Interpretation (New York:
Pantheon Books).
--- (1976), Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books).
Georgakas, Dan (1975), Detroit, I Do Mind Dying: A Study in Urban Revolution (New York: St. Martin's
Gerber, David A (1976), Black Ohio and the Color Line: 1860-1915 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press).
Gerteis, Joseph (2007), Class and the Color Line : Interracial Class Coalition in the Knights of Labor and the
Populist Movement, ed. Joseph Gerteis (Politics, History, and Culture.; Durham: Duke University
Gilens, Martin (1999), Why Americans Hate Welfare: Race, Media, and the Politics of Antipoverty Policy
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
Gilmore, Ruth W. (1999), 'Globalisation and Us Prison Growth: From Military Keynesianism to Post-
Keynesian Militarism', Race & Class, 40 (2-3), 171-88.
--- (2007), Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (Berkeley:
University of California Press).
Giroux, Henry A (2006), 'Reading Hurricane Katrina: Race, Class, and the Biopolitics of Disposability',
College Literature, 33 (3), 171-96.
Giroux, Henry A. (2008), Against the Terror of Neoliberalism : Politics Beyond the Age of Greed (Cultural
Politics & the Promise of Democracy; Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers).
Glenn, Evelyn Nakano (1986), Issei, Nisei, War Bride: Three Generations of Japanese American Women in
Domestic Service (Philadelphia: Temple University Press).
--- (1992), 'From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid
Reproductive Labor', Signs, 18 (1), 1-43.
--- (2001), 'Gender, Race and the Organisation of Reproductive Labor', in Rick Baldoz, Charles Koeber, and
Kraft Philip (eds.), The Critical Study of Work : Labor, Technology, and Global Production
(Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press), 71-82.
--- (2002), Unequal Freedom : How Race and Gender Shaped American Citizenship and Labor (Cambridge,
Mass. ; London: Harvard University Press).
--- (2010), Forced to Care: Coercion and Caregiving in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
Goldberg, David Theo (2009), The Threat of Race: Reflections on Racial Neoliberalism ed. David Theo
Goldberg (Wiley-Blackwell Manifestos.; Hoboken: Wiley).
Goldfield, Michael (1987), The Decline of Organized Labor in the United States (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press).
--- (1989a), 'Worker Insurgency, Radical Organization, and New Deal Labor Legislation', American Political
Science Review, 83 (4), 1257-82.
--- (1989b), The Decline of Organized Labor in the United States (University of Chicago Press).
--- (1991), 'The Color of Politics in the United States: White Supremacy as the Main Explanation for the
Peculiarities of American Politics from Colonial Times to the Present', in Dominick LaCapra (ed.),
The Bounds of Race: Colonial Relations in Culture and History (Ithaca: Cornell University Press),

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--- (1993), 'Race and the Cio: The Possibilities for Racial Egalitarianism During the 1930s and 1940s',
International Labor and Working-Class History, 44, 1-32.
--- (1997), The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press ).
Goldfield, Michael, Glenn, Perusek, and Worcester, Kent (1995), 'Was There a Golden Age of the Cio? Race,
Solidarity and Union Growth During the 1930s and 1940s', Trade Union Politics: American Unions
and Economic Change, 1960s–1990s, 78-110.
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