A Muslim Shrine at Ḥarrān

Author(s): D. S. Rice
Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 17,
No. 3 (1955), pp. 436-448
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/609588
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 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN

By D. S. RICE
(PLATES I-IV)

Tr HE traveller who approaches Harran from Urfa passes near an isolated

domed building known to the local inhabitants as the shrine of Shaikh
HIayat (ziyarat shaikh haydt). It stands just outside the city, near the south-
west corner of the perimeter-wall 1 and is surrounded by some modern tombs
(P1. I).2
The core of the building belongs to the Ayyubid period and is-apart from
the citadel 3-the only ancient monument in and around Harran still covered
by a roof. The oldest part of the structure consists of a small mosque and of the
mausoleum of Shaikh Hayat. A foundation text, above the single entrance in
the east wall, gives the date of construction as 592/1196. It is this text which
I propose to examine here.
Additions and restorations have substantially altered the appearance of the
shrine, but parts of the old masonry can be clearly distinguished (P1. III). The
additional parts include: (i) the enclosure wall on the east side; (ii) the
portico on the south side (P1. II); (iii) the porch with the baldachin-shaped
minaret (of a type frequently found in Anatolia),4 and (iv) the staircase wedged
between the porch and the portico. Some of these works can be dated with the
aid of inscriptions to 1168/1754-5 5 and 1275/1858.6
The first European traveller to mention the shrine was the Rev. G. P.
Badger who visited Harran in 1844. His account, which appeared in 1852, is
brief and none too accurate: 'Just outside the wall to the south-west is the
modern Musulman shrine called Ziyaret Sheikh Yahya (John); but the

1 For the exact location of the shrine see S. Lloyd and W. Brice, ' Harran ', in Anatolian
Studies, I, 1951, p. 85, fig. 85, grid B 6.
2
During my visit to Harran in 1952 the shrine was urgently in need of repairs and consolida-
tion. It was impossible to enter it and to draw up a ground plan. I hope to do so at the earliest
opportunity.
3 For a plan and view of the citadel see Lloyd and Brice, op. cit., pp. 97 if. For the excavation
of the east gateway of the citadel see D. S. Rice, ' Medieval Harran-I ', Anatolian Studies, II,
1952, pp. 36-84.
4 cf. J. Schacht, ' Ein archaischer
Minaret-Typ in Agypten und Anatolien ', in Ars Islamica,
v, 1938, pp. 46-54, and 20 figs.; also idem 'Sur la diffusion des formes d'architecture religieuse
musulmane a travers le Sahara', in Travaux de l'lnstitut de RecherchesSahariennes, tome xI,
1954, pp. 12-27.
5 Published by M. van Berchem, Inschriften aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien,
gesammeltvon Frh. M. von Oppenheim(Beitrage z. Assyriologie, vii), 1909, p. 58, no. 75.
6
Unpublished anonymous text: JI 1 J1j (2) (1)
\rV o ji l .L (4) JI J ,- (3)
(1) Basmalah. (2) There is no God but Allah. (3) Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.
(4) As God wills, in the year 1275 (= 1858).
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HARRAN. SANCTUARY OF SHAIKH HAYAT

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 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN 437

Christians have a tradition that the grave of Terah, Abraham's father, exists
within its precincts '.1 The Christians referred to by Badger were probably
some inhabitants of Urfa as there were no Christians at Harran in 1844. Mez's
informant, Hagop Stepanian (1892), thought that the sanctuary was the ruin
of a church of St. John.2 Sachau, who hurried through Harran in 1867, speaks
of the tomb of a Muslim saint called Sheikh Yahya.3
Finally, a copy of the inscription on the east wall of the building was
prepared by a member of Baron von Oppenheim's expedition to the Harran
area, in 1899, and published by M. van Berchem in 1909.4 It is this readingwhich
appears in the Repertoirechronologiqued'epigraphiearabe (vol. ix, no. 3488) :-
I JJI
I^11 Il,jil iLJ rll ^411 e}
Jl 1 3jJllI 4ill IA L;l.j. . 4.l

^
C s-^
.Y uy^^u1 l ;i*
Max van Berchem had before him a transcript of the text but no photograph
or squeeze and he himself warned that inscriptions so insufficiently recorded
would require amendment.5 The inscription is placed very high above the
entrance, immediately under the roof of the high porch (P1. II). It is badly
disfigured by whitewash, and clusters of mud-built swallows' nests rendered
whole portions illegible. Lack of a ladder made the adequate cleaning of
the text and the taking of a squeeze impossible. The photograph reproduced
on P1. IV was taken with a tele-lens. The text is in relief and in floriated naskhi
script and, so far as could be established (fig. 1), reads as follows:-

[4] > [,] j1 a1 ?ii 3L v1Jy%iil t r91 1 t[] (1)

e? eL1 oL 1 l J JI -AAI rjJI
L,I jl II (2)
4:! ^ ,1
[ 1]1[l word]l :;1 . 1 411
J" , (3)
jJLLI ir 41
Sj^I ^1^1 jls ^JL2J1 rj -Jrj "I' t "JP (4)
.4s?^ ,j c^ 14 - ^I GS^ j J R (5)
Translation:
(1) (In the name) of Allah the Merciful the Compassionate. Has erected
this blessed shrine (mashhad)the poor (in need of) Allah's (mercy)
(2) may He be exalted, the righteous, the ascetic, the pious Shaikh 'Umar
son of Shaikh Hayat son of Qays

1 Rev. B. P. Badger, The Nestorians and their Rituals, London, 1852, I, p. 342.
2 A.
Mez, Die Stadt Harran bis zum Einfall der Araber, Strasburg, 1892, p. 15.
3 E. Sachau, Reise in Syrien und Mesopotamien, Leipzig, 1883, p. 222.
4 M. van Berchem, op. cit., p. 58, Insc. no. 74.
5 ibid., p. 1 f.
VOL. XVII. PART 3. 32
438 D. S. RICE

(3) and his brother Shaikh AbfuBakr, may Allah sanctify their souls, at the
hand of the poor (slave of Allah) the son of his sister [one word] son of
(4) 'All, may Allah forgive him and all the Muslims. This blessed building
(5) was completed in Jumada II of the year 592 (May 1196)
Commentary :-
Line 1 : The complex connotations of the term mashhadhave been brilliantly
analyzed by M. van Berchem.1 In its widest sense it signifies any Muslim tomb,
a place where a Muslim, having pronounced the profession of faith (shahdda)
before dying, lies buried. In its narrowest sense it means a martyry, the burial
place of a martyr of the faith (shahTd).Partaking partly of one meaning, partly
of the other, there exists a third meaning: a memorial and place of pilgrimage
(mazdr); not just any Muslim's tomb but that of a holy man coupled with an
oratory-a shrine.
Line 2: Shaikh 'Umar the co-founder of the shrine died in Safar 605/Aug.-
Sept. 1208, and was an ascetic like his father Hayat ibn Qays (d. 581/1185);
of both more below.
Line 3: 'Umar's brother, Abu Bakr, is known to me only from a biography
by Saqqa'i (below, p. 448, n. 6). He was the father of a certain Abu' 1-Qasim
who negotiated the surrender of the citadel of Harran to Hulagu in 658/1259
(see below, p. 441 and App. B, p. 447).
Line 4: The words 'ald yad; at the hand of; introduce the name of the
person who supervised the work, not that of the builder or architect. This
person is referred to as ibn ukhtihi, ' son of his sister', which cannot designate
the brother of 'Umar and Abu Bakr for the dual form ukhtihimd (or allowing
for grammatical slackness, often found in this kind of inscription, the plural
ukhtihim) would have been used. Furthermore the man's father was called
'All not Hayat. The reference must therefore be to Shaikh H.ayat's nephew
by his sister and a certain 'All. The supervisor'sname has so far resisted all my
efforts to decipher it. It appears to end in bTor bd, tTor sa.
The eulogy qaddasa-llah arwdhahum, 'may Allah sanctify their souls',
cannot include 'Umar who did not die till 605/1208. It certainly includes
Hayat himself (d. 581/1185) and possibly Abu Bakr, of whose life and date of
death I know nothing, and in all probability Hayat's ancestor Qays, at any
rate, three persons at least.
Line 5: The name of the month in the date is spelt Jumada al-dkhir (masc.)
instead of Jumada al-dkhira(fem.). This mistake is fairly common in epigraphy;
for parallels see G. Wiet's ed. of Maqrizi's Khitat, Cairo, 1911, vol. I, p. 206.
For a tentative family tree of Shaikh Hayat's family see below, App. C.
Below the fifth line of the text there are some traces of what could be either
further lines of script or ornaments used to fill remaining spaces. It will be
necessary to remove some of the plaster and whitewash before this point can
be clarified.
1 M. van Berchem in E. Diez, ChurasanischeBaudenkmdler,Berlin, 1918, I, pp. 87 ff.
 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN 439

II.
The present-day inhabitants of Harran and the surrounding district still
remember with reverence the name of the personage buried in the shrine extra
muros,and they use the small building as a mosque; but beyond the mere name
no oral tradition of the holy man has survived. Luckily, historical sources have
preserved some record.
The earliest mention of the saintly ascetic occurs in the travel book of the
Spanish pilgrim Ibn Jubair, who actually met Hayat a year before his death.
The relevant passage, recently translated into English, refers to Ibn Jubair's
visit to Harran in 580/1184 and reads as follows: 1
'South of the city, about three parasangs distant, is a blessed shrine which
contains a running spring that was a dwelling place for him (Abraham) and
Sarah-the blessing of God upon them both-and was their place of worship.
Because of this blessed connexion, God has made the city an abode of ascetic
saints and a site for unwordly anchorites. Among their most eminent, we met
the Shaikh Abu-l-Barakat Hayyan ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz, near the mosque named
after him. He lives in a zawiyah which he has built in the south part of it. Close
beside it, at the end of that side, is the zawiyah of his son, 'Umar, who cleaves
to it, and follows the path of his father, doing no wrong. In him I recognized
the character of Akhzam [Proverbial among the Arabs for his taking after his
father, Freytag, Arabicum Proverbia, I, p. 658]. When we came to the sheikh
who was above eighty years of age, he shook our hand and prayed for us, and
told us to find his son 'Umar. So we turned aside for him and found him,
whereupon he prayed for us; we then bade them both farewell and departed,
joyous at meeting two men who lived for the life to come.'
Broadhurst's English translation, like Schiaparelli's Italian translation
published in 1906 2 and the French translation by Gaudefroy-Demombynes
which is appearing at present in fascicule-form 3 (and which stops short of the
passage in question) were all done after the edition of the Arabic text by Wright
and de Goeje.4 This excellent edition, however, is based on a unique manuscript
in Leiden, in which the name of the ascetic whom Ibn Jubair met at Harran,
is, unfortunately, missing. In order to fill the lacuna Wright had recourse to the
history of Granada by Ibn al-Khatib (d. 776/1374), which contains a biography
of Ibn Jubair. It was common practice to include in such biographies the
names of the subject's teachers, and of persons who had given him a ' permit to
teach ' this or that work (ijdza). Such ' diplomas ' must not be understood too
literally as they were sometimes claimed by ' students ' on grounds of the most
casual acquaintance with the 'master . Ibn Khatib mentions among Ibn
Jubair's 'teachers' at Harran (where he spent only one day) a certain Abu'l-
1 R. J. C. Broadhurst, The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, London, 1952, p. 254.
2 C.
Schiaparelli, Ibn Gubayr, Viaggio . . ., Rome, 1906, p. 235.
3 M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Ibn Jobair Voyages (Docs. relatifs i l'hist. des Croisades

publi6s par 1'Acad. des Insc. et Belles Lettres, v), Paris, 1951-
4 Ibn
Jubayr, Rihla, ed. Wright-de Goeje, London, 1907, p. 245.
VOL. XVII. PART 3. 32*
440 D. S. RICE

Barakat Hayyan ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz and his son, who was following in his foot-
steps '. This is clearly a corrupt reference to Hayat and to his son 'Umar who
is specifically named by the Leiden MS. of Ibn Jubair's rihla in two instances.
It is easy to understand how Hayat lo- could become Hayyan L>- in the
hands of a careless scribe,but the transformationof Qays i into 'Abd al-'Aziz
j.j JI-L is a bad distortion. Yet there can be no doubt that the same person
is meant.
An interesting biography of Hayat and a brief reference to his son 'Umar
are preserved in the unpublished History of Dhahabi (d. 748/1348) 1 who
quotes as his source the chronicle of his friend al-Jazari (739/1338).2 Dhahabi's
account deserves to be summarized (the full Arabic text will be found in
Appendix A below):-
' Hayat ibn Qays ibn Rahhal ibn Sultan al-Ansari al-Harrani was the
paragon of the ascetics of Harran. He was modest, virtuous, assiduous in prayer,
and endowed with supernatural powers. Rulers and noblemen paid him visits
and sought his blessing. His rulings were universally accepted. It was said that
Nur ad-din consulted him before launching his attack on the Crusaders and
that H.ayat encouraged him and invoked Allah's help for him. Saladin, too,
is said to have requested his blessing before proceeding to attack Mosul. Hayat
dissuaded him, and when Saladin disregarded his advice he failed in the enter-
prise.3 One of his teachers was Abfu'Abdallah al-Bawari, a student of Shaikh
Mujli ibn Yasin.'
There existed a biography (s7ra) of Hayat which filled approximately
a volume. It was in possession of his descendants but was looted at Salihiya
during Ghazan's occupation of Damascus.4 Hayat (so Dhahabi, or his source,
Jazari, had been informed) lived at his hermitage (zdwiya)for fifty years, never
omitting a community-prayer but for force majeure, ever smiling, gentle, and
kind, and spending his nights in vigils of devotion. He died on 1st Jumada I,
581/31st July, 1185, when he was 80 years old.
1 On this important work cf. J. '
Somogyi, The ta'rikh al-islam of adh-Dhahab ', in JRAS,
1932, pp. 815-55.
2 cf. the introduction of J.
Sauvaget, La chroniquede Damas d'al-Jazarf, Paris, 1949.
3 The reference here is to Saladin's two expeditions against Mosul undertaken in 578/1182
and 581/1185. The historian Ibn al-Athir, who viewed with misgiving and disapproval Saladin's
attempts in this direction, states that the prime mover in the scheme was Muzaffar ad-din
Gokbiiri, the lord of Harrin and later of Irbil. It is curious that it was at Harran, on his sick-
bed, after his second failure to take the town by storm, that Saladin finally received the allegiance
of the people of Mosul (cf. al-Kamil, ed. Thornberg, Leiden, 1851, vol. xi, pp. 319, 336). According
to a dispatch composed by al-Qadi al-Fadil, the excuse for the expedition against Mosul was
that it continued to pay allegiance to the Seljuq sultan (cf. rasd'il of al-Qadi al-Fadil, Paris MS.
arabe 6024 f? 11, quoted by M. Jawad in Sumer, x, 2, 1954, p. 300). According to Dhahabi the
siege of A.H. 579 was called off on orders from the caliph (Dhahabi, Duwal al-isldm, Hyderabad,
A.H. 1337, vol. II, p. 65).
4 is a westernsuburb of Damascus in which many scholars resided in the 12th and
Salihiya
13th centuries. On the sacking of Salihiya during Ghazan's campaigns (1299-1301) see Dhahabi's
eye-witness account translated by J. Somogyi in Goldziher Memorial Volume, Pt. I, Budapest,
1948, pp. 356, 369, 375.
 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN4 441

This tallies perfectly with Ibn Jubair's estimate of the shaikh's age when he
visited him in the preceding year (see above, p. 439).
For H.ayat's son 'Umar we find only a brief entry in Dhahabi's work under
the year 605/1208: ' 'Umar, the son of the paragon Shaikh Hayat ibn Qays
al-Harrani died at Harran in Safar (605)' (= Aug.-Sept. 1208). Though
'Umar took after his father and followed in his footsteps he was clearly
a personage of lesser importance.
Other biographers of Shaikh Hayat place more emphasis on his accom-
plishments as a su1fiand on his power to work miracles.
Yafi'I 1 (d. 768/1369) has it on the authority of Abu-l-HIasanal-Qurashi
that only four shaikhs have been given the privilege of behaving in their
tombs as if they were still alive. These are (i) Ma'ruf al-Karkhi,2 (ii)
'Abd al-Qadir al-Jli,3 (iii) 'Aqil al-Manbiji, (iv) Hayat b. Qays al-Harrani.
The same story is also found in the works of Ibn 'Imad (d. 1089/1679) 4 and
ash-Sha'rani 5 (d. 973/1565).
To illustrate Shaikh Hayat's miraculous powers Yafi'l relates the following
edifying tale 6: 'A mystic called Ghanim ibn Ya'la at-Takriti was ship-
wrecked in the middle of the Indian Ocean, but managed to swim to an island
with the aid of a plank of wood. There he saw a mosque, which he entered.
Within were four men to whom he recounted his adventure. The day was spent
in prayer. In the evening Shaikh Hayat appeared and led them in evening
prayer. He prayed and wept, and the mosque was suffused by a mysterious,
brilliant light. When the holy man left, Ghanim followed him. Land and sea,
mountain and plain folded under their feet, as the sheikh kept invoking Allah
with each giant step that he took, and, behold, they were at Harran in time
for morning prayers! '
An abbreviated version of the same miracle is also reported by Ibn 'Imad
on the authority of Ibn Ahdal (d. 979/1571). The samples of wise sayings
attributed to Shaikh H.ayat may sound like flat truisms and extracts from his
poetry are hardly more inspiring, but the fact remains that he was a man of
considerable spiritual authority in his lifetime. After his death, Sha'rani
informs us, rogations for rain (istisqS') were habitually made in his name by
the people of Harran, and rain was granted them.
As is often the case, a holy man's fame is reflected to some extent upon his
descendants. Hayat's son, 'Umar, shared some of his father's popularity
during his lifetime. One of H.ayat's grandsons, Abu' l-Q&sim, son of Abi
Bakr, must have been a person of importance when he was chosen to
parley with Hulagu on behalf of the defenders of the citadel of Harran
1 'Abdallah b. As'ad al-Yafi'i, mir'at al-janan, Hyderabad, 1317-19, in,
pp. 419 f.
2 Died 200/815, cf. R. A. Nicholson, in El, II, p. 354 s.v. Ma'ruf al-Karkhf.
3 Lived
491-561/1098-1166, cf. D. S. Margoliouth, in EI, I, pp. 42-4 s.v. 'Abd al-Kddir and
W. Braune, in EI (new edition), Leiden, 1954, I, pp. 71-2.
4 Ibn
'Imad, Shadhardt adh-dhahab,Cairo, n.d., vol. iv, p. 269.
5 'Abd al-Wahhab
ash-Sha'rani, At-tabaqdtal-kubra, Cairo, n.d., vol. I, p. 132.
6
Yifi'i, op. cit., vol. II, p. 420 f.
442 D. S. RICE

(below, App. B). A provisional family tree of Hayat's family will be found in
Appendix C below.
A shaikh's descendants are, more often than not, custodians of his shrine.
Whether this was so in the case of the shrine of Shaikh Hayat cannot be proved
by documentary evidence. The only document which I could unearth in this
connexion is a fairly late ' minute' in a register of the administration of pious
foundations (evkaf) at Ankara. It can be translated as follows: 'Whereas the
brothers Sayyid Ahmad and Sayyid 'All, sons of Muhammad, were mutawallls
(custodians) of the zdwiya of Shaikh Hlayat al-Harrani, who is one of the greatest
saints in the village of Harran in the kaza of Urfa, they had a fixed salary.
When they died, Sayyid 'All had no male offspring, and the vacancy was
filled by Sayyid Muhammad, Sayyid Ahmad's son. He was appointed to the
position in accordance with the application of Sayyid Mustafa who is the repre-
sentative of Sayyid Ahmad. Shawwal, 1208/2 May 1794.' 1
In the inscription placed above the entrance to Shaikh Hayat's mashhad,
the so far unidentified nephew of Shaikh Hayat, acting on behalf of the Shaikh's
sons, 'Umar and Abui Bakr, uses the word inshd' to describe his accomplish-
ment. Strictly speaking, this word should be used only in reference to an
entirely new structure. It is likely, however, that this was erected in immediate
proximity of the hermitage (zdwiya) of Shaikh H.ayat which already in Ibn
Jubair's time (eleven years before the date of the inscription) was provided
with a mosque. Whether the spot had been holy at a much earlier date, and
whether it was dedicated to Yahya (St. John) or associated with Terah cannot
at present be ascertained. The confusion of the names of Hayat and Yahya
(which derive from the same root) is, however, of fairly long standing. The
Turkish traveller Evliya Qelebi gives the following account of the shrine from
information collected during his visit to H.arranin 1060/1648: ' The sanctuary
of Shaikh Yahya Hayati lies below Harran. He is a great saint who has attained
the rank of qutb. He is buried under a noble dome near the fort of Harran,
on the fringe of the desert. The bedouins of the desert have great faith in this
saint. So much so that if they take an oath in grave matters, an oath that would
be equivalent to "I swear by Allah ", those Bedouins coming from al-Ahsa,
'Uman, the islands (jazd'ir) or Qurna 2 lay their hands on the walls of (the
shaikh's) tomb and swear " by the head of Yahya Hayati ". The reason for
calling the saint Yahya HIayati is that he was always sitting as on a prayer
3
rug in prayer (?).'
1 Evkaf
register No. 549. I owe this translation to Prof. Halil Inalcik of the University of
Ankara.
2
Evliya Qelebi, Seyahetnameh, Istanbul, A.1. 1314-5, vol. III, p. 161 f. I am indebted
for a translation of this passage to my colleague Prof. P. Wittek.
3 It is interesting to note the location of the tribes listed by Evliya as being particularly
devoted to Shaikh Iayat who was himself of Bedouin stock. They came from places in Iraq
(Qiirna) and the Persian Gulf (al-Ahsai) and islands (in it (?) Bahrein ?). It is in these parts that
sections of the Bani Numair, a fraction of the Qays Bedouins, were to be found. The same
Baniu Numair also lived at Harran and even succeeded in establishing a short-lived dynasty
there in the tenth century A.D. (cf. my ' Medieval Harran-I ', AS, II, pp. 74 ff.).
A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN 443
444 D. S. RICE

Evliya Qelebi clearly understood Hayati as a nisba; underlying this may be

a dim echo of the holy man's capacity to 'behave in his tomb as if he were alive'
(see above, p. 441). Eventually the more common name Yahya was substituted
for Hayat, which was rarely used from the later Middle Ages onwards. It is
thus that Badger (1844), Sachau (1867), Mez (1892), and von Oppenheim
(1899) were told that the holy Shaikh of Harran was called Yahya. The true
name appears, however, in the document of the Evkaf register quoted above and
is again currently used by the inhabitants of Harran.

APPENDIX A
(Extract from the Chronicle of Dhahabi, BN, MS. arabe, 1582.)
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 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARR_AN 445

APPENDIX B

(Extract from Ibn Shaddad, al-a'laq al-khatiraft dhikr umard'al-jazTra

after Bodleian MS. Marsh 333 and collation with Berlin MS. 9800.
The text is that of the Oxford MS. unless otherwise stated.)

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* Beginningof translationgivenbelow.
446 D. S. RICE

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El TH 1CONQUEST IARAN BY THEM OLS J

part of the province of Aleppo. From 650/1252-3 onwardsit had two governors;
one was responsiblefor the town, the othe Jr Jcitadel.)
the

1intheir^.>-1
iZfl^ L aJJ for a^^"^
hands except i.l *SS^xll
>brief period Cjyyii jl rule.
of Khwrazmian It,j 4p
(^4JJ b
had ,0\^tJ
ecome

governor<
The governor ofthe town was N.sir ad-din i1bnSayyr, and the
Lofthe citadel was N sirad-dIn Muhammad ibn H.usm ad-din Ab Bakr,\ known

2 Be1. MS. ~
or 1AJ.
>JI J I J Bodl M,,S. a .
j

the surrender and ultimate destruction of .arran by the Mongols is translated infull.
2 Berl. MS. ,jJ :)13 Bodl.MS. Ls4

(see above,
Translation(see
Translation 445, line
above, p. 445, 23) :-
line 23)
briefoccupltimate
and
surrender
Aftthe destruction translatedin full.
ofis
of Harran by the SeMongoljuqs

4 Onthis manuscript,ef. 'MedievalHarran-I ' AS, I, pp. 36 ff. Onlythe portiondescribing

the surrender and ultimate destruction of HarrtTinby the Mongols is translated in full.
 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN 447

as the ruler of 'Aintab. The town and the citadel remained in their hands
until Hulagu's advance in the beginning of 658/1259. Hulagu laid siege to
Harran. He exerted great pressure and was about to capture it when Shaikh
Yuisuf ibn Hammad al-Harrani and 'All ibn as-Sufray called on Hulagu and
made obeisance to him. Hulagu wrote a patent (yaghligh)and took possession
of the town, appointing 'All as-Suray as prefect (ra'Ts). The Tatars entered
the town and harmed none of the inhabitants.
The siege of the citadel, however, continued until one of the bastions fell
and those in the citadel feared that they would be killed if it were taken by
storm. They dispatched the Shaikh Abu' 1-Qasimibn Shaikh Abu Bakr ibn
Shaikh H.ayat al-Harrani and the (one word ?) Muhasin ibn al-Baqqal the
wdal of the district (walV'l-barr)1 to Hulagu and asked for safe conduct (amdn)
for the people in the citadel. Hulagu granted them safe conduct for themselves,
their womenfolk, and their property, then he took over the citadel. He destroyed
it, and destroyed the crenelations of the city wall.
Nasir ad-din Muhammadal-'Aintabi went to see Hulagu and said: You have
avenged us (i.e. my family), for 'Aintab was ours and the Muslims took it from
us. Then he shaved his head and put on a sardquj2 and forsook Islam (irtadda).
Harran remained in the hands of the Tatars' deputies (nuzwwb) until
Kitbugha's defeat at 'Ain Jaluit in Ramadan 658/May 1260. Al-Malik al-
Muzaffarwas killed in the remainder of that year, and our master the Sultan
al-Malik az-Zahir Rukn ad-din Baybars conquered the lands which the Tatars
had occupied. Shams ad-din Aqush al-Burulli rebelled (against Baybars)
and went to Aleppo in fear of al-Malik az-Zahir. He left Aleppo for Harran
which he seized in Sha'ban 659/July 1262. It remained in his hands until
his defeat at Sinjar on 4 Jumada II 660/26 April 1262. Then the deputies
of the Tatars returned to Harran and henceforth were harassed by the Bedouins
who were loyal to our lord the Sultan (i.e. Baybars).
Most of the inhabitants had removed to Mardin and Mosul. In 670/1271
our master the Sultan dispatched 'Ala ad-din Taybars and a band of Bedouins
with at their head 'Isa ibn Muhanna, to cross the Euphrates. When the
Tatar deputies who were at Harran saw the army they threw down their
weapons. They were seized to the last man and made prisoners. There were
more than 80 of them. When these (Tatars) had been seized, the people of
Harran asked Taybars to appoint a governor on his behalf but he refused. He
took some (hostages) and returned (to Syria). When the Tatars realized that
they could not protect Harran and those in it, they deported all the inhabitants
to Mardin and to other (places). They destroyed the mosque of Harran, walled
up the city gates and left it empty but for the birds in their nests.

1 The appointment of a walz al-barr was common in Syria, cf. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, La

Syrie a l'epoque des Mamlouks, Paris, 1923, p. 175.
2 The
sardaqijor sardaqsh was a typically Tatar headgear, cf. L. A. Mayer, Mamluk Costume,
Geneva, 1952, pp. 30 f.
448 A MUSLIM SHRINE AT HARRAN

APPENDIX C

Provisional Family Tree of Shaikh Hayat's Family

Sultan al-Ansari
Rahhal 1

Qays 1 4 Sultin 5

Hayat 1, 2, 3, 4 d. 581 Qays 6

I I 'A15
Abi Bakr 2, 3, 6 'Umar 1, 2 I
d. 685 d. 605 Hayat
(Sharaf ad-din Abu Isma'il,
(born 685 (date of death unknown))

Abu'-l-Q(sim 3 Qays

Dhahabi, BN, Paris MS. Ar. 1582, see App. A and p. 440.
2 Inscription at mashhad of Shaikh Hayit, see p. 437.
3 Ibn Shaddad, Bodleian MS., Marsh 333, Berlin MS. 9800, see App. B and p. 447.
4 Yafi'i, Mir'dt al-jandn, Ibn 'Imad, Shadharat adh-dhahab, and ash-Sha'rani, tabaqdt(see
p. 441).
5 Ibn H.ajar al-'Asqalani, ad-durar al kdmina, Hyderabad, A.H. 1349, in, p. 259, no. 667:

IAo Zj- -^j L-JIJ:- - JIJ u l lJ j o L z t U J^L L "L

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j^^; s jJ^
. J^ J2JU1 *
eg .. l;.1-1J lijl jL ll
ou ~^J
il3 . x_
' *4j stfl J (j1l4?
Ibn Rafi' is the author of a kitab al-wafayat (704/1305-774/1372), see Brockelmann, GAL, ii,
p. 33, and Suppl. GAL, II, p. 30. His work exists only in manuscripts and none is available in
the U.K.
6 cf. the extract from S.aqqa'i, Tdal kitdb wafayat al-a'yan, Paris BN. MS. arabe 2061, fo 31.
I am preparing an edition of the whole text contained in this manuscript.

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