DEFINITION OF SERVICES
Consequently, services have most often been defined as what they are
not.
The earliest attempt to define services was made by Hill (1977) who proposes
the following definition, which has been taken as a reference point by many
service economists
A service may be defined as a change in the condition of a person, or of a
good belonging to some economic unit, which is brought about as the result
of the activity of some other economic unit, with the prior agreement of the
former person or economic unit.
Hill also operates a distinction between service production and its result: the
output of the service activity is the actual change in the condition of a
person or good, which is different form the production itself, as being the
activity that determines the change.
The fact that the production process if transient or ephemeral should not lead
us to believe that the output will necessarily have similar characteristics (a
software, a TV show, an architectural design, a movie)
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the supply occurs through direct interaction between producer
and consumer
the activity aims at transforming/maintaining/restoring a
reality
the service exists only through its effect over a reality (person,
good, piece of information), which makes its identical
reproduction impossible, result-wise.
CHARACTERISTICS OF SERVICES
1. INTANGIBILITY
One of the most prominent theoretical interests regarding services sector was
the comparison between its characteristics and those of goods.
The problem of “tangibility” even though it appeared in the works of Adam
Smith and David Ricardo, has become the object of a more profound and
detailed analysis only at the beginning of the 20 th century, with the works of
the socialist economists, Marks disciples.
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The tangible products includes specific information
The tangible products include, apart from information needed to produce them,
some intangible intermediate consumption
2. INSEPARABILITY
In the capitalist system, production was focused on goods with the capacity
of being standardized, for which technical progress has allowed large
productivity gains.
This tendency was accompanied by a separation between production and
consumption, between producer and user.
Services production questions this separation – we are dealing with the
creation of a direct relationship between supplier and consumer.
3. HETEROGENEITY
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As a consequence of the fact that consumers differ from one production cycle
to another, the quality of services supplied will also be different. This is why
services are considered to be heterogeneous and difficult to standardize.
Each production process will generate different outputs. Consequently, the
possibility to obtain brand services is more the effect of producer’s reputation
than a result of tangible components that are easy to standardize.
The need to reduce consumer’s uncertainty and to obtain a constant level of
quality forced producers to identify ways of standardizing services output by
attempting to standardize the inputs through technical norms
(telecommunications services, construction services), procedures (accounting
services), standards (communication services, tourism services), similar
education, training of the labor force.
4. PERISHABILITY
IMPOSSIBILITY OF APPROPRIATION
Service- Immaterial/intangible
product Information-intensive
Non-storable
Great diversity
Custom-made
Valuation = labor inputs
Non-rival
Product quality dependant on consumer
quality
Processes and products difficult to separate
Intellectual property difficult to protect;
easy to replicate
Reputation is crucial
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Service o Footloose
productio o Craft-like production
n o Labor intensive
o “On demand” production
o Limited scale economies
o Material intermediate inputs either very
high or very low
o Bundled with other production
o Apparent weak incentives to change
o Interaction with the consumer –
heterogeneity
Service Services have use-value, but not exchange-
markets value
User-producer integration making
production, transaction and consumption
indistinguishable
Distribution in closed networks
Un-transportable
Appropriation difficult
Perishable
Duplication easy: marginal cost of
production negligible;
No usual market price
Price as direct compensation of labor inputs
Public and professional regulation
Service Trust in user-producer relations
consumpti Consumed while produced
on Consumed where produced
Consumer specific utility
Satisfying psychological needs
Producer integrated
TAXONOMY OF SERVICES
The heterogeneous nature of the service sector means that, in order to trace
through and analyze changes within the sector, it is necessary to
disaggregate it in some way. As Miles argued: “… the service sector is not
one sector at all; it is comprised of extremely heterogeneous activities, which
play very diverse roles in overall economic performance”.
Understanding the service sector is, in large part, a problem of gaining a
better conceptual and empirical understanding of this complexity and its
implications.
However, devising a useful classification system for a sector encompassing
such a diverse range of activities presents a number of challenges.
Traditional approach
The traditional classification is industry based.
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Broadly speaking, this involves grouping together economic entities that
produce similar products.
The United Nations International Standard Industrial Classification of All
Economic Activities (ISIC) forms the basis upon which most countries collect
and publish data on their economies.
The ISIC definition of services, and that adopted by the OECD, excludes
utilities (electricity, gas and water) and construction services.
The traditional approach is more and more criticized due to its focus on the
tangible result of production – it is based on grouping together economic
entities that produce similar products. The information that can be obtained
from the ISIC classification offers a deformed image of the structure and
functioning of economies.
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trade. This group of services is mainly influenced by innovations in
manufacturing.
Human or person-centered services span social and community services
(health, education and welfare) as well as many private consumer services
(personal services, hotels and restaurants). Some of these services have
specific links to their own set of technologies (for example, health services to
pharmaceutical and surgical innovations).
Information services cover three types of service activity:
- mass media, mainly distributing standardized data on a large scale
(cinemas, broadcasting);
- organizations distributing large volumes of non-standard information to
specific recipients (telecommunications, financial services); and
- knowledge services that produce and interpret specialized information
(accountancy firms, advertising, marketing and consultancy companies).
6. B2B / B2C services
B2B – producer services
B2C – consumer services
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Personal Domestic services 1. Hotels, bars,
services Hotels and lodging places restaurants
Repair services 2. Recreation,
Laundry and dry cleaning amusement, cultural
Barber and beauty shops services
Entertainment and recreational 3. Domestic services
services 4. Miscellaneous
Miscellaneous personal services personal services
1. Business services
A. Professional services
B. Computer and related services
C. Research and development services
D. Real estate services
E. Rental/leasing services without operators
F. Other business services
2. Communication services
A. Postal services
B. Courier services
C. Telecommunication services
D. Audiovisual services
E. Other
4. Distribution services
A. Commission agents’ services
B. Wholesale trade services
C. Retailing services
D. Franchising
E. Other
5. Educational services
6. Environmental services
A. Sewage services
B. Refuse disposal services
C. Sanitation and similar services
D. Other
7. Financial services
A. All insurance and insurance-related services
B. Banking and other financial services
C. Other
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(other than those listed under 1.A.h-j.)
A. Hospital services
B. Other human health services
C. Social services
D. Other
The importance of goods and services, together with their interaction have
been the subject of economic debate for quite a long time.
Some economists consider that the decline of goods production and the shift
towards services are not sustainable on a long term basis, given the fact that
services are dependant for their existence on services.
Others argue that services are shaping economic growth. Instead of being a
consequence and a support of goods production, services will lead and
determine goods production, in the sense that production facilities will be
established in locations with developed services infrastructure.
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and analysis of structural change (Pascal, 1986) and in analysis of the role of
specific service functions towards manufacturing industries (Porter 1990).
As is generally acknowledged, it is impossible to conceive manufacturing
industries without taking into consideration a huge amount of services; to
apprehend manufacturing production without considering a substantial
service component.
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Through the impact of new generic technologies in services,
* new economies of scale appear, leading to larger institutions, often with a
decentralized structure,
* new economies of scope, created by new technologies, have often
unintended and beneficial second order effects,
* increased complexity can often be handled more efficiently with new
technologies.
Economic growth over the last decades has therefore been strongly affected
by development of service sectors. This has opened up for characterizing
contemporary society as a ‘service society’, or to emphasize the role of
information and knowledge, as an information society. The use of such
terminology has connotations to a service or information revolution; a new
industrial revolution, marking the watershed between the industrial society
that emerged over the last 150 years, and the new service society.
Therefore, we will end this section by asking if the label service society is
appropriate as a characterization of ongoing structural change. To do that, we
will start with the concept of an ‘industrial society’ as a benchmark.
When the manufacturing industries matured during the nineteenth century,
through the complementary processes of market growth, technical change
and organizational development, the industrialization lead to an overall
productivity and income growth, dominated by these industries. They were
the economies’ productivity leaders and they also had a strong influence on
productivity in other sectors, primarily in the second large sector, agriculture.
As the manufacturing industries grew in size, they increasingly affected and
shaped the society in which they were embedded. The development of new
organizational forms and formalized relations between workers and capitalists
and managers affected the social roles of the different classes, the growth of
the industries ensured a rapid diffusion of these roles in industrialized areas.
As the nineteenth century drew to a close, quite a few countries had emerged
as industrial societies, several others followed quickly after. Even though
manufacturing industries never attained a share of employment compared to
the one of agriculture previously, and the share ascribed to service sectors
today’s, the social development in this period is so intimately linked to these
industries that the epithet ‘industrial society’ is pertinent.
The modern period of studies of the emerging economy started in the
mid-1960s. In The New Industrial State (Galbraith 1967), Galbraith described
what he regarded as the main structural reorganization of economic
production in the new era. He saw a new industrial organization emerging,
replacing the capital-based and owner-managed industrial organization that
was completed in the first post-war period. What John Galbraith saw as the
fundamental new feature of industrial production and value creation was the
emergence of a new governance structure in large scale industries, viz., a
knowledge-intensive management structure with a different set of interests
than the previous ‘owner-manager’. Combined with increased abundance of
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capital, and hence a weakened power base for it in initiating and organizing
commercial activity, this paved the way for the technostructure as the critical
factor that would shape progressive industries.
Thus Galbraith clearly saw the vital role that knowledge and expertise would
play in organizing future economic activity, but he chose to interpret it as a
reorganization of manufacturing industries, with large scale, technology-
intensive industries as ‘vanguards’ of the new industrial restructuring. But
what he did not take into account was that the underlying processes he used
as a basis for his predicaments about manufacturing industries, also opened
up for a restructuring of vital services and the relation between these service
functions and manufacturing activities. Hence we will regard John Galbraith
primarily as a beaming culmination of previous analytical approaches to
structural change in capitalist economies, rather than as an approach that
establishes a genuinely new ‘mind-set’. This is not to deny, however, that
Galbraith’s analysis definitely points forward and renews old approaches, but
his manufacturing ‘bias’ lets him by-pass at least one of the characteristic
dimensions of the restructuring of economic systems during the last decades.
Almost simultaneously with the publication of Galbraith’s book, Victor Fuchs
published the first modern approach to the emergence of the ‘service
economy’ (Fuchs 1968). In contrast to Galbraith, Fuchs took as a starting
point that the characterizing feature of the development of the capitalist
system in the modern era is the emergence of a complex of services. The
analysis was substantiated by considerable use of statistical data to identify
characteristics and drivers of change processes. Fuchs followed the lead of
Colin Clark (Clark 1957); ‘tertiarisation’ is the next stage of economic
development in industrialized countries. Fuchs hypothesized and elaborated
explanations of structural change in modern economies and the concomitant
employment growth in services.
The overall ‘service content’ of the economy grows, with a shift towards
higher skilled white collar employment in most industries, away from low- or
un-skilled blue collar employment. This is accompanied by an increase in
flexible, service-like production methods in several manufacturing industries,
the evolution of ‘post- Fordist’ production. As the structure of labor markets
and work relations have a strong Fordist heritage, there are strong
contingencies between the dominant modes of production organization on
the one hand and work organization and governance structures on the other.
Increased flexibility of work arrangements and dissolving barriers between
work and leisure, between education/training and knowledge and skill use
suggest new forms of work relations in several functions. These processes
could lead to increased externalization of service functions, and hence
contribute to increased service employment.
Demonstration:
The notion that global economic growth occurs in a series of long waves of
more or less than fifty-year duration is generally associated with the works of
the Russian economist N.D. Kondratiev in the 1920s, although he did not
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invent the idea. The same “model” of economic development appears in the
works of Schumpeter – the main drive of development is the technology that
is determining major changes at the level of production, management and
business organization.
Four complete K-waves were identified, with the implication that we are now
in the early stages of a fifth. Each wave lasts for approximately fifty years and
appears to be divided into four phases: prosperity, recession, depression,
recovery.
Each wave tends to be associated with particularly significant technological
changes around which other innovations – in production, distribution and
organization – cluster and spread through the economy.
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2. Solutions offered by the new paradigm: CONSEQUENCES
Services:
- provide linkages between the segments of production within a
production chain and linkages between overlapping production chains;
- bind together the spheres of production and circulation
- integrate and coordinate the atomized and globalized production
process
In the first case (A) – the entire production chain is performed within a
single firm, as a vertically integrated system; the links in the production chain
are a series of internalized transactions. Transactions are organized
hierarchically through the firm’s internal organizational structure (in-house).
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of contractors that perform almost all their specialized tasks. The main job of
the core company in buyer-driven commodity chains is to manage these
production and trade networks and make sure that all the pieces of the
business come together as an integrated hole. Profits in buyer-driven chains
thus derive not from scale economies and technological advances as in
producer-driven chains, but rather from unique combinations of high-value
research, design, sales, marketing, and financial services that allow buyers
and branded merchandisers to cat as strategic brokers in taking overseas
factories and traders with evolving product niches in their main consumer
markets.
From
Oligopolistic competition; transnational corporations based on FDI and
multiplant locations; competitive subcontracting on „arm’s length” basis or
vertical integration; increasing concentration, divisionalization and
hierarchical control; techno-structure in large corporations.
To
Networks of large and small firms based increasingly on computer networks
and close cooperation in technology, quality control, training, investment
planning and production planning. Downstream services become the main
source of competitive advantage and value-added in production.
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