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 Religious Fairs in the Ottoman Empire’s Habitation History:
Christian Feasts in Epiros and Albania as Urban Social Events
And Their Manifestations Displayed in Ecclesiastical Painting of the 16th-17th Century.

Dr. Konstantinos Giakoumis

UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK / TIRANA

Summary
The coupling of 16th-17th century historical and demographic evidence from Epiros and Albania presents a totally
different view of what consists the “urban” and what the “provincial” than what has hitherto been thought. In the light of
such findings this paper argues that Christian fairs previously considered being social events of a provincial character
need to be perceived as urban experiences. Festivities represented in 16th and 17th century ecclesiastical paintings along
with posterior accounts of western travellers can illuminate the character of those feasts.

“Dipalitsa, along with Messarea [Map 1], both consisting one and the same city, are the
capital of [Pogoniani‟s] region. This city thrived especially after the 14th century and, together with
its suburbs Avaritsa (Avaricë) and Hypsilotera and the two villages to the city‟s North, was
populated by 12,000 families and was home to 74 churches and 43 fountains. While Messarea was
inhabited by noblemen and land-holders, in Dipalitsa lived migrant merchants and workers, where
numerous tanneries existed”.1 According to the account‟s author I. Lampridis, “the development of
the city was owed to “the installation of high-rank civil authorities and a rumoured promotion of the
local Diocese to an Archdiocese, as well as to the establishment of a commercial – religious fair by
Andronicus III Palaeologus (1335-6). This trade-fair started on August 15 … and lasted … for about
a month and persisted … until 1792, when it moved to Ioannina … where it was still called
“Pogonian” trade-fair”.2 On this trade-fair‟s early history Emmanuel Becker records that it started in
the reign of Justinian I who sponsored the construction of a church at „Ypsili Petra‟ (modern Cepo)
to accommodate 12 sketes of Mount Dryinon granting them several gifts, among which a fair at
Pelakon, where it was held for 500 years before it was transferred to Dryinoupolis (Dropull) 3.
Lampridis further mentions that this trade-fair was transferred nearby the Molyvdoskepaston
Monastery in 1235-6.4 The trade-fair in question was very important in that it gathered people not
only from the nearby regions, but also from distant areas of Epiros and from as far as Europe; the
products were exhibited in a quarter situated half an hour off Dipalitsa,5 while, besides commercial
dealings, the trade-fair strengthened trading ties, intercultural relations and promoted migrating
tendencies, which became vitally important in the following centuries.
Travelling in the same region, François Pouqueville attended a similar religious fair at the
chapel of Prophet Elias in Delvinaki on May 15, 1806 [Map 1], at the feast of the Third Finding of
Saint John the Forerunner‟s Holy Head. Pouqueville was impressed by the common participation of
both farmers and stock-breeders. The dancing of the well-dressed young boys and girls and the
friendly and cheerful atmosphere reminded him of his compatriots in France, when that country
„lived in the purity of her gentle and cheerful customs‟. Traditional theatrical acts and marriage
customs (weddings often took place during festivals) stopped only with the coming of the following
day which summoned the people back to work. Pouqueville also writes that these ecclesiastical
festivals took place once or twice annually at each village and were always public and popular, while
often connected with trade and cattle fairs.6
Pertaining to two different time periods notwithstanding, both sources describe the most
important religious trade-fair of the same region. The first source, a 19th century account of a

1
Lampridis Io. (1993), part 7, p. 34; cited in Ziangos N. (1974), p. 290.
2
Lampridis Io. (1993), part 7, pp. 52-53; cited in Ziangos N. (1974), p. 290.
3
Immanuel Beccerus, Historia Politica et Patristica, p. 276; cited in Ziangos N. (1974), p. 290. I am not convinced of the historical
accuracy of this account.
4
Lampridis Io. (1993), part 7, pp. 52; cited in Ziangos N. (1974), p. 290.
5
Aravantinos P. (1856), v. 2, p. 138.
6
Pouqueville P. W. (1994), pp. 57-61 and note on pp. 73-74.
 thriving 14th-18th century trade-fair in Dipalitsa / Molyvdoskepaston, clearly indicates the existence
of a powerful middle class of merchants and artisans next to the civil nobility and the nearby
peasantry, thereby providing clear evidence of the subsistence of a late medieval urban centre7 in the
Epirote hinterland, in the Schlesinger‟s sense of existence of a market, trade, commerce, probably
walls and officials8. As is known, local and regional fairs, manifestations of a pre-modern economy,
„provided the organizational backbone to an emerging continental trading system‟ which functioned
as a node connecting local, regional and continental markets. Its preservation up to the 18 th century
indicates the need for specialized exchange fora in areas where „uplands and lowlands overlapped so
as to channel pastoral products from the mountains towards the grain-growing, urbanised plains at
minimal cost‟.9 Consequently, there is little doubt that the trade and cattle-fair held in Dipalitsa
should be considered as an urban event of a typically late medieval character. In contrast, the second
source, a first-hand account of an early 19th century fair, presents a seeming differentiation in the
fair‟s character: in his freedom to travel freely throughout Epiros with his diplomatic immunity,
Pouqueville must have chosen the most prominent festival of the region, whose abstractive
description showed that Pouqueville was unimpressed by the fair that traditionally accompanies such
religious festivities, thereby making his account virtually befitting a typical post-Byzantine,
provincial fair of a rustic character,10 of the type that can still be observed in various religious
festivals in Greece and Albania. As is evident, such diversities in the character of religious fairs of
the same region denote profound changes in the history of settled areas of the Epirote hinterland that
culminated in the 18th century with the development of urban centres known as such until today (e.g.
Ioannina, Gjirokastër, etc.).
Delving into the nebulous process of the “provincialization” of former late medieval urban
centres by the 18th century by applying quantitative sociological methods of historical enquiry, this
paper aims at showing that several of those highly-reputed late medieval religious trade and cattle
fairs described or not in later sources should be considered as urban socioeconomic events, contrary
to their character from the ends of the 18th century thereafter. The application of quantitative
sociological methods of historical enquiry through historical demography of the regions in question
in the 16th and 17th century was conditioned by the absence of solid archaeological, topographical
and historical evidence that can cast light on the history of the populated centres of the Epirote
hinterland. Historical demography data from the 16th and 17th century consists only one indicator of
the habitation types of those populated centres. In addition, taking advantage of pictorial evidence in
religious painting, I shall try to grope some of the manifestations of those fairs.

A. 16th and 17th Century Demographic History in Epiros / Albania: The case of Gjirokastër’s
City and Region.
„Disaster‟ theories advanced by early Greek historians, who describe the demographic situation
of the Greek provinces, were intended to show that the 16th century was a period of serious
demographic decline11. However, all of the available evidence leads one to the opposite view,

7
For the different uses of the term, see Schledermann H. (Oct. 1970), „The Idea of the Town: Typology, Definitions and Approaches
to the Study of the Medieval Town in Northern Europe‟, World Archaeology, v. 2/2, pp. 115-127.
8
Schlesinger W. (1963), „Über mitteleuropäischen Stadt‟, in Schlesinger W., Beiträge zur deuschen Verfassungsgeschichte,
Göttingen, v. 2, pp. 55-67.
9
For local, regional and continental fairs see the classic studies of S.R. Epstein (Aug. 1994), „Regional Fairs, Institutional Innovation,
and Economic Growth in Late Medieval Europe‟, The Economic History Review, v. 47/3, pp. 459-482 and Epstein, S. R. (2000),
Freedom & Growth : Markets & States in Pre-modern Europe, Florence, KY, USA: Routledge, pp. 73-88. It worth mentioning that in
today‟s city of Konitsa there is a tradition that links the fair, called “Pazaropoulo”, organized there at the end of September with the
one of Dipalitsa.
10
On the monastic festivals of Epiros and Albania see Gatsopoulos St (1960), „Ζ εκπνξνπαλήγπξηο ηεο Πωγωληαλήο‟, Ηπεηξσηηθή
Δζηία, v. 9, pp. 142-149, 220-228; Mammopoulos A. (1961), Ήπεηξνο, v. 1, Athens, pp. 20-27; Lambridis I. (1971), „Εαγνξηαθά‟, pp.
159-160; ibid. (1993), part 3, p. 57 and part 7, pp. 52-53; Gizelis Gr. (1975), „Ζπεηξωηηθαί ζξεζθεπηηθαί παλεγύξεηο‟, in Πξαθηηθά Α΄
Σπκπνζίνπ Λανγξαθίαο, Thessaloniki, pp. 21-33; Matsias Ch. (1985), Πσγώλη - Γεξόπνιε. Ήζε - Έζηκα - Τξαγνύδηα, Athens-Ioannina,
pp. 31-36; Vryonis S. (1988), pp. 135-137; Kamaroulias D. (1997), v. 1, pp. 109i-112.
11
See the critique by Machiel Kiel in Kiel M. (1991), pp. 430-431 and note 4 on p. 431. Occasionally, these stereotypical arguments
regarding the 16th century demographic situation are also subjected to variation by contemporary Greek scholars [Patrinelis Ch.
 namely that the 16th century was a period of intense demographic development. Studies by Braudel
have demonstrated that in the 16th century the population of the Mediterranean rose remarkably in a
few decades12. Following Braudel‟s conclusions, Barkan, who has examined the demographic
problems of the Ottoman Empire, reached the conclusion that the rise of population in the territory
of the Sublime Porte was even more impressive, particularly in the cities, whose urban population
increased at a higher rate than that of the rural population13. Population growth, facing the first signs
of the Ottoman crisis, did not continue at the same rate after the end of the 16th century14. This has
recently been confirmed by scholars who have examined specific case-studies from different
Ottoman provinces15.
Within the frame of this expansion Epiros and Albania were not exceptions. There, the
population rose not only in places today are considered to be cities16 [Appendix 1], but also in areas
today being province both as a whole [Appendix 2], and on a “village”-to-“village” basis
[Appendix 3]. This situation was not limited geographically, but extended equally from the
Albanian North17 to the Epirote South18.
It is evident that the city and the province of Gjirokastër was part of this demographic reality.
After experiencing a slight decrease in its number of households in 1506/07 (143 households from
163 in 1431/2, which may be partly due to the non-recording of certain population groups in the
census), the city of Gjirokastër in 1583 numbered 302 households and by the century‟s end 380
households [Appendix 4]. The population growth in Gjirokastër city coincided with a similar
demographic expansion in its province, which was generally recorded as a single demographic unit
(kaza of Gjirokastër) [Appendix 5] and specifically on a “village” for “village” basis [Appendix 6].
These sixteenth-century population rises are comparable with contemporary data from other regions
of Epiros and Albania [Appendix 719].
A further notable detail is the extraordinary rise in the nowadays considered as rural
population of Epiros and Albania. To cite but two examples: in 1583 Labovë e Madhe numbered 473
households and Goranxhi 172 households, whereas in 1431/32 they numbered 104 and 13 houses
respectively.20 Here it is apparent that, contrary to Barkan, the “rural” population in Epiros and
Albania increased at a greater pace than in the cities. What is impressive is that many of the places
today identified as villages saw such a rapid demographic development in the 16th century that their
populations could easily be compared with that of the administrative urban centres [Appendix 8].

(1992), „Ο Διιεληζκόο θαηά ηελ πξώηκε Τνπξθνθξαηία (1453-1600). Γεληθέο παξαηεξήζεηο θαη ζπζρεηηζκνί κε ηελ ηζηνξηθή εμέιημε
ηεο κεηαβπδαληηλήο ηέρλεο‟, Γειηίνλ ηεο Χξηζηηαληθήο Αξραηνινγηθήο Δηαηξείαο, v. 16, p. 36a].
12
Braudel P. (1993), pp. 397-400.
13
Barkan Ö. L. (1955), „Quelques observations sur l‟ organisation économique et sociale des villes ottomanes, des XVIe et XVIIe
siècles (Some comments on the economic and social organization of Ottoman cities during the 16th and 17th Centuries)‟, Recueil de
la Societé Jean Bodin, v. XVII, pp. 289-296; Barkan Ö. L. (1958), pp. 23-26; Barkan Ö. L. (1970), „Research on the Ottoman Fiscal
Surveys‟, in Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East from the Rise of Islam to the Present Day, London: M. A. Cook ed.,
pp. 167-170. See also Zachariadou E. (1996), pp. 110-111.
14
Zachariadou E. (1996), p. 111 and note 7.
15
Inalcik H. (1978), „Impact of the Annales School on Ottoman Studies and New Findings‟, Review, v. 1, pp. 74-75. For different
case-studies I could cite: for city populations see: Barkan Ö. L. (1958), table in p. 27]. For the province of Karahisar see: Acun P.
(1993), Ottoman Administration in the Sancak of Karahisar-i Sarki (1485-1569): An analysis based on tahrir defters, Ph.D. thesis
submitted at the Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, The University of Birmingham, Birmingham, pp. 284-
293. For the provinces of central Greece see: Kiel M. (1990) [1], pp. 403, 406, 408-409, 418-419, 421. For the provinces of the
Peloponnese see: Panagiotopoulos V. (1987), Πιεζπζκόο θαη Οηθηζκνί ηεο Πεινπνλλήζνπ: 13νο-18νο αηώλαο, reprint, Athens, pp. 111-
114. For the province of Preveza see: Komis K. (1999), pp. 44-46. For an opposing view on the existence of a demographic crisis in
the Ottoman Empire in the 17th century, see Todorova M.N. (1988), pp. 55-63.
16
Pulaha S. (1984), pp. 25b-27b; Pulaha S. (1989), p. 47.
17
See, for example, the case of the rise of population in the districts of the sancak of Dukagjin in the 16th century, in Pulaha S. (1973),
„Krahinat e sanxhakut të Dukagjinit gjatë shekullit XVI (Les contrées du sancak de Dukagjine durant le XVIe siècle)‟, Studime
Historike, v. 3, p. 13.
18
See for example, the development of the population on a per village basis in the district of Delvinë in 1583 [Buhara V. (1992/1993)]
compared with the population of the same district in 1431/32 [Inalcik H. (1954), pp. 3-4]. See also Giakoumis K. (2002), [Appendix I,
maps 10-11, pp. 501-502.
19
Cf. Giakoumis K. (2002), v. 2, Appendix I, maps 10-11, pp. 501-502.
20
Ibid., Appendix I, pp. 508-509, 514.
 For example, in 1583, Poliçan numbered 325 households, Kamenicë 550, Finiq 359, Voskopojë 330,
Vithkuq 478, Grammos 326 and Aydonat 669. By comparison, at the end of 16th century the city of
Gjirokastër had only 302 taxable households, Delvinë 204, Berat 1.094 and Vlorë 878 [Appendix 8].
We have therefore in our disposal evidence that shows a different report between the “city” and the
“province” than what appears to be today, thereby obliging us to consider a number of additional
urban centres nowadays deserted (e.g. Kamenicë) or diminished to the status of villages (e.g.
Voskopojë, Vithkuq) next to the better-known administrative urban centres.
This situation, also to be observed on a far smaller scale in the demography of the same
regions in the 15th century, was falsely attributed to the destruction of cities brought about by the
Ottoman conquest. As historians have already noted21, the rate of demographic development in the
regions of Epiros and Albania (31.8% after Pulaha22) was less than the average rate of population
increase in the provinces of the Empire (60% after Barkan 23). Even though both rates seem fictitious
and methodologically problematic, the general conclusion that population growth in Epiros and
Albania moved at a slower pace than in the rest of the Empire must be accurate24. F. Braudel aptly
notes that “the demographic increase constitutes successively a power and an impediment, a factor
of both stability and instability”25. Epiros and Albania did not meet the necessary requirements to
develop large urban centres. Therefore, when in the 16th century these regions reached the limits of
their demographic capacity, pressure on the population resulted and this, in the regions of Epiros and
Albania, was expressed through extensive emigration and recruitment into the Ottoman armies by
way of devşirme. Moreover, the growth of the city and province of Gjirokastër contributed to its
financial prosperity and, in turn, to artistic prosperity.
The abundance of published sources on 16th-century population changes is largely due to the
enthusiasm of Turkish scholars on the occasion of the „golden‟ century of the Ottoman Empire.
Consequently, one has to consider the distortions caused by modern „nationalist‟ interpretations of
Turkish and Greek early historians with respect to the 16th century. With the advent of the 17 th
century, however, enthusiasm lapses. As a consequence, only recently have the relevant Ottoman
registers in Turkey been accessible to scholars at large and there is a corresponding diminution of
evidence. But in the case of Albania, there is available some evidence concerning 17th-century
population numbers from different districts, thanks to the research of Petrika Thëngjilli26.
The only piece of demographic information for 17th-century Gjirokastër city, however, is the
account of Evliya Çelebi, the Ottoman traveller who in 1670/71 visited Gjirokastër and mentions
some 2,000 households, of which 200 belong to Christians [Appendix 4]. This figure, of course,
cannot reasonably be accepted as accurate since it comes not from an official source but from an
itinerant traveller who depended on information from local guides. Yet, it may not be far off the
mark since data from the end of the 18th century [Appendix 4] shows a figure only slightly higher.
Assuming a count of 2,000 as a working number, this would be an impressive increase from the 380
of the 16th century.
The assumption, however, is deceptive since the number of households over the entire
province of Gjirokastër (kaza) shows a dramatic decrease in population. Whereas, in 1583, the kaza
of Gjirokastër numbered 5,227 households, by 1668/69 this number had been reduced to 910. This
may partly be explained by possible changes in the borders of the kaza, or by the different
understanding of the household (hane)27, but it cannot be denied that depopulation in the kaza of

21
Pulaha S. (1989) [1], pp. 48-49.
22
Ibid.
23
Barkan Ö. L. (1958), p. 27.
24
The size of the cities in Epiros and Albania (400-1600 households) [Pulaha S. (1989) [1], pp. 48-49] was well below that of an
average city in the Empire and nowhere near the size of major cities (2.000-5.000 households) such as Thessaloniki, Serajevo, Sofia,
etc. [For the size of the Empire‟s major cities in different periods, see Barkan Ö. L. (1958), p. 27].
25
Braudel P. (1993), v. 1 (Ο ξόινο ηνπ πεξηγύξνπ), p. 400.
26
Thëngjilli P. (1990). While mentioning the location of his sources, the author does not identify their kind. It seems, however, that
his data come from cizye and avariz defters.
27
It is worth noticing that these figures represent avariz hanes. For the differences between “household” as a fiscal unit and household
in a literal meaning, see Ursinus M. (1980), „Avariz hanesi und tevzi hanesi in der Lokalverwaltung des kaza Manastir (Bitola) im 17.
Jh.‟, Prilozi za Orientalni Filologiju, v. 30, pp. 481-493.
 Gjirokastër continued throughout the remainder of the 17th century. In 1682 the district numbered
710 households; it was reduced to 204.5 in 1686 and to 188.33 in 1700 [Appendix 5]. Could this be
seen as a demographic catastrophe?
The answer to this question needs to be sought in the apparent population decrease in the kaza
of Gjirokastër. Thëngjilli‟s figures28 probably represent only the Christian population of the kaza. If
accurate, one could account for the dramatic decline of the Christian population chiefly by
Islamizations, but not a general demographic crisis over the entire region. It has also been suggested
that deteriorating conditions in the villages, together with the conversions to Islam, led to mass
emigrations from the periphery of Gjirokastër to the city29. This suggestion can be reinforced by
comparing the population figures for Gjirokastër city (cited by Evliya Çelebi) with those of the
Gjirokastër kaza [Appendices 4-5, respectively]. Moreover, as in the case of the deserted village of
Siarates, the 17th century marks some mobility towards other districts of the empire30.
Irrespective of any particular reasons for Gjirokastër‟s decrease in population, this is a
phenomenon that draws interesting analogies with wider demographic phenomena in the period.
Bruce McGowan, in his pioneering work on Ottoman economic history in the 18th century31, makes
extensive use of cizye muhasebes from after the 1691 reform and compares their demographic data
with the aggregates of the 15th-16th century Christian populations as calculated by Ö. L. Barkan, N.
Todorov and F. Braudel. He concludes that a veritable demographic catastrophe must have taken
place in the 17th century. In spite of methodological problems in calculating the actual rate of this
disaster32, Machiel Kiel33 also emphasises that the 17th century was indeed a period of remarkable
demographic decline throughout Europe34.
This decline was the result of a structural overpopulation in the 16th century which created the
preconditions for some kind of demographic readjustment. Other problems ensued, such as the
universally-felt financial crisis, high prices and inflation. The British historical demographers E.
Wrighley and R. Scofield conclude that “population growth unaccompanied by economic expansion
pushes the age of marriage hither”35. While there are no figures for the number of children per
household for greater Gjirokastër in the 17th century, there is evidence from other provinces of the
Empire and from Europe in general indicating that the age of marriage rose thereby causing a lower
birth rate and fewer children per household36. In some countries, such as England, particular efforts
were made in order to prevent a high birth rate, including preventive stipulations on marriages, i.e.
impediments, limitations, etc.37 Finally, in certain European countries, crude measures of family
planning (late marriage, abortion, infanticide) were also applied38, for which there is no evidence in
the Ottoman Empire.

28
Thëngjilli P. (1990), p. 130. For a discussion of the difference between „„household‟‟ as a fiscal unit and household in a more literal
sense, see Ursinus M. (1980), „Avariz Hanesi und Tevzi Hanesi in der Lokalverwaltung des Kaza Manastir (Bitola) im 17. Jh.‟, Prilozi
za Orientalni Filologiju, v. 30, pp. 481-493.
29
Kiel M. (1990), pp. 139-140, who does not cite references. The same author further suggests that emigration to the city led to
Islamization, implying that emigration preceded conversion. However, as already stated, it is my belief that emigration to Gjirokastër
city was either preceded by or simultaneous with Islamization. [See, for example, Gjakumis K. (2001), „Paraqitija e parë në ikonografi
e dëshmorit të ri Nikollës nga Mecova: tregues të orientimit ideologjik të pikturës në zonën e Gjirokastrës (1634-1653)‟, Tempulli:
Revistë Periodike Kulturore, v. 3, p. 53].
30
See, a) the case of the village of Stërstan (Elbasan district), whose inhabitants had departed to settle in the village of Bujara in the
kaza of Shpat. They were ordered to return to their village in 1606 and 1636 but as late as 1715 had not done so [Thëngjilli P. (1990),
p. 39]; and b) the case of Mallakastër, in which in an aggregate of 234 registered hane only 87.5 had actually remained in their
villages by 27 October 1677 [op. cit., pp. 117-118].
31
McGowan Bruce (1981).
32
For opposing views to the theory of a demographic crisis in the 17th century, see Todorova M. (1988).
33
Kiel M. (1990) [2], pp. 77-86.
34
See, for example, Mols R. (1974), „Population in Europe 1500-1700. Two centuries of demographic evolution‟, in Cipolla C. [ed.]
(1974), The Fontana Economic History of Europe, Glasgow, pp. 15-82.
35
Wrighley E. - Scofield R. S., The population of England, Cambridge cited in Kiel M. (1990) [2], p. 79.
36
Kiel M. (1990) [2], p. 79. This information specifically refers to Bulgaria and Europe at large.
37
Herlihy D. (1985), Medieval households. Studies in cultural history, Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, pp. 144-145.
38
Kiel M. (1990) [2], p. 79. For infanticide in general and in the 17 th century in particular, see: Pien M. W. (1978), Infanticide, New
York; Wrightson K. (1982), „Infanticide in European History‟, Criminal Justice History, v. 3, pp. 1-20.
 There is a growing literature regarding the change of climatic conditions as a factor of
demographic decline, which in its turn was a reflection of a general crisis in the 17th century. The
sinking of the average global temperature39 caused a diminution in harvests and an increase in the
prices of food provisions40. As a consequence the peasants rioted, fled or starved to death41. The
political and military history of the world was seldom more violent than in the 17th century. Many
historians have linked this violence with the deteriorating climatic conditions, the bad harvests and
the consequent famines42. Considerable evidence for these adverse climatic conditions have been
amassed by historians of the period, such as: cherry-trees in the imperial gardens of Japan that
blossomed weeks later than usual and delayed wine harvests in France. Dendro-chronological
research in the Balkans has uncovered serious disturbances in tree growth, especially during the first
decades of the 17th century. From the Balkans we know that in 1595 Prince Michael the Brave of
Walachia with his army passed over the frozen Danube River into Bulgaria and in the first half of the
17th century the Ottoman scholar Katib Çelebi noted that the Bosporus was frozen and people could
walk from Istanbul to Üsküdar on the Asian shore43.
Similar evidence can be traced in Greek lands, as well as in regions of Epiros and Albania. In
1616 very severe weather lashed against Crete and destroyed the trees. According to a marginal note
in a manuscript, the people suffered from starvation44. Another rubric in MS 240 of the Monastery of
Leimonos on Lesbos refers to the outbreak of a great famine that burst out in the „world‟ in 1621,
and many died of starvation45. Further evidence exists for Epiros. In 1607, the lake of Ioannina
(Pamvotis) had frozen to such a degree that the people could walk on it without fear. An even
harsher freeze occurred in 1687 and again in 1700, the former being so extreme that it lasted for
three months and inspired the writing of a piece in verse46. In 1684/85 there was such a severe flood
in Ioannina that the water not only covered the lower lands and the houses close to the lake but also
reached to the height of the metropolitan church of Saint Athanasios, that is, 18 feet above the
normal lake level47. In the area of Dropull a severe and unusual hail storm destroyed the crops in
1625 resulting in a rampant rise in prices48, while in 1640 and 1702 severe famines covered the same
region49. Furthermore, we know from secondary literature that the difficult conditions created by the
freeze of the 17th century, the bad harvests, the rise of food prices and the decrease in population
forced some inhabitants in Dropull to flee, as did a large number of families from the village of
Siarates, who went to Plovdiv (Philippoupolis), Bulgaria50. Finally, one may note that in the houses
of Dropull and Gjirokastër from the 17th century special measures were taken against moisture51.

39
The 17th century was called „the little Ice Age‟, see Eddy J. (1977), „The Case of the Missing Sunspots‟, Scientific American, v. , pp.
80-92; Griswold W. J., The Little Ice Age: Its Effects on Ottoman History, 1585-1625, Colorado, unpublished, cited in Kiel M. (1990)
[2], p. 79, note 24. For a general overview of the relevant literature, see initially Kiel M. (1990), pp. 78-79 and notes 22-24.
40
Kiel M. (1990), p. 78.
41
Kiel M. (1990) [2], p. 78.
42
The Celâlî revolts and rural violence in Anatolia (1595-1620) have been linked with climatic change [Griswold W. J., The Little Ice
Age: Its Effects on Ottoman History, 1585-1625, Colorado, unpublished, cited in Kiel M. (1990) [2], pp. 78-79 and note 24 in p. 79].
Furthermore, the so-called Tarnovo Uprising has also been linked with climatic change [Kiel M. (1990) [2], p. 79]. Perhaps, it is
possible to consider adverse climatic change as one of the causes of several uprisings with clear economic motives which broke out in
Albania in the 17th century.
43
For all these evidence see Kiel M. (1990) [2], p. 78.
44
Lambros S. [ed.] (1902), Ecthesis Chronica and Chronicon Athenarum, London, p. 16, verses 165-169, 170-172.
45
op. cit., p. 45, verses 59-60.
46
On these climatic phenomena, see Aravantinos P. (1856), v. 2, pp. 223, 225. On the 1687 and 1700 freezes (the former with its
verse), see Karpozilos A. (1984), „Γύν Σηηρνπξγήκαηα ηνπ 17νπ αηώλα γηα ηελ Πόιε ηωλ Ηωαλλίλωλ‟, Ηπεηξσηηθά Χξνληθά, v. 26, pp.
79-116.
47
Aravantinos P. (1856), v. 2, p. 224.
48
Papadopoulos N. (1976), p. 35. In order to evaluate this information in context, it is worth mentioning that these famines, which are
noted commemoratively in manuscripts, were again referred to only two occasions: once in 1764 and once in 1810 [Papadopoulos N.
(1976), p. 35].
49
For the hail-fall, see op. cit., p. 25, while for the famine of 1640, see op. cit., p. 37 and for the famine of 1702, see: op. cit., p. 37.
50
N. Mystakidis writes [Mystakidis N. (30.11.1906), „Γξπϊλνππνιηηηθά. Πεξί ηνπ παξά ηελ Γξόπνιηλ αξραίνπ ρωξίνπ Σηαξαηίνπ‟,
Πύξξνο, No. 188, Athens, p. 1; republished in Η Γξόπνιηο Βνξείνπ Ηπείξνπ, v. 2, Athens, p. 129; cf. Papadopoulos N. (1976), pp. 31-
32] that he heard from travellers coming from Plovdiv that drovers from Dropull once went to their city where they were forced to
spend a night in one of its villages. They noticed that the local inhabitants sang and spoke just as they did and questioned them if they
 Adverse demographic conditions of the 17th century in Epiros and Albania were further
intensified by several epidemics that burst out in these provinces. In 1667 it was recorded that the
city of Ioannina was infected by pestilence52, while in Dropull and the city of Gjirokastër the same
disease appeared three times (1604, 1642, 1670)53. In general, plagues were rather common in the
17th century as a result of cold weather54; their consequences must have been terrible for the
population, as may be derived from the description of another epidemic in 1814 by François
Pouqueville55. However, similar pestilences in the 16th 56, 18th (1742)57 and 19th century (1814)58 did
not seem to have affected the demography as much in these regions as a whole as they did in the 17th
century. This investigation into the adverse demographic conditions of the 17th century in the regions
of Dropull and Gjirokastër indicate strongly that the fate of the local population as a whole was
similar to those in other parts of the world owing to both local and global hostile circumstances.
There is little doubt that numbers overall were depleted.
While the evidence presented above show an overall demographic fragility of the areas of
Epiros and Albania in the 17th century, it is inaccurate to assume that the „provincialization‟ of
former late medieval urban centres must have been completed by the end of the 17 th century. The
relatively better-known cases of a number of Vlach-inhabited hamlets, such as Linotopi and
Grammos, which flourished from the 16th to the 18th century, as also testified by their artistic
activity,59 indicate a far more complex process. While Linotopi‟s social, economic and culture thrive
is confirmed as late as the first quarter of the 18th century by the existence of a school,60 its fall
should be dated at the same time with that of Voskopojë (Moschopolis), where the change of

knew anything about their origin. The response was that their grandfathers had come from a village in Epiros called „Siarates‟ where
they had experienced hardship. Then the merchants from Dropull asked insistently whether they remembered any traditions regarding
Siarates. The villagers answered that Siarates was a great village, close to a bigger one with a market called Zervat; moreover, above
Siarates there was a monastery dedicated to the Prophet Elias; it owned 10-15 houses in the village where the families of the
monastery‟s tillers lived. They further recalled that there was also another village in that region called Prokokki or Pyrokoki.
According to a document dated Hijra 1033 (1623/24), a sentence was issued against a certain corn-dealer named Dedo Nikas
from Jorgucat. He had signed as a guarantor for two other corn-dealers, the sons of a priest from Siarates who disappeared without
fulfilling obligations. The guarantor was therefore summoned to pay the sum of 9,000 akçe. In another Ottoman document dated in the
month Rajab of the Hijra year 1009 (January-February 1601) a certain Christian named Quka Knipa from the village Siarates
possessed a field on the site Mursa. At one side was another field belonging to a certain George Meksi; at another was a public road;
and at the other two sides, the church of the Prophet Elias. Quka Knipa sold his field to the church of the Virgin at the said village for
2,000 akçe [both documents are mentioned in Giovannis G. (1928), p. 45 and were republished in: Giovannis G. (1980), „Τα ρωξηά
Σηαξάηη θαη Μνπξλνπθόθη‟, in Η Γξόπνιηο Βνξείνπ Ηπείξνπ, v. 2, Athens, p. 130. The conversion of the Hijra dates was false; those
given in this note were corrected by me]. In the 19 th century the memory of the emmigrants from Epiros and Albania was still alive;
see Lory B. (1992/94), pp. 97-100.
51
On the measures of the houses in Dropull against moisture, see Kamberi Th. (1976), „Vendbanimet dhe banesat fshatare në
Dropullin e poshtëm (Agglomérations et habitations dans le bas Dropull)‟, Monumentet, v. 12, pp. 173a-180 (tab. I-IV); French
synopsis in pp. 181-182; for the measures of the houses in Gjirokastër against moisture, see Papanikolla I. (1982), „Masat kundër
lagështirës në banesën gjirokastrite (Les mesures prises contre l‟ humidité dans l‟ habitation de Gjirokastra)‟, Monumentet, v. 2, pp.
103-116; French synopsis in pp. 117-118.
52
Aravantinos P. (1856), v. 2, p. 224.
53
On the pestilence disease in Dropull and Gjirokastër in the 17th century, see Papadopoulos N. (1970), Η Γνύβηαλε ηεο Γξνπόιεσο
Βνξείνπ Ηπείξνπ, Athens, p. 37 and Papadopoulos N. (1976), p. 34.
54
I shall limit my references to the regions of Epiros and the Ionian islands citing four known plagues in the regions of Arta and
Preveza (in 1622, 1623, 1642 and 1643) [Komis K. (1999), p. 43] and four in the island of Leucas, in 1644 (with 2.000 casualties),
1673, 1674 and in 1682 [Kostis K. (1995), Σηνλ θαηξό ηεο παλώιεο. Δηθόλεο από ηηο θνηλσλίεο ηεο ειιεληθήο ρεξζνλήζνπ, 14 νο-19νο
αηώλαο, Herakleion, 369, 371].
55
Pouqueville P. (1994), p. 30.
56
As far as we know, the regions of Arta and Preveza were twice attacked by pestilence, in 1522 and in 1524 [Komis K. (1999), p.
43], while, according to a note on fol. 104v of the Codex Parisinus Graecus 938, the city of Ioannina was heavily affected by the
epidemic which in 1533 attacked other provinces of the Mediterranean, such as Crete, Rhodes, Corfu, Zante, as well as Arta [Lambros
S. (1932), Βξαρέα Χξνληθά, edited by K. Amantos, Athens, p. 52, verses 218-220].
57
Papadopoulos N. (1976), p. 34.
58
Pouqueville P. (1994), p. 30.
59
Jakumis K. (2003), „Veprimtaria e Piktorëve nga Linotopi në Viset e Kishës Orthodhokse të Shqipërisë‟, in Thomo P. – Bushaka G.
[eds.] (1993), 2000 Vjet Art dhe Kulturë Kishtare në Shqipëri, pp. 209-234 (209 and tables 1-2 on pp. 228-229).
60
Zisiou K. G. (1915), Γηδάζθαινη ηνπ Γέλνπο, Athens, p. 35; Evangelidis Tr. (1930), Η Παηδεία επί Τνπξθνθξαηίαο (Διιεληθά Σρνιεία
από ηεο Αιώζεσο κέρξη Καπνδηζηξίνπ), v. 1, Athens, p. 131.
 commercial routes towards the second half of the 18th century and the aggression of Islamized
groups led the city to gradual decline especially following its major destruction in 1769.61 The
inhabitants of those places now diminished to the status of a village evacuated them seeking refuge
in cities or in other settlements. In 1886 Linotopi was inhabited only by a few Muslims, while in the
beginning of the 20th century it had already been completely deserted.62
As an indication of recognition of the importance of such religious fairs for revenue-raising
purposes, on such occasions sultans granted a special berat obliging the pilgrims to pay a resm-i
panayir, a religious tax for the rural market or fair63.
In conclusion, the current paucity of accurate archaeological, topographical and historical
evidence makes it impossible to determine with precision which of the multitude of the fairs in
Epiros and Albania could be considered as urban social experiences in a late medieval-early modern
context, but in later times either shrink to provincial events or disappear. Yet, judging from the
overall picture of the herein-presented demographic evidence, this process is confirmed at least for
some cases.

B. Manifestations of Religious Fairs in Ecclesiastical Painting.

Churches and monasteries provided an environment where people could profit from diverse
forms of social and recreational activities, which fulfilled corresponding needs. Spiritual needs and
to some degree intellectual needs were satisfied with sacerdotal acts and features of ecclesiastical
life, such as preaching and readings from the Bible or from saints‟ vitae. Moreover, the ecclesiastical
services varied in their expressions throughout the Orthodox calendar year, offered a spiritual refuge
to the faithful of a kind whose profundity can hardly be compared with any of today‟s majestic
liturgies64. Emotional needs were satisfied by popular folk songs, theatrical acts, local dances, etc.
while the monasteries with their feasts and fasts provided inspiring moments of recollection.
Church festivals, more or less the standard and sole cultural activity of the urban and
provincial population, had many social and economic aspects: they were not only religious feasts,
but also local assemblies (since most of the emigrants repatriated for the occasion), displays,
monkey-parades, public spectacles and commercial dealings. The most famous monastic festivals in
Epiros and Albania were those at the monasteries of the Holy Trinity, Pepel (29 May), St. Nikolaos
or Cepo (20 May), the Prophet Elias, Stegopul (20 July), the Dormition of the Virgin or Soronia (15
August), Molyvdoskepasto (15 August), Paliouri, Makryalexi and a number of other monasteries.
The host would provide food, wine and lodging to the pilgrims in especially prepared rooms, while
the celebrations and dance took place in defined areas inside or outside the monastery courtyard65.
Any given image not only constructs or reconstructs visually the biblical past, but also
envisages links between this past and the period‟s present. Ecclesiastical painting of the 16th and 17th
century provides evidence on various manifestations of the fairs in question in secondary details, for
which no precise templates had been made. Since at the time when these paintings were made there
was no living eye-witness memory of the biblical events in which such manifestations were
incorporated, while no written account of them records minutiae details, such as how the Temple of
Solomon‟ bazaar looked when Christ expelled the merchants from it, the rendering of such details
relied on the initiative of the artist or its patron. As will be shown, several displays of such trade and
cattle fairs can be seen in subjects like the Expulsion of Merchants from the Temple of Solomon, the

61
Steriopoulos K. (1937), Παξαηεξήζεηο εηο ηελ λεσηέξαλ γεσγξαθίαλ ηεο Ηπείξνπ, λέαο νξνζεηηθήο γξακκήο Θεζζαιίαο, Athens, p.
35; Vakalopoulos A. (1973), Ιζηνξία ηνπ Νένπ Διιεληζκνύ, v. 4, p. 385-386; Zamputi I. - Naçi S. - Shkodra Z. (1961), Burime të
zgjedhura për historinë e Shqipërisë: Shqipëria nën sundimin feudal-ushtarak otoman (1506-1839), v. III, Tiranë, p. 219; Vranousis
L. - Sphyroeras (1997), „Οξγάλωζε ηεο ηνπξθηθήο δηνηθήζεωο θαη θνξνινγία‟, in Sakellariou M. V. [ed.] (1997), Ήπεηξνο. 4000
ρξόληα ειιεληθήο ηζηνξίαο θαη πνιηηηζκνύ, Athens, p. 260b; Tritos M. (1999), „Ζ Μνζρόπνιε ηνπ ρζεο θαη ηνπ ζήκεξα‟, Ηπεηξσηηθό
Ηκεξνιόγην, v. 19, pp. 218-222.
62
Tourta A. (1991), p. 42.
63
See: Kabrda J. (1969), Le système fiscal de l’ église orthodoxe dans l’ Empire Ottoman (d’ après les documents turcs), Brno, pp. 79-
80; Inalcik H. (1991), „The status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch under the Ottomans‟, Turcica, v. XXI-XXIII, p. 425.
64
Loukatos D. (19924), Δηζαγσγή ζηελ Διιεληθή Λανγξαθία, Athens, pp. 198-199.
65
Giakoumis K. (2002), pp. 327-328.
 Multiplication of Bread and others, displays of the festivities accompanying such religious fairs can
be viewed in scenes like the Lauds and the Mocking of Christ, while displays of banquets that could
also be associated with such festivities are observable in themes like the Last Supper, The
Hospitality of Abraham, the Marriage at Kana and the Parable of Royal Marriages. In these subjects,
local elements of daily life, also used in contemporary fairs, were utilized as models, since minutiae
copying of templates from previous models must have been deemed to be unnecessarily time-
consuming and, therefore, no time-effective by experienced master painters.
The representations of the Lauds [fig. 1-2] and of the Mocking of Christ [fig. 3-4] are among
the most popular and characteristic subjects in 16th and 17th century ecclesiastical painting in Epiros
and Albania and display musical performances taking place in such fairs. The pictorial
representation of the Lauds [fig. 1-2] renders Psalms 148, 149 and 150, the earliest depictions of
which date from the 5th-6th century. The subject is widely seen in post-Byzantine painting66. Two of
its elements provided opportunities for the painters to develop their personal talents and skills in
portraying scenes inspired by major social events in the spirit of “Let Israel rejoice in him” [Ps.
149:1-2]: first, the dance of the maidens [fig. 5],67 and secondly, the band of musicians [fig. 3-4].68
Seventeenth century works as in the catholica of the monasteries at Jorgucat and Çatishtë, or in other
works of master-painter Michael from Linotopi (such as the Churches of Saint Nikolaos at Vitsa or
Saint Menas at Monodendri69) drew models from the Monastery of Philanthropenon on Ioannina
island by Frangos Kondaris70. One notes with interest that representations of this subject in other
churches of the same region71, where feasts, ceremonies and marriages are celebrated in a rather
similar way, the iconography remains unaltered with elements that can still be seen today in that
region, such as the garments and kerchiefs of the dancing women. While some of the musical
instruments identified in the Lauds [fig. 1-2] can be associated precisely with the Psalmist text
(psaltery), on occasion adjusted to well-known forms in the region (trumpets), other instruments
traditionally used in the Balkans fit into the more vague passages (a lute for the Psalmist concept
„stringed instruments‟ and a tambour for a „sounding cymbal‟).
More dancing figures and instruments can be viewed in the „Mocking of Christ‟ [fig. 3-4],
taken from Matthew‟s account72. Here, Christ takes up a central position, defining the vertical axis of
the picture. He is represented frontally, wearing a sleeved robe and a garment. Barefoot, he bears the
crown of thorns on His head and holds a reed in His right hand. The Jews, who deride Him, are at
His side and behind, where there is a building with a gable that sets the scene of the Mockery: the
palace of Pilate. Christ, calm and meek, has an expression of stoicism, while six musicians divided
into two groups of three are at His sides playing the davul (Alb. daull), the lahut, the laut (Alb.
llaut), the lyra (Alb. zumarjë) and two zurna (Alb. llullak)73, the last of which cross above His head.
Before the figure of Christ, two young men bend their bodies as if bowing to Him, while at the lower
sides of the picture two figures are dancing. The appearance of dancers (not mentioned in the

66
This subject is being studied by Parcharidou M. (2001), Η απεηθόληζε ησλ Αίλσλ ζηε κλεκεηαθή δσγξαθηθή ηεο κεηαβπδαληηλήο
πεξηόδνπ (1453-1700), Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of History and Archaeology at the University of Thessaloniki,
Thessaloniki. For the earliest representations of Lauds and a brief survey of their evolution, see the more accessible study: Parcharidou
M. (1998), Ζ απεηθόληζε ηωλ Αίλωλ ζηε κνλή ηεο Κνζίληηζαο (ή Δηθνζηθνίληζζαο), in Η Γξάκα θαη ε πεξηνρή ηεο: Ιζηνξία θαη
Πνιηηηζκόο. Β΄ Δπηζηεκνληθή Σπλάληεζε, Γξάκα 18-22 Μαΐνπ 1994, v. 1, Drama: Municipality of Drama Ed., p. 312 and note 10
(where the author suggests that the first representation of the subject, which dates from the 6th century, is in the triclinium of the
bishop Neon. The same author on p. 316, however, changes her chronology to the 5 th century), pp. 316-318 and notes 21-47.
67
Let them praise his name in the dance [Ps. 149:3] and the entire Psalm 150.
68
Let them sing praises unto him with the timbrel and harp [Ps. 149:3].
69
Tourta A. (1991), p. 132 and ill. 18-19, 74a-b.
70
The subject of Lauds lies in the western exonarthex of the catholicon: Acheimastou - Potamianou M. (1983), p. 40 and Acheimastou
- Potamianou M. (1993), p. 26 and ill. 189-195 and 197-200.
71
Lauds was also represented in the narthex of the Monastery at Jorguçat, in the nave of the Monastery at Vanishtë, in the Church of
Saint Nikolaos at Saraqinishtë and in the nave of the Monastery of Spelaio.
72
Mt. 27:24-31.
73
For the identification, photographs and the nature of these instruments from a musicological point of view see: Sokoli R. - Miso P.
(1991), Veglat muzikore të popullit shqiptar, Tiranë: Akademia e Shkencave - Instituti i Kulturës Popullore, pp. 73b-81b and 290b-
292b (daull), 89a-b (llullak), 117a-121 (zumarjë), 195a-212b (llaut) and 212b-223a (lahut).
 Gospels) is not unknown in middle74, late Byzantine75 and early Post-Byzantine Art76 in the Balkans.
One detail, the kerchief held in the hands of both dancers, is found in churches throughout the
Balkans and was painted or influenced by the workshop of Kastoria 77. These dancing figures bear
similarities with the knight executioners in the monumental art of certain anti-unionist circles, such
as the Monastery of Philanthropenon on the island of Ioannina [fig. 3],78 yet, they may well be
figures from local dances. In the churches of Saint Nikolaos at Vitsa and Saint Menas at
Monodendri, both painted by master-painter Michael in the 17th century, the same subject79 is
closely connected with the Betrayal of Judas. By way of variation, perhaps due to the lack of space,
the musicians are limited to four. The bent trumpets try to imitate the western instruments seen at the
Monasteries of Philanthropenon80 and Eleousa81 on Ioannina island. The detail of the dancers is
missing there.
A good indication of how trade fairs and banquets associated with them must have looked like
in the 16th century is provided by the scene of the Expulsion of Merchants from Solomon‟s Temple
[fig. 6], the Marriage at Kana [fig. 7] and the Multiplication of Bread [fig. 8] in naos‟ northern wall
of the catholicon of Philanthropenon Monastery on the Isle of Ioannina. Exhibiting stalls and stock
for sale in the first subject [fig. 6] indicate a remarkable continuity of such fairs until our days. Jars
for storing liquids, as appearing in the Marriage at Kana [fig. 7] and baskets containing dry foodstuff
displayed in the Multiplication of Bread [fig. 8] also fit a fair‟s setting. Last but not least, banquets
associated with religious fairs are displayed in scenes like the Marriage at Kana [fig. 7], the Last
Supper [fig. 9], the Hospitality of Abraham [fig. 10], the Parable of Royal Marriages [fig. 11] and,
on occasion, other subjects like the Nativity of the Mother of God [fig. 12].
As is evident, the study of ecclesiastical painting can cast light to various aspects of daily life
rendered in several scenes‟ secondary details, which time constraints and the lack of precise textual
references allowed artists to record manifestations of daily life in their paintings. Displays of fairs in
16th and 17th century ecclesiastical painting in Epiros and Albania are good indications of this.

In this paper I attempted to couple 16th and 17th century historical and demographic evidence
from Epiros and Albania in order to present a totally different view of what consists the “urban” and
the “provincial” setting in these centuries in contrast to what has hitherto been thought. In the light
of such findings this paper argued that some Christian fairs previously considered being social
events of a provincial character need to be perceived as urban experiences. Festivities represented in
16th and 17th century ecclesiastical paintings along with posterior accounts of western travellers can
display several manifestations of those feasts.

74
The earliest example, so far as I know, dates to the 12 th century and comes from the Gospel Lectionary in the Laurentine Library
[Velmans T. (1971), Le Tétraévangile de la Laurentienne, Paris, ill. 29.118].
75
One could cite as examples the dancers in Nagoricino [Frolow A. - Grabar A. (1954), La peinture murale du Moyen Age en
Yugoslavie (Serbie, Macédoine et Montenegro), Paris, ill. 88.2], in Zemen [Grabar A. (1928), La peinture religieuse en Bulgarie,
texte-album, Paris, p. 191] and at Lesnovo [Millet G. - Velmans T. (1969), La peinture du Moyen Age en Yugoslavie, Fasc. IV, Paris,
ill. 15.32].
76
See the Church of Saint Nikolaos Magaliou at Kastoria (15 th century) [Pelekanidis St. (1953), Καζηνξηά: Βπδαληηλαί ηνηρνγξαθίαη,
Thessaloniki, ill. 168a].
77
For example, in the Church of Saint Nikolaos Magaliou at Kastoria (15 th century) [Pelekanidis St. (1953), Καζηνξηά: Βπδαληηλαί
ηνηρνγξαθίαη, Thessaloniki, ill. 168a] as well as in a number of 16th-century church monuments in Bulgaria, such as Poganovo
[Grabar A. (1928), La peinture religieuse en Bulgarie, texte-album, Paris, ill. XVIII]; from Romania there is an example in Varta
Moldoviţei [Henry P. (1930), Les églises de la Moldavie du Nord, texte-album, Paris, ill. XXIII.1] and in Dobrovaţ [Stefanescu J.
(1938), L’ art byzantin et l’ art lombart en Transylvanie, texte-album, Paris, ill. XLV.2]. This detail is not found in the „Cretan‟
School.
78
The most representative subject in the Monastery of Philanthropenon related to this issue is the martyrdom of Ss Menas, Victor and
Vicentios on the southern wall of the narthex [Acheimastou - Potamianou M. (1993), p. 97, ill. 146]. The same dancing figure of an
executor without a knight‟s harness also appears in the representation of the martyrdom of Ss Markianos and Martyrios, found on the
western wall of the narthex [Acheimastou - Potamianou M. (1993), pp. 105-106, ill. 160 and 161].
79
On the representation of the subject in these churches see Tourta A. (1991), pp. 104-105 and ill. 58a and 59.
80
Acheimastou - Potamianou M. (1983), p. 85; Tourta A. (1991), p. 105 and note 681 and Acheimastou - Potamianou M. (1993), p.
68, ill. 91.
81
Papadopoulou V. (1993), „Δμωηεξηθέο θωηνγξαθίεο, Τνηρνγξαθίεο, Αλαπηύγκαηα, Σρέδηα θαη Υπνκλήκαηα Μνλήο Διενύζαο‟, in
Garidis M. - Paliouras A. [ed.] (1993), Μνλαζηήξηα ηεο Νήζνπ Ισαλλίλσλ, Ioannina, pp. 274-295, p. 277, ill. 455.
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