DEATH AND LIFE OF A MODERNIST UTOPIA: THE NEW TOWN OF

ZINGONIA, ITALY

Deni Ruggeri
Assistant Professor of Landscape Architecture
Cornell University

Figure 1 Transect showing the juxtaposition of uses in the new town

(Courtesy of: Comune di Verdellino-Zingonia)

INTRODUCTION
Located at the outskirts of Milan, Zingonia is the quintessential modernist utopia.
Conceived by Renzo Zingone, a key figure in the 1960s “Italian Miracle,” this self-
sufficient, privately-sponsored new town positioned itself as a new urban prototype of
modernist “towers in the park” (fig. 1), architectural prefabrication, efficient
transportation, abundant open space and thriving industries.

Economic circumstances and administrative fragmentation across five municipalities

prevented Zingonia from being fully realized. Nevertheless, it managed to attract
important industries, a hospital, public institutions and company headquarters. With jobs
and affordable housing came immigrants, first from Southern Italy and most recently
from Senegal and Pakistan. Legal and illegal immigration found in the anonymity of the
“international style” architecture an ideal stepping-stone toward better, more dignified
lives.

This paper analyzes some of Zingonia’s defining elements—modernity, architectural

prefabrication and efficiency—and the economic, political and planning factors that
contributed to its place identity. It situates Zingonia within the context of other new
towns—such as Amsterdam’s Bijlmermeer, Vallingby, Sweden and Tapiola, Finland—
currently engaged in re-defining their identity through sustainable urban design (Cervero,
1995; Helleman and Wassenberg, 2003). The paper closes with questions about the future
of many new towns, caught between the preservation of the original vision and the need
to adapt to the challenges facing our increasingly immigrant, multicultural society.
BACKGROUND
New towns as modern utopias
New towns were planners’ response to the unprecedented growth of cities after World
War II, which they addressed through architectural, planning and urban design
innovation. Both in Europe and the United states, a defining principle in the planning of
new towns was the integration of functions or “system planning,” i.e. the creation of
holistic environments responding to the physical social, economic needs of communities
(Stein, 1969; AIA, 1973). Inspired by Ebenezer Howard’s (1898), garden city principles,
new towns defied the traditional town/country dichotomy by merging urban qualities
with the ample open spaces and nature typical of the countryside. It was one of the goals
of many new town planners that access to good housing would no longer be a privilege,
but a fundamental human right, a realization that gained them a utopian reputation.
Indeed, post WWII new towns shared many of the defining characteristics of Utopias, as
highlighted by Lewis Mumford in his book “The Story of Utopias” (1962).

Figure 2 This sketch for Zingonia’s downtown is reminiscent of Lucio Costa’s vision for Brasilia
(Courtesy of: Comune di Verdellino-Zingonia).

a) They are grounded in the context that they attempted to reform.

New towns cannot be fully comprehended outside of the historical context in which
they were conceived, which provided the ground for their innovative attempts.
Twentieth century new towns were influenced by the dream of a modernist and
efficient city promoted by Le Corbusier and the Modern Movement (fig 2). In their
eyes, the chaotic and inefficient city of the pre- industrial age was an obstacle to the
renewal and innovation of society. Its crowded blocks, narrow streets and limited sun
exposure, made it unfit to host the increasing urban population and needed to be
replaced by a new urban form made of “towers in the park,” where light, air and open
space would ensure the well being of all citizens (Le Corbusier, 1986).

b) Resulting from the efforts of visionary individuals, social or religious

movements.
The history of human civilization is populated with attempts to reform society by the
hands of visionary individuals. In the late 1800s, Ebenezer Howard conceived his
garden city in reaction to the pollution, lack of open space and social inequalities of
London. Clarence Stein, architect and planner conceived of a regional structure of
satellite cities that would accommodate the projected growth of New York (Stein,
1969). The 1960s new towns of Reston, Virginia and Woodlands, TX embodied the
visions of an auto-oriented bourgeois utopia (Fishman, 1987), a contemporary
revision of the values that had contributed to the early suburbanization.

The dependence of new towns on the charisma and economic power of individuals
has proved to be double-edged sword. While the presence of a visionary was
instrumental in the implementation of an idea, they departure often meant their
complete abandonment. The contemporary new towns of Irvine, CA and Librino,
Italy illustrate. In Irvine, the continued presence of the Irvine Company, owner,
planner and developer of the new town was instrumental in ensuring the maintenance
and long-term sustainability of the original plan (Ruggeri, 2009). In Librino, the
absence of a strong institutional presence was the leading cause for the failure of the
experiment due to poor maintenance, social cohesion and an overall lack of sense of
identity (Southworth and Ruggeri, 2010).

c) They employ new physical forms to establish new social models.

Utopias often used physical form as a tool for the establishment of new societal
orders (Mumford). Charles Fourier’s “phalanstere” building embodied his vision for a
more communal, less elitist and highly cooperative society (Fourier; Benevolo, 1971).
Its symmetrical, vertical hierarchy embodied the order and organization of the society
he wanted. Architect and visionary Catherine Bauer embraced the German public
housing experiments of the early 1900s as precedents for her reform of American
housing policies (Bauer, 1965, p.48). Similarly, many of the 1960s new towns
employed urban design as an instrument for the establishment of an instantaneous
identity (Forsyth, 2007; Ruggeri, 2009).

d) They built on technological and design innovation to promote change and

reform
Many utopias relied on innovation to overcome the contingencies of the moment and
explore previously unthinkable possibilities. Ebenezer Howard’s garden city model
relied on railroad transportation and celebrated the potential of new architectural
materials like glass and iron in the covered market at the center of town. Le
Corbusier’s “radiant city” relied heavily on the automobile, the newest means of
transportation of the time, a utopia that forever changed the future of worlds’ cities.
The following discussion will use the case study of Zingonia Italy as an opportunity to
discuss some of the strengths, weaknesses, and potential future application of new town
planning. As urbanization in developing countries continue to occur through the creation
of new towns, the lessons learned in Zingonia may be useful in preventing fatal mistakes
and promote more sustainable and resilient models.

CASE STUDY: ZINGONIA, THE ITALIAN MIRACLE UTOPIA

Post WWII urban growth in Milan
At the end of World War II European cities were overwhelmed by an unprecedented rural
to urban migration. In Italy alone, over 15 million people moved from the agricultural
south to the industrialized north in search for jobs (Foot, 2003). While other European
countries engaged in policies and legislation in favor of the creation of satellite cities and
new towns, Italy preferred a piecemeal approach, which left the construction of workers’
housing in the hand of private developers. Built in direct support of the surrounding
industries, lacking efficient transportation to the city center and of open space, the
unplanned neighborhoods at the city’s edge contributed to the expansion of the
“periferia,” intended as both as a physical place and as a discourse.1

Zingonia as privatopia
After WWII, Milan became Italy’s primary industrial and financial center, embodying the
“Italian Miracle (Foot, 37). In response to a large flux of immigrants, the city’s
population rose 25% between 1951 and 1961, and again 12.5% between 1961 and 1971,
reaching a total population of 1.7 million (Istat). Most immigrants found shelter in
privately built residential towers at the city’s edge until the passing of the 167/1962
Public Housing Act, which marked the beginning of the planning of large public housing
neighborhoods.

Privately sponsored new town experiments in the Milanese region dated back to the early
1920s, when the garden city of Milanino was built to house blue and white-collar
families. Connected to the center by a tramway line, the town included sites for
commercial, retail, and public amenities organized along a boulevard acting as a focal
element. Despite Milanino’s success, one has to wait until the early 1960s and 70s for
this type of planned neighborhoods to reappear. Quartiere Zingone, Quartiere Patrizia,
Milanodue, Milanotre, and Zingonia were conceived as self-contained, satellite towns.
Sponsored by private developers, Zingonia and its counterparts were more than just
speculative enterprises. They clearly showed an effort to large scale urban planning,
combining urban functions and amenities historically absent from the periphery (Airaldi,
1981, p. 91).

1
The term “periferia” commonly indicates area characterized by large housing complexes, industrial plants
and minimal public services built at the outskirts of many European cities post WWII.
 Figure 3 Zingonia's zoning showing the strict separation between functions
(Courtesy of: Comune di Verdellino-Zingonia)

Zingone, the visionary

Renzo Zingone, a Milanese entrepreneur with a passion for modernist architecture and
planning, was responsible for the development of one such experimental utopia, which he
named Zingonia. Like many European precedents, the new town emphasized
prefabrication, availability of public amenities, and technological innovation.
Understanding that easy access was key in attracting new industry. Zingone settled for a
site located at the intersection between the Milan-Venice freeway, the Milan-Bergamo
railroad and a proposed new canal. Other important locational factors included the
availability of tax incentives,2 cheap land, and the proximity to the existing industrial hub
of Dalmine (Sinatti, 2006).

The new town offered “the optimum for all those [industries that} will decide to make it
the headquarters of their industrial and commercial activities because of its location,
atmospheric and fiscal privileges” (Airaldi, 93-4). As an industrialist’s “pragmatopia,”
Zingonia embodied the faith in modernity that pervaded Italian society during the
economic “miracle” (Foot) and embraced contemporary examples of European and
American new towns as precedents (Della Vale, 1967). Its plan combined the principles
of new town planning with Zingone’s pragmatism and his concerns for profitability,

2
Zingone took advantage of the national Law 1169/65, which assigned low interest mortgages to
developers building in depressed areas.
which aimed at a substantial return on investment of $ 40 million (Times Magazine,
1967).

It was such pragmatism that led the developer to target an economically depressed area
southwest of the city of Bergamo as a site for a new town. This allowed Zingone to enter
into favorable agreements with the small and inexperienced municipalities and ensure a
speedier approval process in exchange for his promise to construct streets, services,
schools and amenities at no cost. In reality, while the fountains, parks and large streets
served well the developer‘s marketing efforts, they ultimately did burden the
municipalities with huge maintenance costs and no direct financial benefits (Airaldi).

Zingonia’s physical framework

The construction of the satellite city of 50,000 people and 1000 industries began in 1964,
after long negotiations between the five municipalities of Verdellino, Verdello, Osio
Sotto, Ciserano and Boltiere. Its plan combined efficiency, accessibility and the auto-
orientation with highly symbolic modernist forms, as in Lucio Costa’s plan for Brasilia.
The 2,000-acre town featured a system of arterial roads acting as a framework for
functionally segregated areas (fig. 3). According to traditional zoning principles, housing
was located next to retail and commercial areas, while the industrial areas were relegated
to the edge, with open space and sports fields acting as buffers between industries and
residences, between old and new neighborhoods, and between social classes (ZIF 1971;
Riunione Immobiliare 1986; Sinatti, 2006; Servitec 2002).

Innovation and research

Marketed as the “city of the future,” Zingonia attracted hundreds of high tech firms,
which in return helped position it as a center of industrial excellence and success.
Technological research was at the heart of its identity and everything in its design—from
the steel fountains to the prefabricated houses—helped reinforce such identity. The new
town was planned in the image of the industrial process, with zoning to promote the
highest levels of efficiency and housing stratified according to income and position
within the industrial hierarchy of its owners:

“Zingonia is in the 1970s an attempt to build a new city where there were jobs, services, housing
[…]. It was planned as a workers’ village, with the towers for workers, small villas for the white
collars, and the nicest villas for the managers.”
(Interview 5, Airaldi, 1981)

The discourses of modernity and innovation were clearly embodied by its architecture,
which used prefabricated structures, modern materials and finishings (fig. 4). In order to
streamline the planning process, Zingone developed model homes featuring multiple
layouts and custom details. Similarly, a choice of industrial buildings would fit the
idiosyncratic needs of each industry (fig. 5). The “Roma” model offered window surfaces
for better lighting and working conditions, while the “Bergamo” type offered wide spans,
ideal for the storage of products and large machinery (Della Valle, 1967).

Another aspect of Zingonia’s innovation consisted of the emphasis placed on recreational

and sports facilities. Zingone tasked his third born child with attracting sports enthusiasts
and sport-related businesses to the new town. This deliberate effort resulted in the
construction of a country club, a Tennis club and swimming pools and in the relocation of
the headquarters of one of Italy’s top soccer teams to the new town (Bosio, 1983).

Figure 4 View of the living room of a small villa (Courtesy of: Comune di Verdellino-Zingonia)

Figure 5 A variety of industrial typologies targeted the needs of each factory

(Courtesy of: Comune di Verdellino-Zingonia)

DISCUSSION: DEATH AND LIFE OF A MODERNIST UTOPIA

Early signs of decline
For a decade, Zingonia experienced a series of successes: jobs were abundant and
industries and commercial activities thrived. Housing was new, modern and in contrast to
the vernacular of the preexisting villages. The country club, bars and restaurants facing
the city’s piazzas attracted a posh, middle-class crowd interested in partaking in the
futuristic modernist city. A state of the art hospital, multiplex movie theatre and Grand
Hotel helped establish the identity of Zingonia as a new regional destination (ZIF, 1967,
p. 4). New construction was everywhere and Zingone himself was directly involved as
booster and steward of the original vision (Bosio, 1983).

Zingonia’s decline began shortly after its construction. Many of the planned public
facilities remained on paper, as the developer struggled to maintain a steady profit. New
immigrant families preferred to locate in the nearby villages, which offered better and
more comprehensive services. The city quickly became a transitional place, a stepping-
stone toward other parts of the region, Italy and other European countries (Sinatti, 6,
Airaldi, 3-9). The economic slowdown of the mid 1970s took a particularly hard toll on
Zingonia, built a time when Milan was already losing many of its manufacturing and
industrial jobs in favor of the tertiary sector (Foot). Still in its infancy, the new town
seemed destined to failure, yet Zingone continued to pursue his dream.3

Zingonia and Immigration

Beginning in the 1980s Zingonia began to crumble. The schools were inadequate to
house the children of immigrant families, and social life was non-existent (Pesenti, 40-
41). The new town became known as a lawless place, attracting illegal immigrants and
organized crime, which found in the anonymity of the modernist towers a safe heaven. As
its new identity as an immigrant enclave ghetto solidified, contrasts between old and new
residents emerged, and many Italian-born residents fled the community leading to
generalized disinvestment and quick physical decline. Housing prices dropped, making it
affordable for many immigrant groups to set their roots in the new town. As the city
matured, and as the development company gradually turned over the facilities to the
municipalities, the need for a public entity in charge of its stewardship, maintenance and
organization became urgent. As a local journalist suggested:

“The fastest and bureaucratically less laborious [would be] the hypothesis of a unified
Municipality of Ciserano-Verdellino. This procedure is spelled out by the law “the unification of
two or more municipalities, regardless of their population, can be disposed by the town council
when the town councilmen request it […]”
(Pesenti, 40-1)

Over the years, Zingonia’s identity as a marginal place has solidified. All efforts
to incorporate Zingonia into a city failed. Multi-family buildings have either been sold or
rented to immigrants and only a handful of original owners continue to live there. The
identity of Zingonia as an immigrant enclave is made evident by an analysis of census
data. (Fig. 6), which show that only a minority of foreign born citizens lives in the
historic centers of the five founding villages, while the rest occupies the high-rise towers

3
Zingonia’s unstable foundations were indirectly acknowledged by prime minister Aldo Moro, who visited
the new town in 1967: “ I wish to rightfully recognize here Mr. Renzo Zingone, who, in the heart of an
economic crisis, has initiated a plan of such great importance, which responds to the call this government
has extended to all Italian entrepreneurs to begin planning new such initiatives” (ZIF, 1968).
of the new town. Recent journalistic reports have shed light on the degradation of the
iconic residential towers where overcrowding, drug dealing and squatting are the norm
(Ravelli, 2005). Data show that 30% of all arrests made in the region in 2009 took place
in Zingonia (Bergamonews, May 27, 2009). The situation has become so problematic
that some have called for the demolition of many of the high-rise buildings and their
replacement with less intimidating low-rise housing. Simultaneously, efforts have begun
to build on Zingonia’s immigrant past/present and reposition it as the quintessential
global village (Comune di Verdellino, 2009).

Figure 6 Percentage of non-Italian residents in the villages vs. the new town (source: Istat-2001 census)

An industrial success
During the economic crisis of the mid 70s, the Italian industrial sector underwent major
restructuring. As a result, many large companies in the Milan region shut down, with
very important consequences on the small manufacturing and technology companies
located in the new town. Despite this, Zingonia’s industrial sector remained overall quite
healthy. Industries like Robur—which designs and produces innovative heat pumps—and
Faema, a leader in the production of espresso machines, have become leaders in their
respective fields. To this day, these industries offer many blue and white-collar jobs to
the region.

The presence of these companies is critical to the survival of Zingonia as a place. This is
clearly understood by local politicians, who have been actively recruiting and lobbying
for them with the regional and national governments. As the new town moves into a new
phase of its history, it is essential that the live and work environment envisioned by the
original master plan is maintained and that the job market remains stable. It is also
important to continue to promote innovation and technological progress, as the health and
livelihood of these industries relies heavily on the availability of such infrastructure.

CONCLUSIONS LEARNING FROM ZINGONIA: LESSONS FOR FUTURE

UTOPIAS
Zingone’s industrial new town raises a few questions, which may be helpful to the
discussion of the future of new town experiments. These include the role that the private
sector played and might play in urban development and tension between the need for
profit and the creation of strong and lasting communities. It also highlights a common
tension between the role that design can play in the success and failure of the new town
experiments and its role in improving their future. Finally, Zingonia’s case study shows
the failure of planning and design to provide a strong framework for the establishment of
a landscape that is not only memorable and democratic, but also resilient and inspiring a
long term sense of stewardship.

Private vs. public

What is the role of the private sector in shaping utopia? Here lies the difference between
the American and the European example. While most European new towns—with the
exception of the few Italian examples—were publicly sponsored, American new towns
were financed and built entirely by private development companies, which acted in many
cases as para governmental entities (Ruggeri, 2009). In Italy, planners have been critical
of the work of private developers involved in the planning of cities. Many privately
sponsored new town experiments were contrasted and dismissed as speculative attempts
(Interview A). Despite the profit-driven intentions of their developers, places like
Zingonia have emerged as real communities, with unique identities and dynamics that it
is important to recognize, preserve and enhance.

Globalization has increased the role of public institutions in public life. Just as
governments are shrinking, cities have become privatized and controlled by corporations.
As the public sector is beginning to consider private/public partnerships (PPPs) for the
redevelopment of these new towns (Bailey, 1994), looking at the failures and success of
privately planned and managed US new towns may offer useful solutions. In Zingonia,
recent efforts to enroll private corporate sponsors are crucial to the promotion of new
redevelopment efforts. Similarly, the success of the redevelopment of other new towns,
like the Dutch Bijlmermeer District has been shaped by the introduction of commercial
developments and more lively and active town centers (Helleman and Wassenberg,
2004).

Was it a design failure?

Like many contemporary new towns, Zingonia has undergone major changes, which have
altered its original plan. Buildings and factories have been demolished or completely
remodeled, streets have been closed, street furniture replaced or eliminated, and there are
plans to demolish many of the high-rise towers. This is in part a political response to the
critics, and in part an attempt to seek redemption through design. Historically, many
public housing failures— Pruitt Igoe in St Louis, Cabrini Green in Chicago, the
Bijlmermeer in Amsterdam—have been blamed on the quality and design of the
architecture (Bristol, 1991; Fishman, 2004). Peter Hall (1997) has criticized such focus
on design and other “inward-looking” factors (2001, p. 874) in favor of explanations
addressing “outward-looking” factors like regional economics, difficult transportation,
and the overall negative discourses surrounding these communities. In the case of
Zingonia, inward looking factors like the lack of maintenance, crowding (Ferri, 2007),
perceptions of degrade and the absence of community facilities may have pushed some
residents to abandon the new town, yet they must be understood in the context of the
absence of an institutional framework carry forward the vision and manage the future of
its master plan.

Separation between old and new

The intertwining of inward and outward looking factors is illustrated in the role that
Zingonia’s landscape played in reinforcing the physical and socio-economic gap between
the historical settlements and the new town. Rather than integrating the new town with
the fabric of the villages through parks and green connections, the plan envisioned an
urban island surrounded by a greenbelt acting as a buffer and as a mere backdrop for
industries and high-rise towers (Servitec, 2002, 170). Zingonia’s isolation was
compounded by the lack of non-vehicular connections like trails and bikeways and by the
sharp contrast between old and new. As a resident of one of the old villages recalls:

“As a child and teenager I lived the experience of a growing Zingonia, of the farmland that was
changing, and of parents that instead of commuting to Milan for work went to work in Zingonia.
Most of all, I believe I have lived […] the experience of crossing a path that existed between the
rural life of Verdellino, its cemetery, the last farm fields and the things
that were growing in Zingonia.”
(Interview. 4, Airaldi, 1981)

Whereas many European new towns were located along transit lines (Cervero), Zingonia
lacked connectivity and viable transportation options. This further isolated it from the
surroundings, as housing densities were too low to support a viable bus system, leaving
no alternative to the automobile. As Zingonia enters a new phase in its history,
connectivity and sustainable transportation remain crucial to its resiliency as a place.
Opportunities to make Zingonia more sustainable abound. The nearby Bergamo airport
has become a hub for low-cost airlines, the Milan-Bergamo railroad has doubled its
capacity, and the A4 autostrada has been widened to handle the dense traffic between
Bergamo and Milan. These factors, combined with potential infill, increased densities and
an overall improvement of the public realm could offer Zingonia hope for a rebirth.

The role of the landscape

One final consideration regards the role that landscape architecture played in Zingonia
vis-à-vis its potential as physical and social glue. Unlike many new towns of the same
period, Zingonia was an architectural new town, centered on housing and industrial
plants. Its streets were the main landscape feature, providing imageability, easy access
and “ordering” (Simantec, 2002, 176). Corso Europa, the main urban axis connecting the
different neighborhoods, was used to choreograph a new automobile-based urban
experience, while the monumental fountains of Piazza Affari (Business square) and the
Missile fountain at Zingonia’s southern gateway were landmarks adding to the overall
memorability of the place.

Figure 7 Diagram showing the fragmentation of the agricultural landscape resulting

from the planning of the new town (Courtesy of: Comune di Verdellino-Zingonia).

The landscape played a tangential role in the physical structure of Zingonia, yet it
abundantly employed as a marketing tool. The naming of streets after trees and
decorative plants was an attempt to establish a suburban narrative of order, cleanliness
and success consistent with the traditional identity of suburbia as the “bourgeois utopia”
(Fishman). Whereas contemporary new towns celebrated the landscape as an organizing
element and identity shaper,4 Zingone ignored the agricultural landscape onto which the
new town of Zingonia was grafted, superimposing it with new geometries and alignments
based purely on the functional needs of automobile (fig 7) (Adobati and Azzini, 141).
This represents a fundamental missed opportunity, which future plans could begin to
address and build upon.

Zingonia and the stewardship dilemma

Finally, one of the original flaws in the planning of the new town was the lack of an
administrative entity in charge of the maintenance of the expanses of open space, public
services and sports facilities. One of Zingone’s original goals was the incorporation of the
five original villages into a new city, a dream that found the opposition of many local

4
Ian McHarg’s “The Woodlands” carefully preserved the site hydrology. In Tapiola, Finland agricultural
fields were preserved as integral components of the new town (Lahti, 2008). Similarly in Irvine, California
agricultural windrows and irrigation ditches were preserved as frameworks for residential development. In
contrast, planners of Zingonia did not take into account pre-existing agricultural patterns or hydrological
systems.
residents and led to the formation of an administrative consortium. The departure of
Zingone from the local scene, the industrial crisis of the 1970s, and the closing of the
consortium at the end of the 1980s (Servitec) led to the demise of the original vision of a
unified satellite city and opened the door to a fragmentation still seen today.

To this day, the lack of stewardship continues to be a fundamental flaw, which many
people consider the key to the failure of Zingonia as a place (L’Eco di Bergamo 1985).
The vicissitudes of one of Italy’s new towns illustrate a key lesson in sustainability: that
physical planning is but one of the components of a strong place identity. Good planning
and design should be concerned with is the long-term resilience of communities, which
include the presence of a democratic governance structure and processes able to address
the challenges of an uncertain and evolving future (Hester, 2008; Ruggeri, 2009;
Southworth and Ruggeri, 2010).

Figure 8 Today, Zingonia has the potential to become the next sustainable, live and work place
(photo by author)

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Servitec (2002). Otto Comuni per Una Strategia. Un’Identità Culturale per l’Area
Dalmine- Zingonia, Dalmine, Italy: Politecnico di Milano.

Sinatti, G. (2006) Zingonia: Vecchi e Nuovi Abitanti, Vecchie e Nuove Questioni.

Bergamo, Italy: Provincia di Bergamo.

Stein, C. (1969). Towards New Towns for America. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Times Magazine (1967). Planning Cities for Profit. February 20th.

Unpublished documents and marketing documents

Riunione Immobiliare (1986). Zingonia a Vent’anni dalla Fondazione. Zingonia, Italy:
Riunione Immobiliate, pp. 3-46

ZIF (1965). Zingonia … La Nuova Città. Milano: Stabilimento Tipografico G. Colombi.

ZIF (1968), Zingonia – Anno 2. Milano: Zingone Iniziative Fondiarie S.p.a.

Interview A; with GianPiero Calza, Professor of History of Urban Planning at Politecnico

di Milano, March 23, 2001.

Web resources
On crime in Zingonia
Bergamonews, May 27, 2009

On the redevelopment plans for Zingonia

http://www.comune.verdellino.bg.it/docs.war/aprile2009.pdf (accessed on 8/29/2009)