Crucifixion Iconography in a Group of Carolingian Ivory Plaques

Author(s): Stanley Ferber

Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 48, No. 3/4 (Sep. - Dec., 1966), pp. 323-334
Published by: College Art Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3048389 .
Accessed: 14/06/2014 02:14

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Art
Bulletin.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 CrucifixionIconographyin a Group of CarolingianIvory Plaques*
STANLEY FERBER
During the ninth century a number of ivory plaques depicting
the Crucifixion were produced within the Carolingian empire.
Despite many variations these plaques comprise a unique,
unified iconographic group. Those to be studied here are:
cover of Pericopes of Henry II (Munich, Staatsbibl. cod. lat.
4452), hereafter Munich I; London, Victoria and Albert Mu-
seum No. 250-1867 (London I); London, Victoria and Albert
Museum No. 251-1867 (London II); Paris, Bibliotheque Na-
tionale Ms lat. 9453 (Paris I); Munich, Nationalmuseum MA
160 (Munich II); cover of Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale Ms
lat. 9383 (Paris II); and London, Victoria and Albert Museum
No. 266-1867 (London III). The ivories making up the bulk
of this group present the Crucifixion in a way which must
certainly be considered an innovation of the Carolingian
period, for their iconography has no known prototype or
single textual source and is limited, furthermore (to the best
of my knowledge), to the medium of ivory.
Previous discussion of the ivories of this group has been
limited,x primarily focusing upon individual iconographic
elements, with attempts to find specific textual sources for
each image. The question of the relationship of the icono-
graphic elements to each other is still to be raised. Even more
important in an attempt to understand the full meaning of the
plaques is the study of the grouping of the iconographic ele-
ments into a compositional pattern expressing the thematic
interrelationship of the component parts. The following dis-
cussion then will attempt not only to identify and analyze the
iconographic elements as they appear in each of the plaques,
but also to arrive at the meaning of the underlying composi-
tional scheme as a whole.
Essentially, these plaques depict the Crucifixion within a
context which suggests meanings beyond that of the historical
event alone. In addition to the minimal number of participants
necessary to a simple historical representation of the Cruci-
fixion, i.e., John and Mary, Longinus and Stephaton, and the
Crucified, all of the plaques have most of the following ele-
ments in common: personifications of the sun and moon; a
NB A bibliography of frequently cited sources, given short titles in the footnotes, will
be found at the end of this article.
* This paper is a condensation of a dissertation submitted at the Institute of Fine
Arts, N. Y. U., and carried out under the direction of Dr. Harry Bober. Although
I cannot fully indicate the extent to which Dr. Bober was of assistance, suffice it
to say that without his aid I would still be struggling with the intricacies of the
problem. On the other hand, errors of judgment and questionable assertions can
only be attributed to the author.
I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of a French Government Fellow-
ship which enabled me to study the ivories firsthand, and to thank the various
library and museum officials here and abroad who eased my task and made it
so much more pleasant.
1 Four of these plaques were discussed as a group by Ch. Cahier, "Cinq plaques,"
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
323
serpent at the base of the Cross; the personifications "Oce-
anus" and "Terra"; a scene of the Dead Arising from the
Grave; Ecclesia; the Marys at the Tomb; and various enig-
matic figures. These elements comprise a complex, didactic
Crucifixion exegesis. A number of different arrangements of
the components attests to the flexibility of the compositional
scheme, which is sufficiently viable to allow variations in
emphasis within the broad iconographic context. Basically, all
of the plaques are arranged in three horizontal registers. The
height of the Cross in most cases is the determining factor in
this zonal division. In the central register, established roughly
between the base and arms of the Cross, we find the historical
figures associated with the Crucifixion, and figures or group-
ings devoted to an unusual aspect of the exegesis. The area
above the arms of the Cross contains angels, personifications
of the sun and moon, the hand of God, and in one case the
four Evangelists. Below the base of the Cross are representa-
tions of Oceanus and Terra, the Marys at the Tomb, the Dead
Arising, or some combination of these elements. In two cases
an enigmatic seated figure is present in this area.
The ivory plaque, set in a gold, enamel, and jeweled binding
now covering the Pericopes of Henry II (Munich I), epitomizes
the originality and complexity of this group of Carolingian
works (Fig. 1).2 Although the ivory is commonly accepted as
a product of a Carolingian workshop, its provenance is still
open to question. The upper part of the composition, above the
arms of the Cross, contains classical personifications of the
sun and moon, and the hand of God gesturing from a cloud
bank. Three angels hover in the area above the crucified
Christ. Below the arms of the Cross are Ecclesia,3 with her
chalice and standard, Longinus and Stephaton, a group of
mourning women to the left, John and an enigmatic pair of
figures to the right. A dead serpent is coiled about the base of
the Cross.
Immediately below this Crucifixion area is a representation
of the Marys at the Tomb. Separated from this Easter morning
scene by a shelf-like projection, and immediately below it, is a
39-76. The common denominator in Cahier's grouping is that they all depicted the
Crucifixion in a manner which did not adhere to iconographic traditions. He there-
fore included one plaque, that in the Cathedral Treasury of Tongres, which does
not relate to the iconography of this group.
No other publications have been devoted to this group, and when any of the
plaques have been discussed, it has always been individually, or in general works
on Carolingian ivories.
2 The manuscript and gold cover are discussed by W.
Vige, "Eine Deutsche Maler-
schule um des I. Jahrtausend," Westdeutsche Zeitschrift fur Geschichte u. Kunst,
3, 1891, and A. Haseloff, Eine Thiiringisch-Siichsiche Malerschule des 13. Jahr-
hunderts, Strasbourg, 1897, 102 and passim.
3 This identification was first made by Cahier, "Cinq plaques."
324 The Art Bulletin
depiction of the Dead Arising from Their Graves. And in the
lowest area of the plaque are the personifications Oceanus and
Terra flanking a seated female figure.
As customary in Crucifixions where the sun and moon are
represented the sun is to Christ's right and the moon to his
left, each personified as a bust figure facing him.4 Each per-
sonification is rather elaborately presented as a figure in a
quadriga; the sun's drawn by horses and the moon's by oxen.
Both the sun and moon are driving their chariots towards
Christ's left..Friendr was the first to explain this as the eclipse
mentioned by the Evangelists6 inasmuch as the moon is shown
returning in its orbit.? The Hand of God appearing from the
clouds is a traditional and frequent symbol of the Divine pres-
ence. The three angels hovering above the Cross were related
to the writings of the Pseudo-Dionysius by Friend. Upon
closer inspection it can be seen that the central angel has his
hands veiled-in mourning or to receive Christ's soul. The
other two angels carry objects. Although these objects are
partially destroyed, they may be identified with the instru-
ments of the Passion.' The angel to the right appears to hold
a portion of the whip of the flagellation while his counter-
part to the left appears to be holding a cudgel (?).
The figure of Christ on the Cross is almost upright. There
are no nails visible in his hands or feet, nor does he hang
limply, although his head is inclined to the left and the eyes
appear closed-generally an indication of death. An unusual
feature of the Cross itself is the representation of its arms and
upper part as a roughly planed tree, with the stumps of
branches. Hildburgh has suggested that this is a representa-
tion of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil from an early
4 For a full discussion of the origins and ramifications of the sun and moon in
Crucifixion scenes see L. Hautecoeur, "Le soleil et la lune dans les Crucifixions,"
RA, 13, 1921, 13-32. I believe that M. Hautecoeur places too great emphasis on
pagan, classical carry-overs.
5 A. M. Friend, Jr., "St. Denis," 67ff.
6 Matthew 27: 45; Mark 15: 33; Luke 23: 44f. The Gospel of St. John makes no
mention of the eclipse.
7 Friend, "St. Denis," 67ff., argues that the depiction of the eclipse as well as the
presence of numerous angels was due to the influence of the writings of the Pseudo-
Dionysius, the Areopagite. A copy of the works of the Pseudo-Dionysius, in Greek,
was sent by the Byzantine Emperor, Michael the Stammerer, to Louis the Pious in
827. Friend states that the works were not translated into Latin until 858 by John
Scot Erigena, under the directions of Charles the Bald. Of particular relevance to
this argument are the Areopagite's Epistolae diversae and Celestial Hierarchy (PL,
112). Friend's thesis is unacceptable for a number of reasons. Louis the Pious had
the Areopagite's works translated in 827 by Abbot Hilduin (E. Gilson, La phil-
osophie au moyen age, Paris, 1947, 85; J. Stiglmayr, "Dionysius and Pseudo-
Areopagite," Catholic Encyclopedia, v, 1903, 13-19). Further, depictions of the
Heavenly Hierarchy as well as the eclipse appear in Rome as early as 705 in the
apse fresco of Santa Maria Antiqua. In addition, the works of the Pseudo-
Dionysius were quoted in the West as early as the Lateran Council of 649. It
should also not be forgotten that three of the four Evangelists mention the eclipse
in their account of the events at the time of the Crucifixion.
8 Matthew 27: 26-29.
9 W. L. Hildburgh, "Pectoral Cross," 79-96, n. 72. See also A. N. Didron, Christian
Iconography, E. J. Millington, trans., London, 1851, 1, 367ff. Other examples of the
treatment of the Cross in this fashion can be found in English manuscripts of the
11th century, e.g., New York, Pierpont Morgan Lib., Ms 709; London, British
Museum, Ms Arundel 60.
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
version of a text such as the History of the True Cross," and
further states that the Munich ivory is the earliest extant ex-
ample of this iconographic motif.
A dual aspect of the death of Christ is expressed in Munich
I. Although Christ died of his own volition to save mankind,"o
the Cross was also the instrument of his glory-the place of
his triumph over death." Visually, this finds expression in
Christ's erect position, the absence of nails, and the relaxed,
unstrained position of the body. All of the other ivories of the
group considered here, unlike the Munich plaque, simply
depict Christ alive on the Cross.12
The serpent at the base of the Cross has been variously
interpreted. Firster saw it as symbolic of sin and death, whose
power is overcome by the Cross.ls It has also been interpreted
as the serpent of Eden who caused the downfall of the first
Adam and who has been overcome by the death of Christ, the
second Adam.4 I would suggest in addition that the serpent
at the base of the Cross alludes to the brazen serpent of the
Old Law. Moses used the brazen serpent upon a rod for cura-
tive purposes. Christian commentators such as St. John Chrys-
ostom saw this as a prefiguration of Christ upon the Cross,
who while effecting deeper, more lasting cures, simultaneously
superseded the Old Law.1r The theme is also employed by St.
Basil and derives ultimately from St. John the Evangelist's
exegesis of a passage from the Old Testament."e Further, I
would suggest that the emphasis placed upon the serpent by
its huge size alludes specifically to the city where the ivory
was produced, Metz.17
The two Roman centurions, Stephaton and Longinus, flank
the Crucified. The lance bearer (Longinus) is mentioned in the
The earliest version of the 12th century History of the Holy-Rood Tree (ed. A. S.
Napier, London, 1894) is found in Runic verse on the Ruthwell Cross. Cf. B.
Dickins and A. Ross, The Dream of the Rood, London, 1960, and F. Saxl, "The
Ruthwell Cross," JWarb, 6, 1943, 1-19.
10 For the dead Christ on the Cross, see Hildburgh, "Pectoral Cross," and Grondijs,
Iconographie. Grondijs (p. 18) cites St. John Chrysostom as follows, "His death
was not caused by organic matters, but by an act of His own will."
11 Tertullian, in "An Answer to the Jews," writes, "The Figure on the cross was also
necessary [that figure] through which Jesus was to win the victory [over death]."
The Ante-Nicene Fathers, J. Roberts, ed., New York, 1925, 166.
12 There is a variety of opinion concerning the appearance of the dead Christ in
Crucifixion depictions during the first ten centuries of Christian art. See Grondijs,
Iconographie du CrucifiX, and Thoby, Crucifix.
13 Firster, Denkmale, 9-11.
14 Hildburgh, "Pectoral Cross," and J. Reil, Christus am Kreuz in der Bildkunst der
Karolingerzeit, Leipzig, 1930, 83-86.
15 St. John Chrysostom in his Homily XXVII writes, "Seest thou the cause of the
Crucifixion, and the salvation which is by it? Seest thou the relation of the type
to the reality? There the Jews escaped death, but the temporal, here the believer,
the eternal; there the hanging serpent healed the bites of serpents, here the
crucified Jesus cured the wounds inflicted by the spiritual dragon." (Schaff, Nicene
Fathers, 14, 94).
16 St. Basil's "On the Spirit" develops from John 3: 14, which in turn is a com-
mentary upon Numbers 21: 9.
17 One of the oldest and most persistent legends associated with the establishment
of the Church in Metz is closely associated with serpents (A. Prost, Etudes sur
l'histoire de Metz, Les Idgendes, Metz, 1865). The legend goes back to the 8th
century and Paul the Deacon's, History of the Bishops of Metz (PL, 95, cols. 673ff.).
St. Clement, arriving at Metz to convert its inhabitants, was told of devils in the
 CAROLINGIAN CRUCIFIXION ICONOGRAPHY 325

Gospels, but not named. The two centurions, together, are
mentioned and named as early as the second century, and first
illustrated in the Rabula Gospels of 586 and on a painted lid
of a pilgrim's souvenir box of ca. 600.18 To the left of the
Crucifixion is a group of six (?) mourning women, none of
them distinguished or set apart from the others. In most Cru-
cifixion scenes Mary is differentiated in some manner when
other mourning women are present. More frequently, Mary
alone of the mourning women is presented," but here she is
apparently absent. However, standing at the left of the Cross
in the position usually reserved for the Virgin is a female
figure holding a chalice to Christ's wound. This figure, which
has been identified as Ecclesia by Cahier, Fbrster, and Gold-
schmidt, here plays a dual role as Mary-Ecclesia. Theological
doctrine concerning Ecclesia which had developed in two di-
rections, combined by the ninth century into a single all-
embracing concept. On the one hand, Ecclesia was born from
the blood and body of Christ on the Cross.20 This emphasis on
the eucharistic aspect of the Crucifixion is shown in the Mu-
nich ivory by Ecclesia in the act of collecting blood from
Christ's side. Equally rooted in theological doctrine is the
interpretation of Mary as the type of Ecclesia. The concept
seemed to be widespread in the Christian world by the end of
the second century21 and was expressed pictorially and ver-
bally by adoption of the classical device of personification.22
Starting with the idea of Mary as mother of Christ, and Christ
as the body of the Church, doctrine evolved to Mary, mother
of the Church. The final step was to the concept of Mary,
Mother Church (Mater Ecclesia rather than Mater Ecclesiae).23
I would, therefore, interpret the woman with the chalice as a
personification of Mary-Ecclesia. The staff and banner she
carries are like those carried by the triumphant virtues in the
illustrated Prudentius manuscripts and by the angels in the
Utrecht Psalter--emblems that restate the triumph theme of
the ivory.
A figure similar to Mary-Ecclesia appears to the right of the
Cross, with her back to it. No longer holding the chalice, she
confronts a crowned figure, seated in front of a building with
a classical temple faqade. This standing female figure has been
identified as the Synagogue. Cahier, who first made this identi-
fication, equated the knoblike, pointed headdress with the
pointed hats worn by Jews as depicted in thirteenth century
art.24The seated figure holds a disc upon which the standing
figure rests a hand. The seated figure has been variously
identified as the Synagogue, Jerusalem, and Heavenly Jeru-
salem. The definitely identifiable personifications of Syna-
gogue in other contemporary works have different attributes
or attitudes.25 There is, therefore, no substantial basis for such
an identification. The identification of the figure as Jerusalem
or Heavenly Jerusalem is equally untenable. I know of no
other personifications of Jerusalem with the attributes of the
Munich figure. In fact, the Apocalypse tells of the Heavenly
Jerusalem coming to Christ as a bride.26 Such a representa-
tion, in a Crucifixion context, may be seen on the ninth cen-
tury ivory plaque in the cathedral treasury of Tournai,- where
the figure, labeled Jerusalem, bears no resemblance to the
seated woman in the Munich ivory. Theological doctrine about
Mary-Ecclesia actually developed as a tetrad: Mary-Ecclesia-
Bride of Christ-Heavenly Jerusalem. Mary embodies all of
these natures.28 Thus there can be no reason for Mary as

form of snakes inhabiting the ruins of the Roman amphitheater, their venomous (PL, 91, col. 966).
breath poisoning the city's residents. Clement promised that all baptized in the 21 J. Lebreton, "Mater Ecclesia," Recherches de science religieuse, 2, 1911, 572-73.
True Faith would be safe from the devil-serpents. Taking a few of the Faithful 22 Cf. F. Stossl, "Personifikationen," in RE.
with him, he descended into the arena, immune from the serpents, and at the sign 23 The literature and range of discussion concerning the evolution of the Mary-
of the cross, the serpents withdrew. Clement then ordered the largest serpent Ecclesia and Mater Ecclesia doctrines are lengthy. Full bibliographies and dis-
(Satan), in the name of the Holy Trinity, to leave Metz forever and take his cussion are found in Miiller, Ecclesia-Maria and Plumpe, Mater Ecclesia.
fellows with him. The legend of the serpent at Metz, coupled with the sign of One such expression is from St. Augustine, Maria corporaliter Caput huius
the cross, lends an added dimension to the iconography of Munich I. corporis peperit, Ecclesia spiritualiter membra illius Capitis parit . . . Mater eius
18 John 19: 34 mentions the lance bearer. The apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus first IChrist] est tota Ecclesia, quia membra eius, id est fidelis eius per Dei gratiam
names the two centurions, as well as the thieves, Dismas and Gestas. Its earliest ipsa utique parit (PL, 40, cols. 397, 399).
extant version is in a 5th century manuscript. The work was extremely popular in 24 "Cinq plaques." For an instance of the similarity Cahier points to, see the gallery
Carolingian times for its vivid description of the events of the Crucifixion. The relief sculpture of Judas and the Jews in Naumburg cathedral. The weakness of
Crucifixion in the Rabula Gospels is illustrated in Thoby, Crucifix, pl. v, No. 11. this type of "reasoning backwards" is obvious. Moreover it should be noted that
The pilgrim's box is illustrated in Morey, Early Christian Art, No. 129. at the time the ivory was carved (between the reigns of Louis the Pious and Charles
19 E.g., the Crucifixion illumination in the Gospels of Otfried of Weissenberg (Vienna, the Bald) the Jews of the empire enjoyed a great deal of freedom and tolerance, and
Nationalbibl., Cod. 2687 theol. 345) and the ivory book-cover fragment formerly were even regarded by Louis as "wards of the emperor." Nor is there any evidence
in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum, Berlin (Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, in the West, at this date, of discriminatory
I, apparel for Jews. See H. Graetz,
fig. 8). History of the Jews, Philadelphia, 1894, In, 160ff.
20 John Chrysostom writes, Exivit enim sanguis et aqua. Non sine causa vel casu hi 25 For example, an ivory plaque in the Museo Nazionale, Florence, executed at the
fontes manarunt, sed quia ex hoc utroque Ecclesia constituta est (cited by S. end of the 9th or o10th century, depicts a female figure, uncrowned (in direct con-
Tromp, "De nativitate ecclesiae ex corde Iesu in cruce," Gregorianum, 13, 1932, trast to the crowned Ecclesia), and walking away from the Cross. Her attitude is
500); Tertullian, Si enim Adam de Christo figuram dabat, somnus Adae mors erat one of rapid moving away, almost out of the picture frame-very different from
Christi dormituri in mortem, ut de iniuria perinde lateris eius vera mater viventium the fixed attitude of the Munich I ivory figure.
figuraretur ecclesia (cited by Mfiller, Ecclesia-Maria, 87 n. 113). In Cassiodorous 26 Apocalypse 21: 2. "And I John saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down
we find, Ecclesia catholica Domini passione constructa (PL, 70, col. 370); and in from God out of Heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband."
St. Jerome, Quomodo de Adam et uxore eius omne hominum nascitur genus, sic 27 III. in Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, I, No. 160a.
de Christi et Ecclesia omnis credentium multitudo generata est. Qua unum 28 For the intricate and lengthy theological doctrines pertinent to this concept, cf. the
Ecclesiae corpus effecta, cursum in latere Christi ponitur (PL, 26, cols. 568f.). The literature cited in notes 21 and 23 above.
Venerable Bede expresses it as Suis passionibus Christus Ecclesiam consecravit

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
326 The Art Bulletin
Ecclesia to confront Mary as Heavenly Jerusalem. We must,
therefore, reject such an identification for the seated figure.
A digression into theological-political history and an exam-
ination of visual evidence, heretofore not considered in this
context, is necessary to arrive at an identification of the seated
figure. Prior to the fifth century, the terms Mater Ecclesia and
Ecclesia were employed synonymously. The former terminol-
ogy was preferred by the Eastern and North African Fathers,
while the Romans preferred the latter. Roman usage of the
term Mater Ecclesia appears to have started about the time of
Pope Damasus I (366-384). By the middle of the sixth century
it had acquired a special connotation.29 The context of a letter
from Bishop Leontius of Aries to Pope Hilarius (561-568)
referring to Rome as Mater Ecclesia30 makes it clear that the
title is employed to confer upon the Roman See the role of
"Mother Church" of all the other sees of Christendom.31
Hence, Mater Ecclesia came to specifically express Roman
hegemony over the Christian world.32
The illustrated Exultet Rolls of south Italian provenance
provide evidence of the further development of the concept
of Mater Ecclesia. Although they date primarily from the
twelfth century,33 the Exultet texts were composed no later
than the seventh century, and stylistically the extant illus-
trated rolls also suggest an earlier prototype.34 In the illustra-
tions of the Exultet Rolls we find that there is a distinction
made between Ecclesia and Mater Ecclesia. Mater Ecclesia
(Fig. 2), so labeled, is always shown as an ornately gowned
woman with crown, seated or standing, in close relationship to
a schematic representation of a basilican church. Ecclesia
(Fig. 3) so labeled, is shown in various ways, sometimes as an
elaborately clothed ecclesiastic in relation to architecture.35
Most frequently, only a building is shown."3 There is no con-
sistent pattern discernible in her representation other than
the ever-present inscription.
Like Mater Ecclesia in the Exultet Rolls, the seated figure in
the Munich ivory is depicted in relation to an architectural
unit. It has the only costume in the ivory to which decorative
detail has been added. The hem of the gown and the base of
the crown both have borders of decorative pearling. Similar
29 Plumpe, Mater Ecclesia, 120f.
30 Ibid., 128 n. 16.
31 Significantly, the letter of Bishop Leontius followed not long after the fourth
Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, convened in 451 to deal with the Eutychian
Heresy.
Of special importance to our paper is that the council reaffirmed the primacy
of Rome, and did so within the context of a doctrinal dispute in which the Cruci-
fixion played a central role. The arguments refuting the heresy were offered by the
events of the Crucifixion, as explicated by Leo the Great in a letter to the Arch-
bishop of Constantinople. Cf. Schaff, Nicene Fathers, xxv, 256-94 and PL, 54, cols.
756ff.
32 This is by no means to imply that such Roman ambitions were as yet totally
accepted. Despite the Council of Chalcedon, Constantinople continued to dispute
Roman primacy. But for our purposes, it is important to recognize that the con-
cept was operative as early as the middle of the 5th century, and to realize that it is
related to the Crucifixion.
33 Cf. Avery, txultet Rolls.
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
seated figures, related to architectural motifs, appear fre-
quently in early Christian and classical art, as in countless
consular diptychs, all having imperial connotations. Two such
early representations, specifically relevant to the iconography
of our seated figure, are seen on the Missorium of Theodosius
I and the Missorium of Aspar.37 Finally, like Hellenistic Tyche
figures,38 the seated Munich figure wears a crown of walls-
the attribute of a city-personification.
The change in meaning of the term Mater Ecclesia, the
differentiation between Mater-Ecclesia and Ecclesia that ap-
pears in the Exultet Rolls, the close association of the pose
and costume of the seated figure on the Munich ivory with
imperial Rome and with city personifications all suggest an
identification as Mater Ecclesia, with specific reference to the
primacy of the Roman See and its hegemony over the Chris-
tian world.39 Such an identification would explain the relation-
ship between the standing Mary-Ecclesia figure and the seated
figure, as well as the disc held by the latter. The scene paral-
lels that of Gabriel before Mary. Just as the angel revealed to
Mary that she had been chosen to carry the Son, Mary-Ecclesia
reveals to Mater Ecclesia that she has been chosen to be keeper
of the body of Christ (the Church).40 The body, which first
hangs upon the Cross, is transformed through the Crucifixion
into the mystic body of the Eucharist. Thus the disc represents
the paten, the receptacle for the Host, the body of the Eucha-
ristic rite. This is consonant with and expands upon our
earlier suggestion of a triumph theme. We can speak of the
triumph or establishment of the Church and the institution
of the Eucharist as being integral parts of the didactic message
of this Crucifixion.
The scene of the Marys at the Tomb, somewhat set apart
from the Crucifixion above by an undulating, low-relief line,
depicts the Marys approaching an angel seated in front of a
tower-like sepulchre. The type of sepulchre depicted has been
related, most recently, to early mediaeval tower reliquaries;
similarities to crossing towers thought to have existed on
Carolingian churches, and to Westwerk structures of the ninth
century have also been noted.41 But more directly, the sep-
ulchre is related to an entire class of mediaeval buildings
34 C. B. Walker, "Exultet," Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, 1909, v, 730-33.
Generally, during the 7th century, south Italy shows the influence of Byzantine
style. The illustrations of the Exultet Rolls manifest little Byzantine influence. A
pre-7th century prototype is suggested by the "degenerated" late antique illusion-
ism, as well as the early Christian basilican type of structure suggested by the
schematic church illustrations.
35 Avery, Exultet Rolls, pls. cx, 16; 5; cLvII, 10.
cxxxn,
36 Ibid., pl. c, 5.
37 Cf. R. Delbruck, Die Consular Diptychen und verwandte Denkmaler, Berlin, 1929,
figs. 62, 35.
38 On the Tyche in late antique art, its popularity and persistence, see Morey, Early
Christian Art, 8ff.
39 That such a concept should take visual form under the aegis of the Carolingian
Dynasty is not strange. Carolingian imperial claims (against those of Byzantium)
were always closely tied to the fortunes of the Pope in Rome, and vice-versa. In
799 Pope Leo III, deposed by an opposing faction in Rome, after much abuse
made his way to Paderborn and audience with Charlemagne. Later the same year,

which are "copies" of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.42 In
this context the architectural form serves to underscore the
miracle of the Resurrection.
The grouping of the Dead Arising from the Grave with the
personifications Oceanus and Terra, which constitutes the
lowest compositional area of the ivory, clearly refers to the
conquest of death and the material world through the Cruci-
fixion. Because of the close association of the Mary-Ecclesia
figure with the Crucified, the Church becomes partaker in and
recipient of this victory. Hence, Christ died for our salvation,
and through his death the Church was established to insure
mankind's attainment of this salvation.43
The woman seated between Oceanus and Terra must now
be examined in the light of the above discussion. Previous
interpretations have varied, regarding this figure either as a
personification of Rome or as "kirchliche Glaube" or "Chris-
tian Rome"; as "erstaunnt Roma," or as "'World Power."44
Cahier goes into the greatest detail in identifying the figure as
a personification of Rome but the points of his attribution
cannot be substantiated. He states that her depiction with a
bare right breast was intended to convey the idea of an
Amazon. Why should an Amazon (if this is what was in-
tended) be chosen to personify Rome? I know of no depiction
of an Amazon in such a costume. Cahier also believed the
seated figure above to be a personification of Jerusalem. If
Jerusalem is personified as a woman wearing a walled crown,
then why not the personification of Rome? To the best of my
knowledge, personifications of Rome in classical art are de-
picted with an identifiable attribute.
Other identifications for this figure are made without any
explanation, supporting evidence, or regard for the total con-
text of the ivory. Most of these interpretations must be ruled
out as not being consistent with the context of the ivory.
There would be litle meaning, for example, in a depiction of
Christian Rome flanked by the classical personifications
Oceanus and Terra, when in the register above there is a scene
which depicts the Roman See having authority conferred upon
it by the personification Ecclesia.
I concur with the interpretations "erstaunnt Roma" and
escorted by Charlemagne's soldiers, Frankish counts and Bishops, Leo was rein-
stated as pope. This relationship of the two received graphic illustration in the
Triclinium of Leo III (817). The mosaic on the wall framing the conch of the apse
showed Christ investing St. Peter and Constantine with their respective powers,
and on the opposite side, St. Peter investing Leo and Charlemagne, comparably.
See H. Fichtenau, The Carolingian Empire and the Age of Charlemagne, P. Munz,
trans., New York, 1964.
40 A contemporary, iconographically similar grouping of figures, within a traditional
Annunciation context is seen on an ivory casket in Brunswick. See Goldschmidt,
Elfenbeinskulpturen, r, No. 9.
41 Cf. P. Verdier, "Deux plaques d'ivoire de la Resurrection avec la representation
d'un Westwerk," Revue suisse d'art et d'arche'ologie, 22, fasc. 1/3, 1962.
42 See R. Krautheimer, "Introduction to an 'Iconography of Mediaeval Architecture',"
]Warb, 5, 1942, 26-33.
43 This is expressed in Venantius Fortunatus' hymn, Vexilla Regis, "Forth comes the
standard of the King/All hail, thou Mystery adored!/ Hail, Cross, on which Life
himself,/Died, and by death our life restored" (trans. M. Britt, The Hymns of the
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CAROLINGIAN CRUCIFIXION ICONOGRAPHY 327
"World Power," and do not find them contradictory or mutu-
ally exclusive. Rather, they supplement one another and give
a full picture of the symbolic significance of the figure. On a
historical level, she is imperial, pre-Christian Rome as repre-
sentative of earthly, material power. She is depicted un-
crowned not only because her imperial power has been super-
seded by that of Christian Rome (depicted above), but also
because she represents Rome as a concept, not just a geo-
graphical locale.45" As a corollary, she also symbolizes World
Power (Roman), seated, as in the classical tradition, between
Oceanus and Terra. As for the bared breast, I would suggest
an allusion to Babylon, the harlot of the Apocalypse,46 and the
symbol of pagan Rome in opposition to Christian Rome above.
The preceding comments are hardly more than an elaboration
of Goldschmidt's interpretations of the figure as "erstaunnt
Roma," but one which adheres more closely to the context of
the ivory and indicates the richness and complexity of the
imagery employed. In the ivory then, this figure has many
levels of meaning, all implying earthly power and glory; all
superseded by the transcendental power of Christ and the
triumph of his Church.
An underlying compositional pattern, an organizational
scheme, not only brings these varied iconographic components
into a unified context, but also lends an added dimension of
meaning to the whole. The personifications of sun and moon,
the hand of God, and the angels are all confined to an area
above the arms of the Cross. Figures witnessing or partici-
pating in the Crucifixion, the personification Ecclesia and
Mater-Ecclesia, and the Marys at the Tomb, all occupy the
central horizontal area of the plaque. Beneath a ground line
which supports the Marys at the Tomb are the Dead Arising,
Oceanus and Terra, and the personification of Rome-World
power; all of which comprise the lowest area of the plaque.
New Testament exegesis placed the Cross (made of the
wood of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil) in the
center of the world where, according to mediaeval thought,
Jerusalem was located." The enlarged scale of the serpent in
the Munich ivory takes on the additional function of specify-
ing the locale of the Crucifixion (as does the unplaned, tree-
Breviary and Missal, New York, 1936).
Significantly, the hymn is sung during the Mass for Good Friday, after the
adoration of the Cross, and while the Host is carried to the high altar.
44 In their respective order, these are the interpretations of Cahier, Reil, Gold-
schmidt, and Farster.
45 The seated, crowned figure, Mater Ecclesia, combines the attribute of a locale with
the concept, in contrast to the figure in the lower register.
46 Apocalypse 17: 1-18. This is offered only as a tentative suggestion. The imagery
in the Apocalypse does not correspond to the figure depicted beyond ". .. the
great harlot who sits upon many waters" (17: 1), and ". .. the mother of the
harlotries and of the abominations of the earth" (17: 5). This could be construed
to explain her position between Oceanus and Terra.
47 See for example the Mappa Mundi (fols. 33v-34r) of the Beatus Apocalypse in the
Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, Ms 644. Cf. also Cosmas Indicopleustes, The
Christian Topography, J. W. McCrindle, trans. (Hakluyt Society Pubs., No. 98),
London, 1897, esp. Book II; also M. Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion,
London, New York, 1958, 380-85.
328 The Art Bulletin
E
ZVS
IGNIS AER
ASIA AFRICA - elation Zone. It is no longer of the earth, for Christ's death
ORE 0 has conquered earthly things, but until final salvation (through
V,
EVROPA
TERRA AQVA
0 ~ i by the strong division between the Dead Arising and the
lA6V
Fig. 1. Cosmological schema from Bede's De natura rerum. Vienna,
Staatsbibl. Ms lat. 387. Text within the schema, irrelevant to the
problem, has been omitted
like wood of the Cross). In this context the personifications of
the sun and moon, and Oceanus and Terra may be viewed in
another light. Their placement in the four corners of the
plaque, around the Cross in the center of the world, parallels
a schematic cosmological illustration in a ninth century manu-
script, now in Vienna.48 The illustration (text fig. 1) has a
square format. Within the square is a lozenge divided into
the tri-partite "T" map of the ancient world. Where the four
points of the lozenge touch the sides of the square, circles are
introduced, each labeled with one of the four cardinal direc-
tions. Each of the four triangles formed by the lozenge con-
tains a small circle labeled with the name of one of the four
elements. The position of the elements, ignes and aer above
aqua and terra, corresponds to the placement of the sun and
moon above Oceanus and Terra. Just as the elements are
arranged around the "T" map of the world, the personifica-
48 The illustration appears on fol. 134r of a text of Bede's De natura rerum. Cf. H. J.
Hermann, Die friihmittelalterlichen Handschriften des Abendlandes, Leipzig, 1923,
145ff. The manuscript was probably written in France (Saint-Amand?) and taken
by Bishop Arno to Salzburg. Arno was a confidant and advisor to both Charle-
magne and Louis the Pious.
49 This is a far cry from regarding the Munich ivory as a "simple" expression of the
"spiritual world of the early Middle Ages" (Reil, Christus am Kreuz, 83) in which
it was only necessary for the carver to arrange all of the symbols into groups-
the angels in the heavens and the resurrected in the deep, as natural symbols of
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
tions in the plaque are arranged around the Cross, which is
the center of the world. Thus, the upper area of the plaque,
where the lightest elements take their proper places, may be
called the Heavenly Zone. In like manner, the heaviest ele-
ments find their proper places in the lowest area, or what may
be termed an Earthly Zone. Between the two, we have the area
devoted to the exegesis of Christ's triumph on the Cross, the
institution of the Eucharist, and the establishment of the
Church. This area may therefore be termed a miracle or Rev-
the Church, which is shown established in this zone) it can-
not be completely of heaven. The narrow, horizontal area
depicting the Dead Arising takes on the aspect of a transition
zone between the Earthly and Revelation Zones. The dead are
leaving their graves to join the risen Christ. However, being
mortals, not of God, like Christ, they are more clearly linked
to the earth than to the revelation. Graphically, this is depicted
Marys at the Tomb, contrasted with the lack of demarcation
between the material, heavy elements and the dead.49
The iconographic complexity and underlying compositional
schema of Munich I are reflected in the other contemporary
ivory Crucifixion plaques of the group. Three of them (Figs.
4-6) are so similar to each other that they immediately sug-
gest a single model or workshop.co Certain significant differ-
ences, however, point to changed emphases. The two enigmatic
figures of the Munich ivory-Mater Ecclesia and Rome-World
Power-are not present, and the total complexity of the
plaques has diminished. In the two Victoria and Albert
Museum plaques (Figs. 4, 5), the Marys at the Tomb have
been eliminated, and the personifications of the sun and moon
are busts in superimposed medallions above the titulus. Mary
and Ecclesia are presented as two separate figures in all three
ivories, Mary in mourning on the far left and Ecclesia, hold-
ing a chalice to the side wound of Christ, shown next to the
Virgin. Ecclesia's counterpart to the right of Christ is shown
walking away from the Cross, but glancing back at the Cruci-
fied as she does so. Unlike the comparable figures in the
Munich ivory, these are not identical representations of Mary-
Ecclesia. The figure on the right, for example, carries a banner
heaven and earth.
50 The three are dated 9th-10th century by Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, i, Nos.
85, 88, 86.
51 St. Paul writes, "In their [the Jews] case, the god of this world has blinded their
unbelieving minds, that they should not see the light of the gospel of the glory
of Christ, who is the image of God" (II Corinthians 4: 4). Salvian Presbyter cites
Osiah (1: 9) "You are not my people and I am not your God" (cited in The
Fathers of the Church; Salvian Presbyter, J. F. O'Sullivan, trans., New York,
1949, 91). Similar attitudes are expressed throughout Augustine's De altercatione

while Ecclesia, on the left, does not. Moreover, in London I
(Fig. 4), Ecclesia is represented with a halo while her counter-
part is not. The differentiation between these figures is signifi-
cant, for it marks a tentative step in the transformation of the
woman on the right into a personification of Synagogue, thus
forecasting the iconographic polarity Ecclesia-Synagogue that
developed more fully later in the Middle Ages. In alluding to
the Synagogue, the movement of the figure on the right away
from the Cross is most important. Now that she turns away
from the Cross rather than turning toward Mater Ecclesia
she suggests the Patristic and Apostolic view of the Jews'
rejection of Christ-the "blind Jews" turning away from the
Saviour." Some uncertainty and confusion of attributes is
seen however, since all of these "Synagogue" figures hold the
banner associated with Christian triumph and at least the one
in London II (Fig. 5) still wears a halo like that of Ecclesia.52
To a certain extent the personifications of sun and moon
enhance the distinction between Ecclesia and Synagogue, for
the sun symbolizes the New Law and the moon, the Old Law.3'
In Paris I (Fig. 6), neither female figure is nimbed, the sun
looks down at the Saviour on the Cross while the moon looks
straight ahead, past the Crucified. Thus, the differentiation
between Ecclesia and Synagogue is revealed by reference to
other iconographic motifs in the total schema of the plaque.
The Crucifixion in this context pertains to the theme of
Christian salvation through the establishment of the Church
(Ecclesia) and defeat of the Synagogue, whose meanings are
emphasized by the attitudes of the sun and moon.
Other aspects of the meaning of the Crucifixion in these
plaques are revealed by study of the motifs in the lowest
registers in relation to the whole. Here Paris I (Fig. 6) stands
apart from the two other ivories of this group: the bottom
register contains a depiction of the Marys at the Tomb.
Oceanus and Terra are not shown. The Crucifixion within this
context, besides pertaining to the general theme of Christian
salvation, illustrates the triumph of Christ over death. He is
not shown dead, but with eyes open and head erect." It is not
only Christ's triumph, but Mankind's as well, for the serpent
of original sin, at the foot of the Cross, is also conquered by
his death. The Dead Arising are depicted in the same zone as
the serpent. Thus, from Christ's death springs Mankind's
hope of redemption. Christ's personal triumph is emphasized
by the important position given to the Marys at the Tomb.
Ecclesiae et Synagogue (PL, 8, cols. 1134ff.). For a discussion of the literature per-
taining to this personification and its application to art, cf. M. Schlauch, "The
Allegory of Church and Synagogue," Speculum, 14, 1939, 445ff.
52 The slightly later Crucifixion ivory in the Museo Nazionale, Florence (Goldschmidt,
Elfenbeinskulpturen, I, No. 114), mentioned in note 25 above, already appears,
however, to show a fully formed distinction between Ecclesia and Synagogue.
Although only peripherally related to our group, it contains many of the same
iconographic elements and is organized in the same tripartite zonal scheme.
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CAROLINGIAN CRUCIFIXION ICONOGRAPHY 329
The total meaning is most cogently expressed by the compo-
sition of the plaque. Above the arms of the Cross, the heavenly
beings (angels) reach out to receive the Lord. Their hands are
not covered in mourning, emphasizing the triumphal nature
of the moment. In the central zone the Church is established,
the serpent conquered, and the faithful rise up from the dead.
The lowest zone, presenting the Marys at the Tomb, returns
to the emphasis on Christ's personal triumph. With the
elimination of Oceanus and Terra the cosmological import of
the Munich ivory has been reduced. It has been replaced by
the greater emphasis on Christ's personal triumph-but still
within the same zonal scheme.
The two London plaques (Figs. 4, 5) differ most obviously
from the Paris plaque in replacing the Marys at the Tomb with
Oceanus and Terra. This replacement shifts emphasis back to
the universality of Christ's sacrifice and alludes to his personal
triumph only in showing him with head erect and eyes open-
a living sacrifice recalling John Chrysostom's words.55 How-
ever, the London plaques do not carry the full cosmological
significance we saw in the Munich ivory. The reduction in
scale of the personifications of the sun and moon, and their
placement above the staff of the Cross decreases their relation-
ship to Oceanus and Terra and characterizes them as descrip-
tive elements drawn from the Gospel accounts of the Cruci-
fixion.
In sharp contrast with the plaques discussed above is the
compositional scheme of an ivory in the Nationalmuseum,
Munich (Munich II; Fig. 7). But the individual iconographic
parts and their sum closely approach the content of Munich I.
Munich II is basically composed in two divisions. A large
central Cross occupies a little more than half the length of the
plaque. It springs from a ground ledge which divides the ivory
in two horizontally. Oceanus and Terra, resting upon this
ground ledge, flank the base of the Cross. Another ground
line, above, supports Mary and Longinus to the left, and
Stephaton and John to the right. A serpent is coiled about the
Cross at this level. Two large medallions resting on the arms
of the Cross contain personifications of the sun and moon.
Neither Ecclesia nor Synagogue is present. Only Christ is
depicted with a halo.
The area below Oceanus and Terra contains an expanded
representation of the Marys at the Tomb, including the sleep-
ing soldiers and various architectural motifs suggesting the
Ecclesia, richly gowned, crowned and holding a chalice to Christ's wound, is op-
posed to a female figure on the right of the Cross, represented without attributes
and turning completely away from the scene, in fact practically walking out of it.
She can only be interpreted as the blind, non-believing Synagogue.
53 For the full implications of the sun and moon in Crucifixion scenes cf. Haute-
coeur, "Le soleil et la lune."
54 Cf. Grondijs, Iconographie du Crucifid.
55 See note 10 above.
330 The Art Bulletin
sepulchre and the gate of a city."6 The scene is a quite literal
depiction of the Gospel account of Easter morning.
The upper register differs from the lower in its iconographic
approach, since the historical Crucifixion is the core of a com-
plex exegesis. The manner in which the Cross itself is depicted
offers the key to an understanding of the scene. It extends
below the ground line upon which the historical figures stand,
down to the level of Oceanus and Terra and rises to the upper
limits of the medallions encircling the sun and moon. The
Cross thus spans creation from the heavens to the earth. Per-
forming the role played by Ecclesia in the other ivories, it sug-
gests the universal or cosmic significance of the event de-
picted. The Crucifixion here is presented as the Triumph of
the Cross over evil-(the serpent)-while in the lower scene
the Marys at the Tomb symbolize the Triumph of Christ.
Hence the two registers together give a rich, unusual variation
upon the triumph theme.57
Each of the remaining ivories to be discussed is strongly
individual in its didactic approach to the Crucifixion. None-
theless, each displays a schematic approach and iconographic
theme which relates it to the other ivories of the whole group.
A new iconographic motif-the Evangelists-appears in the
plaque on Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale Ms 9383 (Fig. 8).
Accompanied by their appropriate symbols, they are seated
above, and separated from, the arms of the Cross, their feet
resting upon a low-relief ledge. Their inclusion reflects the
opening lines of the Gospel according to John: In principio
erat Verbum, Et Verbum erat apud Deum, Et Deus erat Ver-
bum, and signifies the presence of the Divine Word. In the
context of the Crucifixion the Evangelists represent not only
the documentary source of the events depicted but also the
basis for exegesis of these events.
In Paris II John has been transferred to the left side of the
Cross. He and Mary form a couple, both gesturing in suppli-
cation. Another pair, on the right of the Cross, comprises a
56 Only one gospel account mentions three Marys: Mark 16: 1.
The scene of the Marys leaving the city-gates of Jerusalem may possibly have
been influenced by Bishop Arculph's 7th century description of the Holy City and
its buildings. Archaeological evidence indicates that both Golgotha and the Holy
Sepulchre were outside the walls of Jerusalem at the time of Christ's death. Cf.
H. Vincent, and F. N. Abel, Jerusalem. Recherches de topographie, d'archgologie
et d'histoire, 2nd ed., Paris, 1926.
57 This plaque aids in understanding a 9th century ivory in the cathedral treasury of
Narbonne (ill. in Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, I, No. 31). What appears to be
simply a narrative sequence of scenes takes on additional meaning when we note
that the Ascension and Pentecost are placed above the arms of the Cross, as
distinct from the events of Christ's life on earth. They are placed there in con-
junction with personifications of the sun and moon, and thus are truly in the
heavens. In contrast, at the foot of the Cross the Roman soldiers are shown
dividing Christ's robe. Thus the material, earthly possessions and events are below--
corresponding to Oceanus and Terra. The Cross spans the plaque from "earth" to
"heaven," as in the Munich II Crucifixion scene.
58 The two-dimensional character of the halo points to a manuscript rather than a
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
standing female figure, without a nimbus, who holds a stand-
ard aloft-Ecclesia-and a majestic seated woman holding
an object in her left hand and crowned with a city-wall halo.58
Cahier has identified the object held by this city-personifica-
tion as the knife of Mosaic law and the woman herself as
Jerusalem, the seat of the Old Law-an interpretation with
which we agree.59 The juxtaposition of Ecclesia and Jerusalem
is recognizable as another variation of the Ecclesia-Synagogue
theme. Since Ecclesia does not carry a chalice, the establish-
ment of the Church and the institution of the Eucharist are
not the primary emphases. Jerusalem (Synagogue) is not de-
picted leaving the scene but remains to be confronted, and
indeed converted by Ecclesia. The presence of the Evangelists
with the attendant emphasis upon the Word helps to explain
the relation between Ecclesia and the Jerusalem personifica-
tion. The "knife of Mosaic Law" refers to the Old Covenant
which is being superseded by the New Word. Hence the em-
phasis is on the New Law converting the Old. In the an-
nunciatory gesture of Ecclesia we have an expansion of the
words of John 1: 17-18, "For the law was given by Moses,
but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ," and a suggestion
of the Petrine doctrine of carrying the Word to the Jews
rather than the Gentiles.60 The angel in a contemporary An-
nunciation on the Brunswick Casket61 points to the Virgin in
the same manner, clarifying still further the gesture of Ecclesia
in Paris II. This is an "annunciation" to the Old Law that it
has been supplanted by the New Convenant. This "annuncia-
tion" parallels that in the Munich I ivory; only what is being
"announced" has changed. We thus have additional evidence
which substantiates our observation in regard to Munich I
that a female figure moving away from the Cross is not neces-
sarily Synagogue.
Beneath the suppedaneum in the Paris II ivory is an oblong
barrel-like object, identified by Goldschmidt as a dicing box
used by the Roman soldiers gambling for Christ's robe, which
sculptural tradition. A similar two-dimensional representation of a city-wall crown
may be found in the Notitia dignitatum, which reflects a late antique manuscript
tradition. See H. Stern, Le calendrier de 354, Paris, 1953, pl. L, fig. 1. I am grate-
ful to Prof. H. Bober for calling this to my attention.
59 Cahier ("Cinq plaques," 57) sees the "sacrificial knife" as an indication of
Milanese influence in the iconography of the ivory. He cites specifically the tx-
ultet of the Ambrosian chant for the Benediction of the Heavenly Lamb:
"Behold, He has not allowed them (the Jews) to come over and be made anew;
for the sharp blade of Mosiac sharpened stone decays to roughness.
Christ the eternal insignia of the true people, not the groin-an annointment,
not a wound." (trans. S. F.)
On the basis of this text Cahier identified the seated woman holding the knife as
a personification of Jerusalem (the Old Law). The walled halo supports this
identification. Cahier interprets the standing woman confronting the seated figure
as Ecclesia (the New Law). The confrontation is explained by reference to St.
John Chrysostom (Sermon xcv). However, no explanation is offered as to why the
Old Law does not give away before the coming of the New Law, nor for the odd
argumentative hand gesture of Ecclesia. Didron (Annales archgologiques, vr, 1847,
 CAROLINGIAN CRUCIFIXION ICONOGRAPHY 331

is depicted by the cloth directly below. Christ's robe, which
the soldiers could not rend, is symbolic of the unity and
strength of his Church, and thus amplifies the total meaning
of the ivory. Similar dicing devices appear in contemporary
ivories62 and in the Utrecht Psalter." Cahier, on the other
hand believed the object to be a receptacle for the Holy Blood
of the Eucharist, finding a source in an Ambrosian Epistle.4
Within the context of the ivory, Cahier's contention seems
more fitting than Goldschmidt's, especially since Ecclesia is
depicted without a chalice--and seemingly more consistent
with a Crucifixion scene. However, in view of the supporting
evidence of the other works cited, I believe Goldschmidt's inter-
pretation to be more acceptable.
Although a serpent is not depicted at the base of the Cross,
part of the contemporary jeweled and metal frame carries a
relevant inscription. Two gilt metal bands contain the follow-
ing words: In cruce restituit XPS; pia victima factus/Quod
mala fraus tulerat serpentis preda ferocis. The iconographic
significance of the serpent in our other ivories is expressed
clearly here as well.
An enthroned figure between Oceanus and Terra is depicted
in a manner similar to the Jerusalem personification. She holds
attributes directly relating to imperial power: a banner, aloft
in her right hand, and an orb of the world in her left."' This
figure has been identified as a personification of Heaven as
well as of Rome."6 Her identification as Heaven has little
meaning in the present context, for the sun and moon, the
heavenly bodies, are above the Cross, while the figure in
question is flanked by Oceanus and Terra, the terrestrial bodies.
I believe this figure can be best understood as a personifica-
tion of pagan Roman World Power (Oikumenos).7 The Cross
is physically linked with the seated woman, rising directly
from her. Hence the triumphant Christ on the Cross accedes
to a position of world rule, superseding pagan World Power.
This scene parallels the scene of the New Law (Ecclesia)
superseding the Old Law (Synagogue), and the two scenes
bear the same relationship to each other as the comparable
scenes in MunichI, only with changedmeaning.
Compositionallythere is a twofold movementin the plaque
-up from the personificationof World Power and down from
the Evangelists. Both movements meet in the body of the
Crucified,the instrument through which the Divine Word is
revealed, and through whom the Divine drama is enacted.
This movement helps to clarify the horizontal,zonal division
of the composition. As we have seen, this zonal composition
appearsin the other plaques discussed thus far. Details might
change, and with them emphasis, but we continue to deal
with a heavenly, earthly and revelation zone. Thus there is
ampledemonstrationof the flexibilityand force of this compo-
sitional schemefor exegeticpurposes.
The last plaque of this group to be considered in detail
(Fig. 10) departsmost strongly from those alreadyconsidered.
But even a casual glance reveals the tripartite zonal schema
which relates it to our other plaques. The ivory, London,
Victoria and Albert Museum No. 266-1867, dates from the
ninth century. The depiction of the Crucifixionis confined to
the upperzone of the plaque.At the outeredges of this areaare
added the thieves on their crosses. Christ on the Cross, larger
than any other figures in this area, dominates the zone. This
scene is a straightforwardaccount of the Crucifixion,with
only the serpentadding an exegiticalcommentary.
The lowest zone contains representationsof Oceanus and
Terra. Between them is an open sarcophaguswith a figure,
arising, and a small, domed structure--a boxlike sarcophagus
(?). This architecturalunit is difficult to explain. But since it
is not shown open, nor emitting a person, we might conjecture
that it was intended to represent a pagan burial monument,
and thereforegiven the form of a cinerarytomb. The contrast
between the "true believer" and the "false believer" would
thus be madegraphicallyexplicit.

104) suggests that the unusual pointing gesture of Ecclesia represents her trying to beinskulpturen, No. 31) has a similar barrel-like device below the suppedaneum and
convert Jerusalem through reason. Didron's insight is not supported and both his a depiction of the Roman soldiers dividing Christ's robe, beneath it. See also the
and Cahier's analyses suffer from viewing the specific elements out of context, Victoria and Albert Museum ivory No. 266-1867, below.
while relying solely upon specific textual sources. They ignore the exegetic nature 63 Cf. E. Dewarld, The Illustrations of the Utrecht Psalter, Princeton, n. d., pl. xix,
of the total plaque which does not rely upon a single text, but presents its own fol. 12r.
"new" interpretation of dogma. 64 St. Ambrose, Epistle Iv, Ad Felicius, ... Ibi arca Testamenti undique auro tecta, id
The object held by the seated figure has also been identified as a razor on the est doctrina Christi . . . Ibi dolium aurem habens manna; receptaculum scilicet
basis of a similar instrument shown in the hand of the Psalmist in Psalm 51 of the
spiritalis alimoniae, et divinae promptuarium cognitionis (PL, 16, col. 9288).
Utrecht Psalter. Verse 4 of the psalm reads: "All day long thy tongue hath 65 The figure, in this position seated imperial figures such as on the
parallels
devised injustice: as a sharp razor thou hast wrought deceit." The reference is to Missorium of Aspar and that of Theodosius. See above, note 37.
Doeg who is being chastised by the Psalmist. The same "razor" in the same con- 66 Firster, Denkmale, identified the figure as Heaven, and Goldschmidt, Elfen-
text is seen in the 9th century Psalter of Henry the Liberal, Cathedral Treasury, beinskulpturen, I, No. 83, as Rome.
Troyes, and again in a psalter in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Douce Ms 59. The 67 Such an identification was suggested by J. Schwartz ("Quelques sources antiques
Psalmist, who in the psalters is a prophet of Christ, in all cases holds the "razor," d'ivoires carolingiens," CA, n, 1960, 145ff.) for the comparable figure in the
so one must question its pertinence as an attribute of Synagogue. Munich 4452 ivory. Although I believe this identification to be too limited in the
60 I Peter I, and especially I Peter 2: 9. context of the Munich ivory, it appears to be applicable
61 See note 40 above. in the context of the
Paris ivory.
62 The ivory plaque in the cathedral treasury of Narbonne (Goldschmidt, Elfen-

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
332 The Art Bulletin
In the central zone the Marys at the Tomb are shown in a
composition which stretches across the entire register.68 The
sepulchre rises through the entire area, dividing the zone into
halves. In the left quadrant are the Roman soldiers gambling
for the robe of Christ. In the right quadrant, above the sleep-
ing soldiers, we see a figure holding a trident aloft confronting
a person seated upon a throne and crowned with a turreted
halo. This nimbus is strongly reminiscent of the walled halo
of the comparable figure in Paris II (Fig. 8). The enthroned
figure has a band around his head suggesting a chaplet, an
attribute conferring imperial status. The person with the
trident and the soldier flanking the seated figure further invest
him with an imperial dignity inasmuch as the latter stands in
attendance, as in innumerable late antique imperial repre-
sentations on consular diptychs."0 The trident figure has every
appearance of a dignitary paying homage to the imperial
figure.70
A companion plaque in the British Museum (Fig. 9)71 is also
divided into three registers but has a narrative sequence of
scenes. Depicted in the upper register is the Arrest of Christ.
In the central register, to the left is the Kiss of Judas; middle,
Christ led away; and right, Peter and Malchus. The entire
lowest register is devoted to the Ecce Homo. Christ crowned
with thorns is a mock king. The crown worn by Christ sug-
gests a correlation with the chaplet and turreted halo of the
enthroned figure on the Crucifixion plaque. This latter figure,
seated in imperial dignity, the Christian counterpart to the
Imperial Roman, "false king," is honored as Christ crowned
with thorns is derided. If on the one hand we see Christ
mocked on earth, then on the other we may have him en-
throned in heaven, in the Heavenly Jerusalem to which his
turreted halo alludes. This king and his kingdom reign su-
preme; the physical world-Oceanus and Terra-is subject
to them. Although the general zonal division pointed to in
the previous ivories is present compositionally, the uppermost
68 The three Marys approach the sepulchre from the left, not the right. This is the
only such example I know of Western origin. The iconographic tradition in the
West is to have the Marys approach the angel from the right. Early Eastern
examples of the Marys approaching the angel from the left can be seen in the
Rabula Gospels, of Syrian origin. Ill. Morey, Early Christian Art, No. 126. Eastern
sources are also apparent in the colobium Christ wears, normally not seen in
Western Crucifixions. Examples can be seen in the aforementioned Rabula Gospels
(Ill. Morey, loc.cit.) and in a 5th-6th century pilgrim's box of Palestinian origin,
now in the Vatican Museum (Ill. Morey, No. 129).
69 Cf. W. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Splitantike und des friihen Mittelalters,
2nd ed., Mainz, 1952.
70 Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, No. 132a, interprets the seated figure as Je-
rusalem, seat of the Old Law, and the figure with the trident as Ecclesia. He
offers no meaning for the trident. L. Weber (Einbanddecken, Elfenbeintafeln,
Miniaturen, Schriftproben aus metzer liturgischen Handschriften, jetzige pariser
Handschriften, Frankfort, 1912) relates the figure with the trident to the Ecclesia
personi8fication in the Tongres, Cathedral Treasury ivory plaque. She carries a
three-budded branch and the possible parallel between this and the trident is the
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
register is not a Heavenly Zone, but rather a continuation of
the narrative sequence begun in the companion plaque. The
central zone combines aspects of a Heavenly Zone (the
Heavenly City grouping) and a Zone of Revelation (Marys at
the Tomb and the scene of soldiers gambling for Christ's
robe, with its implication of one, indivisible Church). The
lowest zone retains its character as an Earthly Zone, with ele-
ments of the Revelation Zone present (Dead Arising). Despite
these departures from the typical pattern, the system of three
zonal divisions itself is related to the general compositional
schema of the other Crucifixion ivories. Only by recognizing
the relationship between the overall structure of this ivory
and the others of the group can we understand the full mean-
ing of the plaque.
In the Musee Municipale, Metz, there is an eleventh century
ivory plaque known as the "Adalbero Plate" (Fig. 11).72 Al-
though the ivory, chronologically, cannot be considered Caro-
lingian, it merits our attention because of its undoubted Metz
provenance. It thus exemplifies the persistence of an icono-
graphic scheme in Metz where, apparently, this type of Cruci-
fixion exegesis first evolved. It also attests to the complete
viability of a scheme which, while absorbing new influences,
adapts and subordinates them to its more traditional content.
Iconographically this plaque offers new variations upon the
themes we have already encountered.
The centrally placed Cross rests upon a tree, which in turn
is depicted atop the capital of a classical column. The tree is
flanked by the nude figures of a man and woman. The woman
holds an "apple," thus the reference to Adam and Eve and the
Tree of Eden is unmistakable. With this "miniature" Eden
and the depiction of the Fall of Man, the serpent, although not
depicted, is clearly implied, and we find a consistent, signifi-
cant variation upon the serpent theme common to all of the
ivories of our group. Another aspect of this particular icono-
graphic feature is the implication of the Cross coming from
only similarity between the two figures. Although I cannot offer an interpretation
of the trident as a symbol, I believe the attempt to relate it to the attribute
carried by Ecclesia in the Tongres ivory is too tenuous to be accepted. For a
discussion of the Tongres ivory, cf. Cahier, "Cinq plaques," and Goldschmidt, In,
No. 57.
71 Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, No. 113a, considers this ivory the companion
piece to the London plaque. The two are the same size with similar compositional
organization and style. However, he suggests no iconographic interdependence
between the two ivories, seeing them each as iconographically independent works.
I am indebted to Dr. Bober for suggesting the iconographic relationship between
the two plaques.
72 Goldschmidt, Elfenbeinskulpturen, No. 78, dated the plaque ca. 1000. The plaque's
name derives from a small bust within r, a boxlike frame, at the base of the ivory,
inscribed "Adalbero." The question arises as to which Adalbero the plaque refers.
Adalbero I was Bishop of Metz from 929 to 964. Adalbero II was Bishop from
984 to 1005. It was under Adalbero I that the Benedictine abbey was established
at St. Arnulf's in Metz (cf. "Adalbero I," Biographie Belgique, Brussels, 1866,
I, 30-32). However, by the time of Adalbero II, the center of cultural activity
 .nil
N?4i
::1mo

"A
*4 :*

~~is-iilA, V-1k1.
I-Tr.
ilk
A.::
i *w

1. Crucifixion,upper cover, Munich, Staatsbibl. cod. lat. 4452, Ix cent.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 d
I;?

I ~.
T?i

j3
:h,
:?

e I ~C~i ~
i 9
~LI)
i
--"2~

r?' ~;?u,
bM7epe~ fP
J:cS
?; ii ?t

i
3j
.-.4\
\ii
;r-su~
Ai w
khG? all ::,;

~d~-~fY~Be~~ ?,;I:
R
hl~ .?
:

i.
I i~t ?- ;;.-uru~ ::::~:
:2? t

e a FII-
- -:;:~aea~a~se~i~%i~~;
?.3
.z ~Qi~hll; f;
?:~::
"
?`?~d~

2 3

I~ '-

T ;I
1: ~' ii:
~-,ggp~ - -?~rra~a~kp;~??IRl~ce~F~s~; i
I ~u6ilPa~da ~ I~t I II~ I~"~ I:~i~j13fL3~~ I~
I k~BE~ ~tf~ 4?1,;

~T~rr" ~~ ~aa~e~~ i

? - 1. ; g I II~~~
~?P;~I&/Y~C~`"-R ?::CIIPd~i~~
f llQ

r~ '4 .;
:?
I I I I II ~^I a413ls-~isk-1 a~g
~
i
ij
i,!
i
Cr?
* ?
I
r .;9
~9 ~Oi,~CI BI
?P~~f~klC ~
~Y--?I .: ~~p?;
F,;

:" , ~s - ~LI ,-,, ~JPIC~-? IL ~L~-s I I~1IY I - ~-~ll~i~i~BWI I~S~r:t

i- I,!
'f ,a Aa~ * ?
"I:
lr~ ~t~~'

I '' I
-rrr BI~E :~""

ri

4 5 6

2. Mater Ecclesia. Rome, Bibl. Vat., Ms Barb. lat. 592 (from Avery, Exultet 4. Crucifixion. London, Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 250-1867, Ix cent.
Rolls, pl. cxLIx, 6)
5. Crucifixion. London, Victoria and Albert Museum, No. 251-1867, Ix cent.
3. Ecclesia. Pisa, Museo Civico (from Avery, Exultet Rolls, pl. c, 5)
6. Crucifixion, upper cover, Paris, Bibl. Nat. Ms lat. 9453, Ix cent.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7

7. Crucifixion.Munich, Nationalmuseum, MA160, Ix cent. 8. Crucifixion,upper cover, Paris, Bibl. Nat. Ms lat. 9383, xxcent.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
9
10 11

9. Ivory plaque. London, British Museum, Ix cent. 10. Crucifixion. London, Victoria and Albert Museum, Ix cent.

11. Crucifixion, Adalbero Plate. Metz, Musee Municipale, xI cent.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

the Tree of Knowledge in Paradise. Although the Cross itself
is depicted as planed wood, its rising from the Tree of Eden
is a clear reference to the Legend of the Cross. In this context,
the significance is the redemptive nature of Christ's sacrifice
upon the Cross. Through Adam's fall from Grace Man lost
Paradise, and by the sacrifice of the "Second Adam," Man is
redeemed.
The Cross and the Eden scene rest upon a classical column.
The position of the column in relation to the Cross, and to
Oceanus and Terra who flank the base of the column, cor-
responds to that of the seated figure in the Paris II ivory
(Fig. 8). Thus World Power, which manifested itself as a
personification in a late antique, imperial form now takes the
less personal guise of an antique column. This choice of an
alternate symbol is consonant with the Metz provenance of
the ivory. Legends in Metz going back as far as the ninth
century associate one of the oldest churches in the city, dedi-
cated to the Holy Cross, with antique columns. The associa-
tion was also made between the triumph of the Church and
the demise of pagan antiquity. Hence the appearance of this
unusual iconographic feature can be fully explained in terms
of the Metz provenance of this plaque, while still showing a
program consistent with the other plaques of our group.
One stage above Oceanus and Terra, flanking the column
are depictions of the four Evangelists with beast heads. Zoo-
morphic representations of the Evangelists derived from an
earlier tradition in Christian art. In part this tradition is evi-
dent in the Book of Kells, which in turn was "probably copied
from an earlier model, in which the Evangelists were grouped
in two pairs presenting their gospels to Christ enthroned."74
The parallel is apparent. The remainder of the plaque contains
the already familiar iconographic elements of the Dead Aris-
ing, Mary and Ecclesia, the Synagogue and John. Above the
arms of the Cross are the sun and moon personified in sepa-
rate medallions and two angels resting upon the clouds.
had shifted to Germany of the Ottos. The strong classical overtones and the
Eastern influences suggested by the zoomorphic Evangelist depictions (see p. 333
and note 74) correspond to the Byzantine influence felt in Germany during the
reign of the Ottos. Thus a date of ca. 1000 and connection with Adalbero II
appears fully justified.
73 The oldest church inside the city walls of Metz (second only to the cathedral),
and on the highest ground within the city was Sainte-Croix "pres des colonnes,"
mentioned as early as the 7th century in the "Life of St. Arnulf" (Vita Sancti
Arnulphi, MGH, Script. rer. Merov., 11, 436). A 9th century Metz manuscript
(Paris, Bibl. Nat. Ms lat. 268) mentions this church as iuxta columnas, but the
reason is yet to be fully ascertained. A Metz chronicle dated 1698 carries a long
poem, which in part reads: "Au plus haut de la Cite/Y etoit an pillier plant6/Et
sur ce pillier une Idole/De Jupiter etoit le mollb" (in Klauser, Th. and Bour, R. S.,
Un document du IX sikcle. Notes sur l'ancienne liturgie de Metz et sur ses
Eglises anterieuses t l'an mil, Metz, 1929, 172). Venerable tradition in Metz as-
sociated a column of Jupiter with the highest point of the city, site of Sainte-
Croix. Archeological excavations have uncovered an antique column carrying a
statue of Jupiter, at the extreme end of the citadel, and a head of Jupiter at the
This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CAROLINGIAN CRUCIFIXION ICONOGRAPHY 333
The "Adalbero Plate" is thus among the more iconograph-
ically complex of the ivories we have examined. The redemp-
tion of Mankind through the "second Adam" is coupled with
the Establishment of the Church and the Institution of the
Eucharist. Added to this is the universal nature of the redemp-
tion; the role of the Gospels in the process; and through
specific local references relative to the Crucifixion the down-
fall of pagan antiquity is also implied.
We have seen that a small group of ivory plaques devoted
to the Crucifixion are iconographically related. By virtue of the
similarity of compositional means employed they present
many variant themes within the exegetic context of the Cruci-
fixion. Only by understanding the relationship of the schema
to the variant presentations have we been able to comprehend
the meaning of the individual figures and their role in the total
exegetic statement.
When considered in toto this group of ivory plaques demon-
strates the complexity of Carolingian visual exegesis, an ex-
egesis based upon a mode of thought which is more readily
apparent in the plastic arts of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, but not heretofore fully recognized in the ninth
century. Certainly, within this framework, the "renaissance"
of the Carolingian Dynasty is imbued with a greater, more
far reaching significance.
Inasmuch as these ivories are visual exegetic statements in
their own right, synthesizing diverse traditions (textual and
oral), textual evidence in any single source, so frequently
utilized in iconographic analyses, will not be readily found.
Thus the method employed and the conclusions, resting as
they do to a large degree upon visual interpretation, could be
questioned; but the very questions raised would serve only to
indicate the limitations and inadequacies of a more "tradi-
tional" approach.
Harpur College
State University of New York at Binghamton
site of the ancient church of Sainte-Croix (Mgmoires de la Socifth d'archgoIogie
de la Moselle, I, 1850, 64).
Klauser and Bour (op.cit., 67) raise the question as to the choice of the site for
the church of Sainte-Croix: "Did they wish to indicate by the victory of the
religion of Christ, the triumph of the Cross over the false cults of paganism?"
They answer, "In that case they couldn't have chosen better . . . In Rome, the
church of Sainte-Croix, erected by St. Helena with the assistance of Constantine,
was made part of the imperial palace. Now in Metz, Sainte-Croix was errected
next to the court and residence of the Kings of Austrasia" (trans, S. F.). The
relevance of this relationship to the "Adalbero Plate" is further borne out by
additional lines from the Metz Chronicle of 1698. When Christ was crucified,
"Tant tremble (la terre) par bonne raisons/Qu'a Metz tomberent plusiers maisons;
/Et l'Idole de Jupiter/En celuy jour tomba par terre." Thus we find a venerable,
consistent tradition in Metz which associated the Crucifixion with the fall of
Roman imperial power and the end of the pagan world.
74 Cf. Z. Ameisenowa, "Animal-Headed Gods, Evangelists, Saints, Righteous Men,"
JWarb, 12, 1949, 39f.
334 The Art Bulletin

BIBLIOGRAPHYOF FREQUENTLYCITED SOURCES

Avery, M., The Exultet Rolls of South Italy, Princeton, 1936.
Cahier, C., "Cinq plaques d'ivorie sculpte representant la mort de
Jesus-Christ,"Melanges d'archeologie,2, 1851, 39-76.
Forster, E., Denkmale deutsche Baukunst, Bildnerei und Malerei, Leip-
zig, 1855, I, pt. 2, 9ff.
Friend, Jr., A. M., "Carolingian Art in the Abbey of St. Denis," Art
Studies, 1, 1923, 67f.
Goldschmidt, A., Die Elfenbeinskulpturen aus der Zeit der Karolingi-
schen und sichsischen Kaiser, Berlin, 1914.
Grondijs, L., L'iconographie byzantin du Crucifit mort sur la Croix,
Utrecht, 1947.
Hildburgh, W., "A Medieval Bronze Pectoral Cross," AB, 14, 1932,
79-96.
Morey, C. R., Early Christian Art, 2nd ed., Princeton, 1953.
Miiller, A., Ecclesia-Maria,Fribourg,1951.
Plumpe, J. C., Mater Ecclesia, an Inquiry into the Concept of the Church
as Mother in Early Christianity,Washington, D.C., 1943.
Reil, J., Christus am Kreuz in des Bildkunst der Karolingerzeit, Leipzig,
1940.
Schaff, P., ed., A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers
of the Christian Church, New York, 1890.
Thoby, P., Histoire du Crucifix, Nantes, 1959.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.158 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 02:14:13 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions