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JOURNAL

OF
THE ASIATIC SOCIETY

VOLUME LIX No. 3 2017

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY


1 PARK STREET ˆ KOLKATA
© The Asiatic Society

ISSN 0368-3308

Edited and published by


Dr. Satyabrata Chakrabarti
General Secretary
The Asiatic Society
1 Park Street
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Published in October 2017

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CONTENTS

ARTICLES
Significance and Signification of Païcatattva of Tantra
Lily Biswas ... 1
Néti Literature : A Forgotten Branch of
History of Päli Literature
Ujjwal Kumar ... 33
Mära Vijaya in Amarävaté Art : A Stylistic Comparative
Analysis with other Early Art Centres of India
Sreyashi Ray Chowdhuri ... 59
Interpreting Uväsagadasäo in the light of
Ancient Indian Agronomy
Suchitra Ray Acharyya ... 83
A Short Note on an Unique Early Medieval Aqaba
Amphora from Coastal East Medinipur District, West Bengal
Kaushik Gangopadhyay, V. Selvakumar, Aurobindo Maiti 109

GLEANINGS FROM THE PAST


A Note on the Bengal School of Artists
S. Kumar ... 125
An Observation on ‘A Note on the Bengal School of Artists’
Rangan Kanti Jana ... 131

BOOK REVIEWS
An Idealist in India: Selected Writings and Speeches of
Sister Nivedita by Amiya P Sen
Nikhiles Guha ... 137
Proper Names of Persons in Vedic Literature
by Samiran Chandra Chakrabarti
H. S. Ananthanarayana ... 143
Prehistory of South Asia (Lower Palaeolithic or Formative era of
Hunting Gathering) by K. Paddayya and Sushama G. Deo
Ranjana Ray ... 147
Dakshin Paschim Banger Murty Shilpa O Sanskriti
by Shri Chittaranjan Dasgupta
Somnath Mukherjee ... 151
SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF
PAÏCATATTVA OF TANTRA
LILY BISWAS

Introduction
The worship of the Mother Goddess who symbolizes the power
(Çakti), is practiced in India since the time of Vedas. Swämé
Säradänanda observes that ‘Çakti püjä, especially the worship of Çakti
as mother is the exclusive heritage of India.’ There is a natural
inclination in human beings to enjoy life. Most of the time, this
enjoyment chains ourselves to the objects of enjoyment. The result is
that instead of enjoying the objects of enjoyment we are devoured by
them. Since we voluntarily bind ourselves with fetters (päça) to those
objects, we descend to the status of fettered being (paçu). In order to
liberate ourselves from those fetters, we must gain complete mastery
over the objects of nature. Then we would become Paçupati or the
Lord of beasts. As it is stated :
ghåëä çaìkä bhayaà lajjä jugupsä ceti païcamé
Kulaà çélam tathä jätir-añöopäçäù-prakértitäù
Päça-baddhaù småto jévaù päça-muktaù sadäçivaù.
(Kulärëavatantra, 9th ulläsa. V. 42.)
Hatred, doubt, fear, shame, aversion, lineage, character and caste
are the eight fetters. Human being becomes jéva when he is bound by
these fetters and becomes Sadäçiva when he is free of them. To attain
the status of highest reality (Paçupati / Sadäçiva), one must acquire
power (bala) through the worship of Çakti who is the primordial source
of power.
The worship of the great Mother Goddess cannot be performed
without païcatattva (five principles) in one form or another. The
objective of using these tattvas in the worship of the great Mother is
that by repeating the ritualistic practices based on païcatattva, one
realizes that the performance of every human act is an act of worship
towards the great Mother. Çaìkaräcärya in his famous hymn to the
2 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

primordial Çakti (Saundaryalaharé, verse: 27) concludes by saying ‘O


Supreme Goddess, may all the functions of my mind be thy
remembrance, may all my words be thy praise, may all my acts be an
obeisance unto thee’.
Later, Çré Rämakåñëa in the nineteenth century rejuvenated the
täntrika worship to its divine status by practicing all the sixty-four
varieties of disciplines mentioned in the viñëukränta (which is explained
later) under the guidance of his woman preceptor Bhairavé1 Yogeçwaré.
The Tantras advocate the worship of Çakti because through it, one
achieves the double fulfillment - bhukti (enjoyment) as well as mukti
(liberation). Thus, it is enunciated in Präëatoñiëé (p. 544).
‘yaträsti bhogo na ca tatra mokño yaträsti mokño na ca tatra bhogaù
Çrésundarésevanatatparäëäà bhogaçca mokñañca karastha eva’.
Where there is worldly enjoyment there is no liberation; where
there is liberation, there is no worldly enjoyment. However, devotees
of goddess Çrésundaré 2 could achieve both simultaneously.
The main objective of this paper is to give a critical exposition of
the païcatattva or five tattva-s of Tantra sädhanä. This is important for
eliminating certain misconceptions about some of the salient features
of Tantra sädhanä, specially the part that deals with multidimensional
and specific significance of païcatattva that are popularly known as
five makära-s (païcamakära). Our analysis in this paper is intended to
highlight the deep significance of païcamakära sädhanä and therefore
indirectly it will provide a rejoinder to many of its common
misinterpretations.
Rudrayämala (uttara tantra, p. 17) relates the story of using
païcatattva in spiritual practices of Tantra. The story is as follows. The
sage Vasiñöha, the son of Brahmä worshipped goddess Tärä for ten
thousand years at Néläcala in the region of Kämäkhyä and yet the
goddess did not appear before him. Thus when he was about to curse
the goddess, she appeared and advised him to go to Mahäcéna. She
said there he would find that Janärdana Viñëu Buddha who was
performing her worship. Learning Buddha’s secret method, he would
be successful. Then Vasiñöha went there and saw that the Buddha,
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 3

surrounded by the damsels, with madirä or wine etc, was performing


the worship of the goddess. He advised Vasiñöha that the real worship
of the Goddess should be found in cénäcära system.
Mayi ärädhanacaraà Buddharüpé Janärdanaù,
Eka eva vijänäti nänyaù kaçcana tattvataù.
våthaiva yämavähulya kälo’yaà gaëitastvayä,
viruddhäcäraçélena mama tattvamajänatä,
udvodharüpiëo viñëoh sannidhià yähi samprati,
tenopadiñöäcäreëa samärädhan suvrata.
tadaiva suprasannäkñi tvayi yäsyämyasaàçayah
(Chattopadhyay : 1978, p. 11)
Also it is said in the 5th paöala of Kämäkhyätantra:
‘madyairmäàsaistathä matsyairmudräbhirmaithunairapi /
Strébhiù särddhaà mahäsädhurarcayed jagadambikäm//’
Vasiñöha came back to Néläcala and performed the worship with
the help of five ‘ma’s or païcamakäras i.e., madya, matsya, mäàsa, mudrä
and maithuna. As it is written in Merutantra:
‘madyaà mäàsaà tathä ménaà mudrä maithunameva ca
makära-païcakaà sevyaà çivaçakti samägame’
Similar verse is found in Präëatoñiëé. p. 508.
madyaà mäsaà tathä matsyaà mudrä maithunameva ca /
païcatattvamidaà devi nirväëamuktihetave /
makära païcakaà devi devänämapi durlavam iti/
An aspirant must worship the great Mother Goddess adopting
different level of dispositions (bhäva) which will suit his temperament.
They are animal (paçubhäva), hero (vérabhäva) and divine (divyabhäva).
Paçubhäva is suitable for the aspirant of mediocre level for whom the
scriptures prescribe tämasika sädhanä. Vérabhäva is suitable for the
aspirant who is heroic in nature for whom the scripture prescribes
räjasika sädhanä. Divyabhäva is suitable for the aspirant of divine nature
for whom the scripture prescribes sättvika sädhanä. There are seven
äcäras or rules of conduct that are closely connected with these
dispositions. They are veda, vaiñëava, çaiva, dakñiëa, väma, siddhänta,
and kaula. The first three are applicable for men of paçubhäva, next
three are meant for vérabhäva. The last alone is divyabhäva. There are
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others who hold that the first three belong to paçubhäva and next two
belong to vérabhäva and the last two belong to divyabhäva. The hero
(vérabhäva) deals with dakñiëa and väma. Païcatattva comes under väma
äcäras.
There are three different interpretations of païcatattva which are
adopted by the aspirants of different dispositions.
First : Gross interpretation of païcatattva (sthüla/pratyakña
païcatattva) which is adopted by véra sädhaka.
Second : The substitution interpretation of païcatattva (anukalpa
tattva) which is adopted by paçu sädhaka.
Third : The esoteric interpretation of païcatattva (divya païcatattva)
which is adopted by divya sädhaka.
Each tattva will be discussed one by one with their different
interpretations:
First Païcatattva
1. The first ‘ma’ of païcamakära is wine. Wine appears to be divided
into two classes, viz madya and surä. The former seems to be a simple
intoxicant while the latter causes a far greater degree of intoxication.
The following couplet of Kulärëava Tantra (5 : 29) mentions eleven
types of madya:
‘pänasaà dräkña-mädhukaà khärjüraà tälam aikñavam
madhütthaà çédhu-mädhvékaà maireyaà närikelajam’
These are stated to be conducive to enjoyment and salvation
(bhuktimuktikaräëi). The following three are called surä:
Gauòi - fermentation of molasses
Paiñöi - distilled from rice
Mädhvi - distilled from honey.
The first is conducive to enjoyment, the second leads to all success
(sarva siddhikäré) and the third causes salvation. It is noteworthy that
a brähmaëa should neither offer wine to the Goddess nor drink it.
‘na dadyäd brähmaëo madyam mahädevyai kathaïcana
Vämakämo brähmaëo ài madyaà mämsaà na bhakñayet’ (Çrékrama
tantra referred in Båhattantrasära, p. 439)
First Anukalpatattva [A brähmaëa should by no means offer wine to
great goddess. A brähmaëa desiring to practice vämäcära should not
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 5

take wine or meat.] For brähmaëa the substitutes (anukalpa) of wine


are molasses with ginger (guòädraka), honey, milk, coconut water. Even
kñatriyas and vaiçyas are not allowed to take any intoxicating drink;
they can drink the juice of a fruit (say, makaranda phala).
Mahänirväëa (viii : 170-71) ordains that a householder should offer
to the Goddess madhura traya (i.e. milk, sugar and honey) as substitutes
for wine. This seems to imply that the offer of wine is implied only
for sädhakas who have renounced the gärhasthyäçrama. The work further
ordains (vi : 193) that a kula woman should not drink wine, for her,
the smell of wine amounts to its drinking.
The Präëatoñiëé cites many authorities e.g. Utpattitantra,
Mätåkäbhedatantra, to establish that a brähmaëa incurs no sin by
drinking wine; on the contrary it is his duty in certain tantric rites.
Surä (wine) is said to be conducive to great welfare, physical and
spiritual. The derivative meaning of the term ‘surä’ is given as follows:
‘suratvam bhoga mätreëa surä tena prakértitä (Praëatoñiëé, 507). Surä is so
called as it imparts suratva (divinity) to one as soon as it is drunk. The
Präëatoñiné observes that the texts prohibiting the drinking of wine on
the part of Brähmaëas relates to wine which is not formally sanctified
(asamskåta) or which is cursed (aviçapta) or not offered in worship. The
prohibition may apply to brähmaëa who has not undergone the rite of
aviñeka3. The work quotes the following verse from Manusmåti in
support of his contention that any person commits no offence by
drinking wine. ‘na mämsa-bhakñeëa doño na madye na ca maithune’ (V
: 56).
Thus, the work states that the substitute (anukalpa) of wine should
be offered to Goddess only when wine is not available. Thus, it appears
that while the early Tantras condemn wine for brähmaëas the latest
notable compilation called Präëatoñiëé approves it.
There are certain indications about ritualistic etiquette. The aspirant
should not produce any sound with his mouth when eating and
drinking the ritual food and wine. He should not spill a drop of the
beverage, he should eat something before he takes the drink or else
it becomes poison.
‘saçabdam na pibed dravyam na bindum patayedadhaù
Vinä carvveëa yatpänam kevalam viñavardhanam.’ (Kaulävali
Nirëaya. II, 1-4)
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The intended meaning is that he should take the fish and meat
before liquor, for fasting is enjoined for the day preceding the formation
of cakra.4 He should not touch what has been polluted through touch
(i.e. ucchiñöam) any food that is exposed to the mouth directly or
indirectly. He should not raise the bowl with any sort of noise nor,
he should make any noise when he fills the bowl. He should not
empty the glass at once nor, he should turn the bowl round as he
fills it.
‘ucchiñöam na spåçeccakre……
saçabdam noddharet pätram tathaiva ca na pürayet
riktapätram na kurvéta na pätram bhramayet sadä’ (Kaulävali
Nirëaya, II 1-4)
The married aspirants should not drink more than five bowls made
for them and he who drinks more than five are likely to fail in their
sädhanas. So long as his sight does not become unsteady, so long as
his mind does not become unsteady, so long, he may go on drinking
- if he drinks more than that, it is like the drinking of an animal.
(Mahänirväëatantra, 6th ulläsa, v. 193/194).
‘sädhakänäm gåhasthänäm païcapätraà prakértitam /
atipänät kulénänäm siddhihäniù prajäyate //
yävanna calayed dåñöim yävanna calayed manaù /
tävat pänam prakurvéta paçupänam ataù param’ //
Thus we see that there are rules and restrictions in every step of
using wine in the sädhanä. The person who looses control in himself,
he is not fit for this particular worship. The real significance of the
païcamakäras is believed to have been deliberately perverted by some
vicious people from a desire to give sanctimonious air to their animal
appetites. Tantras are often believed to encourage immoral practices
but according to Mahänirväëatantra, it is said that ‘he who follows
Tantric ritual without comprehending the philosophy behind it, does
not obtain salvation, on the contrary he is polluted with sin.’
The same work declares against drunkenness: ‘The king should
confiscate the property of and punish that dreadful whose words
falter and hands and feet shake, who makes mistakes, is of deranged
mind and fretful’. It also asks the king to administer a condign
punishment to the drunkard whose senses are not under his control.
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 7

‘The king should confiscate his property and burn the tongue’.
Païcamakära sädhanä is directed to gain control over the material
desires. The use of crude païcamakäras, according to prescribed esoteric
disciplines, leads to detachment and inner purification. A man who
is addicted to drinking will reduce the quantity of liquor as part of
spiritual discipline. This will give him inner strength for moral control
over his basic instincts. Wine is used for the release of the senses from
their engrossment in their outer objects. All these wines irrespective
of their origination and their carriers must be purified because only
the purified material is fit for worship (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S. : 24).
As it is said in Mahänirväëatantra (7. 103, 105-08).
‘mahauñadhaà yajjévänäà duùkhavismärakaà mahat /
Änandajanakaà yacca tadädyätattvalakñaëam //
Asaàskåtaïca yattatvaà mohadaà bhramakäraëam /
Vivädarogajananaà tyäjyaà kaulaiù sadä priye//’
In Tantra sädhanä, wine is used for the purification of mind (citta)
- ‘madirä brahmagäù proktäù cittaçodhanasädhanäù’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th
ulläsa : 40) provided it is sanctified. If it is not, it will cause illusion
and error. The aspirant should remain cautious that drinking is not
the goal but a means to achieve the goal. Actually the emotions excelled
during the act of drinking wine concentrated afterwards successively
towards development of sädhanä. Drinking is not for the sädhakas but
for sädhanä. Therefore, it is not to be drunk in the manner suggestive
of animal drinking, which only leads to degradation.
‘Paçupänam bidhau pétvä véro’pi narakaà brajet’
(Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa: 93).
The supreme lord is invoked, worshipped and the dedication is
sanctified by the esoteric mantra. The use of mantra includes incantation
and repetition and invocation of the presiding deity. The sädhaka
identifies his whole being and consciousness with the deities and mantra
in the course of çava sädhanä5 before the use of wine. One who does not
know the science of Tantra sädhanä has no right to perform this sädhanä.
To hell he goes he who dares to infringe these conditions and seeks to
enjoy wine and women. He is a sinner. Drinking of wine that is not
sanctified is reprehensible as rape. ‘asaàskritaà piveddravyaà balätkäreëa
maithunam’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa: 99).
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It is written in the same chapter (verse 102-103) that one who is


addicted to drinking has no sense of proportion. For him, there is no
meditation, no austerity, no worship, no dharma, and no sense of
moral activity, no prudence, no guru, and no thought of his self. He
cannot be votary of Tantra sädhanä. Such a person drinks liquor, eats
meat and indulges in sex not for true worship and dedication but for
his own enjoyment. He may be learned in the çästras but indeed he
is condemnable.
All the Tantras strongly protest against the inclusion of any person
of animal proclivity and of low desires within a Tantric cakra. Then
even the virtuous, says the Tantra, will be contaminated by sin and
will be degraded to hell. Thus it is observed that there is nothing
absolute beneficial or harmful in this world. It should be utilized
properly according to necessity and fulfillment of an act. The science
behind this is that poison, which kills, becomes elixir of life when
suitably treated by the wise physician. There is no harm in drinking
wine whose kunòaliné will not wake up without applying the fire
(teja) material. There is no need for drinking wine for a person whose
kunòaliné is awake. The scripture prohibits them to drink wine, as it
is unnecessary.
Second Païcatattva
The second païcamakära is meat (mäàsa). As regards mäàsa the
Tantra prescribes three types of meat - aquatic creatures, certain beasts,
and birds - ‘mäàsantu trividhaà proktaà jalabhücarakhecaraà’ (Kulärëava
Tantra. 5th Ulläsa. V. 44.). The derivative meaning of the word mäàsa
is given below according to the Präëatoñiëé (p - 508) which cites the
authority of Kulärëavatantra (17th ulläsa, v. 69) in this respect:
‘mäìgalya-jananäd devi samvidänandadänataù
sarvadeva-priyatväcca mäàsam itya bhidhéyate’
[mäàsa (meat) is so called, O Goddess as it produces welfare, gives
consciousness and bliss and is dear to all gods]
Meat par excellence (mahämäàsa) according to the text (Tantrasära,
p. 439), is that of the animals like cow, sheep, horse, buffalo, goat,
boar and deer. In derogatory sense it sometimes means human flesh,
which is prohibited in civilized world.
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 9

‘gomeñäçvaluläyo‘tha godhäjoñöramågodbhavaà
mahämäàsäñöakam proktaà devatäprétikärakam’
Another authority reads godha (iguana: gosap in Bengali) and uñöra
(camel) in place of human being and boar. Female beasts are prohibited.
As regards the meat of human being, the Präëatoñiëé appears to provide
it p-507.
‘mahäkälyä mahäpéthe yatra kutra maheçvaré
balidänam narasyäpi hathäd bädhä bhaviñyati
nivåttaà hi tato devi balidänaà narädikam’
The idea underlying the prohibition seems to be that human
sacrifice may be obstructed or resisted by others. In another context,
it is prohibited by brähmaëas (Matsya sukta quoted in Präëatoñiëé).
Second Anukalpatattva
‘na dadyäd brähmaëo madyaà mäàsaà ca …..’ A brähmaëa should
not offer wine and meat. The things which are prescribed as substitute
for meat are salt, ginger, oilcake, sesame, wheat, pulse called mäña
and garlic.
Third Païcatattva
The third païcamakära is fish (matsya). As far as fish is concerned,
it is divided in the Präëatoñiëé into three categories viz, uttama (best),
madhyama (medium) and adhama (worst). Those of the first class are
çäla, päöhéna and Rohita. Those of the second class are old ones, devoid
of bones, fat and those having scales. The worst of those, which are
small, belong to the third class. According to the Mahänirväëa, those
devoid of bones belong to the second class and those full of bones are
the worst. It however ordains that even the worst kinds of fish may
be offered to the Goddess if those are fried very well. Tortoise is also
included in the class of fish (Yoginétantra). The derivative meaning of
‘matsya’ is given as follows in the Präëatoñiëé (p - 508) on the authority
of the Kulärëavatantra.
‘mäyä- malädi-çamanän-mokña-märga-nirüpaëät
añöaduùkhädi-virahän-matsyeti parikértitaù’ (Kulärëava, 17th ulläsa,
v. 63)
10 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Matsya is so called as it puts a stop to illusion, sin etc. It determines


the way to salvation and causes the cessation of the eightfold misery.
Third Anukalpatattva
Instead of fish, one may take the white brinjal vegetable, red radish,
masur (a kind of gram), red sesame and paniphala (an aquatic plant).
Boiled milk of Buffalo, cow, goat and roasted fruits can be treated as
non-vegetable items. These are also substitutes of fish. (Kaulajïäna
nirëaya).

The fourth païcamakära is mudrä (grain). On the authority of


Kulärëavatantra and the Yamala, the Tantrasära divides mudrä into two
classes. They are:
Fourth Païcatattva
1. Kåsara - a dish consisting of sesame and grain (mixture of rice
and peas with a few spices). It is kept in a circular shape and
looks like the orb of the moon and is filled with sugar etc.
(Benerjee, 1992 : 142)
2. Fried paddy, etc. — it is so fried that it can be chewed.
The Mahänirväëatantra (vi : 9) speaks of three classes of mudrä.
They are:
1. Uttama - white like the orb of the moon, prepared with the çäli
rice or barley or wheat cooked with ghee, beautiful to look at.
2. Madhyama - prepared with fried paddy and the like.
3. Adhama - prepared with other fried grains.
Thus, the fourth tattva is easily available, originated from earth,
life of being (jiva) and the vital force of this world (Mahänirväëatantra,
7th ulläs, v. 107 B.5 : 31). There is no substitute prescribed for mudrä.
‘sulavaà bhümijataïca jévänäà jévanaàca yat
äyurmülaà trijagatäm caturthatattvalakñaëam’
Mudrä in different perspective
The term mudrä may also denote a seal i.e. an instrument used for
sealing and stamping. It is also the identifying mark. In the ancient
Indus valley civilization we find seals engraved in carved stone with
a variety of designs and used to imprint this design into the wet clay
pot. Muller observes: “For the Kashmiri traditions, the list of ‘Ma’
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 11

appears to have been reduced to three ‘ma’s: madya (consecrated wine),


mäàsa (flesh or meat) and maithuna (ritualistic sexual intercourse).
(Tanträloka: 29 : 96). Mudrä does not appear on this list. Abhinavagupta
devoted an entire chapter to explain the nature of mudrä in a different
and quite subtle way (Tanträloka 32 : 1-3). Abhinavagupta presents a
theory of mudrä that is intended to explain both its practice and origins.
Abhinavagupta first offers a traditional interpretive etymology of the
term mudrä. He says - breaking the term apart into two constituent
elements that a mudrä is described in the traditional texts or çästras as
that which give ‘ra’ a pleasure or happiness ‘mud’. That is to say,
Abhinavagupta continues a mudrä in the name for that by means of
which one attains the intrinsic nature of consciousness. Most
importantly, he adds, a mudrä is that which presents the gift of the
self by means of the body (Tanträloka 32 : 3). Kñemaräj, one of his
disciples and an important Tantric author in his own right, adds to
these traditional interpretive etymologies of the term ‘mudrä’. In his
comment on sutra 19 of Pratyabhijïahådayam, Kñemaräja says a mudrä
is so called first, because it dispenses joy (mudrä) as a result of being
of the nature of the highest bliss (paramänanda); second, because it
dissolves or melts (dravanät) all spiritual bondages; and third, because
it seals (mudranät) the entire universe into the state of the transcendent
consciousness (turéya). All of these interpretations convey different
aspects of the traditional understanding of mudrä. In this context Paul.
E. Ortega Muller also describes different types of mudrä as found in
haöhoyoga, viz, khecaré mudrä, açwiné mudrä, vajroli mudrä etc.6 (White,
2001 : 576-77).
Thus before proceeding towards the fifth tattva, the ritualistic
consummation of the four tattvas is summarized as follows:
1. All the ingredients of païcatattva must be sanctified properly
before offering to the Mother Goddess.
2. The basic objective of this worship with the aid of païcatattva is
to offer all these ingredients to the Divine Goddess who resides
within the human body in coiled form (kuëòaliné çakti). That power
accepts and consumes these offerings, not the aspirant in physical
form.
3. The aspirant does continuous repetition (japa) of his béja7 along
with the rituals of consuming the above ingredients.
12 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Fifth Païcatattva
The fifth ‘ma’ is maithuna. The word ‘maithuna’ signifies couple.
The union of the couple is maithuna. The aspirant who identifies
himself as Çiva unites with the female aspirant who identifies herself
as Çakti. Their union is called maithuna which is a part and parcel of
païcamakära sädhanä. Primarily there are three categories of ceremonies
of fifth païcatattva. The woman who accompanies the aspirant is
named as ‘duté’ or ‘latä’ (creeper) because she clings to and depends
on man as the creeper to the tree. As this fifth païcamakära sädhanä
is not possible without the participation of women, it is also called
‘latä sädhanä’ or ‘dutéyäga’.
In the first type of ceremony, Lord Sadäçiva Himself or the aspirant
who resembles Him is qualified for this type of worship. The person
who is the king of ascetics can only perceive this spiritual discipline.
One cannot get exact idea about this sädhanä by going through the
scriptures. This form of worship is not possible nowadays for the lack
of suitable aspirant.
It is stated in the scriptures (Rahasyärëava) that in the second type
of ceremony, after the completion of worship of Çakti the aspirant has
to worship his companion (duté) as per rules prescribed in the
scriptures. Then he offers his semen as ‘ghee” to the fire of the sacrificial
pit in the form of vagina of his female companion. Usually this form
of ceremony is practiced with one’s own wife.
In the third type of ceremony, the aspirant worships the lady who
may be his disciple or any other willingly prays to be the part of this
ceremony. The aspirant worships her and gives the offerings. He unites
with her mentally and offers the mental copulation to the Lord.
From the Mahänirväëa (VI: 14 & 20) and other Tantras it appears
that one is allowed to use other’s wives (parakéyä çakti) besides one’s
own wife. From an authority, cited in the Präëatoñiëé it is said that one
Koulika9 should worship with much care and five tattvas having brought
a single çakti. Coition with one’s own wife in the absence of other
woman is allowed by the orthodox text like Mahäcénäcärakramä. It is
relevant to mention Sudhakar’s view in this respect, that in Harivaàsa,
(ii. 3, 7-8) ‘hallisa kréòä’ is treated as synonymous with ‘rati’ or sexual
enjoyment in the company of young gopa girls who are forbidden to
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 13

do so by their parents and brothers. It seems that such a cult had been
developing gradually among the Yädavas of the Mathura region. The
actual text however refers to ‘rati’ and to the gopis as ‘ratipriyä’, which
however refers to erotic plays of sexual enjoyment for ‘rati’ also, means
devotion and ‘ratipriyä’, the devoted ones. (Chattopadhyay, 1978: 18).
Regarding the fifth tattva, i.e. sexual union it appears that only a
woman who is initiated should be resorted to. Such a woman at first
is subject to abhiñeka. Here there is a significant observation by Bharati.
The Måtyuïjaya-mantra pronounced during the ‘purification’ of the
çakti is the vedic invocation of Viñëu to make the womb fertile. These
mantras were used in vedic marriage ceremony. It is strange because
the objective of païcamakära sädhanä is not procreation but the very
opposite - immersion of one’s own identity amidst the supreme
existence ‘Sadäçiva’. Bharati wrote ‘the only satisfactory answer I got
was from Pandit Gopinath Kaviraj at Banaras: the womb of the çakti
must be intact, as he put it, for a woman with a barren womb is not
entitled to function as çakti, just as an impotent man is not entitled to
any form of yoga or sannyäsa10.’ (Bharati, 1965 : 253)
However, it may be noted in this connection that although such
Tantric sädhanä with five ‘ma’s appeared to be somewhat repugnant
in the eyes of the orthodox class, but it could be hardly set aside as
it had already made a place in the Tantra. Hence the orthodox Tantra
explained the whole scheme as nothing but different forms or stages
in the präëäyäma11. The Yoginétantra (pürvakhaëda) p-6 observes:
‘sahasräropari bindau kuëòalyä melanam çive
Maithunaà paramaà dravyaà yaténäà parikértitam’
Fifth Anukalpatattva
The offering of karavi representing liìga (penis) and aparäjitä flowers
representing yoni (vagina) with hands of kacchapa (tortoise) mudrä can
serve the purpose as substitute. According to the scripture
(Paraçurämakalpa), the aspirant should give sandal paste as semen to
karavi flower and saffron as blood to aparäjitä flower. Thinking the
union between the two flowers mentally, the aspirant should offer
this union to the Goddess.
Now, this fifth tattva must be dealt with much prudence. The
account of Mahäcénäcärakrama may show that this particular esoteric
form of worship came from the proto Mongoloid region. It is quite
14 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

evident from the sociological point of view the story of Vasiñöha as


stated earlier reveals that this form of worship actually imported from
the semi-Mongoloid region. It was prevalent mostly among non-Aryans
and indigenous tribes. It was very much in practice in Kämäkhyä in
Assam which is also called yonipitha or the place where the pudendum
of the great Mother fell after her body was cut to pieces by the discus
of Lord Viñëu.
‘Whatever may be the sociological interpretation the identification
of Buddha with Janärdana Närayaëa is very much significant because
in the Çäntiparva of Mahäbhärata, Janärdana Närayaëa is associated
with both worldly matter (pravåtti), austerity (tapaù) and moral code
of conduct (dharma). It is generally held that the dactic section of
Mahäbhärata was composed about 200 A.D. i.e. just after scytho-kuçäëa
age and it is therefore very likely that the theory of attachment (pravåtti)
and non-attachment (nivåtti) which form the key note of esoteric
practices draws its inspiration from the texts already prevalent.’
(Chattopadhyay, 1978 : 12-24). The worship of Mother Goddess with
wine etc. is also mentioned in the great epic Mahäbhärata (IV : 369).
In the Durgä stotra the Goddess is described as having her perpetual
abode on Vindhya hills and worshipped with liquor, flesh and
sacrificial victims.
‘vindhye caiva naga çreñöha tava sthänam
hi çäçvatam käli käli mahäkäli sédhumäàsa-paçupriye’
The association of the Goddess with the Vindhya region is
interesting because the whole area was inhabited by proto Austroloid
tribes. The description clearly shows that a Mother Goddess of proto
Austroloid merged with the great Aryan Mother Goddess and non-
Aryan habits were imbibed in them. Further, the account shows how
the Goddess was worshipped with wine and meat. In Rudrayämala it
is stated that an aspirant achieves quick success by following the
supreme sädhanä of Devé Durgä12.
The Tantra specifically gives importance on self-control amidst all
the objects of enjoyment. This is the Tantric view of renunciation and
this finds its best expression in the cénäcära.
According to Mahäcénäcärakramä, the worship should be as follows:
a young lady should be brought for the purpose. She should be fairly
beautiful, young, not shy but smiling. She should be completely naked
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 15

and her body should be smeared with scents. The sädhaka should
worship the Mother Goddess in her private parts according to the
prescribed manner and with the guidance of his preceptor. The
worshipper should then resort to präëäyäma and remain ever calm in
mind meditating on the divine presence of the Mother Goddess. The
aspirant will never see a woman in such way except at the time of
worship. The same rule applies to the woman also. The text is very
emphatic on this point.
As it is said in Shakti & Shäkta (Woodroffe; 1918 : 609)
‘püjäkälaà vinä nänyam puruñam manasä spriçet
püjäkäle ca deveçi veçyeva paritoñayet’
The worshipper is cautioned that a woman’s body is the residence
of all the deities and hence worshipping her is considered the best of
all.
‘yato hi yoñito dehe sarvadevasya saàsthitiù
ataù püjäsu sarväsu täsäm prädhänya mucyate’ (Mahäcénäcärakrama,
Paöala 3 : 3)
In this connection, mention is made of three péthas13 - yonipétha or
worship on the yoni14, mantrapétha or worship with the help of mantra15
and manaùpétha or mental worship, but the yonipétha is cosidered to be
the best of all péthas.
Some of the injunctions stated in this connection cannot be
understood properly. Thus, it is maintained that the woman who is to
be worshipped should either be an actress or a kapälini, prostitute,
washerwoman, barberwoman, a brahmin, a çudra or a milkmaid. As
the following quotation in Präëatoñaëé, p-507 :
‘kulastrésevanaà kuryät sarvathä parameçvari
ramate yuvatéà ramyäà kämonmattaviçälinéà
naöéà käpälikäà veçyäà iòòipänäà varäëganäà
çüdräëéà mleccharamaëéà yavanéà parameçvari’
It is ordained that such lady should be well versed in the tantric
lore (vidagdhä) and should be attached to the guru. Kämäkhyätantra in
paöala 3 states:
‘vidagdhä sarvajätéyä mantrajuktä ca tatparä
gurupädagatä grähyä nänyathä varavarëiné’ (Tantrasära, p. 435)
16 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

The implication here evidently is that while the worshipper himself


should be a proper aspirant, the woman also should be of the same
attitude. Else, she may induce the aspirant to indulge in indecent acts.
It is advised that an aspirant after worshipping the private parts of
the woman who is considered as his companion (bhairabé) should
worship his own pennies or liìga and think himself to be a bhairava16.
The Kämäkhyätantra on the other hand, maintains that for the
purpose of worship, other’s wife and not one’s own or a public woman
is preferable because it is difficult to regard one’s own wife as mother.
In fact, for understanding the esoteric practices, the Kämäkhyätantra
is of great help to us. It carries esotericism to the extreme but
simultaneously prescribes immense self-control almost impossible for
the men of ordinary capacity. Thus it is said that an aspirant is
supposed to kiss his woman, put his nail on her buttock and ultimately
have coition with her, but his semen should not come out and in that
embracing pose he should continue his ‘mantra’ or ‘japa’17 eight
thousand times. Throughout this act, the aspirant must remember the
key point: ‘maraëam bindu patena, jévitam bindu dhäraëät’. He should
hold the semen. However, there is difference of opinion. Agehananda
holds that : ‘There is a difference between the Hindu and the Buddhist
Tantric spiritual disciplines. The Hindu Tantric ejects his sperm and
Buddhist vajrayäna adept does not’. (Bharati, 1965: 265) It is significant
to note that coition with the public women is generally hated but this
idea goes against the verse written in Kämäkhyätantra.18
This he should continue at least three days with his mind under
complete control. There is an alternative method as well. Those who
cannot control themselves completely should fix their gaze on the
pinnate part of the woman and thinking her to be the Mother Goddess,
should continue the worship for seven nights.
‘yonià vékñya japenmantram saptarätramatandritaù
Pratyahaà satataà kåtvä so’pi siddhiçcaraù kalau’ (2nd Ulläsa, v. 24)
As L. P. Singh observed “Desire is an enemy but it can be made an
ally. Tantra does not believe in the suffering and torture of the body
and mind. The physical body of man is the only media through which
one can attain salvation. The physical body is an expression of the
supreme self. The manifest universe has been created by Bliss. In the
copulation of man and woman the same Bliss is experienced in a
lesser intensity. If it is done with a spiritual motivation and under
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 17

strict esoteric discipline, the physical function is divinized. This is


called vérabhäva. It has been discovered as ‘the profound pagan instinct
to glorify the generative impulse with religious ritual’. ‘Times literally
supplement’, June 11, 1922’ “. (Singh: 1976)
Païcamakära sädhanä is a psycho-spiritual process to transform the
mental being into a divine being. It is scientific, positive, esoteric and
mystic sädhanä of inner progression. It makes a man pure and
powerful. It gives vision and strength. The whole principle of the
païcamakära depends upon the ideation and intention. ‘A wife is kissed
with one feeling, a daughter’s face with another’ (bhäbena cumbitä
käntä bhäbena duhitänanam).
According to Sarvalläsatantra, if a man goes to a woman in the
belief that by the commission of such an act he will go to hell, he is
sure to go there. Also, even if the act is lawful but is done in the belief
that it is unlawful, there is subjective sin. Tantra does not sanction
immoral and unlawful satisfaction of carnal desires in the way, it does
normal eating and drinking and so forth, it demands the man should
unite with Çiva – Çakti in worldly enjoyment as a step towards the
supreme enjoyment (paramänanda). In so doing he must follow the
dharma prescribed by Çiva (Çakti and Çäkta, p-607).
The question now arises - what was the real secret of this form of
worship? The Mahäcénäcärakrama clarifies in the way that ‘one who is
yogé cannot be a bhogé, and one who is bhogé cannot be a yogé’.
‘yogé cennaiva bhogé syäd bhogé cennaiva yogavän
Yogabhogätmakaà kaulaà tasmät sarvädhikaà priye’
Thus instead of theoretically preaching the doctrines of pravåtti19
and nivåtti20 the Tantras harmonize the two factors with emphasis on
the later. This is the practical renunciation in an aspirant’s life. The
Kumärétantra states emphatically that a worshipper who performs this
type of worship for material gain or for satisfying sensual pleasure,
goes to hell.
‘arthädvä kämato väpi saukhyädapi ca yo naraù.
Liìgayonirato mantré rauravam narakam våajet’ (Båhat-tantra-sära,
10th ed; p.-627).
The Kulärëavatantra (2nd Ulläsa, v. 118-120) states that if by drinking
wine one can attain siddhi21, then the veteran drinker of wine could
18 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

have easily attained it, if by taking meat one can attain bliss, then the
every meat-eater would have attained the supreme goal.
‘madyapänena manujo yadi siddhià labheta vai
Madyapänaratäù sarve siddhià gacchantu pämaräù /
Mäàsabhakñaëamätreëa yadi puëya gatirbhavet /
Loke mämsäçinaù sarve puëyabhäjo bhavantvi ha
Strésaàbhogena deveçi, yadi mokñaà brajanti bai
Sarve’pi jantavo loke muktäù syuù stréniñevaëät’
It is interesting to note that the use of wine and sex are also observed
in the primitive rituals practiced by the tribal people. D.P.
Chattopadhyay in ‘Lokayata’ observes traces of obscure cults and
agricultural ritualism in the Tantras. He quotes extensive sociological
evidences to show how primitive tribes make magical use of wine for
the purpose of promoting agriculture and bringing fertility to the
land. Similarly at the time of marriage some of the primitive people
use it in their obscure ritual with their beliefs in its inherent fertility.
(Chattopadhyay, 1978: 286)
According to ‘Golden Bough’, fertility and sexual intercourse are
connected together by the primitive Proto Austroloid tribes. Thus,
some of the tribes follow the peculiar custom of enjoying the wife on
the ground ready for sowing with the belief that such an intercourse
will lead to the fertility of the land. Others again abstain totally from
having connection with the wife with the belief that the fertility of the
wife may thus pass to the land to be sown. (Frazer, 1957:182)
Almost all the Tantric scriptures including Buddhist and Hindu
engaged in depicting sexual intercourse in diversified ways. If the
Tantric aspirant’s goal is to replace mundane human thought with
enlightened consciousness, and if sexuality is the divine path to
enlightenment, then the aspirant’s endeavor should actually be enacted
in a sexual mode. Yet over the centuries, the debate goes on whether
the Tantric sexual imagery is to be taken literally or simply the symbolic
signification of the scriptures.
‘In early Hindu Tantra, sexual intercourse was often simply practical
means for generating the sexual fluids that constituted the preferred
offering of the Tantric deities. Elsewhere, there can be no doubt that
an early and persistent form of Tantric initiation and practice involved
transactions in sexual fluids between a male initiate and a female
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 19

consort - termed again yogini for Hindus and Prajïä for their Buddhists.
Here the male initiate was physically inseminated with sexual
emissions of the female consort sometimes together with the semen
of the male guru22 as a means of transforming him, reproductively as
it were into a son of the clan (Kula-putra). Here the role of the female
consort is vital, because the clan fluid (kula-dravya) or the clan nectar
(kulämåta), vulval essence (yoni-tattva) or thought of enlightenment
(bodhicitta) is understood to flow naturally through her womb. Because
she herself is the embodiment of energy of the godhead, her sexual
of menstrual discharge is considered to be the germ of the godhead
or enlightened consciousness itself. Human males through whom this
divine fluid does not naturally flow, can only gain access to it through
the conduct of the female sexual organ. Tantra in Kashmir, for example,
recognition of the consciousness-expanding effects of the orgasm was
accompanied by an understanding of the psychological effects of the
oral consumption of such an impure - and thereby powerful and
dangerous - substance as female discharge (sexual emissions and
menstrual blood), as well, as the other prohibited substances: the five
makaras, the five nectars, and so on. Here, in a socio-religious system
in which’ you are what you eat’, the potentially self destructive act of
ingesting such substances was deemed sufficient to effect a
breakthrough from limited conventional thought to expanded,
enlightened god-consciousness.’ (White, 2001:15-16)
So far we have discussed the gross interpretation of païcamakära
but there is the other interpretation which is still not unfolded.
Divya Païcatattva
The subtler meaning of wine is not liquor. The mystic interpretation
of the word ‘madya’ means the hormones secreted from the pineal
gland (brahmarandhra)23, hormones are secreted from every endocrine
gland. The hormone secreted from the pineal gland is partly controlled
by the moon (soma) and the nectar (hormone) secreted from the gland
is known as somadhärä or somarasa. It revitalizes the different glands
and gives divine bliss (Ägamasära). Man does not have any experience
of the bliss until the kunòaliné is awakened and made conscious,
upward rise and drinks the pineal nectar.
20 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

somadhärä kñared yä tu brahmarandhräd varänane


Pétvänandamayastäà yaù sa eva madyasädhakaù (kaulajïäna
rahasya, p. 255 footnote)
One ought to drink incessantly of the nectar through the junction of
the tongue and the throat for this is the wine the yogis drink and not
the wine produced from distilled molasses and grain (Gändharvatantra).
jihvägalayoù saàyogät pibeta sadämåtaà tadä
yogibhiù péyate tat-tu na madyaà gauòa paiñöikam
The term wine is also interpreted in a different way in Vijayatantra;
p., 517 footnote
yaduktaà paramaà brahma nirvikäraà niraïjanaà
tasmin pramadanaà - jïänaà tanmadyaà parikértitaà.
The Knowledge (pramadana-jïänaà) that is derived by meditating
on the supreme Parabrahman is called ‘madya’.
The nectar melted from the crescent moon located in the thousand
petalled lotus of the pineal gland is the wine to be taken by the
aspirant. This wine satiates the whole world and is invaluable. The
selfless (parärthakuçala) aspirant following divyabhäva attains liberation
by drinking this wine (Bhairavayämala).
brahmasthänasarojapätralasitä brahmänòatåptipradä
yä çubhräàçukaläsudhävigalitä sä pänayogyä surä
sä hälä pivatämanarghaphalapradä çrédivyabhävaçriteryäà pétvä
munayaù parärthakuçalä nirväëamuktià gatäù (Sädhanarahasyam,
Parçiñtakhaëòam p. 35.
Mäàsa (meat) does not mean the eating of flesh of animals. The
real meaning of mäàsa is to overcome the dilemma of ‘virtue’ and
‘vice’ through yoga. It means to free the consciousness from the
bondage of fetters with the sword of divine knowledge. The
consciousness so freed is merged with the supreme entity. This is the
esoteric meaning of mäàsa sädhanä.
‘puëyäpuëya paçuà hatvä jïänakhaògena yogavit.’ (kulärëava tantra
5th Ulläsa, v. 109.)
The other meaning of matsya is tongue or speech. The word ‘ma’
means tongue. Mäàsa sädhanä means control over tongue which is
the main instrument of speech. (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S:18)
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 21

mä çabdäd rasana jïeyä tadaàçän rasanä-priyän


sadä yo bhakñayeddevi sa eva maàsa sädhakaù (Kaulamärga rahasya
p. 255 footnote)
It also means all actions should be dedicated to the supreme
Brahman (mäà).
evaà mäà sanoti hi yatkarma tanmäàsaà parikértitam
na ca käyapratékastu yogébhirmäàsamucyate. (Nigamänanda, 1391 :
18)
According to the Ägamasära, matsya (fish) sädhanä means control
of breath through a psycho-physical discipline like präëäyäma.24 The
rivers Gaìgä and Jamunä symbolise the two ‘näòé-s25 – iòä and piìgalä.
The inhalation and exhalation through the nostrils are the two fishes
that always swim through these two ‘näòé’-s. The aspirant who attains
kumbhaka 26 by stopping the movements of two fishes is called matsya-
sädhaka. It is only in that state, a person attains the vision of the
luminous Self.
gaìgäyamunayormadhye matsau dvau carataù sadä
tau matsyau bhakñayet yastu sa bhavenmatsyasädhakaù. (Kaula
märgarahasya p. 255)
The other meaning of matsya sädhanä is the controlling of senses.
The senses are brought under control of mind and yoked to self. This
is the true eating of fish. (Kulärëavatantra 5th Ulläsa, v. 109) The other
eating is merely hurting the creatures.
Manasäcendriyagaëaà saàyamyätmani yojoyet
Matsyäçé sa bhaveddevi çeñäù syuù präëéhiàsakäù
The knowledge by which one who feels the joy and sorrow of all
beings within oneself is called ‘matsya’. (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S:19)
matsyamänaà sarbabhüte sukhaduùkhamidaà priye
iti yat sättvikaà jïänam tanmatsyäù parikértitaù.
According to Bhairavayämala, ego, pride, vanity, deceitfulness,
jealousy and aversion are the six fishes. The kaula sage catches these
fishes in the net of anti worldly desires (viñayahara), cooks in the fire
of eternal knowledge (sadvidyä), and eats them regularly. He does not
eat aquatic animals.
22 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

ahaàkärodambhomadapiçunatämatsaradviñäù
ñaòete ménä vai viñayaharajälena vidhåtäù
pacan sadvidyägnau niyamita sadä koulaåiñibhirvibhujyante sarvän
na ca jalacaräù ménapiçitäù (Sädhanarahasyam, Pariçisöa khaëdam)
In the mystic sense of the term, Mudrä does not mean parched rice.
It means detachment from the evil that keeps the soul in bondage. To
cut off all evil connection is mudrä sädhanä.
‘satsaìgena bhavenmukti-rasatsaìgeñu ca bandhanam
asatsaìgamudraëam yattu tanmudräparikértitä’ (Nigamänanda, 1391
: p-18)
The person who knows Brahman (brahmajïa) daily digests eight
types of mudrä cooked in the fire of Brahman (brahmägni). They are
desire, craving, fear, hatred, humility, shame, aversion and
companionship. Also, there is another interpretation of mudrä. The
supreme self (Çiva) pure like mercury resides inside the closed pericarp
of the thousand petalled lotus at the uppermost part of the head. This
Ätman27 is radiant like thousand suns but its luster is soft like thousand
moons. The person who knows about this extremely fascinating
supreme self (Çiva) with kuëòaliné Çakti is the really aspirant of mudrä.
(Nigamänanda, 1391 B.5:19)
‘sahasräre mahäpadme karëikämudritaçcaret
atmä tatraiva deveçi kevalaù päradopamaù.
süryakoöipratékäçaçcandrakoöisuçétalaù
atéva kamanéyaçca mahäkuëòalinéyutaù.
yasya jïänodayastatra mudräsädhaka ucyate’
There is a great deal of misunderstanding and misinterpretation of
the fifth païcamakära sädhanä (maithuna). Tantra is based on scientific
principles. It does not ignore the biological and psychological aspects
of human personality. It enables the sädhaka to control and sublimate
his carnal desire gradually, by practicing self restraint. It is said that
those who are heroic (véra) and who are not slaves to the animal
instincts are entitled to participate to these rituals. But for the sädhaka
of divine (divya) disposition, the subtler esoteric meaning of maithuna
sädhanä is the union of Çiva and Çakti. The kuëòaliné Çakti which is
lying asleep in the ordinary man has to be aroused from its slumber.
Then it is brought up through the suñumnä channel and finally merged
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 23

with the supreme self (Çiva), who is stationed in the sahasrära. This
union between Çiva and Çakti is real Maithuna, the final ‘Ma’, by which
the aspirant experiences ecstatic delight. ‘Anything else is only
copulation.’ The scripture says,
‘maithunaà paramaà tattvaà sriñöisthityantakäraëam
Maithunät jäyate siddhirbrahmajïänaà sudurlabham’ (Koulamärga
rahasya, p. 265, footnote.)
The cause of creation, sustenance and destruction is maithuna. That
is why it is regarded as tattva. An aspirant definitely gets success by
act of maithuna and achieves the Brahmajïäna which is the rare of the
rarest knowledge (Nigamänanda, 1984:20). But what is the definition
of that maithuna?
‘rephastu kuìkumäbhäsaù kuëòamadhye vyavasthitaù
makäraçca bindurüpo mahäyonau sthitaù priye
äkära-haàsamäruhya ekatä ca yadä bhavet
tadä jätaà mahänando Brahmajïanaà sudurlabham’
(Koulamärgarahasya, p. 255, Footnote.)
The ruddy hued ‘reph’ lies in the reservoir (kuëòa) and the letter
‘ma’ lies in the great pudendum (mahäyoni) in the condensed drop
(bindu). When the two unites through the letter ‘a’- the swan (haàsa)
then the knowledge of supreme bliss will be achieved. The person
who can unite this is real maithuna sädhaka.
According to Ägamasära, the letter ‘ra’ signifies Tripuräsundaré or
kuëòalinéçakti. The reservoir ‘kuëòa’ refers to mülädhära cakra. The letter
‘ma’ refers to Çiva. Mahäyoni refers to the triangle located in the pericarp
of thousand petalled lotus (sahasrära). Haàsa refers to the mantra,
which is automatically repeated through respiration by a process called
präëäyäma. When the kuëòalinéçakti located in the mülädhära is brought
up to sahasrära through präëäyäma and united with Çiva stationed in
the triangle then brahmänanda28 which is the source of supreme bliss
is enjoyed by the aspirant.
It is said that an aspirant can accomplish all the six parts of
maithuna sädhanä by doing nyäsa29 (embrace), meditation of deity
(kiss), invocation (sound indicating the sudden sensation of pleasure),
offering (smearing), repeating the holy name given by guru (copulation)
24 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

and payment of fees to the priest after the termination of the religious
ritual (discharge of semen). (Nigamänanda, 1984).
If we can understand the maithuna aspect of sädhanä in its proper
perspective, the significance of Tantric works and some sculptures of
medieval period may be comprehended more judiciously. There are
sculptures exhibiting copulation in different erotic postures in almost
all the Indian temples since thirteenth-fourteenth century. The couples
were invariably always engaged in erotic postures gracefully and
playfully. These sculptures judged in the background of the Tantric
treatise instead of showing any vulgarity, exhibit before us the most
difficult form of worship. All the ingredients of païcamakära sädhanä
when taken together provoke passion in human body and the fifth
tattva in which the seeds will not flow under such condition only
reflects the extreme form of self restraint. The aim of the first four
ingredients is to prepare the practitioner for the sexual act which is
the last ingredient by stimulating his senses. The performance of the
sexual act is the culmination of the entire process. The sexual
intercourse at the physical level gives immense joy to both men and
women. By means of copulation, the practitioner intends to make use
of his sexuality as means of attaining transcendental bliss. It would,
therefore, erroneous to say that sexuality is used as means of self
gratification or indulgence. Since the sexual act is used for
transcendental purposes, so no debasement of sexuality as such is
involved. This act is used as means to achieve a transcendental union
where the distinction between male and female completely disappears.
Such an aspirant is designated as Hero (véra) and the whole spiritual
discipline is termed as véra sädhanä. As such sädhanä is not possible
for ordinary man it has not been recommended by some of the Tantras.
As it is said in Präëatoñiëé (p-508)30.
To summarize, it is necessary to mention the following aspects of
the païcamakära sädhanä:
1. It seems apparently that païcamakära is a license to lascivious
persons for carrying their lustful activity and adultery under the
sheet of spiritual disciplined prescribed by Tantra. But it is not
so. It is clear from the above discussion that the objective of the
païcamakära sädhanä has an inner spiritual significance. The word
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 25

‘kula’ is defined as ‘the state in which the mind and the sight are
united, the sense organs lose their individuality, Çakti becomes
identical with jéva and the sight merges into the objects visualized.’
(Kaulajïäna nirëaya: p-38).
yatra dåsöimanastatra bhütendriyamapudgalaù
çiva çaktijévabhütäni dåstilakñnairlayaà gataù
Svacchandatantra states that kula is Çakti and akula is Çiva. The great
Sanskrit scholar Bhäskararäya defined the two term kula and akula as
kulaà çaktiriti proktamakulaà çiva ucyate
kule’kulasya sambandhaù kaulamityabhidhéyate
iti tantroktaà çivaçaktisämarasyaà vä kaulam.
The unity (samarasya) of the two is ‘kula’, and the process by which
this relationship is established is called ‘kaulamärga’. (Bagchi, 1934:40)
The objective of kaula çäkta sädhaka is to achieve the union of kula
with akula, Çakti with Çiva, which are said to be located in the mülädhära
and sahasrära cakras respectively. The kaula attains the path of liberation
through controlled enjoyment of the object of senses. The ritual
practices of the cult, therefore enjoined the partaking of païcamakära.
2. Kñemendra, a writer of medieval period (first half of 11th century)
who was also an ardent follower of Çaiva cult, revealed an
extremely debased form of worship including Kaula and käpälika31
cults that seemed to be particularly strong during that time. In
the eighth upadeça of Daçopadeça he caricatured the çaiva guru in
a degraded way and in Narmamälä he painted a savage picture of
a kaula guru and the rituals practiced by him. This reflects how
the basic morality of the so called preceptors had been declined
considerably during that period.
3. Païcamakära sädhanä is an esoteric method employed for the
transformation of physical desire. Hunger and sex are innate
biological needs that cannot be ignored by the common people.
However, without control they will degenerate the man. On the
other hand, when they are controlled by mind under the guidance
of spiritual preceptor or guru they become allies and ultimately
serve as an aid to liberation. The principle behind païcamakära
sädhanä is that man must rise with the aid of that Çakti which if
misused will cause his fall. Man has to work out his salvation not
26 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

by negating his desires, but by turning them into a different


direction so that they are sublimated into higher forms.
4. In the very beginning, it is stated that Tantra promises not only
liberation (mukti) but also enjoyment (bhukti). Sometimes ‘bhukti’
has been taken as license to satisfy the carnal desire of those
person who are not qualified for practicing this particular type of
spiritual discipline. For this reason, tantric scriptures in my
opinion, have been confined to a very limited group of people
who took initiation into the secret lore of Tantras since ages. The
reason behind may be that the preceptors thought if this spiritual
discipline was popularized among the common people, the chance
of misinterpretation of the scriptures might endanger the basic
moral code of the society.
5. It is an admitted fact that though Tantric traditional spiritual
disciplines have not been popularized, but some of their rituals
are incorporated into the performance of our daily rites which
knowingly or unknowingly we follow. ‘Tantrism generally is ritual
oriented’, observes David Kinsley. By means of various rituals
(exterior and interior, bodily and mental) the sädhaka (practitioner)
seeks to gain mokña (release, salvation).
6. The antinomian character of Tantra is reflected in the use of
païcamakära. Tantra completely opposes the concept of spirituality
that believes in the liberation by renouncing the world. Having a
positive attitude towards the sense pleasures Tantra thereby not
only gives importance to the human body but also considers it as
the best means to achieve the goal. Tantra believes that human
body is the container and the receptor of all divine potencies. As
such, it is the best medium for experiencing the transcendental
bliss.
It should be remembered that this païcamakära sädhanä is
prescribed for those few aspirants who has been certified by their
preceptors as capable of controlling their sense organs under all
sorts of temptations and at the same time mentally recollects the
Divine power. Only then, apparently antinomian ritual will convert
into spiritual act.
7. The Tantra makes no difference between man and woman, and
between man and man. Every body irrespective of caste, class
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 27

and sex has the right to participate in the Tantric worship. Thus
Tantras are most cosmopolitan in their doctrines. Religion is meant
for all and needed by all. In the Goutamiyatantra it has been laid
down that the total outcaste people and even women are entitled
to receive the mantras.
8. The mahävidyäs are worshipped in a format known as vämäcära.
This worship is characterized by the païcamakära ritual. Texts
devoted to mahävidyäs32 often refer to the païcamakära ritual
indicating that at least some of the Goddesses are worshipped in
this context.
9. The most outstanding contribution of Tantra is that it glorifies
the womenfolk as symbol of divinity. Woman is the mother of the
three worlds, its representative and container. Woman sustains all
the beauty of the world. Moreover, that woman is none other
than the deity worshipped in Tantra.
10. It should be noteworthy to mention that great importance is given
to antaryäga in Bengal Tantra. It means mental worship where all
five tattvas are conceptualized in an abstract way. In connection
with antaryäga, it is said, one who seeks the deity outside is a
fool, ignoring kaustabha (a precious jewel) in his hand, runs after
the glass. Mahänirväëatantra describes elaborately how to worship
the Goddess in the aspirant’s own heart. The sädhaka should
imagine his heart as lotus and offer it for Her seat. He will wash
Her feet with the ambrosia tricking from the lotus of the thousand
pettalled lotus. He offers his mind as bouquet to welcome Her.
Then he offers the same ambrosia as water for rinsing Her mouth
and bathing Her body. He offers the essence of ether as garment,
the essence of smell as perfume, essence of mind (citta) as flower,
essence of smell as incense sticks, essence of fire as lamp and
ocean of nectar as food (naivedya). He offers the unstruck sound
(anähatanäda) for the ringing of bell, the essence of air as flywhisk
(cämara) for fan, thousand pettalled lotus as an umbrella and
veins as ornamental girdles. He entertains Her by offering essence
of sound as music and restless sense organs as dance. He worships
Her with ten kinds of flowers namely, guilelessness, absence of
egoism, detachment, absence of pride, freedom from delusion,
absence of duplicity, lack of enmity, freedom from mental
28 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

disturbance, absence of envy and absence of greed. Five most


excellent flowers should also be offered namely, harmlessness,
control of senses, kindness, forgiveness and spiritual knowledge.
After that an ocean of wine, a mountain of fried fish and meat,
a heap of palatable parched food (mudrä) cooked in milk with
sugar and ghee, the nectar produced by means of Çakti
(kulämåtam), the flower (kulapuñpa) and the water used for washing
of Çakti. Then having sacrificed all lust and anger, he starts japa.
The rosary (mälä) consists of the letters of the alphabet strung on
kuëòaliné as the thread. After reciting each of the letters of the alphabet
from ‘a’ to ‘la’ with the bindu superposed upon each, the mülamantra
should be recited. Japa should be offered to Devi after repeating the
mantra hundred and eight times. Then the aspirant mentally prostrates
himself by touching in mind the ground with eight parts of his body.
Having concluded the mental worship, he will commence the outer
worship.
It may be concluded with an observation that païcatattva of Tantra
should be understood not by its gross and external interpretation but
by its divine interpretation which they actually signify or aim at.
According to the scriptures of Tantra, the individual self (jéva)
distinguishes from the supreme self (Çiva) due to the non-manifestation
of power (Çakti). Man is essentially divine and he can realize this
divinity if he manifests the potential power inside him. The aspirant
following the left path through self purification, meditation, devotion,
surrender and deep yearning for liberation arouses kuëòaliné Çakti at
her repose and made her turn and rise to the sahasrära where the
Parama Çiva lies. This is possible by gradually elevating oneself through
different level of dispositions. The beginners should adopt the animal
disposition (paçubhäva), and then by accomplishment of sädhanas at
that level successfully he will be promoted to heroic disposition
(vérabhäva). After completion of sädhanä by adopting the second level
of disposition the aspirant will be qualified to do the worship according
to divine disposition (divyabhäva). This sequence of sädhanä is generally
applicable for the ordinary people. There may be exceptions for
extraordinary aspirant who can begin at the second or straight at the
third level. That depends entirely upon the judgement of the preceptor
who will guide him into proper direction. Sri Ramakrishna did not
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 29

worship these principles in gross form because his desires are already
sublimated into higher forms.33 On the contrary he strongly criticized
the spiritual disciplines involving woman and wine. He warned the
devotees that these are only the means to achieve the end.34 He
described his experience with the fifth principle which he dealt with
much prudence.35
According to Tantrasära and Yämala, the union of Çiva-Çakti ‘in
close embrace in the abode of thousand pettalled lotus’ is realized in
the highest plane (sahasrära). This union of Çiva and Çakti is the true
Yoga and joy that arises out of it is, known as Supreme Bliss. That joy
is a thousand times more intense, than any mode of human pleasure.
The nectar which flows from such union floods the kñudrabrahmäëda
or the human body. It is then the aspirant achieves the liberation and
immerses in effable bliss.
Notes
1
Female companion of the Tantric aspirant.
2
Devé Durgä has ten manifestations (daçamahävidyä), one of which is Ñoòoçé or
Çrisundaré.
3
A form of consecration often involves in sprinkling water.
4
A circle composed of aspirants (both men and women), the women being
sitting on the left of their male partners.
5
Sadhanii which is practiced on dead corpse.
6
For more details the article written by Paul. E. Muller-Ortega in ‘Tantra in
Practice’ is referred.
7
The mantra which is given by the Guru.
8
Clarified butter
9
Aspirant following Kuläcära. It is the highest stage recognized in some of
the Tantras.
10
Monastic ordination.
11
Technique of breath control.
12
vämäcäram pravakñyämi çridurgä-sädhanam param,
yaà vidhäya kalau çéghram mantrikäù siddhibhäg-bhavet
mälä nådantasaàbhütä pätraà tu naramuëòakam
äsnam siddha-carmädi kaëkanaà stré-kacodbhavam
dravyam-äsavättv-äòhyaà bhakñyam mäàsädikam priye,
carvaëaà balamatsyädi mudrä viëäravaù kathä
maithunam parakäntibhiù sarva-varëa-samänatä
vämäcära iti proktaù sarva-siddhi-pradaù çive. (Bharati, 1965 : 268)
13
A seat or a resort of the deity
14
The female sexual organ.
30 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

15
A mystic word recited in prayer to the deity.
16
Manifestation of Çiva.
17
Repetition of mantras.
18
‘karpüritamukhaù svädu sädhakaçcumvayenmudä,
tasyädharo yathä bhåìgo nérajavyäkulaù priye
dantakñatiritanaïca paramantatra kärayet
aliìgayen madonmattaù. sudåòhaà kucamardanaà
nakhäghätairnitambe ca ramayedratipaëòitaù
punaù punaçcumvanaïca yonau kuryät kuleçvari
çukraïca stambhayedvéro yonau liìgaà praveçayet’ (Kaàäkhyätantra)
19
Inclination towards the worldly desire.
20
Disinclination towards the worldly desire.
21
Success.
22
Spiritual teacher who acts as the medium for the transmission of divine
grace.
23
Situated in the cranium with its multicoloured thousand petals. This is the
so called sahasrära mentioned in the scriptures.
24
Control of breath and deals with regulation of inhalation, exhalation and
retention of breath.
25
An elaborate network of 72,000 subtle ducts of the body through which
breath and energy are channeled.
26
Retension of breath by undertaking präëäyäma.
27
It is the true and innermost self in everything. It is called Çiva or Paramaçiva
which underlies everything and being. It is all pervading.
28
The joy of realizing Brahman - the absolute reality.
29
A system of yogic exercise to stimulate the nerve centre and consequently
distributes the powers equitably throughout the body.
30
‘yä suräsarvakäyeñu kathitä bhuvi muktidä,
tasyä näma bhaveddevi térthaà pänaà sudurlabham.
çüdräëäà bhakñayogänäà yanmäàsaà devanirmitam,
vedamantreëa vidhivat proktä sä çuddhiruttamä.
bhakñayogyäçca kathitä ye ye matsyä varänane,
te rahasye mayä proktä ménaù siddhipradäyakäù.
påthukataëdulä bhåñöä godhümacaëakädayaù,
teñäà näma bhaddevi mudrä muktipradäyiné.
bhagaliìgsya yogena maithunaà yadbhavet priye,
tasya näma bhaddevi païcamaà parikértitam.
prathamantu bhavenmadyaà mäàsaïcaiva dvitiyakam,
matsyaïcaiva tåtéyaà syänmudrä caiva caturthikä,
païcamaà païcamaà vidyät païcaite nämataù småtäù’
31
A çaiva school that emerged from the tantric thought current.
32
Manifestations of Devé Durgä.
33
“I become intoxicated at the mere thought of God. I don’t have to take any
wine. “ The Gospel: p.634.
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 31
34
“One must worship the Ädyäçakti. She must be propitiated. She alone has
assumed all female forms. Therefore I look on all women as mother. The
attitude of looking on woman as mother is very pure. The Tantra mentions
the Vamachara method also. But that is not a good method; it causes the
aspirant’s downfall. ibid; p.788.
35
“I remember the day when I was able by the grace of Mother to view with
supreme equanimity, the supreme pleasure of a pair of lovers, seeing nothing
in it but the blissful sport of the Divine; the mind instead of descending
even to the neighbourhood of ordinary human feelings, soared higher and
higher merging at last in deep Samadhi. After regaining normal
consciousness, I heard the Brahmani say, “You have reached the desired end
of a very difficult Tantric sadhana and established in the divine mood. This
is the ultimate sadhana of the (heroic) mode of worship’” Sri Ramakrishna
The Great master: p.273.

References
1. Banerjee, S. C., Tantra in Bengal, Manohar, Delhi, 1992.
2. Basu, Manoranjan, Fundamentals of the Philosophy of Tantra, Mira Basu
Publications, Calcutta, 1986.
3. Bharati Agehananda., The Tantric Tradition, B. I. Publication, Delhi, 1965.
4. Bhattacharya, Sukhamaya., Tantraparichaya, Visvabharati, Shantiniketan, 1359
B.S.
5. Bose, D.N., (Ed), Tantras their philosophy and occult secrets, Oriental Publishing
Co., Calcutta.
6. Chattopadhyay, Sudhakar., Reflection in Tantras, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
1978.
7. Das, Upendrakumar., Çästramülak Bhäratiya Çaktisädhanä, (volume I & II),
Viswabharati Research Department, Santiniketan, 1395 B.S.
8. Frazer, James George (Sir), Golden Bough: A study in Magic & Religion,
Macmillan & Co., London, 1957.
9. Kinsley, David. R., The Sword and the Flute, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
1955.
10. Kinsley, David., Tantric visions of the divine feminine, Motilal Banarasidass,
Delhi, 1998.
11. Mukherjee, Govinda Gopal., ‘The Spiritual Heritage of India: The Tantras’,
in the Studies in Tantras, The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture,
(Ed.) Kolkata, 2002
12. Nigamänanda, Tantric Guru, Bangiya Saraswata Math, Kokilamukh, Jorhat
(Assam), 1391 B.S.
13. Pandit, M. P., More on Tantras, Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi,
1985.
14. Pandit, Motilal., The Disclosure of Being, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers
Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2006.
15. Raghavacharya, E.V.V. & Padhye, D.G., (Ed.) Minor Works of Kñemendra,
Replacement of Numeric Publishers Codes, Hyderabad, 1961.
32 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

16. Sen Sharma, Debabrata., Aspects of Tantra Yoga, Indica Books, Varanasi, 2007.
17. Singh, L. P., Tantra: Its Mystic and Scientific Basis, Concept Publishing
Company, Delhi, 1976.
18. Singh, Rajnath., Hindu Tantricism, Dominant Publishers and Distributors,
New Delhi, 2001.
19. Swami Nikhilananda (translated), The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna, Sri
Ramakrishna Math, Madras, 1974.
20. Swami Saradananda, Swami Jagadananda (translated) Sri Ramakrishna, The
Great Master, Ramakrishna Math, Madras, 1952.
21. White, David Gordon., (Ed.), Tantra in Practice, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
2001.
22. Woodroffe, (Sir) John., Introduction to Tanra Çästra, (4th ed.) Ganesh & Co.,
Madras, 1963.
----- Çakti and Çäkta, Luzac & Co., London 1918.

Sanskrit Text
1. Vidyalankara, Ramatoshan Compiled, Saumya Nanda (Ed.) Präëatoñiné Tantra,
Basumati Sahitya Mandir, Kolkata, N. D.
2. Bhagavat, Shriman Maleswar (compiled), Pt. Baldeo Prasad Mishra
(translated), Mahanirväëa-Tantram, Shrivenkatshwar Steam Press, Bombay,
1952.
3. Das, Upendra kumar (ed.) Kulärëava Tantra, Nababharat Publisher, Kolkata,
1383 (B. S.)
4. Bhatacharya Krishnananda Agambagish, Chandra Kumar Tarkalankar
(translated), Rasikmohan Chatterjee (Ed.) Båhat Yantrasära, Nababharat
Publishers, Kolkata, 1389 (BS).
NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH OF
HISTORY OF PÄLI LITERATURE
UJJWAL KUMAR

The modern history of Indian literature is generally classified based


on religions or languages. The classification based on religions consists
of categories such as Brahmanical Literature, Buddhist Literature, Jain
Literature and so on. Similarly, there are works based on the classification
of a particular language, the works such as “A History of Sanskrit
Literature”, “A History of Päli Literature” and “A History of Prakrit
Literature” etc. It may be observed that in ancient times, there existed a
classification of the then existing branches of knowledge of various
genres. One such listing of the branches of knowledge is found in the
Lokanéti (Ln 10-11), a popular book under the Päli Néti Literature (PNL)
as follow:
suti sammuti saìkhyä ca, yogä néti visesikä >
gandhabbä gaëikä ceva, dhanubedä ca püraëä >>
tikicchä itihäsä ca, joti mäyä ca chandati >
hetu mantä ca saddä ca, sippäööhärasakä ime >>
The Vedas, the Småti, the Säìkhya, the Yoga, the (worldly) Law, and
the Vaiçeñika system of philosophy; Music, Arithmetic, Archery, and
the Puräëas, and the science of Medicine, History, Astrology, Magic,
Metre, Causation, Diplomacy and Grammar; these are the eighteen
branches of knowledge.
Though we know that this classification is of late origin and not found
in early Buddhist literature, its antiquity goes back to the Milindapaïha
(Mil). The Mil was the first text where this classification is used with
one more addition, that is, Buddhavacana reaching the number of sippa
up to nineteen. The account of the sippa given in the Mil illustrates the
principal features of the systems of both Brahmanical and Buddhist
education as they prevailed in their times. Some passages in the Jatakas,
nevertheless, make individual mention of some subjects under scientific
and technical education; however, it is not certain whether they would
34 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

come under the eighteen sippa-s. The Dummedha Jätaka (Jä no. 50)
mentions the number of sippa-s as eighteen. However, their names are
not illustrated there. In Sanskrit literature, the antiquity of the eighteen
sippa-s goes back to Viñëu Puräëa (III. 6 : 28-29):
aìgäni vedäç catväro, mémäàsä nyäyavistaraù >>
puräëaà dharmaçästraà ca, vidyä hy etäç caturdaça >>
äyurvedo dhanurvedo, gändharvaç caiva te trayaù >>
arthäçästraà caturthaà tu, vidyä hy añöädaçaiva täù) >>
Kavidappananéti (2-3), one of the late néti texts under the PNL faithfully
transmits this gäthä as follow:
aìgäni vedä cattäro, mémaàsä nyäyavittharo >
dhammasatthaà puräëaïca, vijjä hetä catuddasa >>
äyubbedo dhanubbedo, gandhabbo ceti te tayo >
atthasatthaà catutthaïca, vijjä hy äööharasa matä >>
Historically speaking we do not know in what sense exactly Buddhist
texts used the term Néti among the list of eighteen sippa. Treckner (1908:
102-138) points out that “for småti and nyäya, substituted terms were
sammuti (Sanskrit sammati, perhaps in the sense of ‘what is universally
agreed on’) and néti; the regular equivalents, sati and ïäya, being
objectionable, because these are among the technical terms of Buddhism
(ïäyo = ariyo aööhangiko maggo), and might have induced Milinda to
suppose of Buddhist attainments previous to his conversion.” Even in
the list of eighteen sippa-s, before and after the term Néti, Yoga and
Viçeñika are mentioned. Therefore, logically it is possible that the word
Néti here indicates Nyäya School of philosophy. The Nyäya derives its
name from nyäya, the rules of logical thinking or the means of
determining the right meaning or the right thing (see Matilal 1978 : 53).
Gray (1886: 4) reports that in Lokanéti Nissaya, “the ancient collection
known as the Nétiçästra is referred to” as néti.
Meaning of the Word Néti
The word Néti, common to both Sanskrit and Päli, is derived from
the root √né and has various meanings. V. S. Apte’s Sanskrit-English
Dictionary gives the following meanings: 1. Guidance, direction,
management; 2. Conduct, behaviour, course of action; 3. Propriety,
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 35

decorum; 4. Policy, prudence, wisdom, right course; 5. Plan, contrivance,


scheme; 6. Politics, political science, statesmanship, political wisdom; 7.
Righteousness, moral conduct, morality, etc. The PED also gives the
same meanings. In the Mil, Néti indicates a branch of study. In the
‘Saddanéti’, a famous Päli grammar text, the word Néti signifies ‘policy
or method’. The Päli grammar Padarüpasiddhi derives the word Néti from
the root √ni with the feminine suffix ‘ti’ according to the rule 599
‘Itthiyamatiyavo vä’. Thus, one may articulate that the Sanskrit-Päli word
‘Néti’ is equivalent to “conduct”. As applied to books, it is a general
term for a treatise, which includes maxims, pithy sayings, and didactic
stories. Treatises of this kind, intended as a guide in respect of matters
of everyday life, help an individual to build his character and form good
relations with his fellow men. They have therefore been popular in all
ages, and have served as the most effective medium of instruction.
Out of the eighteen branches of knowledge mentioned above, the
present paper is focused on néti literature in general and PNL in
particular. As far as the History of Päli Literature is concerned, the néti
literature has scarcely been dealt with. There is no comprehensive study
of this genre to date. It is therefore intended to take up a study of this
very important and neglected theme in the History of Päli Literature.
The purpose of this study is to delineate the available PNL with a
chronological or a historical perspective and see the stages of its
development through the ages.
Previous Research on PNL
Western scholarship has noticed the importance of the PNL at an
early stage of Päli studies, particularly commenced and developed in
Burma. The very first scholar who noticed the place of PNL in Burmese
society was E. Fowle. In 1858, Fowle published his paper Translation of
a Burmese Version of the Niti Kyan, a Code of Ethics in Pali in the Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 17, 252-266.
Subsequently he prepared a short English summary of one of the famous
works of that genre, namely the Lokanéti, from the Burmese nissaya which
was published in 1860. Fowle informs, “[Niti Kyan] a short code of ethics
compiled from selections from various authors is one of several that I
have translated from the Burmese language, which are themselves
translations from Päli.” Unfortunately, Fowle had not mentioned the
36 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

sources of his translation and simply called it ‘Néti Kyan’, and thereby
misled some later scholars to think that the Néti Kyan was a separate
Burmese work based on the Lokanéti. Relied on Fowle’s work, Ludwik
Sternbach (1963: 329-345), a great scholar who mainly devoted his
academic writings to Indian néti literature, was misguided and thought
that the Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan were different works.
In his article, “The Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan and Their
Sources”, Sternbach drew our attention to the similarity between the
Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti kyan. As Bechert and Braun pointed
out “The translation of the introductory verse (Fowle 1860: 253) and a
comparison of Fowle’s translation with the printed Burmese version of
the Lokanéti (Sternbach 1969a) clearly show that Fowle’s text was a nissaya
of a Lokanéti manuscript representing a text only slightly different from
the version which was printed later on.” However, the pioneering works
of Fowle’s attracted many scholars later to devote their academic
writings to the field of PNL.
After Fowle, Richard Camac Temple made and published a more
exact translation of the Lokanéti from the Burmese nissaya in 1878 (The
Lokanéti, Translated from the Burmese paraphrase. Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, XLVII : III, 239-252). Temple (1878) rightly informs
“There is probably no book so universally known to the Burmese as the
Lokanéti, pronounced in Burmese as Lawkanédi”. Temple had the earliest
printed editions and a number of manuscripts at his disposal. Temple
(1878: 239) notifies that “[this text] has been copied into hundreds of
palm-leaf Mss with more or less accuracy ... the Government itself
published an edition of it in Burmese and Päli in an issue of 10,000
copies.” Temple was the first person who tried to establish the date of
the text and identify the author of the work. On the basis of the account
of general public Burmese Sanyäa-s or learned men, Temple (1878: 240)
mentions that “ ... it was written originally (date unknown) in Sanskrit
(? Päli) by the Põngnä (Brahman) Sànnêkgyaw (Burmese name) and
paraphrased into Burmese in 1196 Burmese Era (= 1826 AD.) by the
Hpôngyé U Pôk: of the Mahä Oung Myê Bông Sàn Ok Kyoug (the Great
Brick built Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava. U Pôk’s priestly name
was Sêk-kàn-da-bé, to which the king of Ava added the titles of Théri
Thàddamma-daza, Mahà Damma-yàza Guru, (= Sanskrit, Çri
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 37

Saddharmadhuaja, Mahä Dharmaräja Guru).... “One of correspondents of


Temple writes to him that the author was a priest “with no extraordinary
knowledge of Päli” who either collected the maxims from old books or
what is more probable is that he collected some of them and added
others of his own composition. Though Temple was not sure about the
date and the compiler of the text, he firmly believed that Hpôngyé U
Pôk had revised the text.
Emilio Teza, an Italian scholar, published his study of the Lokanéti in
1879, under the title “SuI Lokaniti, Studi sulla gnomologia buddiana”
(Memoriw dell: Instituto Lombardo, 126-132). With the help of a single
edition of the Lokanéti, printed in Rangoon in 1879, Teza then edited
and translated eighteen stanzas from this work and traced the sources
of several of them. Till that time it was confirmed that the Lokanéti was
compiled from the different sources and the role of Sanskrit subhäñita-s
was already established for the compilation of the text. With this
understanding Teza identified several stanzas.
The great pioneering work for making the néti literature of Burma
known and accessible to the academic world was done by James Gray.
For the first time, in 1883, Gray edited the Päli text of the Dhammanéti,
the longest and most interesting néti work of Burmese Päli tradition
(The Päli text of the Dhammanéti: A Book of Proverbs and Maxims. Pp. 45,
HaÞsävaté Press, Rangoon, 1883), and then added the Burmese nissaya
to the second edition of this text published in 1884 (The Päli text and
Burmese Translation of the Dhammanéti: A Book of Maxims. Pp. 165,
HaÞsävaté Press, Rangon, 1884.). In the history of PNL 1886 was a
remarkable year when Gray had published an English translation of
four Burmese Päli Néti works, viz. Lokanéti (Pp. 1-36), Dhammanéti (Pp.
37-118), Räjanéti (Pp. 119-141), and Sutavaòòhananéti (Pp. 142-157) and he
added a number of subhäñita-s found in the Burmese literature under
the heading of “Old Indian Sayings” (Pp. 161-174), as well as a table of
corresponding stanzas (Pp. 175-178) in the four texts under the title,
Ancient Proverbs and Maxims from Burmese Sources; Or, The Néti Literature
of Burma, TrÈbner & Co, London, 1886. Gray in his translation also tried
to identify the original sources of Päli Néti gäthä. Many times he
succeeded but in some places he wrongly identified the source of Päli
gäthä. The English translation of Dhammanéti, Räjanéti and
Sutavaòòhananéti are the only English translations available till now.
38 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

After Gray’s (1886) work, Paolo Emilio Pavollni, an Italian scholar


produced a short study of the Dhammanéti in Italian language (Pavolini
1907: 609-616). In his article “Cenni sulla Dhammanéti Päli birman e
sulle sue fonti” [Commentaries on the Päli and Burman Dhammanéti
and its Sources]. Pavolini identified some of the gäthäs of the Dhammanéti
and almost rightly established a theory that Päli néti works are a mere
compilation of Sanskrit néti verses.
In the main stream of Päli study the Ln and the Dhammnéti were
included for the first time in the text book for Matriculation students,
prepared by Charles Duroiselle (1907). Under his editorship, fifty gäthäs
from the Ln and thirty gäthäs from the Dhammanéti were included in a
text book namely Päli Unseen (School Päli Series III. Rangoon: British
Burma Press. 1907).
Mabel Hayanes Bode’s (1909) Päli Literature of Burma was another
work where the reference to PNL is made. Bode makes this passing
remark only in two sentences that are being reproduced here: “For a
king’s äcariya, he must be able to discourse on ethics and polity,
pronounce moral maxims, and give advice. The Räjanéti, Ln, and
Dhammanéti represent this sort of literature modelled on Sanskrit
originals” (Bode 1909: 51). This way Bode hints at the existence of the
Päli néti works but does not provide further details.
The importance of PNL was once again recognized by a very famous
Burmese scholar Maung Tin. Tin (1920 : 43-52, 72-83) includes the Ln in
his 2nd edition of Päli Reader and brought the study of PNL in the
mainstream of Päli study. This text was used for the Anglo-Vernacular
High School Final Examination. Highlighting the reason for including
this text in the Päli Reader, Tin says (1920: Preface),
“In place of the first five Chapters of Dépavaïsa (Chronicle of
Ceylon) of the old course, the present reader includes Ln (Worldly
behavior).. . Ln is the only one which is not in the three Piöakas but
its high standard of morality and its pithy stanzas have won a great
popularity in Burma. Indeed it had been included at the express
wish of the Burman Buddhists.”
After Maung Tin, Ludwik Sternbach was the first westerner who
notices the PNL. In his article (1963: 26, 329-345) “The Päli Lokanéti and
the Burmese Néti Kyan and Their Sources”, Sternbach carried forward
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 39

the work of Gray, Pavollni, and Teza and tried to identify the sources of
the Ln verses. Unfortunately, in this pioneering work, Sternbach
identified many Ln gäthä-s wrongly and identified them as of Sanskrit
origin while they were taken from Päli sources. Since 1963, Sternbach
has included the Päli Néti works in the scope of his studies of the
subhäñita literature (cf. in particular Sternbach 1963a, 1969a, 1973a, 1973b
and I 974b) and brought out a major work of PNL in Subhäñita, Gnomic
and Didactic Literature in 1974 in the famous monumental work A History
of Indian Literature edited by Gonda.
Apart from these few writings on PNL, a major work was carried
out by a German scholar Heinz Braun. For his Master’s thesis, he edited
the Ln under the title Bearbeitung des Päli-Werkes Lokanéti, GoÎttingen,
in 1972. This was the first critical edition of Ln. In this edition Heinz
Braun consulted more than thirty manuscripts and brought out the first
critical edition of the Ln. Subsequently in his Ph.D. thesis Heinz Braun
once again concentrated on PNL and edited two other important texts,
viz. the Dhammanéti and the Mahärahanéti (Dhammanéti und Mahärahanéti,
Zwei Texte der Spruchliterature aus Birma, GÎttingen, 1975). Later on with
Heinz Bechert, Braun published his dissertation from PTS in 1981 and
also included one more important text, namely, the Räjanéti, under the
title Päli Néti Texts of Burma: Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Mahärahanéti, Räjanéti
(PNTB), Text Series No. 171, London: PTS, 1981. Till now this edition
was the only critical edition that covered the four major works in the
genre of PNL. In this work Braun and Bechert not only edited the four
major texts of PNL but also identified the sources of most of Päli gäthä-s.
The main part of the volume (pp. 1-160) consists of critical editions of
the Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Mahärahanéti and the Räjanéti, and notes
thereon. The latter contains the critical apparatus, comments upon
grammar and metre, and parallels to the verses in other texts, both
Sanskrit and Prakrit, and especially a large corpus of Sanskrit verses
attributed to Cäëakya, which Sternbach had collected.
After Heinz Braun, Khin Win Kyi was the only scholar who did her
Ph.D. on the works related to PNL. She submitted her Ph.D. thesis on
the Ln in 1986 to the Washington University under the title Burmese
Philosophy as Reflected in Caturangabala’s Lokaniti. In her work, Kyi mainly
focused on the social aspect of the Ln in Burmese society.
40 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

The present author of this paper has also published the first
Devanagari edition with Hindi translation and notes of the Lokanéti (see
Ujjwal 2015).
General Introduction of Päli Néti Literature
The Néti-literature of Päli is not abundant. It was originally written
in Päli, from which some of the Néti-works were afterwards translated
into Burmese and other East Asian languages. Most of the Päli Néti-
sayings are of Sanskrit origin and many of the maxims occurred
originally in Sanskrit subhäñéta-saÞgraha-s; particularly, the so-called
Cäëakya’s sayings were incorporated into the Päli Néti Literature
(hereafter PNL). One more thing to highlight here is that all most all
the Päli Néti texts were composed in Burma alone. Though, the
Theravada countries like Sri Lanka, Thailand upheld their doctrinal
thought in Päli, and after the Aööhakathä or Tékä period composed many
secular literary activities in Päli, we do not find any attempt to compose
Néti texts. In other words, we can say that the PNL totally flourished
and developed in Burma. The endeavour of this paper is to provide a
detailed outline of available Päli Néti-texts. For this purpose following
texts are taken into consideration: Lokanéti, Dhammanéti, Cänakyanéti,
Mahärahanéti, Sutavaòòhanéti, Lokasära, Lokaneyyappakaraëa, and Räjanéti.
After the discussion of general introduction of available PNL, this paper
discusses the subject matters of PNL.
1. Lokanéti (Ln)
1.1. The Ln is one of the well-regarded works in Burma. To-day it is
known more by its name than by its contents. It is most probable that it
was prepared for a king’s äcariya in order to enable them to discourse
on ethics and polity, to pronounce moral maxims, and give advice. In
Burmese tradition this text is considered as the base of all the Néti-texts.
1.2. The authorship of the Ln has not been finalized so far by the
earlier Päli scholars who dealt with this text. The Ln itself gives no clue
to its authorship. Therefore, the opinions about author and date of Ln
are widely at variance, and the arguments so far proposed for dating
the text are not quite convincing.
1.3. In Burma there are two traditions about the authorship of Ln.
The first and foremost, without any substantial evidence, the main
stream of Burmese tradition seems to attribute the authorship of Ln to
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 41

Caturaìgabala, a well-known Burmese scholar who lived in the middle


part of the 14th century at the court of the Burmese kings Ngashishin
(1343-1350) and Kyawswange or Thihathu (1350-1359) at Pinya (Bechert
and Braun 1981: xlix). Abhidhänappadipkä-vaëëanä or öika is composed
by Caturaìgabala, which is confirmed by Piöakat samuin (Piö-srn 452).
The SäsanavaÞsa of Païïäsämi also narrated the life story of
Caturaìgabala and his authorship of the Abhidhänappadipkä-vaëëanä.
However, we have no reference to his presumed authorship of Ln. As
Bechert and Braun (1981: xlix) pointed out that the “earliest reference to
this tradition seems to be found in the concluding verses of the Ln pyui
by Ü Rhaì Kale, a rendering of the Ln in Burmese verses which was
composed in 1880 (published in Nan Ïïvan Chve 1961, p. 321-346; for
this passage, cf. p. 345; see also Sternbach 1963a, p. 331 and E Moì 1947,
pp. 136f.). The statement in the Mranmä cvay cum kyam (EB III, p. 133)
that Caturaìgabala was the author of Ln seems to be based on this
epilogue.
1.4. Temple (1878: 239) provides very interesting information about
the author of the Ln. According to him, Burmese people believed that
‘Sªnnekgyaw’, i.e. Cäëakya was the author of Ln, which shows that the
Burmese were aware of the fact that Ln was nothing but a version of the
ancient Cäëakya Néti tradition. Though we do not have any evidence of
Temple’s remarks, however, it is interesting to note that the name of
Cäëakya was associated with the composition of Néti literature in Burma.
About the authorship of Ln, another information is given by M. H. Bode
(1909: 95) in his famous book Päli Literature of Burma. According to Bode,
Cakkindäbhisiri was the author of Ln. Bechert and Braun (1981 : 1) point
out that Bode was confused with the author of the nissaya of Ln. Actually
Cakkindäbhisiri wrote Ln nissaya and not the Ln. Out of the above
mentioned three names, the more accepted name in Burma about the
author of Ln is Caturaìgabala. Two Burmese scholars, namely, Maung
Tin (1920) and Sein Tu (1962) who worked on the Ln, unanimously
acknowledge Caturaìgabala as the author of Ln. Though we do not
have any cross reference to check this Burmese belief, there is however
no ground to deny this belief. In modern writing, there is no agreement
about the authorship of Ln, the date of composition of this text is also
not fixed. In most of the writings, this date varies from 14th century to
18th century.
42 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

1.5. Temple (1878: 239) who studied and translated the Ln into English
for the first time, most probably from a Burmese translation, could not
find out much about the history of this book, although he personally
made enquiries to get information from the Burmese sayä-s (learned
men). He reported that, according to one account, it was written
originally at an unknown date in Sanskrit (or Päli) by the Põngnä
(Brähmaë Sännekgyaw (Burmese name) and paraphrased into Burmese
in 1826 by the Hpõngyi U Põk of the Mahä Oung Mye Bõng San Ok
Kyoung (the Great Brick Built Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava.
This U Põk’s name as priest was Sek-kän-da-bé, to which the king of
Ava added the titles of Théri Thäddamma-daza, Mahä Dama-yäza Guru
(Sri Saddharmadhaja, Mahä Dharmaräja Guru). According to another
informant of Temple (1878: 239), “the author was a priest without very
extraordinary knowledge of Päli who either collected the maxims from
old books or collected some of them and added others of his own
composition. This opinion is corroborated by the unequal merit of the
original Päli verses and by the many grammatical and other errors
observable in them even upon a superficial examination.”
1.6. Gray (1886: ix-x) reports that Ln, Rn and Dhn were found in
Sanskrit among the Manipurian Puëëäs, who, driven from their native
abode by the vicissitudes of war, made a home for themselves in Burma.
They were written in Bengali characters, but editions in Sanskritised
Burmese were also procurable. The Sanskrit Ln of the Manipurian
Punnas commences with the first introductory stanza of the Hitopadeça
(siddhis sädhye satäm astu). This stanza was disregarded in the Burmese
anthology most probably on account of the difficulty in its adaption to
Buddhist views. The Sanskrit Ln originally contained 109 verses, which,
in the Burmese version, have been expanded to 167 gäthä-s. Sternbach
(1969a: 38) refutes Gray’s account of the origin of Ln among Manipurian
Punnas and says: “It is not clear from Gray’s account whether he really
saw the Sanskritised Ln or only heard about its existence. Despite careful
search, not only in Burma but also in India, I could not find a single text
of the Sanskritised Ln ...”.
1.7. On the basis of an imitation of verse 61 of the Ln on Pagan
inscription which was erected in 1408 CE, Gerolamo Emilio Gerini (1904:
139f.) puts forth the date of compilation of Ln between the time of
Buddhaghosa and the date of establishment of the inscription. He
thought that the Ln was composed between 425 and 1400 CE. He saw
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 43

the date a quo in the commentary to the Dhammapada- the Dhammapada


Aööhakathä- ascribed to Buddhaghosa, in which he could notice “strict
analogies” between certain passages of the Ln and the Dhammapada
Aööhakathä. Though, this argument is very strong and valid, Bechert
and Braun (1981: I), are not ready to accept this argument. They think
that the author of the inscription could have modeled his text after the
Sanskrit source of the verse in question and has not necessarily made
use of the Ln collection. Whatever doubt put forth by Bechert and Braun,
the same doubt one should also put on Bechert and Braun’s argument
having applied the same theory.
1.8. Sternbach (1969a: 37), in response to Temple’s argument,
articulates: “Temple probably refers to one of the translations of the
Päli Ln into Burmese, while the Päli text was known in Burma much
earlier. Therefore, it is quite possible that the Ln was composed in the
beginning of the fifteenth century and that the two other néti collections
(Dhn and Rn) were compiled not much later.” Unfortunately, Sternbach
does not give any argument against the support of his hypothesis. Later
on, Sternbach (1973b, § 52.8) dated the text as composed quite possibly
“in the beginning of the fourteenth century”, but without providing
new evidence for this date.
1.9. According to an evaluation of the sources and parallels of the
verses Bechert and Braun (1981: I) assume that the author of Ln has
taken material from the Dhammanéti. This observation provides us with
a terminus post quem. Apart from the reference in the Arakanese
chronicle quoted by Gray, there is, however, no reliable terminus ante
quem earlier than the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, but it is hardly
possible that a book which has obtained such popularity and fame at
that time should not have been compiled at a considerably earlier time.
In addition, the rather corrupt state of the textual tradition already in
the earliest available manuscripts points at a considerable length of time
between the composition of the work and the date of these manuscripts.
An additional difficulty arises from the fact that the name Ln could not
only refer to our text but was also used as a rather general term for a
class of literary works, viz. for Néti texts in verses. The Ln in Sanskrit
which was studied by the Manipurian Puëëä-s of Burma and referred
to by Gray (1886 : ix); also quoted by Stenbach (l969a; 1973b, § 52.1; cf.
also 1974a, pp. 41fn.), where the introduction of the Päli text through
Manipur is assumed. Under these circumstances, we cannot give a more
44 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

accurate answer to the question about the date of Ln than to say that it
was compiled in its present form probably between the second half of
the 15th and the middle of the 18th century.
1.10. Ln is divided into seven distinct chapters (Päli kaëòa) and
consists 167 verses dealing with: (1) the wise man (Paëòitakaëòa 1-40);
(2) the good man (Sujanakaëòa 41-67); (3) the evil-doer (Dujjanakaëòa
68-78); (4) friendship (Mittakaëòa 79-93); (5) women (Itthikaëòa 94-111);
(6) kings (Rajakaëòa 112-137); and (7) miscellanea (Missakakaëòa 138-
167). The author or compiler clearly states in the opening stanzas his
object in undertaking this work and mentions the name of the text as
Ln. In the very first stanza of Ln the author also indicates their sources
and does not claim that this treatise is his own composition. Here the
author starts his writing with the homage paid to the Three Gems and
then he says that he will recite the “Lokanéti” concisely in Mägadhese
extracted from various treatises, “lokanétiÞ pavakkhärni,
nänäsatrhasamuddhaöaÞ > mägadheneva saìkhepaÞ, vanditvä
ratanatthayaÞ> > ” The author of the Ln has opened his work with the
introductory stanza of his book on Ratanattaya, or the Three Gems
(Refuges). Though, the Ln comes under the categories of secular
literature the intention of the author to start with the veneration of Three
Gems is only indicatory to mark that this text is meant for Buddhist
upäsaka-s and upäsikä-s. Every religion worthy of the name has certain
articles of belief in which its followers have confidence. It is these articles
which awaken the religious impulse of man and inspire him to lead the
religious life; they give concrete shape as it were to abstract principles
around which the followers of a religion rally. Thus, it may be said that
it is these articles of belief which give rise to the institutional form of a
religion, the organized form of a religion cannot exist without them, in
fact no movement whatsoever can be operative and successful unless
organized in the institutional form. Buddhism is no exception, and it is
the Three Gems in which its followers show their confidence.
1.11. The Buddha, the Dhamma, and Saìgha, known as Ratanattaya
or the Triple Gem, form the Three Refuges. The Buddha is the one who
has attained to full enlightenment after the fulfilling the Ten Perfections
(Dasa-Päramitä) during the period of four incalculable and hundred
thousand kappa-s. The Dhamma is the doctrine preached by such an
enlightened teacher (SammäsaÞbuddhai). The Saìgha is the ‘Order of
the Nobel Ones’ who have practiced the teachings and realized the Nobel
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 45

Truths (Ariyasacca) in varying degrees. For the same reasons the Order
of such members is known as the Ariya-Saìgha.
1.12. In the introductory verse itself the author of the text gives the
title of his book “the Lokanéti”. The word Ln is made up of two Päli
words, ‘loka’ and ‘néti’. In Buddhist sense the meaning of the word loka
is ‘world’, that is, ‘visible world of daily experience’ and the Néti signifies
‘guide’. So, by choosing the title the author tries to express the whole
aim and objective of his work- to be a guide in the visible world of daily
experience. In other words, the author means that his work is to help
and guide people in conducting themselves properly in the affairs of
daily life.
1.13. After the introductory verse the very first chapter of the Ln
namely Paëòitakaëòa (Section on Wise Man), starts with highlighting
the importance of Néti in one’s own life:
“nétiloke purisassa säro, mätä pitä äcariyo ca mitto >
tasmä hi nétiÞ puriso vijaïïä, ïäëé mahä hoti bahussutoca >> ”
The “Néti,” in this world, is a man’s essence, his father, his mother,
his teacher, his friend: a person, therefore, knowing the “Néti”, is a
prudent man, both excellent and well-informed” (tr. by Gray: 1886).
Having highlighted the importance of Néti in human life, the first
chapter discusses many aspects of discourses connected to leading a
good life. Here the importance of learning, different branches of learning,
characteristic of wise man, characteristics of true friends, signs of good
parents etc. are discussed in a very lucid and heart touching language.
1.14. In the second chapter of the Ln as per the name of the chapter
‘’The Good Man”, the author has gathered those gäthä-s which are
concerned with the title of the chapter. To emphasize the value of being
a good man and the value of being in company with good men,
Lokanétikära included the chapter “On the foolish and Bad Man”
immediately following the one “On the Good Man”. After that, chapter
four is devoted to friendship. The author has very deliberately pointed
out the true friends and given some astounding examples of a friend.
The fifth chapter is devoted to women. The role of women in household
life is discussed here in detail. But at the same time women are also
portrayed with some derogatory remarks. For example we can see the
verse number 104 of Ln which says that “All rivers are crooked; all forests
are made of wood; all women, going into solitude, would do what is
46 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

evil” (tr. by Gray 1886: 23). In chapter sixth “on the ruler”, the author
talks about what a good ruler or a good king is supposed to be. The
seventh chapter, the last one in the book, speaks about diverse matters
and is appropriately entitled as pakkiëëaka. There, the author tries to
remind his readers of uselessness of prayers. He admonishes any of his
readers who had a tendency to run into debt by including such weak
person among those who were supposed to be the living dead. He also
speaks about how careful we should be in talking about others or to
strangers. Here we also find some prejudices the author holds and some
of the superstitions too.
2. Dhammanéti (Dhn)
2.1. Dhn is the longest of the néti works in Päli. This text played an
encyclopedic role for their predecessors to compose other néti texts in
Päli. Unfortunately, none of the Burmese accounts mentions the name
of the author of Dhn. Hence, the name of the author and the date of the
compilation of the text are still not known with conformity. From the
study of parallel verse groups in the Päli Néti works Bechert and Braun
(1981: Ivi) tentatively determine the date of its compilation and assume
that Dhn was compiled earlier than Ln and Mhn. The authorship of
Mhn is ascribed to Mahäsélavaàsa whose date was almost fixed around
the fifteenth century CE. So if Mahärahanétikära utilized the sources of
Dhn then this text must have been composed before than fifteenth
century CE. The lower date of this text is fixed by Bechert and Braun in
between late fourteenth.
2.2. Gray (1886: 37 fn. 1) noted that Dhn was translated for the first
time into Burmese by ‘Tipitakalinkära Mahädhamma (i.e.
TipiöakälaÞkäradhajamahädhammaräjaguruthera mentioned in Sä alias Bä
Karä Charä To) in 1784 CE by the order of King Bodawpaya. Outside
Burma Dhn was not found in any Thereväda county except Thailand
where this text was available in the Thai script and in the Thai translation.
Dhn was translated in Thai language in early twentieth century. Bechert
and Braun (1981: xxvi, lvii) reported the only traces of Dhn in non-
Burmese tradition in two Siamese texts: Thammanéti [Dhamrnanéti] bap
hang tham, 423 pp., Bangkok, Rongphim Thai press, 2464 AB/ 1921
CE. A Thai translation, based on the same textual tradition is found in
the edition of tripartite Lokanéti-traiphäk, ed. and tr. Sathira Koses (Phya
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 47

Anuman Rajadhon) 192 pp., Bangkok, Rüam sän Publication, 1926,


where the Päli text is not added.
2.3. Dhammanéti is a compound word. Its derivation can be drawn as
“dhammassa néti”, In Buddhist terminology, the word dhamma has
various meanings. Dhamma is used in the sense of mental states (cetasika)
(see Dhp 1 and 2), law (niyäma : utu, bija, dhamma, citta, kamma) (see
Dhp 5, 24 and 144), the Buddha’s teachings (Tipiöaka, see Dhp 20, 38,
60, 64, 82, 102, 182, 190, 194, 259, 297, 363 and 392), righteous means/
practice (see Dhp 46, 84, 87, 167, 168, 169, 242 and 248), phenomena (see
Dhp 109, 353, 273 and 279), path of virtue (bodhipakkhiya Dhamma) (see
Dhp 44, 45, 79, 86, 164 and 364), samatha and vpassanä (dvayesu
dhamma) (see Dhp 384), nine transcendental states (4 magga - s + 4
phala – s + nirväëa) (see Dhp 115,217,261 and 393), truth (see Dhp 70,
176,205 and 354) etc. Here in the Dhn the word dhamma signifies
righteous means, way or practice. Meaning of Néti as I have already
shown in Sanskrit-Päli is equivalent to “conduct”. As applied to books,
it is a general term for a treatise, which includes maxims, pithy sayings,
and didactic stories. So we may articulate Dhn as a collection of “Maxims
for Righteous Way of Life”.
2.4. The Dhn consisting of 411 maxims, plus three introductory
stanzas, divided into 24 sections (äcariyo the preceptor 4-13; sippaÞ
scholarship 14-27; païïä wisdom 28-57; sutaÞ knowledge 58-63; kathä
conversation 64-74; dhanaÞ wealth 75-80; deso residence 81-87; nissayo
dependence 88-95; mittaÞ friendship 96-111; dujjano the bad man 112-
140; sujano the good man 141-150; balaÞ the power 151-155; itthé women
156-172; putto sons 173-179; däso servants 180-181; gharäväso the wise man
182-195; kato what should be done 196-227; akato what should be avoided
228-248; ïätaboo relatives 249-256; alaìkäro ornamentation 257-265;
räjadhammo king duties 266-287; upasevako ministration 288-323;
dukädimissako two’s, three’s etc. 324-334; pakiëëako miscellaneous 335-
414), comprises the longest of the néti works in Päli. It is very clear to
note that the division of the chapters of the Dhn is not in a consisting
manner. Some of the chapters consist of a large number of verses (for
example the pakinnako section) and some consist of only few verses (for
example däso, balaÞ etc.). This indicates that Dhn was not composed in
a much planned manner or it might be possible that various authors
contributed to compose this text.
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2.5. The Dhn is not as common as Ln but is better known than RN.
Unlike Ln, it never became a handbook of study in Burma in government
or monastic schools. It is much longer than the Ln and Rn and therefore
was not so willingly recopied by scribes; in addition, it did not have a
reputation of being originated in India, though it was partly a translation
from Sanskrit into Päli. The Dhn contains a great number of maxims
identical with those found in the Ln; at least 67 verses are common to
both Dhn and Ln (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxix). But generally speaking,
the Dhn is more loosely connected with Sanskrit sources than Rn and
particularly Ln. The maxims of Dhn are in principle not straight
translations from Sanskrit but paraphrases of Sanskrit maxims. It was
possible to trace the origin of 127 maxims, i.e. 31 % of Dhn verses to
Sanskrit sources (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxx).
2.6. The Dhn starts with three introductory stanzas. In the first verse
of Dhn the author pays his respect to the triple gems. The second and
the third verses of Dhn establish the mätikä of the text and, no doubt,
these three verses are the composition of the author himself.
äcariyo ca sippaïca païïa sutaÞ kathä dhanaÞ >
deso ca nissayo mittam dujjano sujano balaÞ >> Dhn 2
itthé putto ca däso ca gharäväso katakato >
ïätabbo ca alaìkäro räjadhammopasevako >
dukädirnissako ceva pakiëëako ti mätikä >> Dhn 3
Tabulation or condensed contents (are as follow): The Teacher, Art
and Craft, (Worldly) Wisdom, Knowledge, Story Telling, Wealth,
Habitation, Dependence, Friendship, The Bad Man, The Good Man,
the Power;
Women, Children, Servants, Residence, What should be done, What
should not be done, Relatives, Ornamentation, Duties of King,
Ministration, Things taken by two etc., and Miscellaneous.
2.6. The first chapter of Dhn is äcariyo, the Preceptor. There are 10
verses in this chapter. Here the importance of preceptor, the role of
preceptor in one’s life, the zeal of clever pupil to follow their preceptor
etc. are dealt in detail. Following the first chapter, the second chapter
discusses the various arts and crafts one should learn. Here a question
mark has been raised for the people as to ‘how an idle one can acquire
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 49

knowledge’ (alasassa kuto sippaÞ). The importance of learning in one’s


life is highlighted here in the following manner:
bodha putra sadä nityaÞ mä khedäcariyaÞ garuÞ >
sadese püjito räjä budho sabbattha püjito >> Dhn 18
o dear one, always acquire knowledge; do not cause trouble to your
venerable teacher; a king is honoured in his own country; a man of
knowledge in every place.
2.7. In continuation of chapter two, SippaÞ the third chapter, rightly
speaks about païïä, wisdom. The very first gäthä of this chapter says:
susüsä sutavaòòhané païïäya vaòòhanaÞ sutaÞ >
païïäya atthaÞ jänäti ïäto attho sukhävaho >>
Close attention to study augments knowledge; knowledge increases
wisdom; by wisdom, we know the signification (of a thing); the
knowledge of the signification brings happiness.
This chapter consists of thirty verses highlighting the role of
knowledge in one’s life. Likewise the Dhn deals with various topics
pertaining to the day to day activities.
3. Mahärahanéti (Mhn)
3.1. The Mhn is attributed to MahäsélavaÞsa (1453-1518). In
comparison to the Ln and the Dhn, this text is far less known which are
always quoted in lists of Päli néti works. This work had not come to the
notice of Gray (1886) and Sternbach. It seems that they were completely
unaware of the existence of this text, though this text was along with its
nissaya printed in Burma in 1915 (Mäha-SélavaÞsa, Mahärahanéti kyam,
with nissaya of ‘Oì mre bhuÞ caÞ ‘ut kyoì charä to [Cakkindäbhisiri],
163 pp., Rangoon, The Sun Press, 1915) and in 1929 (Arhan Maha-
Srlavamsa, Mahärahanéti päöh nissaya, ed. Ü Bha Raì, 112 pp., Rangoon,
HaÞsävaté piöakat Press 1929, reprint Rangoon 1949).
The introduction of 1929 edition contains a note on the author; it
was prepared by Friedgard Lottermoser from the Burmese text and
quoted by Bechert and Braun (1981: lviii). According to that note “the
Thera MahäsélavaÞsa was born near Ton tvaì kré in the year sakkaräj
830 (1468 CE) wrote the Mahärahanétipäöha-nisaya, which was lost for
over four hundred years and which exists in five old manuscripts.” As
for the title of Mahärahanéti, in stanza 3 the word Lokanéti (tathä
50 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

tathägatovädä nugäyaÞ lokänétiyaÞ >) is found in a way to suggest that it


was the original name of the book which was later replaced by the name
Mahärahanéti derived from the first word of the work (mahämhärahaÞ
sakyamuniÞ névaraëä raëä >). Bechert and Braun (1981: lviii) opine that
this was probably done to avoid confusion of the text with the work
now known as Ln.
3.2. Till now we have only one critical edition of Mhn produced by
Bechert and Braun. In that edition, the text of Mahärahanéti consist of
254 verses divided into five sections viz. Päëòitakathä (4 -80),
Sambhedakathä (81-112), Mittakathä (113-163), Näyakakathä (164-197),
Itthikathä (198-254) followed by three introductory gäthä. It seems that
Mahärahanétikära utilises Dhn for the compilation of the text. 216 of
the stanzas of Mhn are identical with or very similar to verses of Dhn.
In many instances, verses are also grouped together in the same way in
both texts, e.g. Dhn 14-15 = Mhn 10-11, Dhn 36-37 = Mhn 24-25, Dhn 38-
43 = Mhn 34-39, Dhn 46-48 = Mhn 53-55, Dhn 123-128 = Mhn 129-134,
Dhn 272-282 = Mhn 164-175 etc (Bechert and Braun lxviii). To conclude
the relationship between Dhn and Mhn, Bechert and Braun (1981: lxviii)
rightly observe: “The systematical arrangement of the verses in the Mhn
shows considerable improvement compared with that in the Dhn, and
since the author of Mhn has clearly improved the ‘Pälization’ of verses
translated from the Sanskrit compared to the still much more ‘Sanskritic’
language as found in Dhn, we can safely assume that Mhn is the later
work and that its author has heavily borrowed from Dhn”,
3.3. First three verses of Mhn are introductory verses where the author
pays homage to the Buddha and highlights the purpose of composing
the text. Certainly, these three verses are the composition of the author
of Mhn. The very first chapter of Mhn is Paëditakathä, story of wise,
started with highlighting the importance of Néti in one’s life.
Nétédhä jantunaÞ säro mittäcariyä ca pétarä
Nitirna subuddhi byatto sutvä atthadassimä
The “Néti,” in this -world, is a man’s substance, his father, his
mother, his teacher, his friend: a person, therefore, knowing the
“Néti,” is a wise man, both excellent and well informed.
The first chapter consists of 77 verses in which the author tried to
capture different aspects of wisdom. Here the importance of knowledge,
the role of knowledge, the positions of knowledgeable people in society,
different aspects of knowledge etc. are discussed in a very lucid manner.
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 51

The Sambhedakathä, a chapter on contamination or confusion of the


Mhn, begins with the discussion of time utilized by wise men and the
wicked person. It is said here that “the time of the wise passes in
examining prose and poetry; that of the wicked in injuring others, in
sleep and in quarrel” (Mhn 81). Here the roles of wicked persons, the
manifestation of their nature, the fruits of their wealth etc. are discussed.
After the Sambhedakathä, chapter 3 of Mhn is Mittakathä. Though the
name of this chapter indicates that it speaks about a friend, the subject
matter of this chapter is mainly devoted to a foolish person, a wicked
person, and the nature of identifying such persons. The fourth chapter
of Mhn i.e. Näyakakathä, the chapter of hero, mainly discuss the character
and nature of righteous king. The fifth and the last chapter of Mhn is
named as ltthikathä, the chapter on women, is a miscellaneous chapter
and occupies subject matter of different aspects.
4. Räjanéti
4.1. The Räjanéti (Rn) is said to have been composed by the court
Brahmins Anantïäëa and Gaëämissa. The latter is mentioned in the
inscription in Ava from the beginning of the sixteenth century. Bechert
and Braun were informed by U Bo Kay, Archaeological Conservator in
Pagan, that a Brahmin named Gaëaimiçra is mentioned in an inscription
no. 1050 (Duroiselle 1921 : 164) at the Hti-hlaing-shin Pagoda (Thé Ihun
rhaì bhurä) in Ava (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxi). This inscription is dated
872 B.E. i.e. 1510 CE and deals with the building of a palace at Ava by
King Shwenankyawshin Narapati (1502-1527). Reading of the relevant
passage is like patiöhäpaka amaïï hi so asyhaì nhaì Gaëaimiçra hü so ...
puÞëä nhaì pan laïï lha i. So there is no doubt to accept Gaëimiçra as the
second co-author or redactor of the Räjanéti. Bechert and Braun inform
that the name of this Brahmin is spelt as Ganarnissaka in all editions and
manuscripts of the text with the only exception of one manuscript where
the reading is Gaëämissaki which seems to be a misreading of Gaëämisso.
About the first author of this text Anantaïäëa we do not have any
information. Therefore, on the basis of the Ava inscription, we may assume
that this text was composed in the fifteenth century. As James Gray (1886:
viii f) suggests, this text was originated from the tradition of the Manipuri
Brahmins which is nothing but an imagination. Sternbach’s theory that
the work was composed in the beginning of the fifteenth century is rather
close to the date suggested here.
52 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

The Rn deals only with a single theme: the right conduct of a king.
This is one of the major points of difference with other Néti texts, each
of which treats different topics in individual chapters. There is one more
peculiarity with this Räjanéti; it has only three verses in common with
the other Päli néti works (Gray 1886: viii f). Therefore, we may regard it
as a basically independent work or compilation. Finally, it is the only
ancient Päli néti work of which the name of the compilers is definitely
known to us.
The Räjanéti in Päli was beyond any doubt the most popular of the
néti texts in Thailand as well as in Cambodia, and it seems that its
Burmese origin has been completely forgotten there.
5. Päli-Cäëakyanéti
5.1. Even though associated with the great Mauryan Empire, neither
Cäëakaya nor Candragupta were mentioned in Päli literature till the
period of Vaàsa literature of Sri Lanka. It was the Mahävaàsa (V.16)
where the two legendary figures of Indian history were mentioned first
time, and the legend is given in some detail in the commentary thereto,
the Vaàsatthappakäsiné or Mahävasa Öikä (Malalasekera 1935: 180-194)
composed in between early sixth to tenth centuries CE. In other words
we can say that around tenth century Cäëakya was noticed by Päli
scholars. This was the time when the texts related with Cäëakya had
been translated into Tibetan. Though we know that there are no cultural
relations among the Tibet and Sri Lankan Buddhists in that period,
however, we must remember that this was the time when Cäëakya was
noticed in Buddhist country. In spite of that, Cäëakya was noticed in
Päli around tenth century, but his work has been acknowledged very
late.
In Burma, translation of Cäëakya Néti started in modern time.
Sternbach (1969: 46) informs that an edition of Cäëakyanéti namely
Cäëakya-néti-Thaòa-néti, was published in the Hla Khin and Sons Press,
Dat Nan Ward, Mandalay, 1939. This text of Cäëakya version contains
110 verses in Sanskrit in Burmese characters. Probably this text is the
first Sanskrit text published in Burmese character. After this edition,
Cäëakyanéti was made available in Päli. The Cäëakyanéti in Päli is a
unique text in the category of PNT. This text is a verbatim translation of
Cäëakya-néti-çästra. In the entire text, there is not a single Buddhist
element. Even the author has not paid salutation to the Buddha. The
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 53

name of the composer of this Cäëakyaniti is known as Paëòita Thera


who translated this text in 1955 into Päli from original Sanskrit and
produces a Burmese nissaya and Burmese translation thereupon (Bechert
and Braun 1981: lxv). Bechert and Braun opine that “the Päli-Cäëkyanéti
published in Burma does not seem to represent part of the traditional
néti literature in Päli.” Cäëakyaniti is a rather recent adaptation of the
Sanskrit Cäëakyanétiçästra version for Burmese readers by providing a
Päli translation. However, one cannot ignore the importance of Cäëakya-
compendium in the composition of Päli Néti literature. As we know
that materials from Cäëakya-compendium has been utilized extensively.
Therefore, there is no harm to include this text among the traditional
Päli Néti literature.
This version of Cäëakya’s compendia in Päli is, as a rule, prefaced
by two introductory stanzas beginning with the words “näna
satthoddhataÞ vakkhe” which state that the author teaches worldly
wisdom “selected from various çästra-s”, the knowledge of which
enables a foolish to become wise “yassa vïïäna-mattena, müÿho bhavati
paëòito”. These introductory stanzas already show that in this version
the maxims are collected from various sources. The original compiler
of Sanskrit Cäëakya sayings chose the best known maxims, usually
attributed to Cäëakya, but added maxims that he liked himself or
believed would be liked by the reader. As Sternbach points out many
editions and manuscript belonging to this group are different. The only
important exceptions to this rule are the compendia, which contains
108 maxims, which are known to exist under different titles. These texts
are almost identical and form the classical text of Cäëakya-néti-çästra
version. As most of the Sanskrit versions contain 108 maxims with two
introductory stanzas, comprising altogether 110 maxims, our Päli edition
also follows the same pattern.
6. Sutavaòòhanéti (Svn)
The Svn, ‘Guide for the Advancement of Knowledge’, is a
comparatively recent collection of sententious verses borrowed from
the Buddhist Päli canon rather than from Sanskrit sources. This is a
very small text, contains 73 verses, of which only three (Nos. Svn 7, Svn
52: cf. CN 1.15; Cv 1.16, CS 3.48, CN 25, CR 2.21 and Svn 60: cf. Cv 6.13,
Cr 5.38), as far as could be ascertained, originated in Sanskrit sources,
while the rest is indebted to the Pali canon. This work was composed
54 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

by the Kyoì kok charä to Saddhammanandi (1098-1155 B.E. / 1736-1793


CE) of Chaunkauk in Upper Burma and therefore was known as Kyoì
kok néti (Gray 1886: 142; Bechert and Braun 1981: lxiii). This text is also
known by its third alternative title as Paëòitälaìkäranéti (Bechert and
Braun 1981: lxiii).
Till now no critical edition of this text is available. Even I am not able
to find any Burmese edition of this text. Neither Sternbach nor Bechert
and Braun have quoted any edition of this text. This text is also not
available on Chaööha-saìgäyana online Tipiöaka version. Fortunately,
Svn, the last of the four Néti texts translated by James Gray (1886: 142-
157) is available in English. In Gray’s English translation of
Suttavaddhananéti this text is not divided into any chapter. We can trace
at least 18 parallel verses of Suttavaòòhananéti in Päli Dhammanéti and
Lokanéti (Svn 36, 37= Dhn 14, 15, Svn 28 = Dhn 75, Svn 7 = Dhn 132, Svn
33 = Dhn 135 Ln 25, Svn 34 = Dhn 150 Ln 26, Svn 60 = Dhn 185, Svn 58
= Dhn 202, Svn 57 = Dhn 230, Svn 62-62 = Dhn 266, 267, Svn 59 = Dhn
369 Ln 24, Svn 63 = Dhn 397). One verse of this text very interesting to
discuss here is the classification of the Buddha. In verse no. 27 of Svn it
is said, “There are four kinds of ‘Buddha-s’, namely, the omniscient
Buddha (SammäsaÞbuddha), the secondary Buddha (Pacceka-Buddha),
the Buddha acquainted with the four truths (Arahata), and the Buddha
who is full of learning: a man who is full of knowledge is also a Buddha”
(Gray 1886: 148).
7. Lokaneyyappakaraëa
Lokaneyyappakaraëa, the book on the instruction in worldly matters,
fairly long text, mostly in prose but contains more than six hundred
verses (gäthä). The term “Lokaneyya” is rather unclear and has not been
explained in the text itself. However, at the beginning the author refers
to the text as subhäsitaÞ väkyaÞ i.e. “well-spoken sentences”, thus
suggesting that the Lokaneyyappakaraëa falls in the genre of Néti, or
aphoristic literature (Jaini 2001 : 139). The editor of this text Padmanabh
S. Jaini (1986 : xi) says: ‘this text is conspicuously absent from Bechert
and Braun’s comprehensive work’ on Päli Néti Text of Burma. The reason
behind being unnoticed by Bechert and Braun is that, unlike the Néti
texts [namely Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Rajanéti, etc.] the
Lokaneyyappakaraëa, is not merely a compilation of néti verses; rather it
is a work in which these verses have been integrated as a part of the
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 55

narrative. In this respect the Lokaneyyappakaraëa, may be said to imitate


the style of the Païcatantra and the Hitopadeça, the two classical Sanskrit
néti texts. Although Päli literature abounds in didactic poetry, as well as
narrative prose, the Lokaneyyappakaraëa, would appear to be the sole
Päli work to have attempted a narrative, in which the prose merely serves
as a context for presenting the néti verses appropriate, however
tenuously, to the occasion (Jaini 1986: xiii). In true nature of Päli Néti
verses only 141 verses of Lokaneyyappakaraëa out of 596 verses are
considered. Jaini (1986: xiii) reports that ‘no less than eigty-nine have
been traced to different Päli Néti texts of Burma and have traced Sanskrit
sources for twenty verses which did not find their way to Päli Néti texts.
The authorship of this text is not yet decided. Jaini articulates that
this text was composed in northern Siam sometime during the Païïasa-
Jätaka period. Some cross references to compilations of Néti verses may
point to the 14th century (von Hinüber 1996 : 196). Written primarily in
prose the text contains 41 didactic stories based on and shaped like
Jätaka-s; but also draw material from apocryphal Suttanta-s.
Lokaneyyappakaraëa also includes 596 verses (of these, forty-one verses
are repetitions. Therefore, the total number of individual verses is only
555, of which 141 can be identified as Néti verses) in a variety of metres.
Despite being a fairly lengthy text Lokaneyyappakaraëa has remained
virtually unknown to the Päli literature. Neither such as SäsanavaÞsa
or GandhavaÞsa, nor the modern catalogues of Päli manuscripts from
Southeast Asia mentions this text.
Although called a “pakaraëa” the Lokaneyya, with a nidäna, atitavatthu
and a samodhäna, reads like an “apocryphal” Jätaka and, indeed, is
modeled upon the Mahäummaggäjataka (Jätaka 546). Like the latter it is
divided into several Païha-s (questions), through which the Bodhisatta,
Dhanaïjaya, imparts worldly wisdom to the King and at the same time
defeats his rivals at the court.
Apart from these important texts, we do find some modern
compilation under the PNL. One such text is Gihivinayasaìgahanéti. U
Budh alias Cakkindäbhisiri composed this work in Päli verse along with
his own nissaya in 1192 B.E./1830 CE (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxvi).
The Gihivinayasaìgahanéti lankä and the Gihivinayasaìgahanéti chuÞ ma
cä were composed by the same author. Other such texts available in
Burma are Kavidappaëanéti, Nétimaïjari, Suttantanéti, Sürassatinéti,
Naradakkhadépané, Caturärakkhadépané.
56 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

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MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART : A STYLISTIC
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS WITH OTHER
EARLY ART CENTRES OF INDIA
SREYASHI RAY CHOWDHURI

The Mära legends are very conspicuous in the Buddhist texts. With
regard to the Mära’s episode it may be pointed out that in the Buddhist
literature Mära is described as the God of pleasure, love and death,
the personification of evil, the sovereign of illusion and the tempter
of Buddha. He is the personification of räga (passion), dveña (hate)
and moha(delusion). He is the leader of the army of demons (Märasenä)
and can entrap anyone in sensory pleasures and bondage
(Märabandhana). It can be surmised that Mära represents the
personification of distracting instincts that ultimately cause spiritual
death and hence the epithet Mära which is derived from the root må
’to die’ and in causative marayati iti märah. Mära’s daughters are Tanhä,
Araté and Räga. While Buddha, then Bodhisattva, was on the way of
acquiring perfect knowledge enabling escape from the perpetual cycle
of rebirth (Saàsära), he had to encounter the temptation of Mära. This
was because Buddha’s Enlightenment signified freedom from all
bondages. Mära decided to fight and win over Bodhisattva. In several
ways Mära along with his army and his daughters tried to distract
him but were not successful in their attempts.
Several Buddhist texts mention the Mära vijaya episode. The Padhana
Sutta of the Sutta Nipäta speaks of Mära visiting Gautama on the
banks of the Neraïjara and of Buddha’s tenfold classification of the
Mära’s army as lusts, aversion, hunger and thirst, craving, sloth
cowardice, doubt, hypocrasy, false glory and lauding oneself while
condemning others. The Dhitaro Sutta mentions Märakanyäs that is
Tanhä, Araté and Räga tempting Buddha after his Enlightenment and
retiring in defeatl. The Nidänakathä provides a detailed account of the
attack of Mära’s army and Buddha’s calling of the earth as witness to
his generosity2. The text assigns the temptation in the fifth week after
Buddha’s Enlightenment when Buddha sat under the Ajapala banyan
60 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

tree. During this time Mära’s three daughters found their father
drawing lines on the ground. The Mahävastu also gives description of
the Mära Vijaya episode. According to it in the third week after
Enlightenment while Buddha walked up and down the jewelled path,
Mära dejectedly wrote on the ground with his staff after his failure.
He called his daughters to tempt Buddha. According to the text Mära’s
son Janisuta makes unsuccessful attempt to dissuade his father from
the attack. The demon armies flee when Buddha strikes the earth
with his hand3. Calling of earth as witness is absent. Thus the
Mahävastu separates the incidents of the demon armies and the
temptation of the daughters.
The Lalitavistara contains the most elaborate version of the story.
According to it a troubling dream caused Mära to call together his
armies. According to the sequence of the event Mära first tried to
fight Buddha. It was followed by the calling of the earth to witness
the event. The three daughters then tempt Buddha but retire in defeat.
Finally the Märasenas attack Buddha but fails in their attempt. After
Enlightenment Mära wrote on the ground with an arrow. The
Lalitavistara again mentions about the temptation of Mära’s daughters
for the second time. This occurred in the fourth week after
Enlightenment when Buddha walked from the eastern and western
sea. During this time Mira’s daughters find their father again drawing
lines on the ground. Lalitavistara includes the visualization of Mära’s
army as lusts, greed and the like4.
Buddhacarita also gives description of the Mära episode. The
description begins with the presence of Mära’s three sons and three
daughters with no account of the temptation. The text states that
Mära’s attack had no effect on Buddha. Then the account provides a
description of demon armies of Mära. They flee when their master
Mära retreats upon hearing the heavenly voice proclaim that his efforts
would not succeed. The earth is called as witness5.
The episode of the assault of Mära and Mära Vijaya is an event of
utmost importance in the spiritual quest of Buddha. Hence Mära Vijaya
is frequently illustrated in several art centres of India. The present
article attempts to identify the various scenes of Mära Vijaya,
investigate its stylistic and iconographic uniqueness in the Amarävaté-
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 61

art and compare and contrast it stylistically with other early Indian
centres of art.
Amarävaté, (lat 16° 34´ N Long 80° 24´ E, Sattanpalli Taluk, Guntur
District, Andhra Pradesh) an unfamous hamlet today held a position of
considerable importance in ancient India. The ancient name of this
place as noticed in the inscriptions from Amarävaté is Dhänyakaöaka6.
The name might have originated from the paddy cultivation in the
area. However, the name Dhänyakaöaka has been varied into different
transcriptions like Dhänyakaöaka7in Päli, Dhänyakaöaka8 in Präkåt and
Dhänyakaöaka9 in the Sanskrit form. The Tibetan historian Täranätha
refers to Dpal-dan-brass-spun meaning ‘accumulation of grain’10. A
pillar inscription in the Amreçvara temple dated 1361 CE mentions the
place as Dhäniyavaté, that is the place of grain.11 The region is also
identical to Dharaëikõöa12. The Kaifiyats, that is the administrative
records of the Kåñëa and Guëöur attest Dharaëikõöa as the other name
of Dhänyakaöaka13. Other names like Dhänyatipura, Dhärmakoöa,
Dhärnakoöa and Sudhänyakoöa are identified with Dhänyakaöaka14. Later
on the place came to be known as Amareçvarapuram, anglicized from
Amresbury in the British records after the foundation of the Amreçvara
temple.
It was a primal Buddhist centre of Andhradeça from pre-Açokan
times to the 14th Century CE15. Maïjuçré Mülakalpa refers to the
enshrinement of the corporeal relics of Buddha in the Mahäcaitya —Çré
Dhänyakaöaka Caityaka Caitya Jinadhätudharebhumi. 16 Besides
archaeological antiquities, several epigraphical records prove the
existence of the Mahästüpa in Amarävaté. In this regard mention may
be made of an epigraphical record of Pallava king Simhavarman in 1100
CE where there is evidence of the erection of Buddha statue in the
Parama Buddha Kñhetra of Dhänyaghaöaka17. Another epigraph dated
1182 CE by Keöa II on the pillar Amreçvara temple mentions the city Çré
Dhänyakaöaka where along with Amreçvara (Çaàbhu) Buddha is
worshipped and very close to it is the lofty caitya well decorated with
various sculptures — Chaityam atynnatan yatra nänä- chitra suchitritam18.
The principal focus of the Buddhist establishment is the
Mahäcaitya19. However, it may be pointed out that there were several
neighbouring contemporaneous sites which shared artistic affiliation
62 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

with the art of Amarävaté. Hence, the whole group of art centres were
designated by the term ‘Amarävaté School of Art’. The Buddhist
establishments of Amarävaté were richly decorated with scenes
illustrating the Jätaka stories, the Avadänas and the scenes from
Buddha’s life stories. Thus the Mära’s attack and Mära Vijaya, a
significant episode in the life of the Master, also found several
representations in the Amarävaté art.
In this regard mention may be made of several architectural
components of the Amarävaté Mahä stüpa which illustrate the Mära
Vijaya episode.
The inner face of a railing pillar from Amarävaté illustrates the
Mära’s attack and the Mära Vijaya episode20. This pillar is subdivided
into seven registers. Here the top middle fluted register depicts Mära’s
assault. In this section one can see the empty throne and foot prints
under the bodhi tree encircled by kneeling and standing worshippers.
It is noteworthy to mention that Buddha is not depicted in human
form. His presence is suggested by explicit symbols like the empty
throne and the footprints. On the right side of the panel are seen
fleeing male figures, some with hands raised in worship and others
with their backs turned away from the Enlightenment scene. These
fleeing male figures can be identified as a part of the Märasena.
Again in the lower fluted region one can see narratives associated
with Mära’s assault. This portion is subdivided into three subsections.
In the left hand section Bodhisattva is represented aniconically in the
form of footprints below the throne. This is the occasion of Mära
laying claim to the Bodhisattva’s seat. The central fluting area depicts
dwarfs with arms and stones, probably trying to attack the throne. To
the left is the group of standing female figures possibly Märakanyäs
using guiles to deter Bodhisattva from the path of Enlightenment. The
right hand section illustrates the defeat of Märasena. The recognizable
refinement and detailing of the railing pillar clearly points to the
knowledge and mastery of the Amarävaté artists to depict the Mära
Vijaya episode with such precision. This masterpiece is now preserved
in the British Museum.
A portion of a stüpa slab from Amarävaté now housed in the Madras
Government Museum depicts the episode of the Mära Vijaya scene21.
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 63

This relief is very suggestive. Instead of the presence of Mära in the


scene, the host of demonic army is represented by three dwarfs
groveling under the throne of the Supreme One. The large sized
mutilated figure of Buddha is indicative of the mighty power of Buddha
in comparison to the small insignificant dwarfs representing the
incapacity of the Evil One. The Märakanyäs are carved in moderate
proportions. Here the sculptor focused more on the ravishing beauty
of the women to show to the world how great was the temptation.
(Plate-1)
Another illustration of the Mära Vijaya scene is found on the drum
pilaster from Amarävaté 22.This specimen is preserved in the British
Museum, London. The pilaster is in four registers of which the second
register narrates the incident of Mära’s assault at the time of the
Master’s Enlightenment. Here the haloed Buddha is sculpted seated
with his right hand raised in the Varada müdrä and not in the
Bhümisparça müdrä. It appears that Buddha had already won and
attained Enlightenment. The throne is flanked by female figures, one
with hands raised in worship and the other posed seductively. The
latter can be undoubtedly identified as Mära’s daughter. At the foot
of the throne is a group of four dwarfs who may be a part of the
Mära’s demonic army. The artist’s treatment of the scene makes the
narrative very dynamic and highly expressive.
A very badly abraded drum pilaster from Amarävaté preserved in
the British Museum illustrates the Mära Vijaya episode23. This pilaster
is divided into four registers. The second register illustrates the
temptation scene where the army of Mära is again shown by a group
of dwarfs at the foot of the throne. Like the previous relief the master
raises his hand in Varada müdrä and not in Bhümisparça müdrä. A
partial view of a Märakanyä can be detected in the highly eroded
relief. Regarding the problem of Varada in place of Bhümisparça müdrä
it can be said that Varada müdrä signifies däna (alms) given by Buddha
in his previous births mentioned in the Vessantara Jätaka. Here it should
be noted that though Bhümisparça müdrä is considered to be the
symbolic müdrä associated with Mära Vijaya, Açvaghoña does not
mention the earth touching event. The Nidänkathä and the Lalitavistara
describe it in reference to the process of Mära’s arguments and the
64
JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Plate - 1 : Mära Vijaya Amarävaté, Madras Government Museum.


RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 65

Buddha’s reply that the earth was the witness to the fact of his giving
alms in his previous birth (Vessantara Jätaka). This däna gave him the
right to occupy the seat under the bodhi tree. This specimen is in the
collection of the British Museum, London.
An early narrative pillar from Amarävaté measuring 2 feet across
contains an illustration of Mära among other narratives. The pillar is
partially intact for about 4 feet. The pillar is preserved in the
Archaeological Museum, Amarävaté 24. This damaged pillar contains
reliefs on three sides and the fourth face is completely cut. Among
various narratives one scene illustrates Mära begging for renunciation
of life. It is extremely difficult to identify the scene. Mära is kneeling
before Buddhapada. This is an unusual depiction of the Mära episode
in the Amarävaté as the presence of Mära sena and Märakanya usually
seen in this repertoire is absent.
Another specimen of the Mära Vijaya episode is sculpted on a
badly damaged narrative column preserved in the Madras Government
Museums. The column belongs to the early phase of the Amarävaté
art. The pillar commonly identified as the Neraïjarä-gamanam pillar
showcase the scene of Great Departure26. Here the river Neraïjarä is
identifiable. Further down is a damaged scene where two dancing
women and a male figure is visible. The male figure is pointing to a
squarish mat like structure. It may be inferred that the female figures
may represent Märakanyäs. However, the extensive damage of this
narrative column prevent us from proper identification.
The sculptures of Nägärjunakoëòa appear to be a continuation of
the Amarävaté tradition and hence constituted an important centre of
the Amarävaté repertoire. Thus like other themes, the Mära Vijaya
episode found adequate representation in the art of Nägärjunakoëòa.
In an äyaka panel from the site preserved in the Archaeological
Museum, Nägärjunakoëòa, the Mära Vijaya scene is clearly visible27.
This panel consists of a series of five scenes from the life of Buddha.
Observing from right to left, the third section illustrates the Mära
Vijaya scene. Here the Master is depicted in his anthropomorphic
form. The scene can be identified by the presence of Mära in the
soldier’s attire, a group of grotesque looking male dwarfs attacking
the Master and a group of female figures, probably Märakanyäs
66 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

standing in their provocative attitudes. It appears that Buddha had


already defeated Mära and attained Enlightenment as he is seated on
the throne below the partly broken bodhi tree with a halo round his
head. It is interesting to note that below the throne two gaëas are
visible emitting fire from their mouth. Above the female figures are
two gaëas running away from the scene after their failure to prevent
Buddha from attaining Enlightenment. It appears that the artist has
tried to introduce some sort of a mild drama in the scene.
In another Mära Vijaya scene from Nägärjunakoëòa preserved in
the Archaeological Museum, Nägärjunakoëòa, Buddha in human
form occupies the central position in the composition like the
specimens from Amarävaté28. Mära’s attack is indicated by a group of
figures riding on the elephant and a group of dwarfish figures with
long and dangling bellies trying to shake the Buddha’s throne. The
female figures are undoubtedly Mära’s daughters, who instead of
displaying their charms stand in reverence to the Master. One of the
Mära’s daughters stand with folded hands. Thus it can be presumed
that the artists were more eager to portray the defeat and the
subjugation of the Mära’s forces. This relief shows a great advance in
respect of compositional coherence. The movements glide from figure
to figure and bind the whole scene together. (plate-2)
The relief on the middle register from a domeslab from
Nägärjunakoëòa Mahästüpa preserved in the Archaeological Museum,
Nägärjunakoëòa, is mention worthy29. The illustration on the domeslab
revolves around the Enlightenment of the Master. Here a conflated
portrayal of the Enlightenment with attack of Mära’s demon armies
and the temptation of his daughters are clearly seen.
Ghaëöaçälä, a well known site of the Amarävaté school of art, have
left a beautiful representation of the Mära Vijaya episode. It is now
preserved in the Musee Guimet, Paris 30. Here the Master is
symbolically depicted by the empty throne placed under the bodhi
tree and the footprints. To the right of the throne is the demonic army
of Mära with elephants. To the left stands the voluptuous daughters
of Mära bedecked with necklaces trying to disturb the Master in deep
meditation. The seated figure at the bottom may be identified as Mära
engaging Buddha in verbal contest. Here it may be noted that according
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART

Plate - 2 : Mära Vijaya, Nägärjunakoëòa Archaeological Museum, Nägärjunakoëòa.


67
68 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

to the Saàyutta Nikäya, Mära sat down discomfited scratching the


earth with a stick. An interesting feature of the relief is the presence
of a club and a paraçu in Mära’s army. Here the artists have endeavoured
to render an effect of depth extension and dynamism. (Plate-3)
The reliefs of Goli reveal the style of the Amarävaté art. Here too
Mära Vijaya scene is discovered in a highly corroded frieze31. Buddha
is seen with a halo round his head. He is seated on the throne under
the tree of Enlightenment, while Mära’s daughters surround him and
tempt him with their charm. Two of the Mära’s daughters stand on
the right and the third Märakanyä, almost damaged stand on the left.
To the extreme right warriors and goblins are visible departing from
the scene apparently defeated. Mära is seen mounted on an elephant
turning back as he moves away. According to Nidänkathä this elephant
may be identified as Girimekhalä. A mahout seated in front of Mära is
worshipping the Master.
Like Amarävaté Art, the episode of Mära Vijaya also found some
interesting representations in other Indian art centres. However, before
delving into a comparative analysis of Mära Vijaya depictions between
Amarävaté and other early Indian art centres, a comprehensive idea
of the trends and tendencies of the early Indian art centres may be
given.
At the outset mention may be made of the earliest reproductions
of the plastic art found in the relics of Harappan civilization and
before. The art is archaic in form and quality. According to Stella
Kramrisch they do not mark the beginning of sculpture in India32.
After an interval due to lack of documentation of archaeological
antiquities33, the Mauryan period once again inaugurated a new phase
of sculptural production. This art flourished under the royal patronage
especially under Açoka. Some of the significant remains of Mauryan
art include the royal palace of Päöaliputra, monolithic railing at Särnath,
the excavated caitya halls of Barabar - Nagarjuni group of hills in
Gayä, the non edict and edict bearing pillars with their capitals and
front half of an elephant from Dhauli in Orissa.
It is generally suggested that during this time the Indians learnt to
chisel stone as a permanent medium of artistic production. Mauryan
polish, some extraneous influences from Hellenstic and Achaemenians
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 69

Plate - 3 : Mära Vijaya, Ghaëöaçälä Musee Guimet, Paris


70 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

and monumentality in conception and execution of art productions


became a distinct feature of this art form. However, inspite of its
dignified bearing and civilized quality it lacked the intimate connection
with masses. Hence the Mauryan art stands isolated and faded from
the main stream Indian art movement in the coming years.
In post-Mauryan period the art reached the larger section of the
people. Freed from the imperial influence of the Mauryas and inspired
by the collective social will of the masses the artistic activities became
widespread. This phase was characterized by decoration of the stüpas,
stone railings and gateways.34
In the entire subcontinent a new sculptural language emerged
where allusion of Buddha’s presence was delineated by symbolic
representation. Though the Mauryan artists achieved three dimensional
from the post Mauryan sculptors concentrated on relief carvings. The
exhaustive manner of telling stories (narrative art) in the relief format
became an inseparable character of this epoch. The early sculptural
panels of Bhärhut, Bodhgayä and Säïché contain the earliest sculptural
specimens of this period.
The treatment of reliefs in Bhärhüt is extremely low and flat with
rigid parallelism and frontality. Bodhgayä is a step forward from
Bhärhut where closer organic unity takes the place of unsteady
modelling of forms and motifs of Bhärhut style. There is a larger
freedom of figural modelling and increased depth in the reliefs of the
Säïché stüpa. Along with episodes of Buddha’s life and his previous
births, the reliefs illustrate incidents that enlivened contemporary
history. Moreover along with the figural compositions the vegetal
world is rendered luxuriously at Bhärhüt, Bodhgayä and Säïché.
The sculptural creativity witnessed in the narrative art of post
Mauryan period is evident in several other art centres. In this regard
mention may be made of the narrative friezes in Udayagiri and
Khaëòagiri (Orissa), Bhäja, Kärle, Piöalkhora (Maharashtra),
Jaggayyapeöa, Amarävaté, Nägärjunakoëòa, etc. (Andhra Pradesh).
Everywhere the sculptures display a loving awareness of the material
world that surrounds him.35 Though local idioms may be recognized
in the art production but on the whole they are linked to the early
classical movement of the post Mauryan period. This phase roughly
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 71

ends with the close of the pre-Christian epoch36. The post Mauryan
period represents a formative stage where the fundamental qualities
of Indian art was laid.
The vast repository of the Mathura school showed a consistent
growth of early Indian art with its foundations on Indian traditions37.
The early antiquities come close to the reliefs of Bhärhüt and Säïché.
However, the rich production in the Mathurä ateliar begins in the
Christian era. This phase synchronized with the reign of the Kuñhäëas.
However, though the extraneous influences reached Mathurä, the
artistic production was thoroughly Indian.
The notion of cult image became foremost in the minds of the
Mathurä artists. Along with it the modelling of the human figures
both in relief and round displays vigour and dynamism. The art
exhibits a conscious working towards expressive scenes38 related to
secular and religious themes. The weighty sensuality and grandiose
figural form marks the gradual development of Indian ideal of physical
beauty that reaches its mature expression in the Gupta idiom.39
The plastic art of Gandhära repertoire embracing the North-Western
provinces of the Indian subcontinent and part of Afghanistan exhibited
a fundamentally different art style. Gandhära School flourished under
the Kushänas and spanned from the early centuries of the Christian
era to the 5th century CE. 1st century — 3rd century CE was the peak
period of this art. Gandhära art shows more affinity to the Roman
objects. But the Hellenistic elements also cannot be ignored.
The Gandhära specimens reveal a hybrid culture where the
technique was borrowed from the Greek and Roman art but modified
according to the Indian thematic requirement. The crafts men of
Gandhära were credited with the first representation of Buddha in the
anthropomorphic form. Some of the important sites of the Gandhära
repertoire are Jaulian Loriyan Tongai, Charsada, Jalalabad, Hadda,
Peshawar, Taxila and Mohra Moradu.
The high point of artistic development in early South India
especially Andhra Pradesh occurred in the centuries immediately
preceding and following the Christian era. Though the early phase
chronologically synchronized with Bhärhüt and Säïché, the Andhra
art was superior. In the first two centuries of the Christian era, when
72 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Deccan was under the rule of the Sätavähanas, the most mature phase
of this art blossomed at Amarävaté.
During the fourth century to the close of the 6th century CE the
Gupta style emerged. This period was marked by the great artistic
development inspired by intellectual consciousness of the age. The
efflorescence of artistic genius was the outcome of the long artistic
evolution through the preceding centuries.
Human figure termed as image became the pivot of Gupta
sculpture. The art achieved a degree of perfection visible in the perfect
balance and harmony of stylistic and iconographic elements40. The
evolution of various postures (äsana), gestures (müdräs), iconographic
norms (pratimä lakñaëa) and the canons of proposition (täla mäna)
were fixed in this age.
This art was very extensive and the style percolated throughout
the entire subcontinent. The finest specimens of this period were
produced in the major centres of Mathurä, Särnäth and several places
of Central India. The Ajanta murals also belong to this epoch.
Even after the collapse of the imperial Guptas sometime about the
middle of the 6th century CE, a greater part of Northern India
continued the aesthetic genre of the classical idiom till about the
middle of the 8th century CE. From this period onwards there was a
conscious emphasis on regional style. It also marks of the beginning
of the early medieval phase of the Indian art tradition.
Coming back to the Mära Vijaya depiction in early Indian art centres
mention may be made of a relief from Bhärhut preserved in the Indian
Museum, Kolkata. It is seen in the middle panel of the Prasenajit
pillar41. The compositional format at Bhärhut is completely different
from the Amarävaté art. Instead of the depiction of Mära’s fight usually
seen at Amarävaté, one can see rows of devas expressing joy and
reverence at Buddha’s victory over Mära. Buddha’s presence is
indicated by the presence of the bodhi tree and the bewildered figure
at the corner is Mära. If we compare this relief stylistically with that
of Amarävaté specimen it can be pointed out that Mära Vijaya
representation at Amarävaté show a marked progress in technical
qualities of art. The alteration of postures in the figures of Amarävaté
art prevents the arrangement of figures in rows. This is not attempted
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 73

at Bhärhüt. In addition to it the flat treatment and rigid frontality of


the figures at Bhärhüt are supplanted by defined contours to create
depth and three dimentionalism at Amarävaté.
The imagery of Mära and Märasenä can be viewed on the North
Gate of the Stüpa 1 of Säïché42. In this narrow horizontal format of
the panel the artist took pleasure in creating the grotesque figures.
This panel does not show the participation of Mära’s daughters which
prominently figured in the Amarävaté reliefs. Besides, the Märasenäs
do not carry weapon like the scenes in the Amarävaté repertoire. It is
difficult to recognize Mära unless we try to identify him by the sheer
size. In the left corner is placed the bodhi tree symbolically representing
Buddha’s Enlightenment. It may be suggested that since Buddha’s
Enlightenment is linked with Mära Vijaya, hence both the episodes
share the same panel. From the illustration it may be conjectured that
the sculptor possibly used the fearful expressions of Mära and Märasena
as the basis of the relief for the portrayal of Mära’s intention of
disrupting Buddha’s tranquility. But nowhere in this relief one can
see the moment of Mära’s fight which so often finds lithic
representation at Amarävaté. Moreover the overcrowding of the panel
makes it aesthetically less appealing than the Amarävaté example.
(plate-4)
A panel on the western gateway (South pillar, innerface top panel)
of the stüpa from Säïché portrays the submission of Mära, his demon
armies and his daughters43. Here the Master’s presence is indicated
by a seat beneath a garlanded pipal tree surmounted by a parasol and
flanked by chowries. Mära’s demon army is depicted as grotesque
figures with animal heads. This is never seen in the Amarävaté school
of art. To the lower left of the relief is the illustration of unsuccessful
Mära and his daughters exhibiting the gesture of supplication. To the
lower right are three figures displaying wonder at the event. With
regard to the representation of the Mära Vijaya it appears that the
artists did not follow any specific narrative format. However, the
dynamism in this relief also seen in the Amarävaté art is praiseworthy.
In the portrayal of Enlightenment on the lowest architrave (rear
face) of the western toraëa of Säïché Stupa 1, the Mära Vijaya episode
is visible44. In this panel the artist portrayed Mära’s grotesque demonic
74
JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Plate - 4 : Mära and Märasenä, North Gate, Stüpa 1, Säïcé


RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 75

army with attacking weapons. However, the fleeing attitude of the


Mära’s army trampling one another clearly shows the mastery of the
Säïché artists in delineation of Mära’s defeat. Though the fight and
the failure of the Märasenä is visible in this panel, the moment of
temptation by Märakanyäs which found ample representations in the
Amarävaté antiquities is completely ignored. The emphasis on
Buddha’s attainment of supreme wisdom in the panel definitely
indicates ‘Vijaya’ of Buddha over Mära. Here Buddha is indicated by
a seat beneath the tree surmounted by a chowri flanked by a parasol
surrounded by a shrine. This occupies the central portion of the panel.
The episode of Mära Vijaya is found in some fragments from
Gandhära45. In one such fragment preserved in the Lahore Museum
there are groups of soldiers in Graeco-Roman attire with attacking
weapons. The faces of some of them are like monkeys and other
snouted animals. This group can be interpreted as the Märasenä. It
may be recollected that Açvaghoña mentioned the terrifying
appearances of Mära’s army with large faces, bulging eyes, drooping
bellies and animal heads. The symmetrical composition adopted by
the Gandhäran artists in this relief is rare in the Amarävaté repertoire.
Moreover the demonic army of Mära in Amarävaté, looks completely
different from the Gandhäran sculpture.
The symmetrical format is again seen in another Mära Vijaya relief
from Gandhära housed in the Rijkshmuseum voor Volkenkunde,
Leiden. Here one can see attacking Mära’s army placed on both sides
of the seated anthropomorphic Buddha46. Special reference may be
made of the warriors with rectangular shield, armour and broad thick
blade swords. These features are typical of the Hellenistic style that
dominated the art of Gandhära. Again an unique Gandhäran detail is
a rider on a central Asian camel. However, Girimekhalä, an important
iconographic element in Mära Vijaya relief at Amarävaté is absent in
Gandhära. The Gandhäran artist has tried to introduce drama in the
lower tier in which two soldiers flanking Buddha are restrained by
two youths. The bewildered seated figure is probably Mära. An
interesting aspect of this relief is two head long soldier below Buddha’s
seat. This device was possibly introduced to accentuate the intensity
of Mära’s attack. The temptation aspect so elaborately carved at
Amarävaté is subdued at Gandhära. (Plate-5)
76
JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Plate - 5 : Mära Vijaya, Gandhara, Rijkshmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden


RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 77

In another representation of Mära Vijaya from Gandhära preserved


in the Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, one can see Buddha in
Varada müdrä and three Märakanyäs beside him47. It may be noted that
the seductive attitude of the Märakanyäs at Amarävaté are replaced by
surprised expressions of the daughters at Gandhära. A unique feature
of this icono-plastic masterpiece is the physical presence of the Earth
Goddess beside the bodhi tree.
Again in another portrayal of the Mära episode and Enlightenment
at Gandhära kept in the Museum fur Indische Kunst, Berlin, the figure
of the Earth Goddess emerging from the ground is visible48. Here it
may be stated that the Lalitavistara alone testifies to the physical
presence of the goddess. Here centrally placed Buddha exhibits the
Bhümisparça müdrä. He is flanked by Mära and Märasenäs with
attacking weapons. The surprised look of the Märasenäs at the sight
of Buddha’s Enlightenment clearly signifies that Buddha had already
attained ‘Vijaya’ or victory over Mära. A comparison between the
Gandhäran reliefs with that of Amarävaté masterpieces clearly shows
some iconographic variations besides stylistic differences. In this regard
it may be stated that while Amarävaté specimens usually include
dwarfs and Märakanyäs in the Mära Vijaya scene, both these elements
are missing at Gandhära. However, the inclusion of the Bhümisparça
müdrä and the Earth Goddess in the same scene is a significant
iconographic development. Stylistically the symmetrical format and
the Hellenistic features are clearly visible.
The Mära episode also found representation at Mathurä. In a
sculpture preserved in the Mathurä Government Museum, one can
see the Master flanked by Märakanyäs in provocative dancing
attitudes49. They are looking more like entertaining apsaräs. Compared
to the unabashed lewdness of the Märakanyäs at Mathurä those of
Amarävaté are sensually restrained. However, other iconographic
details associated with the Mära episode, frequently viewed at
Amarävaté is missing here.
Depiction of Mära Vijaya is also found on a portion of a horizontal
frieze from Ramnagar, near Ahicchatra in the Gupta idiom50. Here
the Märakanyäs are placed on the right side of Buddha carrying a
banner with Makaradhvaja, the emblem of Kämadeva. This device is a
78 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

new configuration replacing the feminine charm frequently viewed at


Amarävaté. In this regard it may be added that Açvaghoña is absolutely
clear in regarding the Kämadeva aspect of Mära. Hence the
Makaradhvaja was purposely selected as an emblem for Mära’s
encounter with Buddha. The intellectual maturity of the age possibly
lies at the root of this evolution. Here discomfitured Mära is seated in
the corner and on the other side are male warriors with weapons.
One can see this sculpture in the Lucknow state Museum.
In a narrower narrative style from Särnath, now preserved in the
Indian Museum, Kolkata, one can see the Mära Vijaya and the
Enlightenment episode in the second register51. The iconoplastic
representation belongs to the Gupta style. Here the centralized, earth
touching Buddha is flanked by Mära, his three daughters and his
army. Like Gandhäran sculpture, one can see emerging figure of Earth
Goddess from the ground carved in front of Buddha. Here, unlike the
Amarävaté reliefs, Buddha is seated in the Bhümisparça müdrä. Moreover
the focus of the relief is the enlarged image of seated Buddha and the
narrative depiction of the Mära’s attack is cramped on the sides of the
large sized Buddha.
Mära Vijaya became a popular theme in the twilight of art activity
at Ajanta. In cave 26 of Ajanta a beautiful icono-plastic representation
of the Mära Vijaya is clearly identifiable52. If one analyzes the
compositional pattern it would appear that Buddha is placed high in
the centre with Märasenä on the left and frightened rider on the right.
Below Buddha’s seat are Märakanyäs with musicians looking like
entertainers. The male figure on the right is Mära instructing his three
daughters. Eventually two of these maidens assume seductive dance
postures. Stylistically these maidens bear close affinity to the
Märakanyäs of Amarävaté. This relief is a truly superior example of
the sculptor’s mastery to depict Buddha’s tranquility in the face of
Mära’s attacks and the feminine charms of the Märakanyäs. These
features are also recognizable in the Mära Vijaya portrayal at Amarävaté.
It is also a centralized composition like the Amarävaté reliefs.
Same theme is also portrayed in a mural at cave 1 of Ajanta53. The
essential compositional structure is the same as the rock cut relief.
But Girimekhalä, the vähana of Mära is not found. In addition to it the
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 79

Märakanyäs are illustrated differently. While in the Ajana relief the


female group look more like a team of dancers and musicians but in
the mural version the Märakanyäs romp about freely in front of the
seated Buddha. The powerful expressions as found in the dramatic
rendering of the Mära Vijaya at Amarävaté is increased at Ajanta.
Action (kriyä) along with mood (bhäva) and sentiment (rasa) are in full
play at the pictorial narration of Mära Vijaya in Ajantä. This painting
skillfully blends véra rasa, bhayänaka rasa, bibhatsa rasa (Mära’s army)
with çänta (Buddha) and çåiëgära (Märakanyäs) rasa simultaneously.
The depiction of Mära Vijaya is a pan Indian phenomenon. However,
the numerous imagery of Mära Vijaya in India raises a doubt whether
the artists thoroughly followed the textual versions of Mära Vijaya
while creating the pictorial and icono-plastic representations. In this
regard it may be stated that the various textual versions of ‘Mära
Vijaya’ indicate some differences. Analysis of various Mära Vijaya
specimens reveals the presence of Märasenäs and Märakanyäs at the
time of Enlightenment. This inclusion follows closely the textual
tradition of Lalitavistara and Buddhacarita. This raises another question
that does this mean that the artists were not following the textual
description of Nidänakathä or Mahävastu where the daughters of Mära
appear in the third or fifth week after Enlightenment. This conclusion
is too simple explanation of this complicated problem. It may be
pointed out that the artists frequently used modes of narration in
which various events associated with Mära Vijaya though separated
in time were presented together in the same panel. The artist’s choice
of modes of narration as well as the urge for originality in form and
content possibly explains the problem involved in attempting to relate
text and imagery.
After a critical analysis of Mära Vijaya in Amarävaté art vis-a-vis
other Indian art tradition it can be stated that the sculptors of
Amarävaté concentrated more on Mära’s attacking army and
Märakanyäs infructuous attempt to seduce Buddha. The illustrations
of Mära Vijaya at Amarävaté are explicit whereas Mära Vijaya at
Bhärhut, Gandhära, Mathurä and Rämnagar are more suggestive.
Stylistically the Bhärhut artist followed monoscenic and synoptic
modes of narration, whereas at Säïché it is relatively continuous. At
80 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Amarävaté the reliefs are continuous, fluid and dynamic in unfolding


the moment associated with the Mära Vijaya. This plastic visualization
reached its classical refinement in the representation of Mära Vijaya at
Ajanta. Another point of difference between the Mära Vijaya depiction
in the Andhra reliefs with that of other Indian art centres is the use
of Varada müdrä in place of Bhümisparça müdrä. The question remains
open as to when the Bhümisparça müdrä was introduced and became
universally accepted as an iconographic feature of the Mära Vijaya
and Enlightenment. It can be suggested that the Bhümisparça müdrä
was a later development and hence it was usually accepted as an
iconographic feature after fifth century C.E. However, in some
depictions of an earlier date Bhümisparça müdrä is found but it was
not universally used.
Taking into consideration the different reliefs of Mära Vijaya at
Amarävaté art it can be stated that undoubtedly the artist attained
mastery over the subject. A question can be raised whether all these
can be treated as a part of the iconoplastic art tradition guided by
Buddhist philosophy? It can be suggested that since Mära Vijaya
episode is well connected to Buddha’s Enlightenment, hence the
craftsmen explored their creativity to justify the religious need. In
addition to it the Amarävaté visual narratives served as a powerful
medium for disseminating religious message to the public. Regarding
the repeated portrayal of Mära Vijaya in Amarävaté art it may be
suggested that the episode excited the artists because the event
generated immense possibilities of juxtaposing the grotesque or
horrifying (Mära and Märasenä) with the sensual (Märakanyäs) and
tranquil (Buddha) simultaneously. In this attempt they succeeded in
creating a centre of tranquility suggesting nirväëa amidst teeming
crowd of figures. This certainly evokes great admiration for the
Amarävaté artists.
References
1 Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art, visual narratives of India,
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1997, p56.
2 T. W Rhys Davids translated, Nidänakathä : The story of the Lineage,
Commentarial Introduction in Buddhist Birth Stories, George Routledge and
Sons, London 1925, pp. 190-198.
3 Vidya Dehejia, op.cit, pp. 56-57.
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 81
4 P. L Vaidya edited, Lalitavistara, The Mithila Institute, Darbhanga, 1958, pp.
218-249.
5 Açvaghoña, Buddhacarita or Acts of Buddha, Sanskrit text with English
translation by E. H Johnston, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd,
New Delhi, 1995, Canto XIII pp. 188-203.
6 H. Luders, ‘A list of Brahmi inscriptions from the earliest times to about
400 A.D with the exception of those of Asoka, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. X,
Appendix, Calcutta, 1912, p 151, no. 1271.
Jas Burgess, The Buddhist stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta, Indological
Book House, Varanasi, 1970, pl. XLVI, Fig1, p. 90.
7 A. Ramachandran, The Cultural history of Lower kåñëä Valley (Its contacts with
South East Asia), Publication Scheme, Jaipur, 1996, p. 39.
8 Jas Burgess, op. cit, Pl. XLVI, Fig 1, p. 90.
9 E. Hultzch, ‘A Pillar inscription from Amaravati’, South Indian inscriptions,
Vol. 1, Madras, 1890, p. 25.
10 Debiprasad Chattopadhyay, Taranatha’s History of Buddha, Indian Institute
of Advance Study, Simla, 1970, pp. 301-303.
11 A Ramchandran op cit, p. 40.
12 Ibid, p. 40.
K. Sankarnarayan, ‘Dharani, The Protective Spell and Dharani Pillar’, in The
Art of Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent in cross cultural perspective,
edited by Anupa Pande, National Museum Institute, Aryan Books
International, New Delhi, 2009, p. 24.
13 A Ramchandran, op. cit, p. 41.
14 Nandolal Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India,
Cosmo Publication, Delhi, 1979, p. 218.
15 Robert Knox, Amaravati, Buddhist Sculptures from the Great Stüpa, British
Museum Press, London, 1992, p. 9.
16 I. K Sarma, ‘Ceramics and Maritime Routes of India : New Evidence’,
Puratattva, No. 1, edited by K. N. Dikshit and B.R Mani, New Delhi, 1990-
91, p. 37.
17 E. Hultzh, ‘Note on the Amaravati Pillar Inscription of Simhavarman’,
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. X, Edited by Prof. Sten Konow and V. Venkayya, New
Delhi, reprinted 1983, p. 43.
18 E. Hultzctu, ‘Two Pillar Inscription at Amaravati’, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI,
edited by E. Hultzch, New Delhi, reprinted 1900-1901, pp. 146-157.
19 Debala Mitra, Buddhist Monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971. p. 200.
20 Robert Knox, op.cit, p. 53, fig. 8 (inner face).
21 C Sivaramamurti, Amaravati Sculpture in the Madras Government Museum,
Bulletin of Madras Government Museum, Thompson and Company Pvt.
Ltd. 156. Pl, LX. fig1.
22 Robert Knox, op. cit, p. 158, fig. 83.
23 Ibid, p. 158, fig. 84.
24 Vidya Dehejia, op. cit, Fig. 122.
25 C Sivaramamurti, op. cit, Pl XVII, 1
26 C. Sivaramamurti, op. cit, XVII 1, No. 1 (1A.I) p. 273.
82 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

B.S.L Hanumantha Rao, The Buddhist Inscriptions of Andhradesa, Ananda


Buddhist Bihara Trust, Andhra Pradesh, 1998, p. 45, No. 1.
27 Elizabeth Rosen Stone, Buddhist Art of Nagarjunakonda, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1994, p. 63, fig. 165.
28 Ratan Parimoo, Life of Buddha in Indian Sculpture, D. K Printworld (p.) Ltd,
New Delhi, 2010, pp. 57-58, fig. 41.
29 Vidya Dehejia op. cit, p. 176.
30 Amina Okada, Mara’s assault, Album-National Museum, Arts asiatiques,
Guimet, Reunion des Musees Nationaux, Paris 2001, p. 40.
31 T. N. Rama Chandran, Buddhist Sculptures from a Stupa near Goli Village,
Guntur District, Bulletin of the Madras Museum, Madras Government Press,
Madras Reprinted 1963, pl. VII, Fig. 3.
32 Stella Kramrisch, Indian Sculpture, 2nd revised Edition, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Private Limited, Delhi, 2013, p. 3.
33 Heinrich Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, Its mythology and transformations,
Vol. 1, Bollinger series XXXIX, Pantheon books, U.S.A, 1955, p. 4.
34 Benjamin Rowland, The Art and Architecture of India, Penguine Books, U.S.A,
1970, p. 77.
35 Ibid, p.102.
36 S. K. Saraswati, A Survey of Indian Sculpture, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1975, p. 61.
37 Ibid, p. 73.
38 Stella Kramrish, op cit, p. 40.
39 Benjamin Rowland, op cit, p. 157.
40 Ibid, p. 215.
41 Vidya Dehejia op.cit, New Delhi, 1997, fig. 34.
42 Sir J Marshall, A Guide to Sanchi, Superintendent Government Museum,
Calcutta, 1918, illustration No. XXIX.
Chintamoni Kar, Classical Indian Sculpture, Bhaskar Bhavan Trust, West
Bengal, 2003, p. 122.
43 Vidya Dehejia, op. cit, p. 47, fig. 36.
44 Ibid, fig. 92, p. 116.
45 Jas Burgess, Buddhist Art of India, Indian art collection, Cosmo Publications
Vol. 12, New Delhi, 1988, p. 96.
46 Ratan Parimoo, op. cit, fig. 40.
47 Ibid, fig. 49.
48 Vidya Dehejia, op. cit, pp. 202-203, fig. 188.
49 N.P Joshi, Mathura Sculptures, Sandeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2004, pl. 86.
50 Ratan Parimoo, op. cit, fig. 42.
51 Vidya Dehejia, op. cit, p. 242, fig. 221.
52 Subhra Nag, ‘Mara Vijaya : Panel at Ajanta (Cave XXVI)’, Proceedings of
Indian Art History Congress, edited by Dr. U. C Dwivedi and Dr. H. P Sinha,
Impression Publication, Patna, 2010, pp. 147-152, p. 38.
53 A Ghosh, Ajanta Murals, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1996,
fig. 8.
INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO IN THE LIGHT OF
ANCIENT INDIAN AGRONOMY
SUCHITRA RAY ACHARYYA

The Uväsagadasäo is one of the chief of the Sacred Books of the


‘white - robed’ of the Jains. This book belongs to the Aìga division of
the Ägamas. Time of the book may be assumed fourth to third century
B.C.l
In the first lecture of the Uväsagadasäo we find the story of Änanda.
Änanda was a gähävaé or householder (Skt. gåhapatiù). He became an
Uväsaga or servant of the çamaëa. He became the follower of Mahävéra
without renouncing the world and taking the monastic Jaina vows.
He went to Mahävéra and listened to the sermon of the law and was
convinced by the Niggantha doctrine. The word Niggantha means ‘a
holy man’ who has renounced the possession of all property. Then
householder Änanda took on himself the twelvefold law of a
householder, in presence of Mahävéra. These twelve—fold vows are
five anu-vratäni and seven çikñä-vratäni. Then in the presence of the
blessed Mahävéra he renounced all gross ill usages one by one.
From the renouncement of different ill-usages of Änanda, an
inhabitant of Väëiyagäma, we get an agricultural view of ancient
India specified for 3rd to 4th B.C. This view is more specified for
Väëiyagäma2.
In the first story of the Uväsagadasäo Änanda is known as a
householder. The term gähävaé 3, Skt. gåhapatiù is used for him.
From the first story of the Uväsagadasäo we come to know that there
was a king called Jitaçatru in the city of Väëiyagäma : Änanda lived
there. Though he was a householder, he had a large estate. From this
we can point out that a rich person of that time could possess a large
estate. So, invariably he utilized his landed property for cultivation.
In the first portion of the first story of the Uväsagadasäo of the
Asiatic Society edition we find the use of mango, hog-plum or jujube
fruit or tinduka fruit, pulses like kaläya, mudga, mäña, shimbali beans
and darbha-grass. From twenty-second paragraph to forty - second
paragraphs of the story we get some cultivated products which were
84 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

declared by the householder Änanda for his usage to maintain his life
at the time of his renouncement. These cultivated products are : koriìta
flowers, fragrant red-tinted cloth, a green stick of sweet taste as tooth-
cleaner, milky pulp of the ämalaka, scented wheat flour, cotton cloths,
aloes, olibanum, white lotus, boiled rice kalamasäli by name, mug,
mäña, kaläya, cänä or gram, vegetables like a kind of spinach, gourds,
melons, pälaìga a kind of fruit or gum resin of çäla tree, pepper, betel,
with five spices (probably cardamom, cloves, camphor, kakkola or a
kind of acid seed, nutmeg), aloes, olibanum. These products are
divided under the following types of agronomical crops, horticulture
products and medicinal plants.
Agronomical classification of crops
Group Name Scientific Name Family Available in the
Uväsagadasäo
Präkåt term English term
Cereal Rice Oryza sativa Säli Rice
crops Wheat Triticum acstivum Kalama Wheat
Barley Hordeum vulgare Poaceae (formerly SurahiaÞ-
Oat Avena sativa Gramineae) gaëdha-
Maize Zea mays vaööaÞ
Red gram Cajanus cajan kaööa (kaÞöa)
Green gram Vigna radiata Muggädi
Pulse crops Field pea Pisum sativum var, Mäs Red gram
Cowpea arvense Vigna sinensis Fabaceae (formerly Chanä Green gram
Lentil Lens culinaris Leguminosae) Mug
kalaya
Oil seeds Ground nut Arachis hypogae Leguminsae
Sesame Sesamum indicum Pedaliaceae
Sunflower Helianthus annus Asteraceae (formerly
indian Compositae)
mustard Brassica juncea Brassieaceae (formerly
Linseed/Flax Linum usitatissimum Cruciferae)
Linaceae.
Sugarcane Sugar crops Saccharum officinarum Poaceae Sugarcane
Sugar beet Beta vulgaris Chenopodiaceae
Tuber crops Potato Solanum tuberosum solanaceae
Sweet potato Ipomoea batatas Convolvulaceae
Fiber crops Cotton Gossypium spp. Malvaceae Khoma-juyalaÞ Cotton
Jute Corchorus Ttliaceae GaÞdha-käsäée
Sun hemp capsularies (white)
Corchorus Fabaceae
olitorius (tossa)
Crotolaria juncea
Fodder Napier grass Pennisetum purpureum Poaceae
crops Johnson Sorghum halepense Fabaceae Darva grass
& grass Medicago sativa Cyperaceae
Grasses Alfalfa Cyperus papyrus
Papyrus
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 85

Divisions of Horticulture
Group Name Scientific Name Family Available in the
Uväsagadasäo
Präkåt term English term
Brocoli Brassical Ieracea italica Brassicaceae Vatthu Spinach
Vegetable Cabbage Brassica oleracea variety (formerly Cruciferae) Suthiya Ground
capitara Chenopodiaceae Maëòukkiya
Spinach Spinacia Oleracca Apiaceae
Celery Apium graveolens (formerly
(formerly Umbelliferae)
Fruits cucumber Cucumis sativus Cucurbitacea Jujube
Lemon Citrus limon Rutaceae Tinduka
Watermelon Citrullus lanatus Cucurbitaceae Mango
Mango Mangifera indica Anacardiaceae
Banana Musa paradisiaca Musaceae
Flower/ Rose Rosa sp Rosaceae Karinta flower White
Ornamental Marigold Tagetes erecta Asteraceae Suddha-paumam lotus
plants (formerly Mälai-kusumam
Sunflower Heliabthus sp. Compositae)
Jasmine Jasminum sp.
Oleaceae
Plantation Coconut Cocos nucifera Arecaceae Arcanut
crops (formerly Palmae)
Cardamom Elettaria cardamomum Zingiberaceae Alla-laööhé
Condiments Clove Syzygium aromaticum Myrtaceae Lavaìga Clove
& Spices Turmeric Curcuma domestiea Zingiberaceae Ela Cardam
Coriander Coriandrum sativum Apiaceae Jätiphala Nutme
(formerly Peppe
Cardamom Elettaria cardamomum. Umbelliferae)
Zingiberaoeae
Forest Acacia Acacia spp Fabaceae (formerly
plants Leguminosae)
Junipers Juniperus virginiana Cupressaceae
Eucalyptus Eucalyptus spp Myrtaceae
Anola Emblica officinalis
Aromatic Citronella Cymbopogon Poaccae GaÞdha-käsäée
plants grass winterianus Lamiaceae Aloes-olibanum
Japanese Menthe canadenis (formerly Labiantae) Agaru-turukka-
mint dhuvam

Medicinal Plants
Group Name Scientific Name Family Available in the
Uväsagadasäo
Präkåt term English term
Medicinal Cinchona Cinchona officinalis Rubiaceae Alla-laööhé-
plants Sorpagandha Raorolfia sarpentina apocynaceae mahuaÞ
Vinea Catharanthus roseus ’’ Khéramaloka
Anola Emblica officinales
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An attempt has been made in this paper to discuss about these


products. The word Agronomy comes from the Greek words Agros
means ‘field’ and ‘Nomos’ bearing the meaning ‘arranging’. So, the
word agronomy is bearing the meaning products or crops that are
grown in the field. Yet, in this paper I have taken the word in an
extended meaning. So, medicinal plants and horticultural products
are also included here.
Now we get different varieties of wheat, rice and cotton in India.
Different varieties of these crops are mentioned below:
Some existing rice varieties are:
Bala Cauvery J6
N 136 B 76 T 812
Kalinga -1 Kalinga -2 Badshabhog
Karjat 184 Ratnagiri 22 Ratna
Nagpur 22 Pusa 33 (scented) Palghar 60
AR614-25 B ARC 353 - 148 Boro III
Bamoia Bao Pusa 2-21 BR 49
Some existing wheat varieties are:
Sonalika Kalyansona Girija
Choti Lerma Arjun Ni 747 - 19
NI 5439 Hy 65 NI 146
PV 18 C 306 Pratap
Some existing cotton varieties are:
V 797 Digvijay Sanjay
3943 Y -1 Ak – 235
AK 277 Jayadhar Adonicum
The above mentioned chart shows the different varieties of wheat,
rice and cotton, which are available in the modern time throughout
the India. When we go through the Uväsagadasäo we get some other
varieties of these crops which are not available in modern time. In the
twenty second paragraph of the first story of this book we get the line
‘tayäëaàtaraÞ ca ëaÞ uvabhoga- paribhoga - vihiÞ paccakkäemäëe ullaëiyä
vihi parimänaÞ Karei - “ nannattha egäe gaÞdha käsäée avasesaÞ savvaÞ
ullaëiyä - vihiÞ paccakkhämi’. Householder Änanda limited himself in
the use of bathing towel excepting gaÞdhakäsäée i.e., a piece of red
perfumed cloth. This red and perfumed towel is a cotton product.
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 87

The word ‘gaÞdhakäsäée’ informs us that red coloured and perfumed


cotton was produced at that time.
In the twenty-eighth paragraph we get the word ‘khoma-jualaÞ’,
which means cotton cloths. This is made from fiber crop cotton.
Wheat
Änanda limited himself in his use of powders. In the twenty sixth
paragraph he said “nannattha egeëaÞ surahiëä gaÞdha-vaööaeëaÞ,
avasesaÞ uvvaööaëa vihiÞ paccakkhämi.” It means “Excepting one kind,
viz., scented wheat flour, I renounce the use of every other kind of
powder.” Here we can trace the use of a sort of scented wheat. In the
thirty fourth paragraph we find the word ‘ghaya puëëehiÞ khaëòa-
khajjaehiÞ’. This is a sort of pastry called ‘puri’ which is made of
wheat. From the words ‘uvvaööaëa and khaëòakhajja’ we can trace
the use and cultivation of the wheat4 at that time. The word ‘gaÞdha-
vaööaeëaÞ’ informs us about the cultivation of scented wheat which is
not available now.
Rice
Rice is the most important and extensively grown food crop in
India. Among the rice growing countries in the world this country
has the largest area under rice cultivation.
Rice breeding in India started in the 1911 Dacca in undivided Bengal
under the guidance of Dr. Hector, an Economist and Botanist. ICAR
was established in 1929 and started rice research in many states of
India. These research stations bred 445 improved varieties by pure
line method of selection and a few were developed by hybridization.
Objectives of the breeding were 1. Earliness 2. Deep water and flood
resistance 3. Lodging resistance 4. Drought resistance 5. Non shattering
of grain 6. Dormancy of seed 7. Control of wild rice 8. Disease resistance
9. Higher nitrogen response.
Plant breeding is an ancient activity. It may be dated to the very
beginning of agriculture. After the earliest domestications of cereal
grains man began to recognize degrees of excellence among the plants
in their fields. They saved seeds from the best for planting new crops.
Such methods were the forerunners of early plant-breeding procedures.
By this procedure cultivated present-day varieties become strikingly
88 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

different from their ancestors. To improve plants application of genetic


principles are more useful to man. This is accomplished by selecting
plants which are found economically or aesthetically desirable. The
hereditary make up and value of a plant are changed by repetition
such process over many generations.
During the 20th century hybridization between selected parents has
become dominant in the breeding of self-pollinated species. The object
of hybridization is to produce pure-breeding progeny superior in many
respects to the parental types. By this process often an outstanding
variety can be improved by transferring to it some specific desirable
character. In the thirty third paragraph of the text we find the word
kattha pejjäe. This food is a decoction of pulses or rice. From this we
come to know the different uses of rice and pulse at that time.
In the thirty fifth paragraph we get the line - “tayäëamtaraÞ ca ëaÞ
odaëa vihi-parimäëaÞ karei- nannattha kalamasäli odaëeëaÞ avasesaÞ;
odana-vihiÞ paccakkhämi. That means “Next he limits himself in his
use of boiled rice. (Saying), excepting boiled rice of the Kalamasäli5
variety, I renounce the use of every other kind of boiled rice.”
Here we can trace a sort of rice which is not general one. Probably
this is a hybrid one made from kalmä and säli or Väsmati type.
According to agronomical science hybridization was known to men
probably at 1866 A.D. But this word proves the existence of
hybridization at 400-300 B.C.
The word Kalamasäli may be discussed in two ways. This may be
a variety of rice produced by crossing of ‘Kalmä’ type and ‘säli’ type
of rice. The appearance, structure, physiology or characteristics of
any plant are determined by the interaction of its genotype with the
environment6.
When plants of different species or varieties are crossed generally
some variability appear in the progeny, the hybrid plants have the
traits and characteristics which are different from the parents. At the
flowering stage of rice flowers are so constituted that pollen from a
flower normally falls on the stigma of another flower and pollination
and fertilization take place. This may happen in a natural way. If this
happens between two different varieties of rice in a natural way by
the help of insects or birds or air hybridization takes place that may
lead to a finer variety of rice. ‘Kalamäsali’ may be such a hybrid crop
consisting the best quality of ‘kalmä’ and ‘çäli’ or ‘väsmati’ rice.
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 89

By the term kalam or kalmi generally denote in India plants improved


by grafting7 . But in case of rice grafting is impossible. So the word
kalmä may indicate the tissue transplantation of rice plant instead of
grafting. However any process to get improved variety of rice was
known to the people of that time.
In the text we find the word ‘sayapäga sahassa- pägehiÞ tellehiÞ’.
That means oil of one hundred or one thousand ingredients. These
are probably medicinal oil constituent of all cough, catarrh syrups,
throat lozenges. It is effective for peptic ulcers. Here we do not get
the names of one hundred or one thousand ingredients. Yet we can
surmise that these are oil seeds.
Cotton
On being desired to make his renouncements regarding things of
momentary use householder Änanda limited himself in his use of
bathing towels, he said nannattha egäe gaÞdha käsäie avasesaÞ savvaÞ
ullaëiyä-vihià paccakkhämi. That means “Excepting one kind viz. a
fragrant red-tinted one, I renounce the use of every other kind of
bathing towel.” The word gaÞdha käsäée8 means a fragrant red-tinted
cloth. Cloth is made from cotton. The word gaÞdha Käsäée is found in
Näyadhammakahä also. So we can get an idea that use and cultivation
of (fiber crop) colour and scented cotton was prevalent at that time.
In the twenty-eighth paragraph of the story Änanda said “nannattha
egeëaÞ khoma-juyaleëaÞ avasesaÞ vattha-vihiÞ paccakkhämi.” That means
“Excepting one kind, viz., a pair of cotton clothes I renounce the use
of every other kind of clothes.” From the aforesaid lines we get the
idea that at that time red cotton9 and white one were cultivated in the
country side by side.
Pulses
Next Änanda limited himself in his use of pottages10. He said,
“nannattha kaläyasuveëa vä mugga mäsasuveëa vä avasesaÞ süvavihiÞ
paccakkhämi.” That means “excepting the pottage made of kaläya or
the pottage made of mug or mäsa, I renounce the use of every other
kind of pottage.” From this passage we come to know about the use
of different pulses11 viz. kaläy, mug and mäsa. In the beginning of the
story we get reference of different pulses. Apart from this we get the
word jemaëa vihiÞ which bears the meaning of fritters. Fritters are
90 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

made of pulse, condiments and gourd. So different uses of pulse of


that time proves extensive cultivation of the same at that time.
Sutthiya & Mandukkiya
Änanda renounced all vegetables excepting vatthü, sutthiya and
mandukkiya. According to Hoernly vatthtu is a kind of spinach. Sutthiya
is Skt. svastika, a kind of gourd. According to him it is Skt. ‘agasti’12
Eng. agathi13.
Mandukkiya is name of various cucurbitaceous14 plant. There are
many plants under the family cucurbitaceae viz., muskmelon (Skt.
erväruù, botanical name cucumismelo L.); sweet melon (Skt. liëgini,
botanical name Diplocyclos palmatus, L.)15; bottle gourd (Skt. katutumbi
or ikñväkuù, botanical name Lagenaria Siceraria Molina).16; ridge gourd
(Skt. Jalémi, jhingaka, botanical name Luffa acutangula L.)17; smooth
loofah sponge gourd, Vegetable sponge (Skt. dhamargava botanical
name luffa cylindrical L.); bitter gourd (Skt. Karavellaù botanical name
Momordica Charntia L); (Skt. trikosaki botanical name Mukia
maderaspatana L.)18

Name Protein Fat Carbohydrates Vitamin C Vitamin C Calories


of the (g) (g) (g) (mg)
Vegetable
Muskmelon 0.6 0.1 5.4 450 32 25
Bottle gourd 0.2 0.1 2.5 Nil 6 ]2
Bitter gourd 1.6 0.2 4.2 210 88 25
Ridge gourd 0.5 0.1 3.4 56 5 17
(Per 100g of edible portion)
Vatthu
In the Uväsagadasäo householder Änanda used to take some
vegetables to maintain his life. He used to take a sort of ‘sälan’ or
curry made of ‘vatthu’19. This word ‘Vatthu’ may come from Skt.
Vastuka or ‘kñetra vastuka’20. This has two species. This vatthu is American
wormseed and Mexican tea in English. The scientific name of this is
Chenopodium album21 and Chenopodium ambrisiodes L22. This herb has
various kinds of medicinal properties and uses along with its nutritive
value. Homeopathy medicine chenopodium is made from this. This
herb tones up liver and is good for arthritis.
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 91

Mango
Bengali äm, is called mango in English and ämra in Skt. Sometimes
mango tree is called ämraù or sahakära in Skt. Scientific name of this
fruit is Mangifera indica23. We get reference of this tasteful fruit in the
seventh Aìga sutta Uväsagadasäo. Now it is cultivated throughout India.
From the reference of this book we can surmise that it was cultivated
in ancient India also. This fruit is not only a tasteful fruit but has some
medicinal properties and uses.
Ber
In the first portion of the story of Änanda we get the reference to
hog-plum or jujube fruit along with mudga, mäsa and mango. Ber is
of two species: genus Ziziphus mauritiana and Z. jujube and it is native
to India, China and Malaysia. There they have been cultivated for more
than 4,000 years. The white, crisp pulp surrounds a single seed. The
fruits are smaller and not so sweet. The wood is moderately strong. It
is used for cot-legs, poles, agricultural implements shaft, etc., the
branches are pruned to get tender shoots every year. The branches are
used as fuel wood and also produce good quality of charcoal. The
sapwood of this species has high calorific value (94,878 calories). Ber
fruit contains protein 0.8%, fat 0.1%, carbohydrates 12.8%, calcium 0.03%,
phosphorus 0.03% and Iron 0.8%. Generally the fruits are eaten fresh,
candied, dried smoked and pickled. Several products like ber butter,
ber squash or juice etc. may also be made.
Çäla
In the Uväsagadasäo we get the Pkt. word pälaìgä-mähuaraeëam.24
‘Mähuraya’ is a sort of sweet drink taken by Änanda. According to the
Skt. Commentary it may be juice of valli fruit. Vallé-phala means phala
viçeñaù ‘a kind of fruit’ of the Vallé. The name vallé is given to various
medicinal plants. Besides this the word indicates liquor which comes
from the dammar of the (vallévåkña) Çäla25 tree. This dammar is readily
soluble in alcohol. Yellow-coloured gum of this tree is slightly aromatic
in taste. From this a stimulant is prepared which is used as a tonic. In
the Ayäraìga Sutta II, I 8, § 4 it is mentioned as ‘sallai-palamba’ bearing
the meaning product of the shallaké tree. From this we can surmise that
the people of that time knew the medicinal properties of this tree and
used to cultivate this tree for different purpose. This tree belongs to
92 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

genus of plants in the family Dipterocarpaceae. It comprises 180 species


of tall South Asian evergreen trees. They are valuable for their timber.
Shoera robusta or Çäla is the second most important timber in India.
Shoera robusta or Çäla is grown for culture of lac bug insects and produce
the resin used in shellac. Shoera macrophylla produces illipe nuts which
contain a fat used as a substitute for cocoa butter. Dumala or shoera
oblongifolla is a very large tree. It yields dammar resin, spelled dammar.
Different varieties of hard varnish resins are obtained from coniferous
trees including Shoera species and several species of the family. The
resin obtained from Shoera wiesneri oozes from the tree in a soft viscous
state i.e. it is highly aromatic. It loses its odour when it hardens upon
exposure to form a transplanted, brittle, straw- colored film. It is much-
esteemed in Asia for incense burning. It is used in plasters, varnish,
lacquers. Dammar mixed with oil of turpentine forms a fine varnish
that dries clear, smooth and hard. It is widely used in picture varnish.
Ämalaka
In the twenty fourth paragraph of the story we find “Next he limits
himself in his use of fruits, saying : excepting one kind viz., the milky
pulp of the Ämalaka, I renounce the use of every other kind of fruit.”
The common names of this fruit are : amla, amali, aonla, tam, lisirikai,
nelli, amalakamu. Its scientific name is Emblica officinales Gaertn or
Phyllanthus emblica Linn.
Text khérämalaeëaÞ26 is Skt. Kñérämalaka Kñéram iva madhuram
ämalakaÞ means milky juice of the fruit. This fruit is like a small
gooseberry. It has a fleshy outer covering and a hard three-celled nut
containing six seeds. People of India use this fruit as food, as medicine
and sometime as hair cleaner. In this book it is used only as a fruit
containing good qualities of it.
This aonla27 fruit contains Vitamin c which is needed for human
being. This fruit is valued as antibiotic, antiscorbutic and diuretic. This
is used to control cough, fever, jaundice, diarrhoea and bronchitis. This
fruit is one the three constituents of the äyurvedic medicine Triphalä.
Yañöimadhu
In this story we get some medicinal plants. In the twenty third
paragraph of the same we get the word “alla-laööhi-mahuaraÞ’. Probably
this is ‘Maywaak’ used as tooth-cleaner. This word indicates ‘a piece of
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 93

wood for cleaning the teeth’. Änanda limited himself in the use of
tooth-cleaners, saying: “excepting one kind, viz., a green stick of sweet
taste28 may be liquorice (Beng. Yañöimadhu). Generally single consonant
‘ya’ of the Skt. Word yañöi becomes ‘la’ in Pkt. (yañöyaÞ laù Vr. 2.29;
yañöyäÞ laù Hc. 1.247). So, Skt. Yañöimadhu easily can be laööhi mahuaÞ
in Pkt.. This Glycyrriza glabra Linn. is a plant from whose root is obtained
a black substance used in medicine and in sweets.
This green stick of sweet taste is used in this book as tooth cleaner.
So, this plant is efficacious for teeth also. Dried peeled or unpeeled
underground stems and roots of liquorice constitute drug. It is an
important constituent of all cough, catarrh syrups and throat lozenges.
It is effective for peptic ulcers.
Nutmeg
Myristica is an evergreen tree native to the Moluccas or spice Island
of Indonesia. Seed of the Myristica is used as spice nutmeg. It has a
distinctive pungent fragrance. Its taste is slightly sweet. It is used to
flavour many kinds of baked goods, confections, puddings, meats,
sausages, sauces, vegetables and such beverages. It became important
as an expensive commercial spice of the western world around 1600
AD. Romans used it as incense. Nutmeg fruit is a pendulous drupe.
When fully mature this fruit splits in two, exposing a crimson coloured
aril. Its seed is brown. The pulp of the fruit is used locally.
In the Uväsagadasäo householder Änanda used to take some spices
with betel as mouth perfume. According to Hoernly nutmeg was one
of this spice. From the aforesaid discussion we can surmise that people
of that time were acquainted with nutmeg and such spices. To use
these they had to cultivate such spices.
Clove
This story informs us that people of that time used to cultivate
cardamom, cloves, kakkola nutmeg, areca-nut and betel as they were
acquainted with the medicinal properties.
Lavaìga or clove is small, reddish-brown flower bud of the evergreen
tree. Syzygium aromaticum of the family Myrtaceae. It is indigenous to
Moluccas or spice Island of Indonesia and important in the earliest
spice trade. Cloves are used to flavour many foods, particularly meants
and bakery products. During the late Middle Ages cloves were used in
Europe to preserve flavours and garnish food. Clove cultivation was
94 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

almost entirely confined in Indonesia. In the early 17th century the


Dutch eradicated cloves on all Islands except Ambonia and Ternate to
sustain high prices and create scarcity of the same. In the latter half of
the 18th century Dutch monopoly was broken as the French smuggled
cloves from the East Indies as to the Ocean Islands.
Clove tree is ever-green. Its gland-dotted leaves are small and simple.
Usually the trees are propagated from seed and planted in shaded
areas.
Camphor
Householder Änanda again limited himself in his use of mouth
perfumes. He said “nannattha paÞca-sogaÞdhieëaÞ, taÞboleëaÞ, avasesaÞ
muha-väsa-vihiÞ paccakkämi,” That means “excepting betel with its five
spices, I renounce the use of every other kind of mouth perfume.”
Generally betel29 is chewed with areca-nut and lime. Five species for
mouth perfume are probably 1. Cardamom 2. Cloves 3. Kakkola 4.
Camphor and 5. Nutmeg.
Camphor occurs in the Camphor laurel, Cinnamomum camphora.
It is common in China, Taiwan and Japan. It is isolated by passing
steam through the pulverized wood and condensing the vapours.
Camphor crystallizes from the oily portion of the distillate.
It is purified by pressing and sublimation. Botanical name of the
camphor tree30 (Skt. Karpura) is Cinnamomum camphora. This tree has
economic and ecological importance.
From the story of Änanda we come to know that use of camphor
was known to the people of that time.
Olibanum
In the twenty ninth paragraph we get the line “tayäëaÞtaraÞ ca ëaÞ
vilevaëa-vihi-parimäëaÞ karei “nannattha agarukuÞkuma-caÞdaëamädiehiÞ,
avasesaÞ vilevaëa-vihiÞ paccakkhämi.” “Next he limits himself in his use
of perfumes for the person saying: excepting perfume made of aloes,
saffron, sandal and similar substances, I renounce the use of every
other kind of perfume.”31 Here we find that aloes, saffron and sandal
and substances made of them were used as perfume at that time. From
the time immemorial sandal is used as perfume. It has medicinal
properties also.
In the thirty second passage of the text we find the line “tayäëaÞtaraÞ
ca naÞ dhüvaëa-vihi-parimäëaÞ karei— “nannattha agaru-turukka-
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 95

dhüvamädiehiÞ, avasesaÞ dhüvaëa-vihiÞ paccakkhämi”. Next he limits


himself in his use of incense, saying “excepting incense made of aloes,
olibanum and similar substances, I renounce the use of every other
kind of incense.”
This passage informs us about the use of olibanum as incense at
that time. Olibanum belongs to Burseraceae family of flowering plants.
It is one of the 16 genera of resinous tress and shrubs. These are native
to tropical America, Africa and Asia. Members of the family have leaves,
solitary or cluster flowers and fleshy fruits. The incense tree Bursera
simaruba has light reddish brown wood used for fishing floats. Its
fragrant resin is used in incense. The oleo-gum resin from several species
of the genus Boswella is called frankincense. In biblical times it was
used in incense, medicine and embalming.
Frankincense is also called olibanum. Its aromatic gum resin contains
a volatile oil. In ancient time it was used in worship. It is used as
medicine and is still as important incense resin. Frankincense is obtained
from trees of the genus Boswellia. Incisions are made in the trunks of
the trees. Then frankincense exudes milk like juice that hardens on
exposure to air. According to Iranian physician Avicenna it removes
body ailments. In ancient time it was sometimes mentioned as an
antidote to hemlock poisoning. According to modern western medical
theory it has no special value. It is used in incense, fumigants and as
a fixative in perfumes.
Olibanum is found to use in the Uväsagadasäo. So, we can surmise
that the people of that time cultivated olibanum for different application.
In conclusion we can say that studies on the cultivated products of this
book which are not available now can open a new avenue.
Notes
1 “From this tradition it may be seen that the Aìgas, and the Uväsagadasäo
among them, as we now have them, belong only to the canon of the
Çvetämbara sect; but that, at the same time, their origin goes back to a time
anterior to the great schism. In fact it can be traced back to the end of the
fourth or the beginning of third century before the Christian era. For
Bhadrabähu was, according to the Jain tradition, a contemporary of
Chadragupta who is said to have ascended the throne in the year 155 after
Mahävéra or 312 BC (if we place Mahävéra’s death in 467 BC). Bhadrabähu
is said to have died in the year 170 after Mahävéra or 297 BC, and the
council of Päöaliputra, which collected the Aìgas and Puvvas, took place
some time before his death. But there is a probability that the Aìgas, in
96 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

some or other, existed before that council. According to the tradition of the
Jains, Mahävéra himself taught the Puvvas to his disciples, the Gaëadharas;
and the latter composed the Aìgas. The Puvvas (Skt. Pürva) or the ‘Earlier’
(compositions) were evidently called so because they existed prior to the
Aìgas. At the time of the council of Päöaliputra a large portion of them are
said to have been lost; what remained was then embodied in the twelfth
Aìga.” (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society. Calcutta,
Page X).
2 Väëiyagäma is Skt. Väëijagräma which is another name of the well-known
city of Vesälé (Skt Vaishälé). It was the capital of the Licchavi country
(Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, p. 443). In the Kalpa Sütra § 122
this city is mentioned separately in close conjunction with Vesälé. Vesälé
occupied a very extended area which included within its circuit (at the
time of Hwen Thsang, of about 12 miles. See Cunningham’s Archaeological
Reports, Vol. I, p. 56), besides Vesälé proper (now Besäåh), several other
places. Among the latter were Väëiyagäma and Kuëòagäma or Kuëòapura.
These still exist as villages under the names of Bäniyä and Basukuëò (see
the Maps, Plate XXI in vol. I and plate II Vol, XVI of the Archaeolog. Reports).
Hence the joint-city might be called according to circumstances, by any of
the names of its constituent parts. The epithet nayara clearly marks out
Väëiyagäma as a very large city; for Champä, itself one of the proverbially
large cities (see Rockhill’s Life of Buddha, p. 136), is only designated a nayaré
as § I. Under the name of Kuëòagäma, the city of Vesälé is mentioned as
the birth place of Mahävéra, who hence is sometimes called Vesälie or the
‘man of Vesälé’, (see Jacobi’s Introduction to the Translation of the Äcäraìga
Sütra, p. Xi and Weber’s Indische Studien, Vol, XVI, p. 262). A Buddhist
tradition quoted by Rockhill (Life of Buddha, p. 62), mentions the city of
Vesälé as consisting of three districts. These may very well have been Vesälé
proper, Kuëòapura and Väëiyagäma, occupying respectively the south-
eastern, north-eastern and western portions of the area of the total city.
Beyond Kuëòapura, in a further north-easterly direction by the suburb (or
‘station’, sannivesa) of Kolläga (see § 7), which appears to have been
principally inhabited by Kshattriyas of the Näya (or Jïätåi) clan, to which
Mahävéra himself belonged; for in § 66 it is described as the Näya-kula. In
connection with their ‘settlement’ (sannivesa) at Kolläga, but outside of it,
the Näya-clan possessed a religious establishment (or cheïya) which bore
the name of Düïpaläsa (§ 3). Like most cheïyas it consisted of a park
enclosing a shrine, hence in the Vipäka-Sütra, lect I, § 2 it is called the
Düïpaläsa Park (Ujjäëa), and that it was owned by the Näya-clan is shown
by its description’. Uväsagadasäo, ed. Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, p. 3-4.
3 According to the commentary gähävaé means åiddhimad-viçeñaù, ‘a kind of
owner of dominion, a landowner, a squire’. ‘Possession’ or ‘dominion’,
(aggaha, Skt. avagraha) is in the Äy. 11.7, said to be fivefold : viz. that of a
lord of the devas (devenda), of a king (räja), of a landowner (gähävaï) of a
house-owner (sägäriya) and of a monk (sähummiya). The term gähävaé is
explained by skt. gräma-mahattaradi or ‘chief of a village, etc’. A gähävaï
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 97

therefore, is what is now called in India a Jägérdär or Tälüqdär or Zaméndär,


‘one who possesses a village or an estate’; while a sägäriyo is simply one
who possesses a house. Ordinarily the term gähävaï is used, not with
reference to any distinct species of property or dominion, but with respect
to a certain mode of life, viz., the secular, as opposed to the religious mode
of life a monk, and as such it is practically equivalent to Uväsaga or sävage
(cf. the footnote on p. 257 of vol. XI of the Scred Books of the East). As the
term gähävaï in this sense, is in the sequel, applied to all the ten persons
here mentioned, it is clear, that here, in § 2, it is employed in its technical
sense, as implying a kind of ownership. — It may be noted that , in the
text, gähävaï is treated adjectively, and compounded with the name, to which
it serves as an attributive. It is so explained in the Skt. Commentary. (Hoernle,
A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society, p. 3).
* In this paper English-translation of the text Uväsagadasäo is taken from the
Asiatic Society Edition.
4 Around 50% of world population consumed it; most of them belong to the

developed countries of world. Wheat is occupied highest acreages among


the cereals in world and second highest area in India next to rice. According
to Valvilov wheat belongs to diploid group 2n=14 originated in Asia Minor.
The tetraploid group 2n=28 originated in Abyssinia and wheat belonging
to hexaploid group 2n=42 (common/bread wheat) originated in Punjab
(partly of India and partly of Pakistan and some hilly part of USSR). Wheat
contains about 12.1-13.8% protein, 1.7% fat, 72.2% carbohydrates and 353
calories per 100 g of wheat.
5 ‘Text kalamaçäli or ‘seedling-rice’, which according to the commentary is a

kind of rice well-known in the east of India. Rice is either sown broadcast,
or in seed-beds and transplanted. The latter, raised from seedlings (or
kalmaçäli), are the finer varieties of rice. As two-thirds of all Indian rice are
grown in Bengal it is probable that the practice of cultivation by seedlings
was first introduced in that part of India, whence the fine rice of the east
or of Bengal became known as the seedling rice or kalamaçäli. The term
kalam or kal ’mi is commonly employed in India to denote plants improved
by cultivation (by grafts, seedlings etc.). In the present passage the term
kalamaçäli is probably intended, in a generice sense, for any of the finer
cultivated kinds of rice. There is, however, also a special kind of cultivated
rice, Which is called kar ’mä (or kal ’mä) in Bihar.’ (Uväsagadasäo, ed. A.F.
Rudolf hoernle, The Asiatic Society, p. 17-18).
6 “Historically the first and still the most conclusive evidence for the existence

of genes come from the phenomena of segregation of traits observed in the


offspring of hybrids between individual or strain that differ in some
recognizable respect. The principle of segregation was formulated by Gregor
Mendel in 1866.” ( Principles of Genetics, edmund W. Sinnott, I. C. Dunn.
Theodosius Dobzhansky - Tata McGraw- Hill Publishing Company Ltd.
New Delhi, fifth edition, p. 32).
7 “Grafting involves the joining together of plant part by means of tissue

regeneration. The part of the combination that provides the root is called
98 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

the stock; the added piece is called the scion. When more than two parts
are involved, the middle piece is called the interstock. When the scion
consists of a single bud, the process is called budding. Grafting and budding
are the most widely used of the vegetative propagation methods”. ©1994-
2001 Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.
8 Text gaÞdha-käsäée, scl. Çäikä ‘cloth’. The phrase also occurs in Näy., § 35.
The comm. explains it as a red cloth (rakta-säçöikä) distinghised by its
fragrance (gandha-pradhänä). — (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo,
the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, pp. 14-15).
9 Cotton has different uses. In medicinal world cotton is widely used. It is
also used in textile industry for making garments etc.
10 Text süva, Skt. süpa; accords to the comm... , the well- known Indian dish
of däla (Skt. dvidala, Yog. III, 7) is intended, pottage or thick soup made of
any kind of split pulse, boiled but usually not strained.
Text mugga, Skt. mudga, Phaseolus mungo, and mäsa, Skt. Mäña, Phaseolus
mungo radiatus. Kaläya is explained in the Skt. Comm. to be chaëakäkära
dhänyavisheña, i.e. ‘a kind of grain resembling cänä or gram’. The Gujaräti
paraph., more definitely indentifies it with the masüra or lentils (Ervum
lens or Cicer lens), which agrees with the modern usage. As masur is very
commonly eaten as däla (see Baden Powell, vol. I. p. 242, and Watt, Part VI,
p. 79). These three, masüra, mug and mäña are srill the most expensive and
most esteemed pulses used for däla. The name kaläya, however is in Bengal
and Bihar now commonly given to the mäña, which is called mäña kaläï (cf,
Watt ib., p. 135. Grierson § 996) Cänä (Cicer arietinum, the chickpea)
commonly called ‘gram,’ is very cheap and is only eaten by the lower
orders, not useally in the form of däl but parched or ground into flour (cf.
Baden Powell, ib., pp. 239-240). — (Hoernle. A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo
the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, p. 18).
11 Black gram (mäs kaläï) contains reasobnable about of phosphoric acid and
protein content near about 24%. It is widely used as a nutritive fodder crop
especially for milch animal.
12 There is much uncertainty as to the vegetables here intended. For vatthü
there are several different readings, none of which I can identify with the
name of any vegetables. Vatthü itself is modern batthuä or batthawä, or
bäthü, a kind of spinach Chenopodium album (Watt, p. 49), one species of
which is also called chüä (Baden Powell, p. 244, no. 869), a name which has
some resemblance to the varia lectio chüchü. The sutthiya is the Skt. svastika
(or sushavi). Momordica charantica, is a kind of gourd which is eaten in
curries (Watt Pt. VI, p. 112). The Gujaräté paraph., however, indentifies it
with agathéyo, modern Guj. agathio, Hindi agaté (Sesbania grandiflora), a tree
the leaves and pods of which are earen in curries (Watt, Pt. VI, p. 170). The
maëòukkiva, Skt. maëòükikä (comm.), is a name of various cucurbitaceous
plants (gourd and melons). The variety here intended is, according to the
Gujaräté paraph., the òoòé, Maräöhé òoòé, which appears to be the same as
the Hindi kaddü (Cucurbita maxina), a large pumpkin which is a favourite
for curry (Watt, Pt. VI, P. 64). — (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo,
the Asiatic Society Calcutta, p. 19).
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 99
13 Medicinal Properties and uses : The bark, leaves, flowers and tender fruits
of agathi (Aeschynomene grandiflora L.), are used as Ayurvedic medicine. The
bark is astringent, bitter, tonic and febrifuge; its decoction is taken in small
dose to treat diarrhoea and dysentery. An infusion of the bark is recommended
during the first stages of smallpox, malaria and other eruptive fevers. The
Juice from the crushed flowers is used as an eye drop to improve dimness
of vision; the flowers are also considered useful for treating catarrh, cough
and consumption. The pods are considered useful for promoting memory
power and resolving tumours or glandular enlargements, treating anaemia
and consumption and dispelling toxins. The juice of the roots, mixed with
honey, is used as expectorant. The tender leaves, pods and flowers are eaten
as vegetables. —(Parrotta, A. John, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India,
CABI Publishing, pp. 412-13).
14 Medicinal properties and uses : The seeds are considered diuretic and
cooling. The pulp of the fruit is diuretic and demulcent and used for
removing tan freckles and for treating chronic eczema. In Unani medicine
the fruit is reportedly used to treat opthalmia and urinary discharges. —
(Parrotta, A. John, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing,
pp. 254-55).
15 Medicinal properties and uses : The plant is considered bitter, aperients
and tonic, and used to relieve bilious attack. The leaves are applied topically
to relieve inflammations. The seeds are sometimes taken in combination
with other plant drugs by women to help constipation and prevent
miscarriage. In Ayurveda, the fruit is used as an aphrodisiac and tonic. In
Siddha, the whole plant is used to relieve constipation. — (Parrotta, A
Jhon, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India. CABI Publishing, pp. 256.
16 Medicinal properties and uses : In traditional Indian medicine two varities
(sweet and bitter fruits) are distinguished. The stem and fruit of the sweet-
fruit veriety are used in Ayurveda to cure biliousness, and the fruit is used
to treat leucorrhoea. The leaves of the bitter-fruit variety are used to treat
jaundice, leucorrhoea, vaginal and uterine complaints and earache, and its
fruit is used in the treatment of asthma, bronchitis, inflammations, oedema,
ulcers and pains; ashes of the fruit, mixed with honey, are applied to the
eyes to treat night blindness. In Unani medicine, the fruit of the sweet-fruit
variety is considered tonic to the liver, vulnerary, antiperiodic and useful
for reliving muscular pain and dry cough; the ash of the fruit rind is
styptic and vulnerary. The flowers of the bitter-fruit variety are considered
cooling in Unani practice and useful for treating ophthalmia and toothache,
and its fruits for treating bronchitis. A syrup prepared from the tender
fruit is used as a pectoral. The juice of the fruit mixed with lime juice is
used as an application for pimples; boiled in oil it is used to treat
rheumatism. The fruit pulp is applied to the soles of the feet to relieve
burning. The seeds are used as an anthelmnitic; both the seeds and roots
are used to treat dropsy. The seed oil is applied externally to relieve
headache. A decoction of the leaves mixed with sugar is given to treat
jaundice.
100 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

— (Parrotta, A. John, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI


Publishing, pp. 256-57).
17 Medicinal properties and uses: In Ayurveda the fruit and leaves are
considered stomachic, antibilious and antipyretic; they are both used to
treat bronchitis and the leaves to treat asthma. The pounded leaves are
used as a poultice to treat haemorrhoids, leprosy and splenetic. The juice
of the fresh leaves is reportedly useful for treating granular conjunctivitis
in children. A fine paste of the tendrils is used externally and internally to
treat skin bite among the Santhalis in southern Bihar.. the seed oil is toxic;
it is used as a local application to treat skin affections among the inhabitants
of Bhadark District in north-eastern Orissa. — (Parrotta, A John, (2001),
Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing, p. 258).
18 Medicinal properties and uses: The tender fruit is considered diuretic and
lactogogue. In Ayurveda it is used to treat biliousness and leprosy. In Unani,
the fruit is considered an excellent tonic and expectorant; it is used to treat
biliousness, spleen diseases, leprosy, piles, fever, haematuria, syphilis and
bronchitis. The juice of the fruit is purgative. The maturd seeds are bitter,
emetic and cathartic. The seed oil, used as a substitute for olive oil, is said to
be useful for skin affections.. The ripe fruits are sometimes left on the vine to
dry, yielding a sponge widely used for bathing, scrubbing dishes and kitchen
utensils, washing cars and for a variety of other purposes.
— (Parrotta, A. John, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing,
p. 259).
19 Description: A polymorphous, non-aromatic, erect herb 0.3-3m tall with
angled stems that are often striped green, green, red or purple, clammy to
the touch. Leaves very variable in size and shape, rhomboid, deltoid to
lanceolate, upper leaves entire, lower ones toothed or irregularly lobed
(extremely variable in cultivated types), 10-15 cm long, with petioles often
as long as leaf blades. Flowers green, borne in clusters forming a compact
or loosely panicled axillary spike; sepals 1.5-2 mm long, oblong-lanceolate,
Keeled, closing over the thinly membranous utricle. Fruit (utricle) with
round, compressed, shining, black seeds. Flowers and fruits during the
winter months.
Distribution and habitat : Native to Europe, the plant is cultivated as a
vegetable and grain crop throughout India to as elevation of 4700m in the
Himalayas; often naturalized near cultivated fields, along roads and in
other open, disturbed habitats.
Medicinal properties and uses : An infusion or decoction of the herb is
considered to be diuretic, laxative and anthelmintic. The leaves are
antiscorbutic and yield ascaridole, which is used to treat round and
hookworms. The powdered leaves are used externally as an antiseptic, and
the leaf juice is used to relieve burns. A decoction of the leaves and stems,
mixed with alcohol, is used as a rub to relieve arthritis and rheumatism.
The seeds are used to treat hepatic disorders and spleen enlargement.
— (Parrotta, A John, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI
Publishing, pp. 211-12).
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 101
20 Medicinal properties and uses: The whole plant is used in traditional Indian
medicine and is the source of Karavellam, a reputed drug used to treat diabetes
mellitus. In Ayurveda the fruit is considered laxative, antidiabetic, cardiotonic,
anthelmintic and a digestive stimulant; it is used to treat coughs, respiratory
diseases, including asthma and bronchitis, fever, intestinal worms, ulcers,
skin diseases, bilousness, anaemia, jaundice, rheumatism, gout, liver and
spleen complaints, urinary discharges, flatulence and piles. In Unani
medicine, it is used to treat syphilis, rheumatism, splenic disorders and
opthalmia. The powdered fruit is thought to be useful for healing wounds as
well as intractable and malignant ulcers. Both the fruit and leaves are used as
a vermifuge and for treating piles, leprosy and jaundice. The juice of the
leaves is emetic and purgative; it is given to treat bilious affections and rubbed
on the soles of the feet to relieve burning and as an ointment for sores. The
astringent roots are used to treat haemorrhoids; in Ayurveda the root is used
to treat ophthalmia and prolapse of the vagina. In Brazil, the seeds are used
as an anthelmintic.
— (Parrotta, A. John. 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India. CABI Publishing,
p. 260).
21 Medicinal properties and uses : The tender shoots and bitter leaves are
used as a gentle aperient and are prescribed for vertigo and biliousness.
The root of the plant when chewed relieves toothache; a decoction of the
seeds is used as a sudorific; the crushed seeds are applied extremely to
relieve body-aches. Due to its expectorant properties, the plant is sometimes
used in compound preparations for cough, but trails indicate that its action
is slow and unsatisfactory. In Ayurveda, the fruits are reportedly used in
the treatment of dysuria, piles, polyuria and tuberculosis. In Siddha the
root and leaf are used to treat fever, dysponea, abdominal disorders, cough
and vomiting. —(Parrotta, A. John, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India,
CABI Publishing, p. 261).
22 Description: A profusely branched, erect herb or shrub with a strong
camphorous smell, up to 1.5m tall; stems angular-ribbed, short, pubescent,
often purple-tinged. Leaves variable, linear-lanceolate to oblong-ovate, 4-10
cm long and 1-3.5 cm wide, lower leaves coarsely serrate-dentate, upper
ones subentire, glandular. Flowers greenish, some turning purple, borne in
small clusters together forming slender, simple or paniculate, axillary and
terminal spikes. Fruits more or less globular, seeds small, reddish-brown to
black, nearly smooth, with a bitter pungent taste. Flowers and fruits are
between September and July.
Distribution and habitat : Native to tropical and subtropical regions of
North and south America. Naturalized almost throughout India to an
altitude of 2300 m in the Himalayas as a weed in cultivated fields and other
open, disturbed habitats; more common in Bangladesh, West Bengal,
Kashmir and South India than in other parts of India subcontinent.
Medicinal properties and uses: The herb is considered tonic, pectoral,
emmenagogue and antispasmodic and is used to treat nervous conditions,
particularly chorea. The dried herb and the oil extracted from the seeds are
used as anthelmintic against intestinal parasites including roundworms
102 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

and hookworms. A tincture of the green leaves is prescribed as a cough


suppressant. The bruised leaves are used externally to promote healing of
ulcers and sores. A decoction of the herb is given as an internal haemostatic
and the infusion as an enema to treat intestinal ulceration; the infusion is
also diuretic and sudorific and used to treat colds and stomach-ache. The
leaves and tender shoots are eaten as a vegetable. The plant has been used
in traditional medicine in North and South America for centuries; in South
America infusions made from the leaves and seeds have long been used as
a household remedy against intestinal parasites.
— (Parrotta, A John, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing,
pp. 212-13).
23 Description : A large ever green tree, 10-45 m tall with a heavy, dome -
shaped crown and a straight, stout bole. Bark thick, rough, dark grey,
flaking off when old. Leaves linear-oblong or elliptic-lanceolate, 10-30 cm
long and 2-9 cm wide, with an aromatic, resinous odour when crushed.
Inflorescence a large panicle, containing up to 300 flowers; flowers tiny,
reddish-white or yellowish-green, with a pungent odour; staminate and
hermaphrodite flowers borne in the same panicle. Fruit a large drupe,
highly variable in form and size; fruit skin thick or thin, leathery, green,
yellowish or red, often dotted with numerous glands; flesh (mesocarp)
whitish-yellow, yellow or orange, firm, soft or juicy, slightly acidic to sweet,
richly aromatic; fibers throughout the flesh in some varieties, absent or
few in others; seed solitary, ovoid-oblique, encased in hard, compressed
fibrous endocarp (stone). In peninsular India flowering generally occurs
between December and January, with peak fruit ripening approximately 5
months later.
Distribution and habitat : Centre of origin uncertain, though probably from
northeastern India (Assam) to Myanmar (Burma) and northern Thailand
and in the higher hills of the Satpura range and the Western Ghats.
Cultivated throughout India for at least 4000 years, and naturalized in
tropical and subtropical hill forests, particulariy near rivers and in ravines.
It is common in the subtropical Himalayas, the hills of the Western and
Eastern Ghats and forests of central India, Bihar, Orissa, Assam and the
Andaman Islands. Numerous varieties are grown in plantations and
orchards, around homes, along avenues and field borders throughout India
south of Kashmir.
Medicinal properties and uses : Ripe mango fruit, a rich source of vitamins
A and C, is recommended as a laxative and diuretic and a restorative tonic
and is useful for treating haemorrhage of the uterus, lungs and intestines.
The unripe fruits are used for treating opthalmia. The rind of the fruit is
astringent and is used as a stimulant tonic for treating stomach debility.
The sun-dried fruit, whether green or ripe, is recommended as an
antiscorbutic. The astringent seed kernel is used to treat diarrhoea and its
juice can be inhald to stop nasal bleeding; among the tribal inhabitants of
Madhya Pradesh, the kernel is reportedly used to treat diabetes. The
powdered seed kernel is used as an anthelmintic and also as an astringent
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 103

to treat bleeding piles. Dried mango flowers are astringent and prescribed
for diarrhoea, chronic dysentery and inflammation of the bladder. The leaves
are chewed to give tone to the gums. The fumes from the burning leaves
are inhaled for relief from hiccups and throat affections and the ash burnt
leaves is a household remedy for burns and scalds. A cold aqueous extract
of the tender leaves is taken internally to relieve diarrhoea in parts of
southern Orissa; in this region a paste prepared from the ground bark in
water is also used for this purpose. The astringent bark is used to treat
diptheria and rheumatism, and is believed to have a tonic action on the
mucous membrane. It is also used to treat uterine haemorrhage,
haemoptysis, and melaena, diarrhoea and other discharges; mixed with the
root bark of Ziziphus nummularia (Rhamnaceae) and the stem bark of
Syzygium cumini (Myrtacaae), it is reportedly taken orally as an abortifacient
among the Bhils. He gum resin exuded from the cut bark is used in dressings
for cracked feet and scabies, and is considered antisyphilitic.
— (Parrotta, A. Jhon, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing
pp. 65-67).
24 The Skt. commentary explains it by vallé-phala-viçeña ‘a kind of fruit of the
vallé’. The name vallé is given to various medicinal plants, and vallévåkña
is commonly mentioned as the name of the Çäla tree (Shoera robusta), which
also produces a gum resin. Here, however, it denotes the Olibanum tree
(Oswellia serrata or thurifera), the gum resin (comm. shälana) of which is
intended by the term phala-viçeña ‘a kind of fruit’, and denoted in the text
by pälaìgä. The ‘tears’ of this gum are of a roundish oblong form, of a
transparent light yellow colour and of a slightly aromatic taste (comm.
Anamla-rasa ‘not sour juice’). From the gum an astringent stimulant is
prepared, which is used as a tonic (Baden Powell. P. 336 and Watt. Pt. V, p.
61). In Ay. II, 1, 8 § 4 it is mentioned under the name sallï-palamba (Skt.
Shallaké pralamba) or “the pendant (product) or the shallaké tree”. The latter
is the proper Sanskrit name of the tree, while pälaìgä (Tel. and Tam.
Pälaìgé Sanscritised pälaìka) is its Draviòian or South-Indian name. In
North India the tree is not known by the name pälaìgä or pälaìka, which
is there given to a kind of spinach (Beta vulgaris or bengalensis). (See Watt,
Pt. I. 15, Pt. VI. 28 and B. Powell, pp. 339-399). It is remarkable, however,
that in Yog. III, 45 the pälaìka appears among a number of forbidden
plants— (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, Calcutta, pp. 19-20).
25 Description: A large, semi-deciduous tree, usually attaining a height of 18-
30 m and a stem diameter of 0.6-0.7 m. Bark reddish-brown or grey, smooth
or longitudinally fissured. Leaves 10-30 cm long and 5-18 cm wide, ovate-
oblong, coriaceous, lustrous when mature. Flowers hairy, soft, small, borne
in axillary or terminal lax panicles, yellowish. Fruit indehiscent, 10-15 cm
long, 1-1.5 cm long and 1 cm in diameter, ovoid, reddish to pale yellowish-
green in colour, 1-seeded with 5 somewhat unequal 5-7 cm long, winglike,
persistent sepals. Seeds ovoid, with fleshy, unequal cotyledons. Flowers in
March and April; fruits mature between May and July; in central India
trees remain leafless for a short period between February and April.
Distribution and habitat : A gregarious species, found extensively over a
104 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

wide range of site conditions and climatic regimes up to 1700 m elevation,


in the sub-Himalayan tract from Punjab to Assam, southwards through
West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa into Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.
Medicinal Properties and uses : In Ayurveda the leaves are considered
anthelmintic and alexiteric; they are used to treat wounds and ulcers, itching,
leprosy, gonorrhoea, cough, earache and headache. The oleoresin exuded
from the cut bark has astringent and detergent properties and is used to
treat diarrhoea, dysentery and vaginal discharges, to promote healing of
wounds, ulcers fractures and to relieve burns and itching. In Unani medicine
the resin is considered useful for treating menorrhagia, enlargement of the
spleen, and as a collyrium for relieving eye irritations. It is also used as an
ingredient of ointments for skin diseases and in ear troubles. The powdered
stem bark or bark paste is applied to stop bleeding and promote healing of
cuts among the tribal inhabitants of southern Bihar and the Kondhs of
southwestern Orissa. It is reputed to be an aphrodisiac and useful for the
treatment of gonorrhoea. A paste made from the fruits is sometimes used
to treat diarrhoea. The tree yields a valuable timber and the resin is widely
used in India as incense, for caulking boats and the production of inferior
quality paints and varnishes.
(Parrotta, A. Jhon, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India CABI, Publishing
pp. 271-72).
26 Text khérämalaya, Skt. kñérämalaka. The comm. explains khéra by abaddhästhika
‘pulp’ and by kñéram iva madhuram ‘milky juice’. The ämalaka (Hindi amlä)
is Phyllanthus emblica or Emblica officinalis. It is a moderate sized tree, with
an acid fruit (the Emblic Myrobalan), the size of which is that of a small
gooseberry, with a fleshy outer covering and a hard three-celled nut,
containing six seeds. It is used by the Indians for food and preserves (pickled
or candied), also as a medicine and sometimes externally to cleanse the
hair. (see Watt, Part VI, p. 138 and Baden-Powell, p. 374). The last mentioned
use would seem to be the one intended here, as the fruit is enumerated in
the midst of a list of toilet articles. As such an article it is also mentioned
in the comm. to § 52, 5 together with warm water and powder. If it was
intended as an article of food, one would expect it to be enumerated after
§33. Moreover, it is not likely that fruits as articles of diet would be entirely
limited to this particular kind. On the other hand, it seems surprising that
fruits are not mentioned at all in the subsequent list of articles of food. It
would seem therefore that in this respect no restraint whatever was placed
on the wishes of an uväsaga, provided, of course, he attended to the general
rule of not eating anything sachitta or ‘living,’ nor anything sachitta-baddha
or “adjuncts of living thing” (see §51).
(Hoernale, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, pp.
15-16.)
27 It is occasionally used as fuel wood and for making small farm implements
and small furniture. Due to its durability under water it is used in well
work. Its wood also yields good charcoal. Bark and leaves are used in
tanning industry. The fruit contains Vitamin C and polyphenols. The fruits
are used widely for murabba, jellies, trophies, pickles etc. Aonla is valued
as antibiotic, antiscorbutic and diuretic. It is also used to control diarrhea,
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 105

bronchitis, cough, fever, jaundice etc. The fruits are one of the well known
Indian constituents being Bahera and Harra.
28 “Text danta-vaëa, skt. danda-vana” ‘a piece of wood for (cleaning) the teeth’.
The Chllivagga, V, 31,1 (in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XX, p. 146) has
dantakaööhaÞ. It is not quite correct, however, as stated in the footnote on
that word, that the ends of the tooth stick are “not rubbed on the teeth.”
The ends are at least in this part of the country, both masticated and rubbed
on the teeth for the purpose of cleaning them.
— (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta,
pp. 15.)
29 Text tambola, now commonly called pan, the leaf of the Piper (or chavica)
betel which together with areca-nut and lime, is chewed, especially after
meals, as a digestive. (Watt, Pt. VI. 140 and Baden Powell, p. 303). Sometimes
certain spices are added; they are, according to the comm. ølä or cardamom
(Eleganus cardamomum), lavaìga or cloves (Caryophyllus aromaticus), karpüra
or camphor (Lourus camphora), kakkola or a kind of acid seed (Eleagnaaus
umbellata) and jätéphala or nutmeg (Myristica moschata). On the derivation
of tambola from Skt. Tämragula, see Ov., p. 165.
— (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagasäo, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, pp.
20).
30 Deseription : A large, handsome evergreen tree up to 30 m tall; bark and
leaves aromatic. Leaves alternate, long-petiole, glabrous, somewhat leathery,
ovate-oblong to lanceolate oblong, 3-12 cm long and 1-5 cm wide, attenuate-
acute at both ends, usually 3- nerved. Flowers, yellow about 0.3 cm long,
borne in many-flowered, slender axillary panicles, peduncle thin, branching
at apex; calyx yellow, slightly longer than the pedicel, c.3 mm long, lobes
slightly tomentose inside. Fruits (berries) 1-seeded, globose, 0.5-1 cm in
diameter, seated on a shallow, thin cup, turning black when ripe. Flowers
between March and April in northern India; fruits ripen in October.
Destribution and habitat : Native to China, Taiwan and Japan, introduced
and cultivated in India as an ornamental and as a source of camphor.
Medicinal properties and uses : The leaves and aromatic oil (camphor) ditilled
from the bark and wood are credited with sedative, diaphoretic anodyne,
antiseptic, antispasmodic, expectorant, analgesic and anthelmintic
properties. When inhaled, camphor vapour is useful for treating colds and
related chest affections. A liniment prepared by dissolving camphor in
olive oil (1:4 parts) is used extensively as an external application as a counter-
irritant to relieve inflammations, bruises and sprains. In Ayurveda, camphor
is used to treat leprosy, boils, worm infestation and diseases of the throat.
In Siddha it is used to treat convulsions and as an analgesic. It is also used
in insecticidal preparations. Camphorated oils are used worldwide to relieve
rheumatic pain and inflammation, fibrositis and neuralgia.
— (Parrotta, A. Jhon, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI
Publishing, pp. 444-45).
106 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

31 Text agaru-kunkuma-chandaëa-m-ädiehiÞ. Here m is an auxiliary consonant,


inserted probably for reasons of euphony, as sometimes in Päli. (see Kuhn’s
Beiträge zur Päli Grammatik p. 63). Another instance occurs in § 79, anna-
m-annassa. For some more examples, see Bhag. p. 409. (Hoernle, A. F. Rudolf,
ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, p. 16).
List of Abbreviations
• Hc. = Hemacandra
• Näy = Näyadhammakahä
• Ov = Ovaväiya Sutta
• Paraph = Paraphrase
• Pkt. = Prakrit
• Skt. = Sanskrit
• Vr. = Vararuci
• L. = Leaf
References
Ayensu, S. Edward. Firewood Crops - Shrub and Tree Species for Energy Production.
Washington D. C. : National Academy of Sciences, 1980.
Bhimaya, C. P., Kaul, R. N. ‘Role of Seedling Root Habit on Initial Seedling Survival
in Some Desert Tree Species’, Sci. and Cult. Vol. 32 (4), Calcutta : 1966.
Borain, M. P. Social Forestry a Way of Life Yojana. Vol. 29. No. (19).1985.
Chaudhury, Vishwajit. Vegetables. New Delhi : National Book Trust, 1967.
Hand Book of Agriculture. New Delhi: Indian Council of Agricultural Research, 1997.
Hoernle, A. F. Rudolf. Uväsagadasäo. Calcutta : The Asiatic Society, 1989.
Homfray, C. K. Nursery and Plantation Notes for Bengal. Alipore : Govt. Print., 1937.
Jha, L. K., Sen, P. P. Social Forestry. Bombay : Himalayan Publishing House, 1991.
Maiti, S. C., ‘Litchi’, In : Fruits of Indian Tropical and Substropical. Ed. T. K. Bose.
Calcutta: Naya Prokash, 1985.
Mann, H. S., Mathuna, K. D. Arid Zone Forestry (with special reference to the Indian
Arid zone). Jodhpur : Central Arid Zone Research Institute, 1984.
Parrotta, A. John. Healing Plants of Peninsular India. Wallingford, UK : CABI
Publishing, 2001.
Sinha, J. P., ‘A Study on Nutrient Level of Eucalyptus Hybrid’, Proc, Forestry Conf;
Dehra Dun (Cross Ref.). 1973.
Singh, M. P., Srivastava, J. L. Medicinal Plants of Chotanagpur. Directorate of Extension
Education. Ranchi : Birsa A. University, 1989.
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 107

Some of the diagrams mentioned in uväsagadasäo

Red gram

Cotton (karpas)

Chenopodium ambrosioides
108 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Chenopodium album Sesbania grandiflora

Cucumis melo

Momordica charantia

Shorea robusta Luffa cylindrical


A SHORT NOTE ON AN UNIQUE EARLY MEDIEVAL
AQABA AMPHORA FROM COASTAL EAST MEDINIPUR
DISTRICT, WEST BENGAL
KAUSHIK GANGOPADHYAY, V. SELVAKUMAR, AUROBINDO MAITI

Introduction
The Bengal delta has been an important node in the transoceanic
networks of the Indian Ocean from the late prehistoric period.
However, due to the dynamic geological nature of the Ganga-
Brahmaputra (Bengal) delta, archaeological sites are not easily visible
and are often found in buried, transported and disturbed secondary
contexts. As a result of these factors, important antiquarian remains,
primarily ceramics and terracotta artefacts, are accidentally exposed
due to agricultural and other day-to-day activities such as digging of
ponds and also as a result of erosion. Some of the artefacts collected
from the coastal area in East Medinipur district by the last author are
preserved at Rajinikanta Gyan Mandir Museum and Research Centre
at the village of Dharas in East Medinipur (Midnapur) District of
West Bengal. The first two authors of this paper studied the two
important and complete ceramic jars from this collection. These two
ceramic jars are identified as early medieval amphorae of Red Sea/
West Asian origin, based on the observations on the fabric and the
stylistic features. One of these jars have been published earlier while
the other one had remained unpublished.
Coastal West Bengal
The coastal part of the eastern Medinipur district was formed
during the mid-late Holocene period1. The coastal landforms are made
of the several tidal creeks and estuaries, creating extensive flood-
plains. The major estuaries in this district are the Rupnarayan River,
Haldi and Rasulpur river. The delta of the Subarnarekha river forms
the western boundary of the district. Parallel to the Bay of Bengal are
sand dune ridges, formed both as a sea-level fluctuation and also due
to aeolian processes (Fig.1). The first specimen discussed here has
110 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

(Fig. 1)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 111

been identified as an amphora originating in the port of Aqaba in


Jordan. This identification has therefore opened a new vista allowing
a relook into the chronology and extent of trade networks around the
coastal West Bengal between the fourth to the seventh centuries C.E.
Archaeological Background
The location from where this unique piece of amphora was
recovered is at Kalindi GP in the Ramnagar II Block, East Medinipur
district. Although this specimen of amphora is unique, the pottery
can be situated within its broader historical and archaeological context
of coastal West Bengal. The major early historic sites in the coastal
district of Medinipur are the sites of Tamluk and Bahiri. Tamluk was
excavated twice2 and demonstrated four cultural periods from the 3rd
century B.C.E to the Gupta period. Bahiri was excavated by the first
author in 20133. Other than these sites there are sites along the estuaries
and sand dune ridges several of which were identified by the first
author.
The archaeological localities along the coast had been noticed in
earlier publications4. These localities are Jai Kalir Chak, Manikbasan;
however, details on these sites were not forthcoming. An intensive
explorations and excavations programme by the first author at the
site of Bahiri clearly pointed out the archaeological importance of the
sand-dune ridges. Excavations at this site have given a continuous
record of habitation history from the early historic to the early medieval
period.
Imported/Non-Local Artefacts in the Coastal West Bengal
Although during the early historic period a number of ‘non-local’
items had been found from Bengal, objects originating in the
Mediterranean region have been seldom unearthed. The non-local items
such as glass beads and certain pottery may have originated from
peninsular India, more specifically from the Tamil Nadu coast. A seal
bearing Greek inscription ‘East Wind that comes with the dawn’5 was
reportedly found at the site of Tilda, not far from the coast. However,
the actual object has never been traced afterwards. The so called
Egyptian vases from the excavations at Tamluk6 are preserved in the
Gurusaday Museum, Kolkata but at present the provenance has not
been completely accepted. These evidences have forced the scholars
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to recognize that although the Bengal coast participated in brisk trading


activities with peninsular India and with Southeast Asia, there is no
particular evidence of direct contact of the Bengal coast with ports on
the western part of the Indian Ocean. It is in this context the amphora
from Aqaba becomes important.
Aila-Axum Amphora
Aila-Axum amphorae also labeled as Aqaba amphora are a narrow,
conical storage jars with rilling which goes as spiral and stops at the
place of joining, if two parts were put together to form a single jar.
It is named after the sites of Aila located in the Gulf of Aqaba, and
Axum. This amphora is found mainly in the Red Sea region and a few
other sites in the Mediterranean. It is found at Axum7 (Zahn 1913:
208), Matara8 (Anfray 1990: 118), Adulis9 (Paribeni 1907: 551), Aqaba10
(Melkawi et al. 1994; Parker 2002: 425) and Berenike11 (Hayes 1996:
159-61; Tomber 2004). It is generally dated between fourth and seventh
centuries C.E.12 (Keay 1986: 356, 358, 471; Tomber 200413). In India, the
Aqaba amphora is found at sites in western India such as Elephanta,
Kamrej, Kateshwar and Nagara14 (Tomber 2008: 166, Table 3).
This amphora was found in a village in the Kalindi GP, according
to the third author however the exact provenance of the find is
unknown. The amphora is very well preserved and almost completely
intact. It has two cracks; one on the right handle and another in the
neck. A small chip has come off from the left handle exposing the
section/core jar. In the next paragraph the dimensions of the amphora
piece is provided for comparative purpose.
Dimensions
The amphora (Fig. 2) measures 77.8 cm in height from the rim
surface to toe, on the exterior and 76.5 cm in the interior from the rim
to the interior base. The height of the ledge of rim on the exterior is
4.3 cm and the thickness of the rim is about 1 cm and about 2 cm in
the ledge. The height of the handle is 13 cm. The height above the
neck from the fourth groove (Rilling) is 9.8 cm. The maximum rim
diameter is 15.0 cm (at the outer edge) and the diameter at the inner
ledge is 8 cm. The height from the neck to shoulder is 12 cm and from
the neck to the toe the height is 57 cm.
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 113

Maximum exterior body diameter of the amphora is 25 cm at 21


cm below the rim, and maximum body circumference is 77.5 cm
At 2.5 cm below the rim diameter is slightly more.
At 10 cm and near the 10th groove, the diameter is 12 cm.
At 20 cm and near the 20th groove, the diameter is 15 cm.
At 30 cm and near the 30th groove (Rilling) the diameter is 18 cm.
At 40 cm and near the 40th groove (Rilling) the diameter is 20 cm.
At 50 cm and near the 51th groove (Rilling) the diameter is 23 cm.
At 58 cm and near the 59th groove (Rilling) the diameter is 25 cm.
At 60 cm and near the 61st groove (Rilling) the diameter is 22 cm.
The diameter decreases.
At 65 cm, the diameter is 19 cm.
At 71 cm, the diameter is 10.5 cm.
Colour of the Core
The core colour is 5YR 6/4 Light reddish brown
Rim
The rim has a recess or step for placing the lid or stopper. Rim
shows evidence of repair with some kind of cementing material (Fig 3).
Handle
The handle is roughly flat on the interior and on the exterior is
roughly triple-sided (tripatta). Width of the handle is 4.2 cm and
thickness is 2.2 cm, the handle has been made separately and luted to
the neck. Handle on one side is broken, cracked and a chip has gone
off. The vertical height of the aperture formed by the handle is 5.5 cm
and horizontal diameter is 4.5 cm (Fig 4).
Exterior surface: Grooves
The surfaces are rough with multiple grooves. The hallmark of the
amphora is the multiple grooves seen on the exterior from the neck to
the lower body portion. The grooves are 3 to 10 mm in width (Fig 5).
There are a total of about 76 grooves from the base of the amphora.
The bottom 2 cm portion does not have any groove. The grooves are
found in the form of spiral.
The colour of the amphora on the exterior is 5YR 7/2 pinkish grey
and 8/3 pink in the underneath surface. Surface also shows patches
of 5YR 8/1 white. It has a crack on the neck and one of the handles
is slightly broken
114 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

(Fig. 2)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 115

(Fig. 3)
116 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

(Fig. 4)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 117

(Fig. 5)
118 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Four ‘rubbing’ marks are found at the bulging portion of the


amphora. They are found at a distance of 15, 17, 22, 16 cm gap
suggesting that the body portion perhaps rubbed against the body
portion of other amphorae during transhipment (Fig 6). Just below
the right hand side handle of the amphora some marks are seen and
they appear to be post firing marks.
A few hollow defective portions that resulted due to the burning
of organic remains or falling of larger inclusions.
Since the amphora was buried below the soil some residues of
organic growth is seen in the grooves. Also three small black patches
or pitch like material is sticking to the surface of the amphora.
Post-firing graffito
Post-firing graffito of two cross lines drawn over the surface of the
amphora are found below the right handle.
At about 35 cm from below the grooves are irregular suggesting
the amphora was made in two parts and luted together.
The surface of the amphora has a pale yellowish slip; this slip has
been rubbed off at several places.
The interior
The interior is plain in the upper part and has grooves in the lower
part. A whitish stain is seen on the interior. Traces of slip are seen on
the interior.
Core
The Clay is coarse. The core has light pinkish colour. The core has
whitish inclusions, tiny yellow or golden mica, white mica and
occasional black inclusion the feldspar inclusions are 2 mm in
thickness.
Base
The base is slightly rounded almost pointed. No disc base is noticed.
It appears that the disc base is weathered (Fig 7) (Observation by
Roberta Tomber).
Comments
This important artefact is an indication of trade networks in the
Northern Bay of Bengal region in the early medieval phase although,
the archaeological sites of the early historic period are considered to
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 119

(Fig. 6)
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(Fig. 7)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 121

be more important for understanding trade networks. Early medieval


archaeology in Bengal has been largely concerned with iconography
and art history. Coastal sites in Tamluk supposedly ‘lost’ their
importance15 (IAR 1954-55:20) after the Gupta period. However, one
perhaps need to alter this view if one reviews the existing literature
and archaeological data. The Accounts of Chinese pilgrims, Faxian
and Xuan-Zang point towards continuation of mobility in the region
for pilgrimage as well as for mercantile activities from the fourth till
the seventh centuries C.E. Excavations at the site of Moghalmari in
the West Medinipur district have revealed a large monastic complex
going back to the sixth century C.E that must have been supported by
trade activities16. The Aqaba amphora will also perhaps alter the view
that true Roman Amphoras never reached coastal Bengal. Tomber17
also opines that the circulation of this late Roman amphora is almost
‘exclusively on the trade sites in the region’. This view should be
taken into account while understanding the recently excavated site of
Bahiri which has proved that the site existed from the 1st century C.E.
if not earlier. The site is located very near to the supposed find-spot
of the amphora, and the chronology of the site ranges from the early
historic, to the medieval based on the relative dating through study
of pottery and associated artefacts. The site of Tamluk, is also situated
in the same coastal zone and dates back as early as the third century
B.C.E. Study of excavated pottery from the region demonstrates that
the sites continued to remain in occupation during the early medieval
and medieval period. Ceramics from the sites of Tilda, the supposed
find-spot for the Greek inscription also shows similarities with the
pottery from early levels of Moghalmari placed in the sixth-seventh
centuries C.E.
Earlier scholars writing on coastal West Bengal18 (Sengupta 1995:
124) were rather disappointed with the fact that the period designated
historically as Gupta and post-Gupta are rather poorly represented in
the archaeological record belying the textual references. However, one
must bear in mind that the excavations conducted at key sites like
Tamluk and Chandraketugarh were rather limited and the entire
corpus of material culture has never been published. It had also been
suggested that ‘The decline of urban centre in coastal West Bengal
has been attributed to the changing pattern of maritime trade in which
the Arab world became more important resulting in the emergence of
122 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

southeastern Bengal from around the 7th century’ (Sengupta 1995:124).


The notion of this shift may need to be reviewed with the identification
of at least one true amphora of the Mediterranean region along with
a second Jar that has been tentatively identified as South Arabian
amphora jar19. What is most striking is the fact that the amphora
discussed in this paper was recovered in completely preserved
condition. This type of preservation is possible only with the existence
of either a ‘harbour’ or a shipwreck site20 and this could be the only
completely preserved amphora from anywhere in India as other sites
have produced sherds. With recent excavations at sites like Moghalmari
and Bahiri, and study of the detailed ceramic repertoire along with
absolute dates from stratigraphic context, the cultural and economic
interaction network in the southwestern Bengal is expected to become
clearer in the future.
Acknowledgements
The authors are beholden to Dr Roberta Tomber, British Museum,
London, who validated the identification of the Aqaba amphora by
the first two authors after visiting the museum and studying the
artefacts. She also studied the second jar and her comments will be
part of a detailed investigation at a later date.
Notes
1
Paul 2002, Paul, Ashis Kr. 2002. Coastal Geomorphology and Environment,
Sundarban Coastal Plain, Kanthi Coastal Plain and Subarnarekha delta Plain,
Kolkata: ACB publications.
2
(IAR 1954-55: 19, IAR 1973-74: 32).
3
(Gangopadhyay 2013, unpublished report of the excavations at Bahiri)
4
Chakrabarty, D.K., N. Goswami and R. K. Chattopadhyay, 1994. “Archaeology
of coastal West Bengal: Twenty-four Parganas and Midnapur district”, South
Asian Studies 10: 135-160. Sengupta 1996. “Archaeology of Coastal Bengal”
in H.P. Ray and J.F Salles (eds)Tradition and Archaeology, Early Maritime Contact
in the Indian Ocean, Proceedings of the International Seminar Techno-
Archaeological Perspectives of Seafaring in the Indian Ocean 4th cent. B.C.-15th
cent. A.D. New Delhi, February 28-March 4,1994, pp l15-127. Manohar, New
Delhi.
5
(Indian Archaeology- A Review 1973-74:33).
6
Ramachandran T. N. 1952. (Tamralipti) Tamluk in Artibus Asiae Vol XIV, No.
1&2.pp 226-238.
7
Zahn, R. 1913. ‘Die Kleinfunde’, in D. Krencker (ed.) Deutsche Aksum
Expedition, volume 2, pp. 199-231. Berlin: Georg Reimer.
8
Anfray, F. 1990. Les Anciens Ethiopiens: Siecles d’Historie. Paris: Armand Colin
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 123

Editeur.
9
Paribeni, R. 1907. ‘Richerche Nel Luogo Dell’ Antica Adulis’, Monumenti
Antichi, 13, pp. 437-572. Milan: Reale Accademia dei Lincei.
10
Melkawi, A. Khairah, A. Whitcomb, D. 1994. “The Excavation of two Seventh
Century Pottery Kilns at Aqaba”, Annual Department of Antiquities of Jordan
38, 447-468.
11
Hayes, J. W. 1996. ‘The Pottery’, in S. E. Sidebotham and W. Wendrich (eds.)
Berenike ’95. Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Berenike (Egyptian Red
Sea Coast) and Survey of the Eastern Desert, pp. 147-178. Leiden: School of
Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies. Tomber, R. S. 2004, Amphorae
from the Red Sea and their contribution to the interpretation of Late Roman
trade beyond the Empire. Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern
Mediterranean. Acts of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at
Athens, Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens. 5: 393-402.
12
Keay, S. J. 1986. Late Roman Amphorae in the Western Mediterranean. British
Archaeological Report International Studies, volume 196.
13
Tomber, R. S. 2004, Amphorae from the Red Sea and their contribution to
the interpretation of Late Roman trade beyond the Empire. Transport
Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. Acts of the International
Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, Monographs of the Danish Institute
at Athens. 5: 393-402 Zahn, R. 1913. ‘Die Kleinfunde’, in D. Krencker (ed.)
Deutsche Aksum Expedition, volume 2, pp. 199-231. Berlin: Georg Reimer.
14
Tomber 2008. Indo-Roman Trade, From Pots to Pepper, Duckworth, London.
15
(Indian Archaeology- A Reivew: 1954-55: 20)
16
Datta A. 2008. Excavations At Moghalmari, First Interim Report, The Asiatic
Society, Kolkata.
17
Tomber op.cit
18
Sengupta Gautam op. cit ..
19
Amphora 2: South Arabian Amphora Jar
Another amphora jar published in Sengupta op.cit, with a large body tapering
to the base, is also in the collection of the last author and was published in
Sengupta 1995:128. This amphora jar is large in size (Maximum height). Its
colour is 7.5YR 4/4 brown and has a coating on the surface. The colour of
the slip is 10 YR 6/4 light yellowish brown, which is gone in most of the
area. Patches of 2/5YR 4/6 red colour is also seen on the surface, suggesting
varying firing conditions. Pores, black inclusions are seen on the surface.
The colour of the core is 10 R 5/6 red. This amphora needs farther study
for chronology and precise provenance.

Dimension of the Amphora Jar


The dimension of the amphora jar is presented below.
Rim diameter up to the external ledge, 15 cm.
Inside mouth diameter, 11 cm.
Neck height, 13 cm.
124 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Neck external diameter, 13 cm,


Width including handle, 22.5 cm.
Height of rim, 3.3 cm.
Double grooves are found at a gap of 2 cm
Thumb impression gap, 1 cm
Wavy line incision decoration height above below 4 cm from the rim.
The height of the wavy line decoration is 1.5 cm above 4 cm from the
double horizontal lines with multiple finger-tip decorations in between.
Maximum body diameter, 42 cm.
Maximum body circumference, 51. 5 cm.
Base diameter, 15.5 cm.
Inner height, 60 cm.
Outer height, 62 cm.
Rim thickness less than 1 cm
Multiple ridges are seen in the inside, and traces for the neck being luted.
20
This view is suggested by Dr Roberta Tomber who excavated the sites of
Berenike and found similar intact pottery. One may therefore speculate that
this piece was in the context of a harbour or a shipwreck. Both of these
contexts are yet to be discovered from coastal West Bengal but one may not
be wrong in suggesting that ships containing Aqaba amphorae did sail to
the coastal region of West Bengal.
GLEANINGS FROM THE PAST
126 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
GLEANINGS FROM THE PAST 127
128 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
GLEANINGS FROM THE PAST 129
130 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
NOTES ON GLEANINGS

AN OBSERVATION ON ‘A NOTE ON THE BENGAL


SCHOOL OF ARTISTS’
RANGAN KANTI JANA

This note was made by the Late Mr. S. Kumar (Surendranath Kumar)
MRAS, Supdt of the Reading Room, Imperial Library (National
Library) Calcutta. He was also well known by the name ‘Nimrod’.
The very note is published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
New Serise Vol. XII, 1916 CE. By this note he had raised some questions
about the historicity of Lama Taranatha’s work in Tibetan language,
historicity of both the artists Dhiman and Bitpalo of Varendra and
about the terms as coined the ‘Eastern school’ of Indian art form on
the basis of Lama Taranatha’s work. In 1869 CE Dr. Anton Schiefner
of St Petersburg published a German translation of Taranatha’s ‘History
of Buddhism in India’ under the auspices of the Russian Imperial
Academy. The original work was written in about the beginning of
the seventeenth century CE. The date of Lama Taranatha has been
assigned in between the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth
century. (Perhaps c, 1573 CE)
About the historicity of Lama Taranatha’s work, S. Kumar rightly
pointed out that regarding the rise of the Palas of Bengal and the
lawlessness in the country (Matsanaya), there could be no doubt about
the truth of these statements. These statements were supported by
the Khalimpur Copper plate Inscription of Dharmapala. The
information catered by Lama Taranatha about the reigning period of
Mahipala-I and Ramapala for 52 and 46 years respectively. But now
on the basis of epigraphical sources it can at least be said the reigning
duration of aforesaid two kings are Mahipala I (c, 977-1027 CE ie 50
years) and Ramapala (c, 1072-1126 CE, i.e., 54 years). These might be
considered as not very far from the truth. Beside this Taranatha failed
to describe the correct genealogy of the Pala dynasty of Bengal.
According to Taranatha the genealogical list is as follows :
Gopala, Devapala, Rasopala, Dharmapala, Masuraksita, Vanapala,
Mahipala, Mahapala, Samupala, Srestapala, Canakapala, Virapala,
132 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Niyapala, Amarapala, Hastipala, Ksantipala, Ramapala and Yaksapala.


Hundred years ago one genealogical list on the basis of data (the
Manahali Copper plate Inscription) was construced by the author (S.
Kumar) in the year 1916 C.E. It shows —
Davita-Visnu

Vapyata

(i) Gopala I = Deddadei

↓ ↓
(2) Dharmapala=Rannadevi Vakpala

↓ ↓ ↓
Tribuvanapala (3) Devapala Jayapala
↓ ↓
Rajyapala (4) Surapala I

or

Vigrahapala I

(5) Narayanapala

(6) Rajyapala=Bhagyadevi

(7) Gopala II

(8) Vigranapala II

(9) Mahipala I

(10) Nayapala

(11) Vigrahapala III = Yauvana-sri

↓ ↓ ↓
(12) Mahipala II (13) Surapala II (14) Ramapala

(15) Kumarapala

(16) Gopala III

(17) Madanapala = Chitra Matika Devi
NOTES ON GLEANINGS 133

Following the genealogical data of the Manahali copper plate


inscription — Devapala was the son of Dharmapala and Ramapala
had no blood relation with Yaksapala. Obviously Lama Taranatha’s
stated genealogical list is incorrect. But nowadays the so far known
genealogical list of the Palas of Bengal on the basis of new epigraphical
data is as follows —
Dayita Visnu

Vapyata

(1) Gopala I (c, 750-74 CE) = Dedda devi

↓ ↓
(2) Dharmapala (c, 774-806 C, E)=Rannadevi Vakpala

↓ ↓
Tribhuvanpala (3) Devapala (c, 806-4SCE) = Mahatadevi

↓ ↓ ↓
Rajyapala (4) Mahendrapala (5) Suropala I
(c, 845-60 CE) (c, 860-72 CE)=Manikyadevi

(6) Gopala II (C, 872-77 CE)

(7) Vigrahapala I = Lajjadevi
(C, 877-78 CE)

(8) Narayanapala (C, 878 - 932 CE)

(9) Rajyapala = Bhagyadevi (c, 932-64 CE)

(10) Gopala III (C, 964-76 CE)

(11) Vigrahapala II (C. 976-77 CE)

(12) Mahipala I (C, 977-1027 CE)

(13) Nayapala (C, 1027-43 CE)

(14) Vigrahapala III =Yauvanasri (C, 1043-70 CE)

↓ ↓ ↓ ↓
Prahasitaraja (15) Mahipala II (16) Surapala II (17) Ramapala
(C, 1070-71 CE) (C, 1071-72CE) (C, 1072-1126 CE)
134 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017


↓ ↓ ↓ ↓
(18) Kumarapala Vittapala Rajjyapala (20) Madanapala=Chitramatika
(C, 1126-28 CE) (C, 1143-61 CE)

(19) Gopala IV
(C, 1128-43CE)

(21) Govindapala (C, 1161-65 CE)

(22) Palapala (C, 1165-1200 CE)
Relying on the informations as given by Lama Taranatha Mr. V. A.
Smith (1848-1920 CE) and afterwards Mr. A. K. Maitreya both
acknowledged the historicity of ‘Dhiman’ and his son ‘Vitapals’ (or
Bitpalo), the native of Varendra (Bengal), who lived during the reign of
Dharmapala and Devapala. Smith and Maitreya considered that both
father and son were skilled as painters, sculptors and bronze founders.
But the point of objection as made by the author (Kumar) that no
other sources such as any inscriptions or texts had been supported the
historicity of ‘Dhiman” and ‘Bitpalo’. It is interesting to note that later
on Mr. V. A. Smith (History of Fine Arts in India and Ceylon, p. 305); Mr.
Aksaya Kumar Maitreya (his introduction to the ‘Gauda-rajamala 1921
reprint P-0.25); N. K. Bhattasali, (Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical
sculptures in the Dacca Museum, 1929; p. 9, R. D. Banerji (Eastern Indian
School of Mediaeval Sculpture-1933), R. C. Majumdar (ed, History of Bengal,
Vol 1-1943, p. 53); Niharranjan Roy (Bangalir Itihasa-1949 reprint 1400 B
P-134, 274, 657); S. K. Saraswati (Early Sculpture of Bengal 1962, p. 28);
B. Sahai, J. C . French, (The Art of the Pal Empire of Bengal, reprint 1983,
P-42) and many others accepted the historical presence of both
(Varendra’s) artists following the Lama Taranatha’s text.
The author (Kumar) of the very note also expressed his difference
of opinion about the origin of the Bengal School of Art of the early
mediaeval period which had been enriched by the artists like ‘Dhiman’
and ‘Bitpalo” or (Vitapala). On the eve of the visit of his Excellency
Lord Carmichael to the museum, of the Varendra Research Society, the
Society had published one Guide book on ‘History of Art’. In this
specific book “Guide to the Exhibition of Relics of Antiquity and
Manuscripts on the occasion of the visit to Rajshahi of H.E. Lord
Carmichael, Governor of Bengal.” some specimens (Stone images) were
attributed to Dhiman and his immediate follower. Author (Kumar) did
not agree to accept the hypothetical concept of dating some images
without any specific epigraphical references bearing the very names of
NOTES ON GLEANINGS 135

‘Dhiman’ or his son ‘Bitpalo’. He (Kumar) disagreed to consider the


sole geographical space ‘Varendra’-’the fountain head of Mediaeval Art
of Northern India’, not incorporating many unique specimens of art
which had been discovered in Southern and Western Bengal. More
precisely he was dead against the historical exposition of the ‘Eastern
School’ of Indian art at his time. He (Kumar) was asking for serious
research to find out the plausible answer in this regard before any
conclusion.
R. D. Banerji (1885-1930 CE) completed the research work ‘Eastern
Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture’ sometime before 1928 CE and
posthumously published in 1933 CE (ASI, New Imperial Series, Vol 47,).
At the suggestion of Mr. Theodore Bloch, Banerji undertook the
palaeographical searching of the inscribed images from Bengal
(undivided) and Bihar preserved in the archaeological section of the
Indian Museum as early as 1904 CE (that time he was just nineteen
years in age). Afterwards he expanded his analytical research work in
the different museums of ‘Vangiyo Sahitya Parisat,’ ‘Varendra Research
Society’, ‘Patna Museum’ and different private collections. The inscribed
sculptures that had been under his scanning belong to the Pala Sena
period extending from the eighth to the twelfth century CE. Following
the clue from the Seventeenth century CE Tibetan text by Lama
Taranatha who mentioned in his ‘History of Buddhism in India’ there
evolved a school of Art in Eastern India under two artists ‘Dhiman’ and
his son ‘Bitpalo’. Banerji said ‘the conclusion which I have sought to
establish in these pages is that from the eighth century to the twelfth,
in the eastern provinces of North India artistic activity is evident on a
scale, which other provinces of the north and the south failed even to
approach in magnificence, excellence, and extensity. Here the Pala and
the Sena excelled and even the proud Gurjara Pratiharas of Kanauj, the
Haihayas of Tripuri, the war-like Chahamana Lords of Sakambhari, the
learned Paramara Chiefs, chiefs of Ujjayini and Dhara and the proud
Chaulukyas of Anahilapataka were compelled to yield the first place to
them. Mediaeval sculptures have been discovered in varying numbers,
in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajputana and the Antarvedi but nowhere is
their total number comparable to the out put of a single century in
Bengal and Bihar’ [The Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture]. In
searching the stylistic development of sculptures, Banerji followed the
epigraphical data than on the stylistic features of sculptures. His
approach was more historical than aesthetic. Banerji in his some Bengali
articles which were published in Pravasi between 1927 CE and 1930 CE
such as ‘Gaudiya Silper Itihas’, ‘Gaudiya Silper Adiyuga’, ‘Dasam Satake
Gaudiya Silpa’, ‘Gaudiya Silper punarutthan’, ‘Daksin-paschim Vanger
136 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Silpa’, ‘Gaudiya Silper Daksinatya Prabhav’, was trying to reconstruct


the history of ‘Gauda Art.’ By these articles mainly by two-’Gaudiya
Silper Itihas’ and ‘Daksin-Paschim Vanger Silpa’ he elaborated the history
of Gaudiya art which had been covered four centuries from the eighth
to the twelfth century CE. The artistic activity some times had been
flourished and met decadence at some stages. The excellence and
magnificence of the Gauda art did not enjoy unbroken continuity. He
also identified the regional stylistic development of sculpture in South-
West Bengal, the existence of a sub school within the Pala-Sena School.
Banerji’s approach was historical and chronological, later on Niharranjan
Roy, S. K. Saraswati, B. N. Mukherjee and others did not ignore the
chronological dating of the sculptures (on the basis of an analysis of the
inscription found on the images), but they blended the chronological
features with the stylistic features to the history of Bengal art.
Aforesaid specific questions, on the early medieval history of Bengal
as raised by Mr. Surendranath Kumar one of the closest friends of R.
D. Banerji), were found out the plausible answers by the later
researches, so far.
References
Aksaya Kumar Maitreya (1861-1930 CE), ed. Gauda Lekhamala (Pratham Stavak),
Rajsahi, 1319 Bangabda (Bengali).
B. N. Mukherjee (1934-2013 CE), East Indian Art styles: A study in Parallel Trends,
Calcutta, 1980.
Bhagwant Sahai, J. C. French. The Art of the Pal Empire of Bengal, New Delhi, 1983.
Bhattacharya, The Sculptures of the Mahananda Karatoya Valley 2nd to 12th century,
vol. 1 and 2, Kolkata, Vol. I (2002), Vol. II (2016).
Dineshchandra Sarkar (Sircar) (1907-1985 CE), Pal-Sen Yuger Vamsanu Charita,
Kolkata, 1416 Bangabda (Bengali).
N. K. Bhattasali (1888-1947 CE) Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical sculptures
in the Dacca Museum, Dacca, 1929.
Niharranjan Roy (1903-1981 CE), Bangalir Itihas Adiparva, Kolkata, 1949, (Bengali).
Pravasi, Aghran, 1335, pp 196-199 ‘Gaudiya Silper Punaruthan’
Pravasi, Asadh, 1335 (B.s) pp 363-368.] ‘Dasam Satake Gaudiya Silpa’
Pravasi, Magh 1334 (B.s) PP 538-42 “Gaudiya Silper Itihas’
Pravasi, Magh, 1336 (B.S) pp 563-573 ‘Daksin-paschim Vanger Silpa’
Pravasi, Vaisakh, 1335 (B. S.) pp 12-16, Gaudiya Silper Adiyuga’
Pravasi, Vaisakh, 1337 (B.S.) pp 189-96. ‘Gaudiya Silper-Daksinatya Prabhav’
R. C. Majumdar, (1888-1980 CE) ed. History of Bengal, Vol. I, (Hindu period) Dacca,
1943.
R. D. Banerji, Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture, ASI, New Imperial Series
Vol. 47, Delhi, 1933.
Ramaprasad Chanda (1873-1942 CE) Gaudarajamala, Kolkata, 1975, (Bengali).
S. K. Saraswali (1906-1980 CE) Early Sculpture of Bengal, Calcutta, 1962.
BOOK REVIEW

An Idealist in India: Selected Writings and Speeches of Sister Nivedita


by Amiya P Sen, Primus Books, Delhi 2016 : (ISBN 978-93-84082-93-
2) pp 225, Rs 1450.

Since the publication of Hindu Revivalism in Bengal 1872-1905: Some


essays in exploration (1993), Professor Amiya Sen has taken upon himself
the responsibility of introducing readers to leaders of Hinduism in
Bengal during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One
has already come across his works on Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay,
Ramakrishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivekananda in this connection.
The present volume, his latest in the field, may therefore be said to be
a continuation of his earlier works. The book follows the pattern of
one of Sen’s earlier works (Bankim’s Hinduism, 2011), where a critical
analysis of the character concerned is followed by a collection of his
sayings. Sen is modest in describing his aim. He writes in the preface:
“It is neither a biography nor a scholarly monograph that seeks
to examine the life and work of Nivedita in any detail. My intention
here is merely to reintroduce to interested readers, representative
speeches and writings of a figure that has been more or less
obliterated from public memory and if one may say so, overshadowed,
by some others with whom she was closely connected.”
It is true that Nivedita is less remembered than Ramakrishna and
Vivekananda but it would be too much to say that she has been more
or less obliterated from public memory. In fact, she is one of the
tallest in our pantheon of national leaders and one of the strongest
representatives of women power (stri-shakti) in the history of India.
Bengalis have not forgotten that a bio-pic celebrating her career was
made a few decades back with one of the stellar personalities of the
Bengali screen (Arundhati Devi) appearing in the lead role.
The writings of Nivedita included in the present volume have been
classified under four heads: (i) education, (ii) Indian art and aesthetics,
(iii) Hindu mythology, religion and philosophy and (iv) contemporary
India and her problems. Nivedita was brought to India by Vivekananda
because Swamiji said he needed a “real lioness, to work for the Indians,
women specially.” He despaired of the possibility of finding one among
his own countrymen. Sarala Devi (1872-1945), the niece of the great
poet Rabindranath Tagore, was, of course, an exception. She was bold
and outspoken and had filled the young men of her province with the
spirit of nationalism. But, she did not respond to Swamiji’s call to
138 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

accompany him to the West. So, Swamiji wrote in his famous letter to
Nivedita on July 29, 1897 :
“India cannot yet produce great women, she must borrow them
from other nations. Your education, sincerity, purity, immense love,
determination and above all the Celtic blood, make you just the
woman wanted.”
At the same time, Swamiji left Nivedita in no doubt of the stiff
challenges awaiting her, if she decided to come to India, She would
find the weather of the country inclement and mistrust written in the
eyes of Indians about Europeans residing in their country. Her own
people would view her as mad. Yet, Swamiji wrote, “I am convinced
that you have a great future in the work for India.” He promised to
stand by her whatever be the outcome.
How did Nivedita respond? In an interview included in the present
volume (pp. 69-70), we fmd her saying: “Could work done for India
fmd a stronger motive than the fact that I am an Englishwoman?” At
the end of the interview, she clarifies her position thus :
“I would like to teach everyone the greatest respect for everyone
else’s creed. Perhaps no one needs this virtue as we ourselves do.
In India, my friends love me for my love of Christianity and talk
with me about it for hours together. Can we not show like sweetness
and courtesy?”
The same would be said by another great English soul who came
to India in the last century, C.F. Andrews. Although the date of the
above interview is not known for certain, it is worth noting, as the
author says (p.22), that Nivedita might not have given up fully her
affiliation to Christianity even after being initiated into brahmacharya
by Vivekananda on March 25, 1898, i.e. within two months of her
arrival in Calcutta.
It is difficult to fit the details of a many-splendoured life like
Nivedita within the short limits of an introduction of fifty pages. The
author has acquitted himself well in this respect. However, certain
remarks of his require more clarification. I find the first in the preface
to the book itself. Sen writes :
“Nivedita, one gathers, was at least thrice unsuccessful in love.
In the first instance her fiance died on the eve of engagement; in the
second, the man she loved was claimed by some other woman; and
in the third, an aspect of her life that is most kept under covers she
was spurned in love. Of the last I shall speak in greater detail.”
Sen does not return to this point and we are left no wiser. He
scorns the idea put forward by the Marxist writer Niranjan Dhar in
BOOK REVIEW 139

Vedanta and the Bengal Renaissance that Vivekananda acted as a spiritual


surrogate for Nivedita, because she failed to find worldly husbands.
He is equally dismissive of any suggestion that Vivekananda withdrew
into his shell when he perceived some threat in the presence of Nivedita
due to female sexuality. In Sen’s opinion, what we need to note in
Vivekananda’s commitment to the monastic view is “the ability to
frankly acknowledge and fight natural human weaknesses, and above
all, to honestly admit that even this extraordinary ability faded before
that of his guru, Sri Ramakrishna” (p. 19).
I am also baffled when Sen makes the following remark about
Vivekananda and Nivedita: “These were lives that were in themselves
extraordinary and held great promise and potential, but which sadly
could not be fully realized” (p. 8). We are left thinking of two other
great religious personalities, Jesus and Shankaracharya, who died young.
But, considering the permanent imprint they have left on the course of
human civilization, is it for us ordinary mortals to ask what their
potential was and whether they succeeded in fully realizing it? After
all, we live in deeds, not in years. Whom the gods love, die young.
Setting aside these objections, we cannot but applaud the author for
presenting a convenient collection of the writings of Nivedita with a
critical evaluation of her life and work in the introduction. In Sen’s
opinion, Nivedita served as a two-edged sword in the hands of
Vivekananda with which he combated Brahmo iconoclasm, on the one
hand, and the vilifications of critics in the US, on the other. Renunciation
for Nivedita meant not a withdrawal into asceticism, removed from the
cares of the world. Instead, as Sen rightly points out, ‘’Nivedita
understood and interpreted renunciation in broader terms that could
easily accommodate both personal self-restraint and civic responsibility”
(p.9). In fact, Nivedita went to the extent of saying, ‘The tyagis of the
new time will wear no gerua, he who has practised civic sanyas is best
prepared for the national service” (Quoted by the author, pp. 42-3). It
is not surprising that Nivedita, while describing herself as “Nivedita of
Ramakrishna-Vivekananda”, decided to severe her ties with the
Ramakrishna Mission when plunging into the thick of the national
movement. She felt she was acting perfectly in accordance with the
wishes of his Master, which brings us back to the question whether
Swamiji in the later stages of his life was more a patriot than a prophet
(there may not actually be a conflict between the two).
It is in this context that we have to place Nivedita’s relationship
with the Tagore household at Jorasanko, which was then the seat of
Bengali culture. Vivekananda had warned her “that family had poured
a flood of erotic venom over Bengal” (p.12). Evidently this was a
140 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

reference to the early period of Rabindranath Tagore’s compositions,


which was not free from Vaishnava influence. On the other hand,
Lizelle Raymond reports that Sarala Devi blamed the teachings of the
Ramakrishna Mission for the spread of cowardice among the people
of Bengal, — a strange assertion to make when we remember how the
Mission had provided shelter to many of the revolutionaries. Nivedita
was initially, at least, more influenced by the advice ofVivekananda,
for she wrote ‘The Brahmos make me ill”. (Letter to Mrs. Macleod,
dated 29 May, 1899). Later however both Nivedita and Rabindranath
addressed the students present at the Dawn Society founded by Satish
Chandra Mukhopadhyay in 1902. In 1904 Nivedita also accompanied
Rabindranath, Jagdish Chandra Bose and Jadunath Sarkar (the famous
historian of Mughal India) on a tour of Bodh Gaya. She also translated
the poet’s short story Kabuliwala into English. But, that Rabindranath
still had some reservations about her is clear from an essay (Bhagini
Nivedita) which he wrote shortly after her death, in which he referred
to her habit of imposing herself on others. On the other hand, we find
Nivedita writing to Josephine Macleod (15 October, 1904): “Mr. Tagore’s
is not the kind of manhood that appeals to me.” (Sen, Preface, p. 12).
Sen’s description of Nivedita’s relation with the Brahmos differs
considerably from what we find in existing accounts. He ignores the
evidence of a letter written by Sarala Devi to Nivedita in 1902
expressing her interest in the work done by the Ramakrishna Mission
and admiration for Swami Vivekananda. The letter, as quoted by
Pravrajika Atmaprana in her biography of Nivedita, reads :
“My real love for my country, the wish to follow and take part
in all its movements and activities, my interest in the Ramakrishna
Mission all along, my faith in Swami Vivekananda’s genius from
the very first, it is these that have acted as the hidden springs for
my offer.”
We are not told what the offer is. But, can it be related to that made
by Sarala Devi on behalf of the Brahmo Samaj to her a few years earlier
which, Sen informs us (p.12), was “that a coming together of the Brahmo
Samaj and the Ramakrishna Order was quite possible if only they were
to dissociate themselves from their blind reverence for the idolatrous
Kali worshipper Sri Ramakrishna”? Of course, Nivedita could not but
spurn such an offer (see letter Nivedita to Josephine Macleod, 4 May
1899) which is not even mentioned by Atmaprana in her book. To take
another instance, Atmaprana recounts on the basis of Bipin Chandra
Pal’s account in the Bengali book Markine Chari Mas (Four months in the
US) how from an initial position of opposition to him at every point,
BOOK REVIEW 141

Nivedita became a close friend of his after they both spoke on Hinduism
at an International Congress of Religions held at Boston. But, Sen shows
how even a leader of the extremist group in the Congress like Bipin
Chandra Pal could sink in the eyes of Nivedita to the level of a coward,
when she learnt that the Bengali leader had cancelled a speech at Madras
and left for Calcutta after hearing that Lala Lajpat Rai had been deported
by the government for advancing similar nationalist views. Nivedita
did not respose any trust in him, even though she did not hesitate to
help him when he brought out the paper New India. Sen’s research
shows the importance of delving more deeply into the correspondence
of Nivedita, if we are to form a true picture of her.
Nivedita was a rare combination of an activist and a thinker. The
Celtic blood that flowed through her veins and her early years in Ireland
made her a passionate believer in independence. From the beginning,
she was convinced that she had come to perform a mission in the
world. This made her respond readily to Vivekananda’s call to come to
India. Once here, she did her best to obliterate all differences with the
local people and was soon accepted as one of them. She lived and
carried out her work from a small room in 16 Bosepara Lane in north
Calcutta. She braved the elements and started a school for women,
which to this day bears her name. She travelled far and wide to raise
funds for it but gave up when she found that the progress did not
come up to her expectations. That she was ready at all times to sacrifice
her life for the people was evident from the example she set by sweeping
the streets of Calcutta during the plague in 1899. With equal care she
rushed to attend the sick and the distressed. This was in striking contrast
to the atrocious steps taken by the Bombay government at the time to
deal with the victims of plague in Poona.
Nivedita’s intellectual abilities were displayed to the full in the help
that she rendered to Count Okakura in writing The Ideals of the East and
to Jagadish Chandra Bose in preparing the manuscripts of his scientific
texts. She encouraged Dinesh Chandra Sen to write A History of the
Bengali Language And Literature and Ramesh Chander Dutt in collecting
facts for his Economic History of India. Both works commanded respect
as pioneering ventures in their field. Nivedita was also a major
inspiration behind the modern art movement in India. It was she who
sent young artists of the time like Nandalal Bose and Asit Kumar
Haldar to visit the cave temples of Ajanta. She even funded their
expenses. She spared no pains in trying to promote the scientific
researches of Jagadish Chandra.
A burning sense of nationalism fired all her activities. She fulfilled
fully Vivekananda’s expectation of a “real lioness”. Her courage was
142 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

astounding. She did not hesitate to call the Viceroy Lord Curzon a liar
to his face and made public the facts which made her say so. So complete
was her identification with India that in her essay ‘Indian Nationality:
A mode of Thought’ she was even prepared to condone the defects of
the caste system, though she recommended a more democratic system
should take its place. Even the Hindu-Muslim conflict of the time took
a different significance in her writings. She said in the above mentioned
essay:
“The Hindu needs the Mohammedan: the Mohammedan needs
the Hindu, if there is to be an Indian nation. The battles of the past
have been merely the struggle to assert an equal strength. Like the
border warfare of Englishmen and Scots they have proved to be
the wrestling matches of combatants who knew themselves for
kinsmen .... Nothing is a better basis for friendship, than the fighting
of brave men.”
This conformed to Vivekananda’s dream of a Vedantic brain in an
Islamic body. Nivedita realised the need for an united front against
British domination and maintained close relations with both the
Moderates and the Extremists within the Congress. She felt extremely
depressed on hearing about the Surat split in the Congress in 1907. The
extent to which she was actively connected with the revolutionary
movement in the country has been debated for long. Our author, after
examining the available evidence, is of the opinion that “it could
reasonably be argued that Sister Nivedita herself remained self-
conflicting about her political positions, or more precisely on the
question of how far she was prepared to implicate herself in political
work without running the risk of an open confrontation with the police
and the bureaucracy” (p. 37). In fine, the author writes (pp 20-21) :
“For better or worse, Sister Nivedita regarded India not so much
in its disparate details as in its synthesis, whether potential or
manifest. Beyond a point, she did not trouble herself with the
undergrowth of custom and tradition. Rather her vision remained
fixed on what she deemed to be the essentials.”
A fair assessment to which I would like to add what Rabindranath
said by way of caution in his essay Bhagini Nivedita. We offer our respect
to her because of her intrinsic nobility and not because she was a
Hindu. What she understood by Hinduism, free from prejudice, is not
what we ordinarily understand by it. If we therefore claim that it was
the Hindu element in her which enabled her to make her contributions
and that, being Hindus we are no inferior, we reduce her importance
in trying to magnify ours.
Nikhiles Guha
BOOK REVIEW

Proper Names of Persons in Vedic Literature by Samiran Chandra


Chakrabarti, Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata, 2013 (Second
Edition). pp. 88.
This is a Project report containing the main results obtained from a
study of the proper names of persons in Vedic Literature undertaken
by the author at the School of Vedic Studies of Rabindra Bharati
University. The project was funded by the University Grants
Commission (Preface).
This small book of 88 pages is said to be second edition brought out
in September 2013. It was first published in February 2008. However,
there is no statement whether any changes are incorporated in the second
edition. Besides a Preface, list of contents, scheme of transliteration,
abbreviations, the book consists of five chapters (pp. 13-68), Bibliography
(pp. 67-75), an Index (pp. 76-86). There is at the end a list of publications
of the school of Vedic Studies.
Chapter 1 Introduction (pp.13-25) tells briefly about previous studies
on proper names and the scope of the present work. As Chakrabarti
rightly claims there is still no complete study of Sanskrit proper names,
and therefore, a study will certainly throw light on the social, ethnic,
and cultural background of the name. The names have been selected by
the Author from the whole Vedic literature, comprising Saàhitäs,
Brähmaëas, Äraëyakas and the principal Upaniñads (p.17).
The second chapter discusses the notion of name in different
Upaniñads, name giving, and its patterns. Everything - human, animals,
birds, plants - created in this world is given a name and it has a form.
Each is distinguished one from the other only by its name and form. In
Indian tradition, name remains even after the death of a person as funeral
rites are performed to the dead by referring to their names (p.27). The
author cites various sources as to the importance of giving a name. The
name giving ceremony, nämakaraëa, is performed, according to Manu,
on the 10th or the 12th day after the birth (2.30). It is one of the important
Saàskäras ‘sacraments’ for a child. Mr.Chakrabarti lists four types of
names, a public name for regular use, a nakñatranäma based on the
constellation under which the person is born, a secret name, and a ritual
name (p.32). However, this is not true of all regions of the country. Only
the first and second kinds of names are given in the South. It is common
to have a name of ‘endearment’ to the child and generally parents and
close relatives are only supposed to use it, e.g. Räju for Çréniväsa, Phaëi
144 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

for Subrahrmaëya; sometimes a shortened form of the given name is


used, e.g. Süri for Süryanäräyaëa. The father’s name is kept as initial at
the beginning of the name. It is the practice, at least in the South, to
name the son after his grandfather, the daughter after the grandmother.
Since it is forbidden for parents to call the child by that name, the child
is given a name of ‘endearment’. The author points out that names of a
few celebrated ancestors in a Gotra ‘family lineage’ are specified in the
pravaras (p.29). It may be noted here that some pravaras have three
(trayärñeya), and some five (païcärñeya) such names. Of the Gotras
sprung from the seven seers, the pravara of Ätreya and Jämadagnya
have five ancestors, the remaining five have only three ancestors. In the
pravaras of Bhäradväja, Gautama and Jämadagnya the name of the Gotra
pravartaka comes first, in the remaining it comes last.
In the third chapter, Chakrabarti classifies names into seven types:
only personal name, personal name with patronymics or metronymics,
only patronymics or metronymics, patronymic and patronymic, personal
name with patronymic and patronymic, personal name with an epithet
and Gamonyms. However, he does not hazard any explanation for this
differentiation. It is believed that, among the Aryans, there were different
tribal groups some practicing patriarchy and some matriarchy. And,
accordingly, the child was named either with the patronymic name or
the metronymic name. Chakrabarti does give an explanation for the use
of metronymics, as when he says that, “it is useful for distinguishing
offsprings by different wives of a man (e.g. Kädraveya ‘son of Kadrü’
and Vainateya ‘son of Vinatä’, both wives of Kaçyapa. p.43).
Since patronymics and metronymics are taddhita ‘secondary’
formations, Chakrabarti cites Päëini’s sütras for explaining their
formation. One thing may be said of taddhitas that they show generally
våddhi ‘strengthened form’ of the vowel of the first syllable.
The fourth chapter deals with morphological analysis and
classification. With the support of Añöädhyäyé, Chakrabarti declares that
the Saàjïäs behave differently from ordinary words (p.47). He lists
twelve instances from Päëini: e.g. Çürpaëakhä without ìéñ when it is a
proper name; otherwise Tämranakhé with ìéñ. Añöä in Añöävakra as first
member in a proper name, otherwise, añöa in añöaputra. Chakrabarti
also draws our attention to the fact that proper names are accented
differently from ordinary words.
BOOK REVIEW 145

He brings in Fick’s thesis that in Indo-European, a two-stemmed


name, i.e. a ‘full name’ (e.g. Devadatta) was the standard form of names,
from which by shortening, single-stemmed names (e.g. Deva)
developed. In Vedic Literature, according to him, both shortened form
of names (e.g. Çyäva from Çyäväçva) and single names (e.g. Atri,
Vasiñöha) are found in the earliest books and this makes it difficult to
come to a conclusion on Fick’s thesis. He further says that Päëini has
not given a rule for shortening of a name, though he has a suffix-ka
which is added to a name in the sense of ‘endearment’ (p.51). Nothing
found in the language escapes from Päëini’s attention. His not giving a
rule may not be construed as an omission on his part. It probably means
that such forms/formations were not in his language. It must be
remembered that Vararuci is a southerner and came centuries after
Päëini. By that time changes may have happened in the language which
needed a varttika to take care of them.
Chakrabarti then presents various morphological classifications. He
states that the single names show three patterns, viz. primary derivative
(root + kåt suffix), e.g. Bhågu; stem + patronymic suffix, e.g. Bhärgava;
and stem + non-patronymic suffix, e.g. Janaka. Similarly, the compound
names are of three types: compound names, e.g. Bharadväja; compound
name + patronymic suffix, e.g. Bhäradväja; compound name + non
patronymic suffix, e.g. Dérghaçruttama. Compound names are in their
turn classified into several types, like N + N (e.g. Açvapati), N + Adj/V
(e.g. Arimdama), Adj + N (e.g. Citraratha), V + N (e.g. Bharadväja), Num
+ N (e.g. Çatänéka). The Author however does not provide us with any
statistical information on the occurrence of different types of names.
The fifth and final chapter is concerned with Semantic analysis and
classification. Chakravarti notes that there was controversy over the
question whether names had meaning and finds answer from refusal
to total acceptance (p.56). Another question which was debated, even
in early times, was the origin of names and reasons behind them.
Chakrabarti cites etymologists and some ancient sages as saying that
names arise from nine reasons, viz. abode, action, form, luck, speech,
prayer, from accident, as well as addiction and extraction. Another group
headed by Yäska held the view that the names arise from four reasons,
namely: prayer, diversity of objects, speech and action (p.57). One thing
which was agreed by all was that names were based on the principle of
avoiding what is inauspicious (p.58).
146 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

The grammarians, on the other hand, counted two types of Saàjïäs,


one having an etymology, another which had lost its etymological sense
but remained as rüòhi words (p.58). Compound name-words also had
their share of difficulty. Compound words are meaningful because the
words were connected on the basis of sämarthya. Therefore, even those
compounds where sämarthya is not met may be considered as
meaningful (p.59).
Names are classified semantically into nine types: Theophoric names
(e.g. Devabhäga, Agnimitra); Names obtained from names of plants,
animals, minerals, colours, etc. (e.g. Açvapati, Kuvalayäçva,
Hiraëyastüpa, Çvetaketu, Girija) ; Names connected with Geography
(e.g. Upakosala), Ritual (e.g. ldhmaväha), qualities of mind (e.g.
Satyakäma), parts of body (e.g. Çunaskarëa), battles, etc. (e.g.
Båhadratha), Numbers (e.g. Triçaìku, Païcakarëa); and miscellaneous
(e.g. Purüravas) (p.62-65).
Chakravarti bemoans that textual evidence is not available to
substantiate that Apotropaic names (e.g. Çunahçepa) were given to
children when early bereavements are experienced in the family (p.65).
It is very much true and is still practised in the South (e.g. Sattayya in
which satta means ‘dead’; Kuppayya in which kuppe means ‘cowdung
pile’; Guëòamma in which guëòu means ‘round stone’; Käòamma in
which käòu means ‘forest’. Ayya and Amma signify ‘male’ and ‘female’
persons, respectively. All these names are found in Kannada, a Dravidian
language and other Dravidian languages also attest similarly.
Being a student of Indo-European and a Historical Linguist, I enjoyed
reading through the monograph and I believe that Linguists who work
with language and its units will certainly find it rewarding. I wondered
if it would not be a better title for the book to call it “A Linguistic Study
of Personal names in Vedic Literature”. With so many diacritic marks,
the author has really rendered a good job to see that the book is without
errors. A few however have remained: stuits for stutis (p.28), arti for
Atri (p.39), Äitreyéputra for Ätreyéputra (p.44), uktham for uktam (p.46),
Araëyaetilakäù for Araëyetilakäù (p.47), ruòhi for rüòhi (p.59),
Devaväta for Devaräta (p.63). Numbering of sections need to be
corrected: 5 as 6 and 6 as 7 (p.38). There is one serious lacuna: while the
author thought it necessary to give English translation of quotations in
Sanskrit (except for one çloka on p.20), he did not however think so in
the case of quotations in German. Most Indians will miss it. Some words
are missing in the Index: I just found two; Aitareya, Araëyetilakäù.
H. S. Ananthanarayana
BOOK REVIEW

Prehistory of South Asia (Lower Palaeolithic or Formative era of Hunting


Gathering), K. Paddayya and Sushama G. Deo. The Mythic Society,
Nrupatunga Road, Bengaluru. 2017. Price: Rs. 360 (paper back), Rs. 395
(Hard cover).

The book is a most valuable contribution to the study of prehistory


of India. The first author is a Padmashri (Government of India), Emeritus
Professor and former Director of Deccan College Post Graduate Research
Institute (Deemed University), Pune. He has spent more than three
decades in exploration and excavation of prehistoric sites in India
especially of those in the Northern Karnataka State at Shorapur Doab.
He not only has made meticulous archaeological study of prehistoric
culture of peninsular India but has used anthropological methodologies
to understand prehistoric man’s development and progress as a rational
being, taking into consideration both tangible and intangible aspects of
culture. The second author Sushama Deo, presently Professor and Head
of the Department of Ancient Indian History and Archaeology, Deccan
College Post Graduate and Research Institute (Deemed University), has
done a great deal of important work on prehistory.
The book is a long awaited comprehensive work on the prehistory
of the Indian subcontinent. It gives the students, scholars and readers
most updated information on the subject. In addition to the foreword
by V. Nagaraj, the honorary secretary of the Mythic Society and the
publisher, the book begins with a preface by A. Sundara, another famous
senior archaeologist. Sundara has given an overall account of the work
done in Indian prehistory. He has cited analogy from Puranas and from
ancient texts of Bharat. Paddayya and Deo in the introduction part of
the book have given a historical account of the development of the
discipline of prehistory in the continents of Europe, Africa and Asia.
The bio-cultural evolution and man’s place in the world and nature is
discussed in a precise but concise manner. Any student of Archaeology
and Anthropology will be much benefitted from the book.
148 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Though the book covers a wide range of prehistoric culture but the
major emphasis is on the Lower Palaeolithic culture of the Indian
Subcontinent. At this stage people were hunter- gatherers. It is the
longest period of human history on earth. Both biological and cultural
evolution took place through the time period, until man reached its
Homo sapiens status. The change and development took place through a
time when climate and environment differed from those of the present
day. The authors discussed the palaeoclimate and the
palaeoenvironment together with the process of reconstruction of the
same. Major aspects of the Lower Palaeolithic culture covered are
technology, typology and assemblage patterns. Stress is given on the
organizational and adaptive variability of the Lower Palaeolithic humans
in response to zonal paradigm and in the perspective of intangible
behaviour. Relevant geographical features of the subcontinent are
described with suitable diagrams. The information on Itihas Purana is
very interesting and thought provoking. The historical perspective of
research in prehistory of India is discussed in detail. The prints of
original drawings of tools, stratigraphy and maps, especially those of
Robert Bruce Foote, the father of Indian prehistory, added to the
attraction of the book. Foote was a geologist working for the geological
Survey of India but he had taken up the study of prehistoric culture in
their geo-chronological context in the peninsular India. Interestingly
he had taken help of anthropology for the reconstruction of the life
ways of the prehistoric people. Foote and his successors’ findings of
colonial period are described with maps and figures. Contributions of
Sankalia and his students in Deccan College have given an orderly
picture of cultural sequence in India. The book has given a total outline
of the most updated findings of prehistoric sites and cultural remains
from South Asia, starting from Siwaliks in the north to Cape Comorin
in the south, from Rajasthan on the west to West Bengal in the east,
together with relevant figures and charts, so that a comprehensive
BOOK REVIEW 149

picture of stratigraphy, palaeontology and associated cultural remains


are comprehended. The table showing the dates of South Asian Palaeo-
lithic cultures is an important inclusion. Accounts of Lower Palaeolithic
culture include Soanina and Acheulian traditions. The regional diversity
and unity of Palaeolithic culture are dealt with in the background of
geographical location, palaeoclimate and geological composition. The
controversy on account of such cultural diversity is discussed, so that
readers, scholars and students can easily conceive of the phenomena in
the context of regionalism of the subcontinent. The anthropological
parameters for reconstruction of early life style, even their seasonal mode
of habitation and livelihood pattern are demonstrated. An overall
account of the formative period of hunter-gatherer people of South Asia
is carefully portrayed. The book has also covered the intangible
behaviour of Palaeolithic people, which the authors termed as ‘non-
utilitarian’ behaviour. This mainly concerns with the cognitive and
symbolic behaviour. Such behaviours are recorded in sociality, art,
ornamentation, belief system, cognitive skill and choice of suitable
habitation.
The authors tried to throw light on the physical features of the Lower
Palaeolithic people. South Asia is lacking in fossil remains of Palaeo-
lithic humans, only evidence being the fossil calvarium from the site
Hathnora on Narmada valley. The fossil is identified as archaic type of
Homo sapiens. The book has covered the relevance of ‘out of Africa’
theory of population migration of Lower Palaeolithic times in the context
of South Asian Lower Palaeolithic culture. The authors have pointed
out that the Acheulian culture of South Asia is quite distinct with its
developmental sequence and regional adaptation with climate, choice
of raw materials and other aspects of regional speciality. Finally it is
concluded that the present day “Adivasis” or the hunter-gatherers living
in the hills and forests of India could be considered as the descendants
of Lower Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers. The authors have cited the
150 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

current accepted views regarding the simple societies of the present


day. The book not only makes a pleasant reading but it is a highly
academic text, rich with information on South Asian prehistory and
with elaborate references, which will provide ample scope for further
study for scholars and learned readers.
Ranjana Ray
BOOK REVIEW

Dakshin Paschim Banger Murty Shilpa O Sanskriti by Shri Chittaranjan


Dasgupta, Arati Printers, 2016 with 22 colour plates and 192 black and
white illustrations, Price – Rs. 1,500.00
The Present monograph under review is authored by Shri
Chittaranjan Dasgupta an experienced explorer of South Western
region of Bengal. The book mentioned above written in Bengali is the
result of his travel from Pakoirah (Purulia district) to Deulohiran also
in Purulia district, without having a route map of his exploration. On
the other hand the author has prepared a map based on J. D. Beglar’s
coverage of temples in A.S.I. Report 1872-73 which has no relevance
with this travelogue. The monograph contains 25 paragraphs not
meaningfully organized in the form of chapters.
The author has traced the socio-cultural profile of different religion
especially Jainism without the chronological development of this region
and cultural growth of these people. Though vestige of Jainism have
become scarce in Bengal, there is evidence in ancient Jaina literature
that the teachings of the Jinas were not altogether unknown in this
part of Jaina tradition in the remote past. Ayaranga Sutta, one of the
earliest sources holds that Mahavira travelled widely in the pathless
country of the Ladhas through Vajjabhumi and Subbhabhumi, before
he attained the kebala knowledge. A tradition recorded in the
Kathakosa, written in the 9th century A.D., states that the well-known
Jaina saint Bhadrabahu was born in Kotivarsha identified with Bangarh
in Dinajpur district.
The author has travelled and explored mainly in the district of
Purulia, Bankura and a portion of west Medinipur covering 30 places.
He surveyed temples, sculptures and other archaeological objects and
listed them in an unorganised way with proper identification. It may
be easier for him to identify the sites or objects of different, such as
Hindu, Buddhist and Jain by consulting the Encyclopaedia of Archaeology
in India, edited by A. Ghosh published in 1911 by Munshiram
Manoharlal.
So far religious architecture of this region is concern that it may be
conveniently divided into three period, the first early Hindu, second
the Sultanate and again third is Hindu revival. Many decorative motifs
were borrowed from the first phase Hindu tradition. So the indigenous
152 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

tradition was carried on by the temples of this area. (cf. David J.


Maccutchion, Late Medieval Temples of Bengal, 1970, The Asiatic Society).
The A.S.I. of the Bengal circle Report of 1910-11 clearly refers to the
chronicles of the Rajas of Bishnupur, where it mentioned that Dihar
temple was built by Prithivi Malla. Shri Maniklal Singha, founder of
the Vishnupur Purakirti Bhavan had an another view that these
temples were built by the Malla kings going back to 8th cent. A.D.,
others are Santinath temple at Sihor, Jagganath temple in Bishnupur
Thakurpara, Dasabhuja temple at Kamarpara, Gopal temple at Banki
and so on. In the remote western areas of the Manbhum district Jainas
have continued building temples up to the 13th century or later quite
a few of them still stand to-day as reported by the author. (Such as
Bahulara, Harmashra, Deulbhirah, Ambikanagar, Pakbirah, Deoli ect.).
At Telkupi on the Damodar, earlier a flourishing centre on the trade
route north, more than a score of Vaisnavite and Saivite temples ( cf.
J.D. Beglar’s Report) from 10th to 16th centuries could be seen in
various stages of decay, the present explorer has to report the present
condition of these sites with an update data for further research.
With the minor drawbacks, pointed out above, by no means detract
from the value of the monograph done loosely by the author. Difference
of opinion is always there in every study. The printing and illustrations
are praiseworthy. I have no doubt that the book may be useful both
to experts in the relevant field and general readers.
Somnath Mukherjee
CONTRIBUTORS

Aurobindo Maiti
Curator-Secretary
Rajanikanta Gyan Mandir Museum and Research Centre,
East Midnapur, West Bengal

H. S. Ananthanarayan
Former Professor of Linguistics
Osmania University
Hyderabad

Kaushik Gangopadhyay
Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology
Calcutta University
Kolkata

Lily Biswas
Contractual Teacher (Full time)
University of Kalyani, West Bengal

Nikhiles Guha
Member, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi

Rangan Kanti Jana


Curator, Museum and Art Gallery
The University of Burdwan, West Bengal

Ranjana Ray
Anthropological Secretary
The Asiatic Society, Kolkata

Somnath Mukherjee
Council Member,
The Asiatic Society, Kolkata
154 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

Sreyashi Ray Chowdhuri


Assistant Professor,
Mahitosh Nandy Mahavidyalaya, Hooghly
West Bengal

Suchitra Roy Acharyya


Former Professor of Sanskrit,
University of Calcutta
Kolkata

Ujjwal Kumar
Associate Professor, Department of Buddhist Studies
University of Calcutta
Kolkata

V. Selvakumar
Associate Professor
Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology
Tamil University
Thanjavur
GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS
156 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
158 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017

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