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THE ASIATIC SOCIETY
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ARTICLES
Significance and Signification of Païcatattva of Tantra
Lily Biswas ... 1
Néti Literature : A Forgotten Branch of
History of Päli Literature
Ujjwal Kumar ... 33
Mära Vijaya in Amarävaté Art : A Stylistic Comparative
Analysis with other Early Art Centres of India
Sreyashi Ray Chowdhuri ... 59
Interpreting Uväsagadasäo in the light of
Ancient Indian Agronomy
Suchitra Ray Acharyya ... 83
A Short Note on an Unique Early Medieval Aqaba
Amphora from Coastal East Medinipur District, West Bengal
Kaushik Gangopadhyay, V. Selvakumar, Aurobindo Maiti 109
BOOK REVIEWS
An Idealist in India: Selected Writings and Speeches of
Sister Nivedita by Amiya P Sen
Nikhiles Guha ... 137
Proper Names of Persons in Vedic Literature
by Samiran Chandra Chakrabarti
H. S. Ananthanarayana ... 143
Prehistory of South Asia (Lower Palaeolithic or Formative era of
Hunting Gathering) by K. Paddayya and Sushama G. Deo
Ranjana Ray ... 147
Dakshin Paschim Banger Murty Shilpa O Sanskriti
by Shri Chittaranjan Dasgupta
Somnath Mukherjee ... 151
SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF
PAÏCATATTVA OF TANTRA
LILY BISWAS
Introduction
The worship of the Mother Goddess who symbolizes the power
(Çakti), is practiced in India since the time of Vedas. Swämé
Säradänanda observes that ‘Çakti püjä, especially the worship of Çakti
as mother is the exclusive heritage of India.’ There is a natural
inclination in human beings to enjoy life. Most of the time, this
enjoyment chains ourselves to the objects of enjoyment. The result is
that instead of enjoying the objects of enjoyment we are devoured by
them. Since we voluntarily bind ourselves with fetters (päça) to those
objects, we descend to the status of fettered being (paçu). In order to
liberate ourselves from those fetters, we must gain complete mastery
over the objects of nature. Then we would become Paçupati or the
Lord of beasts. As it is stated :
ghåëä çaìkä bhayaà lajjä jugupsä ceti païcamé
Kulaà çélam tathä jätir-añöopäçäù-prakértitäù
Päça-baddhaù småto jévaù päça-muktaù sadäçivaù.
(Kulärëavatantra, 9th ulläsa. V. 42.)
Hatred, doubt, fear, shame, aversion, lineage, character and caste
are the eight fetters. Human being becomes jéva when he is bound by
these fetters and becomes Sadäçiva when he is free of them. To attain
the status of highest reality (Paçupati / Sadäçiva), one must acquire
power (bala) through the worship of Çakti who is the primordial source
of power.
The worship of the great Mother Goddess cannot be performed
without païcatattva (five principles) in one form or another. The
objective of using these tattvas in the worship of the great Mother is
that by repeating the ritualistic practices based on païcatattva, one
realizes that the performance of every human act is an act of worship
towards the great Mother. Çaìkaräcärya in his famous hymn to the
2 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
others who hold that the first three belong to paçubhäva and next two
belong to vérabhäva and the last two belong to divyabhäva. The hero
(vérabhäva) deals with dakñiëa and väma. Païcatattva comes under väma
äcäras.
There are three different interpretations of païcatattva which are
adopted by the aspirants of different dispositions.
First : Gross interpretation of païcatattva (sthüla/pratyakña
païcatattva) which is adopted by véra sädhaka.
Second : The substitution interpretation of païcatattva (anukalpa
tattva) which is adopted by paçu sädhaka.
Third : The esoteric interpretation of païcatattva (divya païcatattva)
which is adopted by divya sädhaka.
Each tattva will be discussed one by one with their different
interpretations:
First Païcatattva
1. The first ‘ma’ of païcamakära is wine. Wine appears to be divided
into two classes, viz madya and surä. The former seems to be a simple
intoxicant while the latter causes a far greater degree of intoxication.
The following couplet of Kulärëava Tantra (5 : 29) mentions eleven
types of madya:
‘pänasaà dräkña-mädhukaà khärjüraà tälam aikñavam
madhütthaà çédhu-mädhvékaà maireyaà närikelajam’
These are stated to be conducive to enjoyment and salvation
(bhuktimuktikaräëi). The following three are called surä:
Gauòi - fermentation of molasses
Paiñöi - distilled from rice
Mädhvi - distilled from honey.
The first is conducive to enjoyment, the second leads to all success
(sarva siddhikäré) and the third causes salvation. It is noteworthy that
a brähmaëa should neither offer wine to the Goddess nor drink it.
‘na dadyäd brähmaëo madyam mahädevyai kathaïcana
Vämakämo brähmaëo ài madyaà mämsaà na bhakñayet’ (Çrékrama
tantra referred in Båhattantrasära, p. 439)
First Anukalpatattva [A brähmaëa should by no means offer wine to
great goddess. A brähmaëa desiring to practice vämäcära should not
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 5
The intended meaning is that he should take the fish and meat
before liquor, for fasting is enjoined for the day preceding the formation
of cakra.4 He should not touch what has been polluted through touch
(i.e. ucchiñöam) any food that is exposed to the mouth directly or
indirectly. He should not raise the bowl with any sort of noise nor,
he should make any noise when he fills the bowl. He should not
empty the glass at once nor, he should turn the bowl round as he
fills it.
‘ucchiñöam na spåçeccakre……
saçabdam noddharet pätram tathaiva ca na pürayet
riktapätram na kurvéta na pätram bhramayet sadä’ (Kaulävali
Nirëaya, II 1-4)
The married aspirants should not drink more than five bowls made
for them and he who drinks more than five are likely to fail in their
sädhanas. So long as his sight does not become unsteady, so long as
his mind does not become unsteady, so long, he may go on drinking
- if he drinks more than that, it is like the drinking of an animal.
(Mahänirväëatantra, 6th ulläsa, v. 193/194).
‘sädhakänäm gåhasthänäm païcapätraà prakértitam /
atipänät kulénänäm siddhihäniù prajäyate //
yävanna calayed dåñöim yävanna calayed manaù /
tävat pänam prakurvéta paçupänam ataù param’ //
Thus we see that there are rules and restrictions in every step of
using wine in the sädhanä. The person who looses control in himself,
he is not fit for this particular worship. The real significance of the
païcamakäras is believed to have been deliberately perverted by some
vicious people from a desire to give sanctimonious air to their animal
appetites. Tantras are often believed to encourage immoral practices
but according to Mahänirväëatantra, it is said that ‘he who follows
Tantric ritual without comprehending the philosophy behind it, does
not obtain salvation, on the contrary he is polluted with sin.’
The same work declares against drunkenness: ‘The king should
confiscate the property of and punish that dreadful whose words
falter and hands and feet shake, who makes mistakes, is of deranged
mind and fretful’. It also asks the king to administer a condign
punishment to the drunkard whose senses are not under his control.
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 7
‘The king should confiscate his property and burn the tongue’.
Païcamakära sädhanä is directed to gain control over the material
desires. The use of crude païcamakäras, according to prescribed esoteric
disciplines, leads to detachment and inner purification. A man who
is addicted to drinking will reduce the quantity of liquor as part of
spiritual discipline. This will give him inner strength for moral control
over his basic instincts. Wine is used for the release of the senses from
their engrossment in their outer objects. All these wines irrespective
of their origination and their carriers must be purified because only
the purified material is fit for worship (Nigamänanda, 1391 B.S. : 24).
As it is said in Mahänirväëatantra (7. 103, 105-08).
‘mahauñadhaà yajjévänäà duùkhavismärakaà mahat /
Änandajanakaà yacca tadädyätattvalakñaëam //
Asaàskåtaïca yattatvaà mohadaà bhramakäraëam /
Vivädarogajananaà tyäjyaà kaulaiù sadä priye//’
In Tantra sädhanä, wine is used for the purification of mind (citta)
- ‘madirä brahmagäù proktäù cittaçodhanasädhanäù’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th
ulläsa : 40) provided it is sanctified. If it is not, it will cause illusion
and error. The aspirant should remain cautious that drinking is not
the goal but a means to achieve the goal. Actually the emotions excelled
during the act of drinking wine concentrated afterwards successively
towards development of sädhanä. Drinking is not for the sädhakas but
for sädhanä. Therefore, it is not to be drunk in the manner suggestive
of animal drinking, which only leads to degradation.
‘Paçupänam bidhau pétvä véro’pi narakaà brajet’
(Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa: 93).
The supreme lord is invoked, worshipped and the dedication is
sanctified by the esoteric mantra. The use of mantra includes incantation
and repetition and invocation of the presiding deity. The sädhaka
identifies his whole being and consciousness with the deities and mantra
in the course of çava sädhanä5 before the use of wine. One who does not
know the science of Tantra sädhanä has no right to perform this sädhanä.
To hell he goes he who dares to infringe these conditions and seeks to
enjoy wine and women. He is a sinner. Drinking of wine that is not
sanctified is reprehensible as rape. ‘asaàskritaà piveddravyaà balätkäreëa
maithunam’ (Kulärëavatantra, 5th ulläsa: 99).
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‘gomeñäçvaluläyo‘tha godhäjoñöramågodbhavaà
mahämäàsäñöakam proktaà devatäprétikärakam’
Another authority reads godha (iguana: gosap in Bengali) and uñöra
(camel) in place of human being and boar. Female beasts are prohibited.
As regards the meat of human being, the Präëatoñiëé appears to provide
it p-507.
‘mahäkälyä mahäpéthe yatra kutra maheçvaré
balidänam narasyäpi hathäd bädhä bhaviñyati
nivåttaà hi tato devi balidänaà narädikam’
The idea underlying the prohibition seems to be that human
sacrifice may be obstructed or resisted by others. In another context,
it is prohibited by brähmaëas (Matsya sukta quoted in Präëatoñiëé).
Second Anukalpatattva
‘na dadyäd brähmaëo madyaà mäàsaà ca …..’ A brähmaëa should
not offer wine and meat. The things which are prescribed as substitute
for meat are salt, ginger, oilcake, sesame, wheat, pulse called mäña
and garlic.
Third Païcatattva
The third païcamakära is fish (matsya). As far as fish is concerned,
it is divided in the Präëatoñiëé into three categories viz, uttama (best),
madhyama (medium) and adhama (worst). Those of the first class are
çäla, päöhéna and Rohita. Those of the second class are old ones, devoid
of bones, fat and those having scales. The worst of those, which are
small, belong to the third class. According to the Mahänirväëa, those
devoid of bones belong to the second class and those full of bones are
the worst. It however ordains that even the worst kinds of fish may
be offered to the Goddess if those are fried very well. Tortoise is also
included in the class of fish (Yoginétantra). The derivative meaning of
‘matsya’ is given as follows in the Präëatoñiëé (p - 508) on the authority
of the Kulärëavatantra.
‘mäyä- malädi-çamanän-mokña-märga-nirüpaëät
añöaduùkhädi-virahän-matsyeti parikértitaù’ (Kulärëava, 17th ulläsa,
v. 63)
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Fifth Païcatattva
The fifth ‘ma’ is maithuna. The word ‘maithuna’ signifies couple.
The union of the couple is maithuna. The aspirant who identifies
himself as Çiva unites with the female aspirant who identifies herself
as Çakti. Their union is called maithuna which is a part and parcel of
païcamakära sädhanä. Primarily there are three categories of ceremonies
of fifth païcatattva. The woman who accompanies the aspirant is
named as ‘duté’ or ‘latä’ (creeper) because she clings to and depends
on man as the creeper to the tree. As this fifth païcamakära sädhanä
is not possible without the participation of women, it is also called
‘latä sädhanä’ or ‘dutéyäga’.
In the first type of ceremony, Lord Sadäçiva Himself or the aspirant
who resembles Him is qualified for this type of worship. The person
who is the king of ascetics can only perceive this spiritual discipline.
One cannot get exact idea about this sädhanä by going through the
scriptures. This form of worship is not possible nowadays for the lack
of suitable aspirant.
It is stated in the scriptures (Rahasyärëava) that in the second type
of ceremony, after the completion of worship of Çakti the aspirant has
to worship his companion (duté) as per rules prescribed in the
scriptures. Then he offers his semen as ‘ghee” to the fire of the sacrificial
pit in the form of vagina of his female companion. Usually this form
of ceremony is practiced with one’s own wife.
In the third type of ceremony, the aspirant worships the lady who
may be his disciple or any other willingly prays to be the part of this
ceremony. The aspirant worships her and gives the offerings. He unites
with her mentally and offers the mental copulation to the Lord.
From the Mahänirväëa (VI: 14 & 20) and other Tantras it appears
that one is allowed to use other’s wives (parakéyä çakti) besides one’s
own wife. From an authority, cited in the Präëatoñiëé it is said that one
Koulika9 should worship with much care and five tattvas having brought
a single çakti. Coition with one’s own wife in the absence of other
woman is allowed by the orthodox text like Mahäcénäcärakramä. It is
relevant to mention Sudhakar’s view in this respect, that in Harivaàsa,
(ii. 3, 7-8) ‘hallisa kréòä’ is treated as synonymous with ‘rati’ or sexual
enjoyment in the company of young gopa girls who are forbidden to
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 13
do so by their parents and brothers. It seems that such a cult had been
developing gradually among the Yädavas of the Mathura region. The
actual text however refers to ‘rati’ and to the gopis as ‘ratipriyä’, which
however refers to erotic plays of sexual enjoyment for ‘rati’ also, means
devotion and ‘ratipriyä’, the devoted ones. (Chattopadhyay, 1978: 18).
Regarding the fifth tattva, i.e. sexual union it appears that only a
woman who is initiated should be resorted to. Such a woman at first
is subject to abhiñeka. Here there is a significant observation by Bharati.
The Måtyuïjaya-mantra pronounced during the ‘purification’ of the
çakti is the vedic invocation of Viñëu to make the womb fertile. These
mantras were used in vedic marriage ceremony. It is strange because
the objective of païcamakära sädhanä is not procreation but the very
opposite - immersion of one’s own identity amidst the supreme
existence ‘Sadäçiva’. Bharati wrote ‘the only satisfactory answer I got
was from Pandit Gopinath Kaviraj at Banaras: the womb of the çakti
must be intact, as he put it, for a woman with a barren womb is not
entitled to function as çakti, just as an impotent man is not entitled to
any form of yoga or sannyäsa10.’ (Bharati, 1965 : 253)
However, it may be noted in this connection that although such
Tantric sädhanä with five ‘ma’s appeared to be somewhat repugnant
in the eyes of the orthodox class, but it could be hardly set aside as
it had already made a place in the Tantra. Hence the orthodox Tantra
explained the whole scheme as nothing but different forms or stages
in the präëäyäma11. The Yoginétantra (pürvakhaëda) p-6 observes:
‘sahasräropari bindau kuëòalyä melanam çive
Maithunaà paramaà dravyaà yaténäà parikértitam’
Fifth Anukalpatattva
The offering of karavi representing liìga (penis) and aparäjitä flowers
representing yoni (vagina) with hands of kacchapa (tortoise) mudrä can
serve the purpose as substitute. According to the scripture
(Paraçurämakalpa), the aspirant should give sandal paste as semen to
karavi flower and saffron as blood to aparäjitä flower. Thinking the
union between the two flowers mentally, the aspirant should offer
this union to the Goddess.
Now, this fifth tattva must be dealt with much prudence. The
account of Mahäcénäcärakrama may show that this particular esoteric
form of worship came from the proto Mongoloid region. It is quite
14 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
and her body should be smeared with scents. The sädhaka should
worship the Mother Goddess in her private parts according to the
prescribed manner and with the guidance of his preceptor. The
worshipper should then resort to präëäyäma and remain ever calm in
mind meditating on the divine presence of the Mother Goddess. The
aspirant will never see a woman in such way except at the time of
worship. The same rule applies to the woman also. The text is very
emphatic on this point.
As it is said in Shakti & Shäkta (Woodroffe; 1918 : 609)
‘püjäkälaà vinä nänyam puruñam manasä spriçet
püjäkäle ca deveçi veçyeva paritoñayet’
The worshipper is cautioned that a woman’s body is the residence
of all the deities and hence worshipping her is considered the best of
all.
‘yato hi yoñito dehe sarvadevasya saàsthitiù
ataù püjäsu sarväsu täsäm prädhänya mucyate’ (Mahäcénäcärakrama,
Paöala 3 : 3)
In this connection, mention is made of three péthas13 - yonipétha or
worship on the yoni14, mantrapétha or worship with the help of mantra15
and manaùpétha or mental worship, but the yonipétha is cosidered to be
the best of all péthas.
Some of the injunctions stated in this connection cannot be
understood properly. Thus, it is maintained that the woman who is to
be worshipped should either be an actress or a kapälini, prostitute,
washerwoman, barberwoman, a brahmin, a çudra or a milkmaid. As
the following quotation in Präëatoñaëé, p-507 :
‘kulastrésevanaà kuryät sarvathä parameçvari
ramate yuvatéà ramyäà kämonmattaviçälinéà
naöéà käpälikäà veçyäà iòòipänäà varäëganäà
çüdräëéà mleccharamaëéà yavanéà parameçvari’
It is ordained that such lady should be well versed in the tantric
lore (vidagdhä) and should be attached to the guru. Kämäkhyätantra in
paöala 3 states:
‘vidagdhä sarvajätéyä mantrajuktä ca tatparä
gurupädagatä grähyä nänyathä varavarëiné’ (Tantrasära, p. 435)
16 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
have easily attained it, if by taking meat one can attain bliss, then the
every meat-eater would have attained the supreme goal.
‘madyapänena manujo yadi siddhià labheta vai
Madyapänaratäù sarve siddhià gacchantu pämaräù /
Mäàsabhakñaëamätreëa yadi puëya gatirbhavet /
Loke mämsäçinaù sarve puëyabhäjo bhavantvi ha
Strésaàbhogena deveçi, yadi mokñaà brajanti bai
Sarve’pi jantavo loke muktäù syuù stréniñevaëät’
It is interesting to note that the use of wine and sex are also observed
in the primitive rituals practiced by the tribal people. D.P.
Chattopadhyay in ‘Lokayata’ observes traces of obscure cults and
agricultural ritualism in the Tantras. He quotes extensive sociological
evidences to show how primitive tribes make magical use of wine for
the purpose of promoting agriculture and bringing fertility to the
land. Similarly at the time of marriage some of the primitive people
use it in their obscure ritual with their beliefs in its inherent fertility.
(Chattopadhyay, 1978: 286)
According to ‘Golden Bough’, fertility and sexual intercourse are
connected together by the primitive Proto Austroloid tribes. Thus,
some of the tribes follow the peculiar custom of enjoying the wife on
the ground ready for sowing with the belief that such an intercourse
will lead to the fertility of the land. Others again abstain totally from
having connection with the wife with the belief that the fertility of the
wife may thus pass to the land to be sown. (Frazer, 1957:182)
Almost all the Tantric scriptures including Buddhist and Hindu
engaged in depicting sexual intercourse in diversified ways. If the
Tantric aspirant’s goal is to replace mundane human thought with
enlightened consciousness, and if sexuality is the divine path to
enlightenment, then the aspirant’s endeavor should actually be enacted
in a sexual mode. Yet over the centuries, the debate goes on whether
the Tantric sexual imagery is to be taken literally or simply the symbolic
signification of the scriptures.
‘In early Hindu Tantra, sexual intercourse was often simply practical
means for generating the sexual fluids that constituted the preferred
offering of the Tantric deities. Elsewhere, there can be no doubt that
an early and persistent form of Tantric initiation and practice involved
transactions in sexual fluids between a male initiate and a female
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 19
consort - termed again yogini for Hindus and Prajïä for their Buddhists.
Here the male initiate was physically inseminated with sexual
emissions of the female consort sometimes together with the semen
of the male guru22 as a means of transforming him, reproductively as
it were into a son of the clan (Kula-putra). Here the role of the female
consort is vital, because the clan fluid (kula-dravya) or the clan nectar
(kulämåta), vulval essence (yoni-tattva) or thought of enlightenment
(bodhicitta) is understood to flow naturally through her womb. Because
she herself is the embodiment of energy of the godhead, her sexual
of menstrual discharge is considered to be the germ of the godhead
or enlightened consciousness itself. Human males through whom this
divine fluid does not naturally flow, can only gain access to it through
the conduct of the female sexual organ. Tantra in Kashmir, for example,
recognition of the consciousness-expanding effects of the orgasm was
accompanied by an understanding of the psychological effects of the
oral consumption of such an impure - and thereby powerful and
dangerous - substance as female discharge (sexual emissions and
menstrual blood), as well, as the other prohibited substances: the five
makaras, the five nectars, and so on. Here, in a socio-religious system
in which’ you are what you eat’, the potentially self destructive act of
ingesting such substances was deemed sufficient to effect a
breakthrough from limited conventional thought to expanded,
enlightened god-consciousness.’ (White, 2001:15-16)
So far we have discussed the gross interpretation of païcamakära
but there is the other interpretation which is still not unfolded.
Divya Païcatattva
The subtler meaning of wine is not liquor. The mystic interpretation
of the word ‘madya’ means the hormones secreted from the pineal
gland (brahmarandhra)23, hormones are secreted from every endocrine
gland. The hormone secreted from the pineal gland is partly controlled
by the moon (soma) and the nectar (hormone) secreted from the gland
is known as somadhärä or somarasa. It revitalizes the different glands
and gives divine bliss (Ägamasära). Man does not have any experience
of the bliss until the kunòaliné is awakened and made conscious,
upward rise and drinks the pineal nectar.
20 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
ahaàkärodambhomadapiçunatämatsaradviñäù
ñaòete ménä vai viñayaharajälena vidhåtäù
pacan sadvidyägnau niyamita sadä koulaåiñibhirvibhujyante sarvän
na ca jalacaräù ménapiçitäù (Sädhanarahasyam, Pariçisöa khaëdam)
In the mystic sense of the term, Mudrä does not mean parched rice.
It means detachment from the evil that keeps the soul in bondage. To
cut off all evil connection is mudrä sädhanä.
‘satsaìgena bhavenmukti-rasatsaìgeñu ca bandhanam
asatsaìgamudraëam yattu tanmudräparikértitä’ (Nigamänanda, 1391
: p-18)
The person who knows Brahman (brahmajïa) daily digests eight
types of mudrä cooked in the fire of Brahman (brahmägni). They are
desire, craving, fear, hatred, humility, shame, aversion and
companionship. Also, there is another interpretation of mudrä. The
supreme self (Çiva) pure like mercury resides inside the closed pericarp
of the thousand petalled lotus at the uppermost part of the head. This
Ätman27 is radiant like thousand suns but its luster is soft like thousand
moons. The person who knows about this extremely fascinating
supreme self (Çiva) with kuëòaliné Çakti is the really aspirant of mudrä.
(Nigamänanda, 1391 B.5:19)
‘sahasräre mahäpadme karëikämudritaçcaret
atmä tatraiva deveçi kevalaù päradopamaù.
süryakoöipratékäçaçcandrakoöisuçétalaù
atéva kamanéyaçca mahäkuëòalinéyutaù.
yasya jïänodayastatra mudräsädhaka ucyate’
There is a great deal of misunderstanding and misinterpretation of
the fifth païcamakära sädhanä (maithuna). Tantra is based on scientific
principles. It does not ignore the biological and psychological aspects
of human personality. It enables the sädhaka to control and sublimate
his carnal desire gradually, by practicing self restraint. It is said that
those who are heroic (véra) and who are not slaves to the animal
instincts are entitled to participate to these rituals. But for the sädhaka
of divine (divya) disposition, the subtler esoteric meaning of maithuna
sädhanä is the union of Çiva and Çakti. The kuëòaliné Çakti which is
lying asleep in the ordinary man has to be aroused from its slumber.
Then it is brought up through the suñumnä channel and finally merged
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 23
with the supreme self (Çiva), who is stationed in the sahasrära. This
union between Çiva and Çakti is real Maithuna, the final ‘Ma’, by which
the aspirant experiences ecstatic delight. ‘Anything else is only
copulation.’ The scripture says,
‘maithunaà paramaà tattvaà sriñöisthityantakäraëam
Maithunät jäyate siddhirbrahmajïänaà sudurlabham’ (Koulamärga
rahasya, p. 265, footnote.)
The cause of creation, sustenance and destruction is maithuna. That
is why it is regarded as tattva. An aspirant definitely gets success by
act of maithuna and achieves the Brahmajïäna which is the rare of the
rarest knowledge (Nigamänanda, 1984:20). But what is the definition
of that maithuna?
‘rephastu kuìkumäbhäsaù kuëòamadhye vyavasthitaù
makäraçca bindurüpo mahäyonau sthitaù priye
äkära-haàsamäruhya ekatä ca yadä bhavet
tadä jätaà mahänando Brahmajïanaà sudurlabham’
(Koulamärgarahasya, p. 255, Footnote.)
The ruddy hued ‘reph’ lies in the reservoir (kuëòa) and the letter
‘ma’ lies in the great pudendum (mahäyoni) in the condensed drop
(bindu). When the two unites through the letter ‘a’- the swan (haàsa)
then the knowledge of supreme bliss will be achieved. The person
who can unite this is real maithuna sädhaka.
According to Ägamasära, the letter ‘ra’ signifies Tripuräsundaré or
kuëòalinéçakti. The reservoir ‘kuëòa’ refers to mülädhära cakra. The letter
‘ma’ refers to Çiva. Mahäyoni refers to the triangle located in the pericarp
of thousand petalled lotus (sahasrära). Haàsa refers to the mantra,
which is automatically repeated through respiration by a process called
präëäyäma. When the kuëòalinéçakti located in the mülädhära is brought
up to sahasrära through präëäyäma and united with Çiva stationed in
the triangle then brahmänanda28 which is the source of supreme bliss
is enjoyed by the aspirant.
It is said that an aspirant can accomplish all the six parts of
maithuna sädhanä by doing nyäsa29 (embrace), meditation of deity
(kiss), invocation (sound indicating the sudden sensation of pleasure),
offering (smearing), repeating the holy name given by guru (copulation)
24 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
and payment of fees to the priest after the termination of the religious
ritual (discharge of semen). (Nigamänanda, 1984).
If we can understand the maithuna aspect of sädhanä in its proper
perspective, the significance of Tantric works and some sculptures of
medieval period may be comprehended more judiciously. There are
sculptures exhibiting copulation in different erotic postures in almost
all the Indian temples since thirteenth-fourteenth century. The couples
were invariably always engaged in erotic postures gracefully and
playfully. These sculptures judged in the background of the Tantric
treatise instead of showing any vulgarity, exhibit before us the most
difficult form of worship. All the ingredients of païcamakära sädhanä
when taken together provoke passion in human body and the fifth
tattva in which the seeds will not flow under such condition only
reflects the extreme form of self restraint. The aim of the first four
ingredients is to prepare the practitioner for the sexual act which is
the last ingredient by stimulating his senses. The performance of the
sexual act is the culmination of the entire process. The sexual
intercourse at the physical level gives immense joy to both men and
women. By means of copulation, the practitioner intends to make use
of his sexuality as means of attaining transcendental bliss. It would,
therefore, erroneous to say that sexuality is used as means of self
gratification or indulgence. Since the sexual act is used for
transcendental purposes, so no debasement of sexuality as such is
involved. This act is used as means to achieve a transcendental union
where the distinction between male and female completely disappears.
Such an aspirant is designated as Hero (véra) and the whole spiritual
discipline is termed as véra sädhanä. As such sädhanä is not possible
for ordinary man it has not been recommended by some of the Tantras.
As it is said in Präëatoñiëé (p-508)30.
To summarize, it is necessary to mention the following aspects of
the païcamakära sädhanä:
1. It seems apparently that païcamakära is a license to lascivious
persons for carrying their lustful activity and adultery under the
sheet of spiritual disciplined prescribed by Tantra. But it is not
so. It is clear from the above discussion that the objective of the
païcamakära sädhanä has an inner spiritual significance. The word
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 25
‘kula’ is defined as ‘the state in which the mind and the sight are
united, the sense organs lose their individuality, Çakti becomes
identical with jéva and the sight merges into the objects visualized.’
(Kaulajïäna nirëaya: p-38).
yatra dåsöimanastatra bhütendriyamapudgalaù
çiva çaktijévabhütäni dåstilakñnairlayaà gataù
Svacchandatantra states that kula is Çakti and akula is Çiva. The great
Sanskrit scholar Bhäskararäya defined the two term kula and akula as
kulaà çaktiriti proktamakulaà çiva ucyate
kule’kulasya sambandhaù kaulamityabhidhéyate
iti tantroktaà çivaçaktisämarasyaà vä kaulam.
The unity (samarasya) of the two is ‘kula’, and the process by which
this relationship is established is called ‘kaulamärga’. (Bagchi, 1934:40)
The objective of kaula çäkta sädhaka is to achieve the union of kula
with akula, Çakti with Çiva, which are said to be located in the mülädhära
and sahasrära cakras respectively. The kaula attains the path of liberation
through controlled enjoyment of the object of senses. The ritual
practices of the cult, therefore enjoined the partaking of païcamakära.
2. Kñemendra, a writer of medieval period (first half of 11th century)
who was also an ardent follower of Çaiva cult, revealed an
extremely debased form of worship including Kaula and käpälika31
cults that seemed to be particularly strong during that time. In
the eighth upadeça of Daçopadeça he caricatured the çaiva guru in
a degraded way and in Narmamälä he painted a savage picture of
a kaula guru and the rituals practiced by him. This reflects how
the basic morality of the so called preceptors had been declined
considerably during that period.
3. Païcamakära sädhanä is an esoteric method employed for the
transformation of physical desire. Hunger and sex are innate
biological needs that cannot be ignored by the common people.
However, without control they will degenerate the man. On the
other hand, when they are controlled by mind under the guidance
of spiritual preceptor or guru they become allies and ultimately
serve as an aid to liberation. The principle behind païcamakära
sädhanä is that man must rise with the aid of that Çakti which if
misused will cause his fall. Man has to work out his salvation not
26 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
and sex has the right to participate in the Tantric worship. Thus
Tantras are most cosmopolitan in their doctrines. Religion is meant
for all and needed by all. In the Goutamiyatantra it has been laid
down that the total outcaste people and even women are entitled
to receive the mantras.
8. The mahävidyäs are worshipped in a format known as vämäcära.
This worship is characterized by the païcamakära ritual. Texts
devoted to mahävidyäs32 often refer to the païcamakära ritual
indicating that at least some of the Goddesses are worshipped in
this context.
9. The most outstanding contribution of Tantra is that it glorifies
the womenfolk as symbol of divinity. Woman is the mother of the
three worlds, its representative and container. Woman sustains all
the beauty of the world. Moreover, that woman is none other
than the deity worshipped in Tantra.
10. It should be noteworthy to mention that great importance is given
to antaryäga in Bengal Tantra. It means mental worship where all
five tattvas are conceptualized in an abstract way. In connection
with antaryäga, it is said, one who seeks the deity outside is a
fool, ignoring kaustabha (a precious jewel) in his hand, runs after
the glass. Mahänirväëatantra describes elaborately how to worship
the Goddess in the aspirant’s own heart. The sädhaka should
imagine his heart as lotus and offer it for Her seat. He will wash
Her feet with the ambrosia tricking from the lotus of the thousand
pettalled lotus. He offers his mind as bouquet to welcome Her.
Then he offers the same ambrosia as water for rinsing Her mouth
and bathing Her body. He offers the essence of ether as garment,
the essence of smell as perfume, essence of mind (citta) as flower,
essence of smell as incense sticks, essence of fire as lamp and
ocean of nectar as food (naivedya). He offers the unstruck sound
(anähatanäda) for the ringing of bell, the essence of air as flywhisk
(cämara) for fan, thousand pettalled lotus as an umbrella and
veins as ornamental girdles. He entertains Her by offering essence
of sound as music and restless sense organs as dance. He worships
Her with ten kinds of flowers namely, guilelessness, absence of
egoism, detachment, absence of pride, freedom from delusion,
absence of duplicity, lack of enmity, freedom from mental
28 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
worship these principles in gross form because his desires are already
sublimated into higher forms.33 On the contrary he strongly criticized
the spiritual disciplines involving woman and wine. He warned the
devotees that these are only the means to achieve the end.34 He
described his experience with the fifth principle which he dealt with
much prudence.35
According to Tantrasära and Yämala, the union of Çiva-Çakti ‘in
close embrace in the abode of thousand pettalled lotus’ is realized in
the highest plane (sahasrära). This union of Çiva and Çakti is the true
Yoga and joy that arises out of it is, known as Supreme Bliss. That joy
is a thousand times more intense, than any mode of human pleasure.
The nectar which flows from such union floods the kñudrabrahmäëda
or the human body. It is then the aspirant achieves the liberation and
immerses in effable bliss.
Notes
1
Female companion of the Tantric aspirant.
2
Devé Durgä has ten manifestations (daçamahävidyä), one of which is Ñoòoçé or
Çrisundaré.
3
A form of consecration often involves in sprinkling water.
4
A circle composed of aspirants (both men and women), the women being
sitting on the left of their male partners.
5
Sadhanii which is practiced on dead corpse.
6
For more details the article written by Paul. E. Muller-Ortega in ‘Tantra in
Practice’ is referred.
7
The mantra which is given by the Guru.
8
Clarified butter
9
Aspirant following Kuläcära. It is the highest stage recognized in some of
the Tantras.
10
Monastic ordination.
11
Technique of breath control.
12
vämäcäram pravakñyämi çridurgä-sädhanam param,
yaà vidhäya kalau çéghram mantrikäù siddhibhäg-bhavet
mälä nådantasaàbhütä pätraà tu naramuëòakam
äsnam siddha-carmädi kaëkanaà stré-kacodbhavam
dravyam-äsavättv-äòhyaà bhakñyam mäàsädikam priye,
carvaëaà balamatsyädi mudrä viëäravaù kathä
maithunam parakäntibhiù sarva-varëa-samänatä
vämäcära iti proktaù sarva-siddhi-pradaù çive. (Bharati, 1965 : 268)
13
A seat or a resort of the deity
14
The female sexual organ.
30 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
15
A mystic word recited in prayer to the deity.
16
Manifestation of Çiva.
17
Repetition of mantras.
18
‘karpüritamukhaù svädu sädhakaçcumvayenmudä,
tasyädharo yathä bhåìgo nérajavyäkulaù priye
dantakñatiritanaïca paramantatra kärayet
aliìgayen madonmattaù. sudåòhaà kucamardanaà
nakhäghätairnitambe ca ramayedratipaëòitaù
punaù punaçcumvanaïca yonau kuryät kuleçvari
çukraïca stambhayedvéro yonau liìgaà praveçayet’ (Kaàäkhyätantra)
19
Inclination towards the worldly desire.
20
Disinclination towards the worldly desire.
21
Success.
22
Spiritual teacher who acts as the medium for the transmission of divine
grace.
23
Situated in the cranium with its multicoloured thousand petals. This is the
so called sahasrära mentioned in the scriptures.
24
Control of breath and deals with regulation of inhalation, exhalation and
retention of breath.
25
An elaborate network of 72,000 subtle ducts of the body through which
breath and energy are channeled.
26
Retension of breath by undertaking präëäyäma.
27
It is the true and innermost self in everything. It is called Çiva or Paramaçiva
which underlies everything and being. It is all pervading.
28
The joy of realizing Brahman - the absolute reality.
29
A system of yogic exercise to stimulate the nerve centre and consequently
distributes the powers equitably throughout the body.
30
‘yä suräsarvakäyeñu kathitä bhuvi muktidä,
tasyä näma bhaveddevi térthaà pänaà sudurlabham.
çüdräëäà bhakñayogänäà yanmäàsaà devanirmitam,
vedamantreëa vidhivat proktä sä çuddhiruttamä.
bhakñayogyäçca kathitä ye ye matsyä varänane,
te rahasye mayä proktä ménaù siddhipradäyakäù.
påthukataëdulä bhåñöä godhümacaëakädayaù,
teñäà näma bhaddevi mudrä muktipradäyiné.
bhagaliìgsya yogena maithunaà yadbhavet priye,
tasya näma bhaddevi païcamaà parikértitam.
prathamantu bhavenmadyaà mäàsaïcaiva dvitiyakam,
matsyaïcaiva tåtéyaà syänmudrä caiva caturthikä,
païcamaà païcamaà vidyät païcaite nämataù småtäù’
31
A çaiva school that emerged from the tantric thought current.
32
Manifestations of Devé Durgä.
33
“I become intoxicated at the mere thought of God. I don’t have to take any
wine. “ The Gospel: p.634.
BISWAS : SIGNIFICANCE AND SIGNIFICATION OF PAÏCATATTVA 31
34
“One must worship the Ädyäçakti. She must be propitiated. She alone has
assumed all female forms. Therefore I look on all women as mother. The
attitude of looking on woman as mother is very pure. The Tantra mentions
the Vamachara method also. But that is not a good method; it causes the
aspirant’s downfall. ibid; p.788.
35
“I remember the day when I was able by the grace of Mother to view with
supreme equanimity, the supreme pleasure of a pair of lovers, seeing nothing
in it but the blissful sport of the Divine; the mind instead of descending
even to the neighbourhood of ordinary human feelings, soared higher and
higher merging at last in deep Samadhi. After regaining normal
consciousness, I heard the Brahmani say, “You have reached the desired end
of a very difficult Tantric sadhana and established in the divine mood. This
is the ultimate sadhana of the (heroic) mode of worship’” Sri Ramakrishna
The Great master: p.273.
References
1. Banerjee, S. C., Tantra in Bengal, Manohar, Delhi, 1992.
2. Basu, Manoranjan, Fundamentals of the Philosophy of Tantra, Mira Basu
Publications, Calcutta, 1986.
3. Bharati Agehananda., The Tantric Tradition, B. I. Publication, Delhi, 1965.
4. Bhattacharya, Sukhamaya., Tantraparichaya, Visvabharati, Shantiniketan, 1359
B.S.
5. Bose, D.N., (Ed), Tantras their philosophy and occult secrets, Oriental Publishing
Co., Calcutta.
6. Chattopadhyay, Sudhakar., Reflection in Tantras, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
1978.
7. Das, Upendrakumar., Çästramülak Bhäratiya Çaktisädhanä, (volume I & II),
Viswabharati Research Department, Santiniketan, 1395 B.S.
8. Frazer, James George (Sir), Golden Bough: A study in Magic & Religion,
Macmillan & Co., London, 1957.
9. Kinsley, David. R., The Sword and the Flute, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
1955.
10. Kinsley, David., Tantric visions of the divine feminine, Motilal Banarasidass,
Delhi, 1998.
11. Mukherjee, Govinda Gopal., ‘The Spiritual Heritage of India: The Tantras’,
in the Studies in Tantras, The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture,
(Ed.) Kolkata, 2002
12. Nigamänanda, Tantric Guru, Bangiya Saraswata Math, Kokilamukh, Jorhat
(Assam), 1391 B.S.
13. Pandit, M. P., More on Tantras, Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi,
1985.
14. Pandit, Motilal., The Disclosure of Being, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers
Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2006.
15. Raghavacharya, E.V.V. & Padhye, D.G., (Ed.) Minor Works of Kñemendra,
Replacement of Numeric Publishers Codes, Hyderabad, 1961.
32 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
16. Sen Sharma, Debabrata., Aspects of Tantra Yoga, Indica Books, Varanasi, 2007.
17. Singh, L. P., Tantra: Its Mystic and Scientific Basis, Concept Publishing
Company, Delhi, 1976.
18. Singh, Rajnath., Hindu Tantricism, Dominant Publishers and Distributors,
New Delhi, 2001.
19. Swami Nikhilananda (translated), The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna, Sri
Ramakrishna Math, Madras, 1974.
20. Swami Saradananda, Swami Jagadananda (translated) Sri Ramakrishna, The
Great Master, Ramakrishna Math, Madras, 1952.
21. White, David Gordon., (Ed.), Tantra in Practice, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi,
2001.
22. Woodroffe, (Sir) John., Introduction to Tanra Çästra, (4th ed.) Ganesh & Co.,
Madras, 1963.
----- Çakti and Çäkta, Luzac & Co., London 1918.
Sanskrit Text
1. Vidyalankara, Ramatoshan Compiled, Saumya Nanda (Ed.) Präëatoñiné Tantra,
Basumati Sahitya Mandir, Kolkata, N. D.
2. Bhagavat, Shriman Maleswar (compiled), Pt. Baldeo Prasad Mishra
(translated), Mahanirväëa-Tantram, Shrivenkatshwar Steam Press, Bombay,
1952.
3. Das, Upendra kumar (ed.) Kulärëava Tantra, Nababharat Publisher, Kolkata,
1383 (B. S.)
4. Bhatacharya Krishnananda Agambagish, Chandra Kumar Tarkalankar
(translated), Rasikmohan Chatterjee (Ed.) Båhat Yantrasära, Nababharat
Publishers, Kolkata, 1389 (BS).
NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH OF
HISTORY OF PÄLI LITERATURE
UJJWAL KUMAR
come under the eighteen sippa-s. The Dummedha Jätaka (Jä no. 50)
mentions the number of sippa-s as eighteen. However, their names are
not illustrated there. In Sanskrit literature, the antiquity of the eighteen
sippa-s goes back to Viñëu Puräëa (III. 6 : 28-29):
aìgäni vedäç catväro, mémäàsä nyäyavistaraù >>
puräëaà dharmaçästraà ca, vidyä hy etäç caturdaça >>
äyurvedo dhanurvedo, gändharvaç caiva te trayaù >>
arthäçästraà caturthaà tu, vidyä hy añöädaçaiva täù) >>
Kavidappananéti (2-3), one of the late néti texts under the PNL faithfully
transmits this gäthä as follow:
aìgäni vedä cattäro, mémaàsä nyäyavittharo >
dhammasatthaà puräëaïca, vijjä hetä catuddasa >>
äyubbedo dhanubbedo, gandhabbo ceti te tayo >
atthasatthaà catutthaïca, vijjä hy äööharasa matä >>
Historically speaking we do not know in what sense exactly Buddhist
texts used the term Néti among the list of eighteen sippa. Treckner (1908:
102-138) points out that “for småti and nyäya, substituted terms were
sammuti (Sanskrit sammati, perhaps in the sense of ‘what is universally
agreed on’) and néti; the regular equivalents, sati and ïäya, being
objectionable, because these are among the technical terms of Buddhism
(ïäyo = ariyo aööhangiko maggo), and might have induced Milinda to
suppose of Buddhist attainments previous to his conversion.” Even in
the list of eighteen sippa-s, before and after the term Néti, Yoga and
Viçeñika are mentioned. Therefore, logically it is possible that the word
Néti here indicates Nyäya School of philosophy. The Nyäya derives its
name from nyäya, the rules of logical thinking or the means of
determining the right meaning or the right thing (see Matilal 1978 : 53).
Gray (1886: 4) reports that in Lokanéti Nissaya, “the ancient collection
known as the Nétiçästra is referred to” as néti.
Meaning of the Word Néti
The word Néti, common to both Sanskrit and Päli, is derived from
the root √né and has various meanings. V. S. Apte’s Sanskrit-English
Dictionary gives the following meanings: 1. Guidance, direction,
management; 2. Conduct, behaviour, course of action; 3. Propriety,
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 35
sources of his translation and simply called it ‘Néti Kyan’, and thereby
misled some later scholars to think that the Néti Kyan was a separate
Burmese work based on the Lokanéti. Relied on Fowle’s work, Ludwik
Sternbach (1963: 329-345), a great scholar who mainly devoted his
academic writings to Indian néti literature, was misguided and thought
that the Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan were different works.
In his article, “The Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti Kyan and Their
Sources”, Sternbach drew our attention to the similarity between the
Päli Lokanéti and the Burmese Néti kyan. As Bechert and Braun pointed
out “The translation of the introductory verse (Fowle 1860: 253) and a
comparison of Fowle’s translation with the printed Burmese version of
the Lokanéti (Sternbach 1969a) clearly show that Fowle’s text was a nissaya
of a Lokanéti manuscript representing a text only slightly different from
the version which was printed later on.” However, the pioneering works
of Fowle’s attracted many scholars later to devote their academic
writings to the field of PNL.
After Fowle, Richard Camac Temple made and published a more
exact translation of the Lokanéti from the Burmese nissaya in 1878 (The
Lokanéti, Translated from the Burmese paraphrase. Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, XLVII : III, 239-252). Temple (1878) rightly informs
“There is probably no book so universally known to the Burmese as the
Lokanéti, pronounced in Burmese as Lawkanédi”. Temple had the earliest
printed editions and a number of manuscripts at his disposal. Temple
(1878: 239) notifies that “[this text] has been copied into hundreds of
palm-leaf Mss with more or less accuracy ... the Government itself
published an edition of it in Burmese and Päli in an issue of 10,000
copies.” Temple was the first person who tried to establish the date of
the text and identify the author of the work. On the basis of the account
of general public Burmese Sanyäa-s or learned men, Temple (1878: 240)
mentions that “ ... it was written originally (date unknown) in Sanskrit
(? Päli) by the Põngnä (Brahman) Sànnêkgyaw (Burmese name) and
paraphrased into Burmese in 1196 Burmese Era (= 1826 AD.) by the
Hpôngyé U Pôk: of the Mahä Oung Myê Bông Sàn Ok Kyoug (the Great
Brick built Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava. U Pôk’s priestly name
was Sêk-kàn-da-bé, to which the king of Ava added the titles of Théri
Thàddamma-daza, Mahà Damma-yàza Guru, (= Sanskrit, Çri
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 37
the work of Gray, Pavollni, and Teza and tried to identify the sources of
the Ln verses. Unfortunately, in this pioneering work, Sternbach
identified many Ln gäthä-s wrongly and identified them as of Sanskrit
origin while they were taken from Päli sources. Since 1963, Sternbach
has included the Päli Néti works in the scope of his studies of the
subhäñita literature (cf. in particular Sternbach 1963a, 1969a, 1973a, 1973b
and I 974b) and brought out a major work of PNL in Subhäñita, Gnomic
and Didactic Literature in 1974 in the famous monumental work A History
of Indian Literature edited by Gonda.
Apart from these few writings on PNL, a major work was carried
out by a German scholar Heinz Braun. For his Master’s thesis, he edited
the Ln under the title Bearbeitung des Päli-Werkes Lokanéti, GoÎttingen,
in 1972. This was the first critical edition of Ln. In this edition Heinz
Braun consulted more than thirty manuscripts and brought out the first
critical edition of the Ln. Subsequently in his Ph.D. thesis Heinz Braun
once again concentrated on PNL and edited two other important texts,
viz. the Dhammanéti and the Mahärahanéti (Dhammanéti und Mahärahanéti,
Zwei Texte der Spruchliterature aus Birma, GÎttingen, 1975). Later on with
Heinz Bechert, Braun published his dissertation from PTS in 1981 and
also included one more important text, namely, the Räjanéti, under the
title Päli Néti Texts of Burma: Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Mahärahanéti, Räjanéti
(PNTB), Text Series No. 171, London: PTS, 1981. Till now this edition
was the only critical edition that covered the four major works in the
genre of PNL. In this work Braun and Bechert not only edited the four
major texts of PNL but also identified the sources of most of Päli gäthä-s.
The main part of the volume (pp. 1-160) consists of critical editions of
the Dhammanéti, Lokanéti, Mahärahanéti and the Räjanéti, and notes
thereon. The latter contains the critical apparatus, comments upon
grammar and metre, and parallels to the verses in other texts, both
Sanskrit and Prakrit, and especially a large corpus of Sanskrit verses
attributed to Cäëakya, which Sternbach had collected.
After Heinz Braun, Khin Win Kyi was the only scholar who did her
Ph.D. on the works related to PNL. She submitted her Ph.D. thesis on
the Ln in 1986 to the Washington University under the title Burmese
Philosophy as Reflected in Caturangabala’s Lokaniti. In her work, Kyi mainly
focused on the social aspect of the Ln in Burmese society.
40 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
The present author of this paper has also published the first
Devanagari edition with Hindi translation and notes of the Lokanéti (see
Ujjwal 2015).
General Introduction of Päli Néti Literature
The Néti-literature of Päli is not abundant. It was originally written
in Päli, from which some of the Néti-works were afterwards translated
into Burmese and other East Asian languages. Most of the Päli Néti-
sayings are of Sanskrit origin and many of the maxims occurred
originally in Sanskrit subhäñéta-saÞgraha-s; particularly, the so-called
Cäëakya’s sayings were incorporated into the Päli Néti Literature
(hereafter PNL). One more thing to highlight here is that all most all
the Päli Néti texts were composed in Burma alone. Though, the
Theravada countries like Sri Lanka, Thailand upheld their doctrinal
thought in Päli, and after the Aööhakathä or Tékä period composed many
secular literary activities in Päli, we do not find any attempt to compose
Néti texts. In other words, we can say that the PNL totally flourished
and developed in Burma. The endeavour of this paper is to provide a
detailed outline of available Päli Néti-texts. For this purpose following
texts are taken into consideration: Lokanéti, Dhammanéti, Cänakyanéti,
Mahärahanéti, Sutavaòòhanéti, Lokasära, Lokaneyyappakaraëa, and Räjanéti.
After the discussion of general introduction of available PNL, this paper
discusses the subject matters of PNL.
1. Lokanéti (Ln)
1.1. The Ln is one of the well-regarded works in Burma. To-day it is
known more by its name than by its contents. It is most probable that it
was prepared for a king’s äcariya in order to enable them to discourse
on ethics and polity, to pronounce moral maxims, and give advice. In
Burmese tradition this text is considered as the base of all the Néti-texts.
1.2. The authorship of the Ln has not been finalized so far by the
earlier Päli scholars who dealt with this text. The Ln itself gives no clue
to its authorship. Therefore, the opinions about author and date of Ln
are widely at variance, and the arguments so far proposed for dating
the text are not quite convincing.
1.3. In Burma there are two traditions about the authorship of Ln.
The first and foremost, without any substantial evidence, the main
stream of Burmese tradition seems to attribute the authorship of Ln to
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 41
1.5. Temple (1878: 239) who studied and translated the Ln into English
for the first time, most probably from a Burmese translation, could not
find out much about the history of this book, although he personally
made enquiries to get information from the Burmese sayä-s (learned
men). He reported that, according to one account, it was written
originally at an unknown date in Sanskrit (or Päli) by the Põngnä
(Brähmaë Sännekgyaw (Burmese name) and paraphrased into Burmese
in 1826 by the Hpõngyi U Põk of the Mahä Oung Mye Bõng San Ok
Kyoung (the Great Brick Built Monastery in the Sacred Place) at Ava.
This U Põk’s name as priest was Sek-kän-da-bé, to which the king of
Ava added the titles of Théri Thäddamma-daza, Mahä Dama-yäza Guru
(Sri Saddharmadhaja, Mahä Dharmaräja Guru). According to another
informant of Temple (1878: 239), “the author was a priest without very
extraordinary knowledge of Päli who either collected the maxims from
old books or collected some of them and added others of his own
composition. This opinion is corroborated by the unequal merit of the
original Päli verses and by the many grammatical and other errors
observable in them even upon a superficial examination.”
1.6. Gray (1886: ix-x) reports that Ln, Rn and Dhn were found in
Sanskrit among the Manipurian Puëëäs, who, driven from their native
abode by the vicissitudes of war, made a home for themselves in Burma.
They were written in Bengali characters, but editions in Sanskritised
Burmese were also procurable. The Sanskrit Ln of the Manipurian
Punnas commences with the first introductory stanza of the Hitopadeça
(siddhis sädhye satäm astu). This stanza was disregarded in the Burmese
anthology most probably on account of the difficulty in its adaption to
Buddhist views. The Sanskrit Ln originally contained 109 verses, which,
in the Burmese version, have been expanded to 167 gäthä-s. Sternbach
(1969a: 38) refutes Gray’s account of the origin of Ln among Manipurian
Punnas and says: “It is not clear from Gray’s account whether he really
saw the Sanskritised Ln or only heard about its existence. Despite careful
search, not only in Burma but also in India, I could not find a single text
of the Sanskritised Ln ...”.
1.7. On the basis of an imitation of verse 61 of the Ln on Pagan
inscription which was erected in 1408 CE, Gerolamo Emilio Gerini (1904:
139f.) puts forth the date of compilation of Ln between the time of
Buddhaghosa and the date of establishment of the inscription. He
thought that the Ln was composed between 425 and 1400 CE. He saw
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 43
accurate answer to the question about the date of Ln than to say that it
was compiled in its present form probably between the second half of
the 15th and the middle of the 18th century.
1.10. Ln is divided into seven distinct chapters (Päli kaëòa) and
consists 167 verses dealing with: (1) the wise man (Paëòitakaëòa 1-40);
(2) the good man (Sujanakaëòa 41-67); (3) the evil-doer (Dujjanakaëòa
68-78); (4) friendship (Mittakaëòa 79-93); (5) women (Itthikaëòa 94-111);
(6) kings (Rajakaëòa 112-137); and (7) miscellanea (Missakakaëòa 138-
167). The author or compiler clearly states in the opening stanzas his
object in undertaking this work and mentions the name of the text as
Ln. In the very first stanza of Ln the author also indicates their sources
and does not claim that this treatise is his own composition. Here the
author starts his writing with the homage paid to the Three Gems and
then he says that he will recite the “Lokanéti” concisely in Mägadhese
extracted from various treatises, “lokanétiÞ pavakkhärni,
nänäsatrhasamuddhaöaÞ > mägadheneva saìkhepaÞ, vanditvä
ratanatthayaÞ> > ” The author of the Ln has opened his work with the
introductory stanza of his book on Ratanattaya, or the Three Gems
(Refuges). Though, the Ln comes under the categories of secular
literature the intention of the author to start with the veneration of Three
Gems is only indicatory to mark that this text is meant for Buddhist
upäsaka-s and upäsikä-s. Every religion worthy of the name has certain
articles of belief in which its followers have confidence. It is these articles
which awaken the religious impulse of man and inspire him to lead the
religious life; they give concrete shape as it were to abstract principles
around which the followers of a religion rally. Thus, it may be said that
it is these articles of belief which give rise to the institutional form of a
religion, the organized form of a religion cannot exist without them, in
fact no movement whatsoever can be operative and successful unless
organized in the institutional form. Buddhism is no exception, and it is
the Three Gems in which its followers show their confidence.
1.11. The Buddha, the Dhamma, and Saìgha, known as Ratanattaya
or the Triple Gem, form the Three Refuges. The Buddha is the one who
has attained to full enlightenment after the fulfilling the Ten Perfections
(Dasa-Päramitä) during the period of four incalculable and hundred
thousand kappa-s. The Dhamma is the doctrine preached by such an
enlightened teacher (SammäsaÞbuddhai). The Saìgha is the ‘Order of
the Nobel Ones’ who have practiced the teachings and realized the Nobel
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 45
Truths (Ariyasacca) in varying degrees. For the same reasons the Order
of such members is known as the Ariya-Saìgha.
1.12. In the introductory verse itself the author of the text gives the
title of his book “the Lokanéti”. The word Ln is made up of two Päli
words, ‘loka’ and ‘néti’. In Buddhist sense the meaning of the word loka
is ‘world’, that is, ‘visible world of daily experience’ and the Néti signifies
‘guide’. So, by choosing the title the author tries to express the whole
aim and objective of his work- to be a guide in the visible world of daily
experience. In other words, the author means that his work is to help
and guide people in conducting themselves properly in the affairs of
daily life.
1.13. After the introductory verse the very first chapter of the Ln
namely Paëòitakaëòa (Section on Wise Man), starts with highlighting
the importance of Néti in one’s own life:
“nétiloke purisassa säro, mätä pitä äcariyo ca mitto >
tasmä hi nétiÞ puriso vijaïïä, ïäëé mahä hoti bahussutoca >> ”
The “Néti,” in this world, is a man’s essence, his father, his mother,
his teacher, his friend: a person, therefore, knowing the “Néti”, is a
prudent man, both excellent and well-informed” (tr. by Gray: 1886).
Having highlighted the importance of Néti in human life, the first
chapter discusses many aspects of discourses connected to leading a
good life. Here the importance of learning, different branches of learning,
characteristic of wise man, characteristics of true friends, signs of good
parents etc. are discussed in a very lucid and heart touching language.
1.14. In the second chapter of the Ln as per the name of the chapter
‘’The Good Man”, the author has gathered those gäthä-s which are
concerned with the title of the chapter. To emphasize the value of being
a good man and the value of being in company with good men,
Lokanétikära included the chapter “On the foolish and Bad Man”
immediately following the one “On the Good Man”. After that, chapter
four is devoted to friendship. The author has very deliberately pointed
out the true friends and given some astounding examples of a friend.
The fifth chapter is devoted to women. The role of women in household
life is discussed here in detail. But at the same time women are also
portrayed with some derogatory remarks. For example we can see the
verse number 104 of Ln which says that “All rivers are crooked; all forests
are made of wood; all women, going into solitude, would do what is
46 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
evil” (tr. by Gray 1886: 23). In chapter sixth “on the ruler”, the author
talks about what a good ruler or a good king is supposed to be. The
seventh chapter, the last one in the book, speaks about diverse matters
and is appropriately entitled as pakkiëëaka. There, the author tries to
remind his readers of uselessness of prayers. He admonishes any of his
readers who had a tendency to run into debt by including such weak
person among those who were supposed to be the living dead. He also
speaks about how careful we should be in talking about others or to
strangers. Here we also find some prejudices the author holds and some
of the superstitions too.
2. Dhammanéti (Dhn)
2.1. Dhn is the longest of the néti works in Päli. This text played an
encyclopedic role for their predecessors to compose other néti texts in
Päli. Unfortunately, none of the Burmese accounts mentions the name
of the author of Dhn. Hence, the name of the author and the date of the
compilation of the text are still not known with conformity. From the
study of parallel verse groups in the Päli Néti works Bechert and Braun
(1981: Ivi) tentatively determine the date of its compilation and assume
that Dhn was compiled earlier than Ln and Mhn. The authorship of
Mhn is ascribed to Mahäsélavaàsa whose date was almost fixed around
the fifteenth century CE. So if Mahärahanétikära utilized the sources of
Dhn then this text must have been composed before than fifteenth
century CE. The lower date of this text is fixed by Bechert and Braun in
between late fourteenth.
2.2. Gray (1886: 37 fn. 1) noted that Dhn was translated for the first
time into Burmese by ‘Tipitakalinkära Mahädhamma (i.e.
TipiöakälaÞkäradhajamahädhammaräjaguruthera mentioned in Sä alias Bä
Karä Charä To) in 1784 CE by the order of King Bodawpaya. Outside
Burma Dhn was not found in any Thereväda county except Thailand
where this text was available in the Thai script and in the Thai translation.
Dhn was translated in Thai language in early twentieth century. Bechert
and Braun (1981: xxvi, lvii) reported the only traces of Dhn in non-
Burmese tradition in two Siamese texts: Thammanéti [Dhamrnanéti] bap
hang tham, 423 pp., Bangkok, Rongphim Thai press, 2464 AB/ 1921
CE. A Thai translation, based on the same textual tradition is found in
the edition of tripartite Lokanéti-traiphäk, ed. and tr. Sathira Koses (Phya
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 47
2.5. The Dhn is not as common as Ln but is better known than RN.
Unlike Ln, it never became a handbook of study in Burma in government
or monastic schools. It is much longer than the Ln and Rn and therefore
was not so willingly recopied by scribes; in addition, it did not have a
reputation of being originated in India, though it was partly a translation
from Sanskrit into Päli. The Dhn contains a great number of maxims
identical with those found in the Ln; at least 67 verses are common to
both Dhn and Ln (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxix). But generally speaking,
the Dhn is more loosely connected with Sanskrit sources than Rn and
particularly Ln. The maxims of Dhn are in principle not straight
translations from Sanskrit but paraphrases of Sanskrit maxims. It was
possible to trace the origin of 127 maxims, i.e. 31 % of Dhn verses to
Sanskrit sources (Bechert and Braun 1981: lxx).
2.6. The Dhn starts with three introductory stanzas. In the first verse
of Dhn the author pays his respect to the triple gems. The second and
the third verses of Dhn establish the mätikä of the text and, no doubt,
these three verses are the composition of the author himself.
äcariyo ca sippaïca païïa sutaÞ kathä dhanaÞ >
deso ca nissayo mittam dujjano sujano balaÞ >> Dhn 2
itthé putto ca däso ca gharäväso katakato >
ïätabbo ca alaìkäro räjadhammopasevako >
dukädirnissako ceva pakiëëako ti mätikä >> Dhn 3
Tabulation or condensed contents (are as follow): The Teacher, Art
and Craft, (Worldly) Wisdom, Knowledge, Story Telling, Wealth,
Habitation, Dependence, Friendship, The Bad Man, The Good Man,
the Power;
Women, Children, Servants, Residence, What should be done, What
should not be done, Relatives, Ornamentation, Duties of King,
Ministration, Things taken by two etc., and Miscellaneous.
2.6. The first chapter of Dhn is äcariyo, the Preceptor. There are 10
verses in this chapter. Here the importance of preceptor, the role of
preceptor in one’s life, the zeal of clever pupil to follow their preceptor
etc. are dealt in detail. Following the first chapter, the second chapter
discusses the various arts and crafts one should learn. Here a question
mark has been raised for the people as to ‘how an idle one can acquire
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 49
The Rn deals only with a single theme: the right conduct of a king.
This is one of the major points of difference with other Néti texts, each
of which treats different topics in individual chapters. There is one more
peculiarity with this Räjanéti; it has only three verses in common with
the other Päli néti works (Gray 1886: viii f). Therefore, we may regard it
as a basically independent work or compilation. Finally, it is the only
ancient Päli néti work of which the name of the compilers is definitely
known to us.
The Räjanéti in Päli was beyond any doubt the most popular of the
néti texts in Thailand as well as in Cambodia, and it seems that its
Burmese origin has been completely forgotten there.
5. Päli-Cäëakyanéti
5.1. Even though associated with the great Mauryan Empire, neither
Cäëakaya nor Candragupta were mentioned in Päli literature till the
period of Vaàsa literature of Sri Lanka. It was the Mahävaàsa (V.16)
where the two legendary figures of Indian history were mentioned first
time, and the legend is given in some detail in the commentary thereto,
the Vaàsatthappakäsiné or Mahävasa Öikä (Malalasekera 1935: 180-194)
composed in between early sixth to tenth centuries CE. In other words
we can say that around tenth century Cäëakya was noticed by Päli
scholars. This was the time when the texts related with Cäëakya had
been translated into Tibetan. Though we know that there are no cultural
relations among the Tibet and Sri Lankan Buddhists in that period,
however, we must remember that this was the time when Cäëakya was
noticed in Buddhist country. In spite of that, Cäëakya was noticed in
Päli around tenth century, but his work has been acknowledged very
late.
In Burma, translation of Cäëakya Néti started in modern time.
Sternbach (1969: 46) informs that an edition of Cäëakyanéti namely
Cäëakya-néti-Thaòa-néti, was published in the Hla Khin and Sons Press,
Dat Nan Ward, Mandalay, 1939. This text of Cäëakya version contains
110 verses in Sanskrit in Burmese characters. Probably this text is the
first Sanskrit text published in Burmese character. After this edition,
Cäëakyanéti was made available in Päli. The Cäëakyanéti in Päli is a
unique text in the category of PNT. This text is a verbatim translation of
Cäëakya-néti-çästra. In the entire text, there is not a single Buddhist
element. Even the author has not paid salutation to the Buddha. The
KUMAR : NÉTI LITERATURE : A FORGOTTEN BRANCH 53
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The Mära legends are very conspicuous in the Buddhist texts. With
regard to the Mära’s episode it may be pointed out that in the Buddhist
literature Mära is described as the God of pleasure, love and death,
the personification of evil, the sovereign of illusion and the tempter
of Buddha. He is the personification of räga (passion), dveña (hate)
and moha(delusion). He is the leader of the army of demons (Märasenä)
and can entrap anyone in sensory pleasures and bondage
(Märabandhana). It can be surmised that Mära represents the
personification of distracting instincts that ultimately cause spiritual
death and hence the epithet Mära which is derived from the root må
’to die’ and in causative marayati iti märah. Mära’s daughters are Tanhä,
Araté and Räga. While Buddha, then Bodhisattva, was on the way of
acquiring perfect knowledge enabling escape from the perpetual cycle
of rebirth (Saàsära), he had to encounter the temptation of Mära. This
was because Buddha’s Enlightenment signified freedom from all
bondages. Mära decided to fight and win over Bodhisattva. In several
ways Mära along with his army and his daughters tried to distract
him but were not successful in their attempts.
Several Buddhist texts mention the Mära vijaya episode. The Padhana
Sutta of the Sutta Nipäta speaks of Mära visiting Gautama on the
banks of the Neraïjara and of Buddha’s tenfold classification of the
Mära’s army as lusts, aversion, hunger and thirst, craving, sloth
cowardice, doubt, hypocrasy, false glory and lauding oneself while
condemning others. The Dhitaro Sutta mentions Märakanyäs that is
Tanhä, Araté and Räga tempting Buddha after his Enlightenment and
retiring in defeatl. The Nidänakathä provides a detailed account of the
attack of Mära’s army and Buddha’s calling of the earth as witness to
his generosity2. The text assigns the temptation in the fifth week after
Buddha’s Enlightenment when Buddha sat under the Ajapala banyan
60 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
tree. During this time Mära’s three daughters found their father
drawing lines on the ground. The Mahävastu also gives description of
the Mära Vijaya episode. According to it in the third week after
Enlightenment while Buddha walked up and down the jewelled path,
Mära dejectedly wrote on the ground with his staff after his failure.
He called his daughters to tempt Buddha. According to the text Mära’s
son Janisuta makes unsuccessful attempt to dissuade his father from
the attack. The demon armies flee when Buddha strikes the earth
with his hand3. Calling of earth as witness is absent. Thus the
Mahävastu separates the incidents of the demon armies and the
temptation of the daughters.
The Lalitavistara contains the most elaborate version of the story.
According to it a troubling dream caused Mära to call together his
armies. According to the sequence of the event Mära first tried to
fight Buddha. It was followed by the calling of the earth to witness
the event. The three daughters then tempt Buddha but retire in defeat.
Finally the Märasenas attack Buddha but fails in their attempt. After
Enlightenment Mära wrote on the ground with an arrow. The
Lalitavistara again mentions about the temptation of Mära’s daughters
for the second time. This occurred in the fourth week after
Enlightenment when Buddha walked from the eastern and western
sea. During this time Mira’s daughters find their father again drawing
lines on the ground. Lalitavistara includes the visualization of Mära’s
army as lusts, greed and the like4.
Buddhacarita also gives description of the Mära episode. The
description begins with the presence of Mära’s three sons and three
daughters with no account of the temptation. The text states that
Mära’s attack had no effect on Buddha. Then the account provides a
description of demon armies of Mära. They flee when their master
Mära retreats upon hearing the heavenly voice proclaim that his efforts
would not succeed. The earth is called as witness5.
The episode of the assault of Mära and Mära Vijaya is an event of
utmost importance in the spiritual quest of Buddha. Hence Mära Vijaya
is frequently illustrated in several art centres of India. The present
article attempts to identify the various scenes of Mära Vijaya,
investigate its stylistic and iconographic uniqueness in the Amarävaté-
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 61
art and compare and contrast it stylistically with other early Indian
centres of art.
Amarävaté, (lat 16° 34´ N Long 80° 24´ E, Sattanpalli Taluk, Guntur
District, Andhra Pradesh) an unfamous hamlet today held a position of
considerable importance in ancient India. The ancient name of this
place as noticed in the inscriptions from Amarävaté is Dhänyakaöaka6.
The name might have originated from the paddy cultivation in the
area. However, the name Dhänyakaöaka has been varied into different
transcriptions like Dhänyakaöaka7in Päli, Dhänyakaöaka8 in Präkåt and
Dhänyakaöaka9 in the Sanskrit form. The Tibetan historian Täranätha
refers to Dpal-dan-brass-spun meaning ‘accumulation of grain’10. A
pillar inscription in the Amreçvara temple dated 1361 CE mentions the
place as Dhäniyavaté, that is the place of grain.11 The region is also
identical to Dharaëikõöa12. The Kaifiyats, that is the administrative
records of the Kåñëa and Guëöur attest Dharaëikõöa as the other name
of Dhänyakaöaka13. Other names like Dhänyatipura, Dhärmakoöa,
Dhärnakoöa and Sudhänyakoöa are identified with Dhänyakaöaka14. Later
on the place came to be known as Amareçvarapuram, anglicized from
Amresbury in the British records after the foundation of the Amreçvara
temple.
It was a primal Buddhist centre of Andhradeça from pre-Açokan
times to the 14th Century CE15. Maïjuçré Mülakalpa refers to the
enshrinement of the corporeal relics of Buddha in the Mahäcaitya —Çré
Dhänyakaöaka Caityaka Caitya Jinadhätudharebhumi. 16 Besides
archaeological antiquities, several epigraphical records prove the
existence of the Mahästüpa in Amarävaté. In this regard mention may
be made of an epigraphical record of Pallava king Simhavarman in 1100
CE where there is evidence of the erection of Buddha statue in the
Parama Buddha Kñhetra of Dhänyaghaöaka17. Another epigraph dated
1182 CE by Keöa II on the pillar Amreçvara temple mentions the city Çré
Dhänyakaöaka where along with Amreçvara (Çaàbhu) Buddha is
worshipped and very close to it is the lofty caitya well decorated with
various sculptures — Chaityam atynnatan yatra nänä- chitra suchitritam18.
The principal focus of the Buddhist establishment is the
Mahäcaitya19. However, it may be pointed out that there were several
neighbouring contemporaneous sites which shared artistic affiliation
62 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
with the art of Amarävaté. Hence, the whole group of art centres were
designated by the term ‘Amarävaté School of Art’. The Buddhist
establishments of Amarävaté were richly decorated with scenes
illustrating the Jätaka stories, the Avadänas and the scenes from
Buddha’s life stories. Thus the Mära’s attack and Mära Vijaya, a
significant episode in the life of the Master, also found several
representations in the Amarävaté art.
In this regard mention may be made of several architectural
components of the Amarävaté Mahä stüpa which illustrate the Mära
Vijaya episode.
The inner face of a railing pillar from Amarävaté illustrates the
Mära’s attack and the Mära Vijaya episode20. This pillar is subdivided
into seven registers. Here the top middle fluted register depicts Mära’s
assault. In this section one can see the empty throne and foot prints
under the bodhi tree encircled by kneeling and standing worshippers.
It is noteworthy to mention that Buddha is not depicted in human
form. His presence is suggested by explicit symbols like the empty
throne and the footprints. On the right side of the panel are seen
fleeing male figures, some with hands raised in worship and others
with their backs turned away from the Enlightenment scene. These
fleeing male figures can be identified as a part of the Märasena.
Again in the lower fluted region one can see narratives associated
with Mära’s assault. This portion is subdivided into three subsections.
In the left hand section Bodhisattva is represented aniconically in the
form of footprints below the throne. This is the occasion of Mära
laying claim to the Bodhisattva’s seat. The central fluting area depicts
dwarfs with arms and stones, probably trying to attack the throne. To
the left is the group of standing female figures possibly Märakanyäs
using guiles to deter Bodhisattva from the path of Enlightenment. The
right hand section illustrates the defeat of Märasena. The recognizable
refinement and detailing of the railing pillar clearly points to the
knowledge and mastery of the Amarävaté artists to depict the Mära
Vijaya episode with such precision. This masterpiece is now preserved
in the British Museum.
A portion of a stüpa slab from Amarävaté now housed in the Madras
Government Museum depicts the episode of the Mära Vijaya scene21.
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 63
Buddha’s reply that the earth was the witness to the fact of his giving
alms in his previous birth (Vessantara Jätaka). This däna gave him the
right to occupy the seat under the bodhi tree. This specimen is in the
collection of the British Museum, London.
An early narrative pillar from Amarävaté measuring 2 feet across
contains an illustration of Mära among other narratives. The pillar is
partially intact for about 4 feet. The pillar is preserved in the
Archaeological Museum, Amarävaté 24. This damaged pillar contains
reliefs on three sides and the fourth face is completely cut. Among
various narratives one scene illustrates Mära begging for renunciation
of life. It is extremely difficult to identify the scene. Mära is kneeling
before Buddhapada. This is an unusual depiction of the Mära episode
in the Amarävaté as the presence of Mära sena and Märakanya usually
seen in this repertoire is absent.
Another specimen of the Mära Vijaya episode is sculpted on a
badly damaged narrative column preserved in the Madras Government
Museums. The column belongs to the early phase of the Amarävaté
art. The pillar commonly identified as the Neraïjarä-gamanam pillar
showcase the scene of Great Departure26. Here the river Neraïjarä is
identifiable. Further down is a damaged scene where two dancing
women and a male figure is visible. The male figure is pointing to a
squarish mat like structure. It may be inferred that the female figures
may represent Märakanyäs. However, the extensive damage of this
narrative column prevent us from proper identification.
The sculptures of Nägärjunakoëòa appear to be a continuation of
the Amarävaté tradition and hence constituted an important centre of
the Amarävaté repertoire. Thus like other themes, the Mära Vijaya
episode found adequate representation in the art of Nägärjunakoëòa.
In an äyaka panel from the site preserved in the Archaeological
Museum, Nägärjunakoëòa, the Mära Vijaya scene is clearly visible27.
This panel consists of a series of five scenes from the life of Buddha.
Observing from right to left, the third section illustrates the Mära
Vijaya scene. Here the Master is depicted in his anthropomorphic
form. The scene can be identified by the presence of Mära in the
soldier’s attire, a group of grotesque looking male dwarfs attacking
the Master and a group of female figures, probably Märakanyäs
66 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
ends with the close of the pre-Christian epoch36. The post Mauryan
period represents a formative stage where the fundamental qualities
of Indian art was laid.
The vast repository of the Mathura school showed a consistent
growth of early Indian art with its foundations on Indian traditions37.
The early antiquities come close to the reliefs of Bhärhüt and Säïché.
However, the rich production in the Mathurä ateliar begins in the
Christian era. This phase synchronized with the reign of the Kuñhäëas.
However, though the extraneous influences reached Mathurä, the
artistic production was thoroughly Indian.
The notion of cult image became foremost in the minds of the
Mathurä artists. Along with it the modelling of the human figures
both in relief and round displays vigour and dynamism. The art
exhibits a conscious working towards expressive scenes38 related to
secular and religious themes. The weighty sensuality and grandiose
figural form marks the gradual development of Indian ideal of physical
beauty that reaches its mature expression in the Gupta idiom.39
The plastic art of Gandhära repertoire embracing the North-Western
provinces of the Indian subcontinent and part of Afghanistan exhibited
a fundamentally different art style. Gandhära School flourished under
the Kushänas and spanned from the early centuries of the Christian
era to the 5th century CE. 1st century — 3rd century CE was the peak
period of this art. Gandhära art shows more affinity to the Roman
objects. But the Hellenistic elements also cannot be ignored.
The Gandhära specimens reveal a hybrid culture where the
technique was borrowed from the Greek and Roman art but modified
according to the Indian thematic requirement. The crafts men of
Gandhära were credited with the first representation of Buddha in the
anthropomorphic form. Some of the important sites of the Gandhära
repertoire are Jaulian Loriyan Tongai, Charsada, Jalalabad, Hadda,
Peshawar, Taxila and Mohra Moradu.
The high point of artistic development in early South India
especially Andhra Pradesh occurred in the centuries immediately
preceding and following the Christian era. Though the early phase
chronologically synchronized with Bhärhüt and Säïché, the Andhra
art was superior. In the first two centuries of the Christian era, when
72 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
Deccan was under the rule of the Sätavähanas, the most mature phase
of this art blossomed at Amarävaté.
During the fourth century to the close of the 6th century CE the
Gupta style emerged. This period was marked by the great artistic
development inspired by intellectual consciousness of the age. The
efflorescence of artistic genius was the outcome of the long artistic
evolution through the preceding centuries.
Human figure termed as image became the pivot of Gupta
sculpture. The art achieved a degree of perfection visible in the perfect
balance and harmony of stylistic and iconographic elements40. The
evolution of various postures (äsana), gestures (müdräs), iconographic
norms (pratimä lakñaëa) and the canons of proposition (täla mäna)
were fixed in this age.
This art was very extensive and the style percolated throughout
the entire subcontinent. The finest specimens of this period were
produced in the major centres of Mathurä, Särnäth and several places
of Central India. The Ajanta murals also belong to this epoch.
Even after the collapse of the imperial Guptas sometime about the
middle of the 6th century CE, a greater part of Northern India
continued the aesthetic genre of the classical idiom till about the
middle of the 8th century CE. From this period onwards there was a
conscious emphasis on regional style. It also marks of the beginning
of the early medieval phase of the Indian art tradition.
Coming back to the Mära Vijaya depiction in early Indian art centres
mention may be made of a relief from Bhärhut preserved in the Indian
Museum, Kolkata. It is seen in the middle panel of the Prasenajit
pillar41. The compositional format at Bhärhut is completely different
from the Amarävaté art. Instead of the depiction of Mära’s fight usually
seen at Amarävaté, one can see rows of devas expressing joy and
reverence at Buddha’s victory over Mära. Buddha’s presence is
indicated by the presence of the bodhi tree and the bewildered figure
at the corner is Mära. If we compare this relief stylistically with that
of Amarävaté specimen it can be pointed out that Mära Vijaya
representation at Amarävaté show a marked progress in technical
qualities of art. The alteration of postures in the figures of Amarävaté
art prevents the arrangement of figures in rows. This is not attempted
RAY CHOWDHURI : MÄRA VIJAYA IN AMARÄVATÉ ART 73
declared by the householder Änanda for his usage to maintain his life
at the time of his renouncement. These cultivated products are : koriìta
flowers, fragrant red-tinted cloth, a green stick of sweet taste as tooth-
cleaner, milky pulp of the ämalaka, scented wheat flour, cotton cloths,
aloes, olibanum, white lotus, boiled rice kalamasäli by name, mug,
mäña, kaläya, cänä or gram, vegetables like a kind of spinach, gourds,
melons, pälaìga a kind of fruit or gum resin of çäla tree, pepper, betel,
with five spices (probably cardamom, cloves, camphor, kakkola or a
kind of acid seed, nutmeg), aloes, olibanum. These products are
divided under the following types of agronomical crops, horticulture
products and medicinal plants.
Agronomical classification of crops
Group Name Scientific Name Family Available in the
Uväsagadasäo
Präkåt term English term
Cereal Rice Oryza sativa Säli Rice
crops Wheat Triticum acstivum Kalama Wheat
Barley Hordeum vulgare Poaceae (formerly SurahiaÞ-
Oat Avena sativa Gramineae) gaëdha-
Maize Zea mays vaööaÞ
Red gram Cajanus cajan kaööa (kaÞöa)
Green gram Vigna radiata Muggädi
Pulse crops Field pea Pisum sativum var, Mäs Red gram
Cowpea arvense Vigna sinensis Fabaceae (formerly Chanä Green gram
Lentil Lens culinaris Leguminosae) Mug
kalaya
Oil seeds Ground nut Arachis hypogae Leguminsae
Sesame Sesamum indicum Pedaliaceae
Sunflower Helianthus annus Asteraceae (formerly
indian Compositae)
mustard Brassica juncea Brassieaceae (formerly
Linseed/Flax Linum usitatissimum Cruciferae)
Linaceae.
Sugarcane Sugar crops Saccharum officinarum Poaceae Sugarcane
Sugar beet Beta vulgaris Chenopodiaceae
Tuber crops Potato Solanum tuberosum solanaceae
Sweet potato Ipomoea batatas Convolvulaceae
Fiber crops Cotton Gossypium spp. Malvaceae Khoma-juyalaÞ Cotton
Jute Corchorus Ttliaceae GaÞdha-käsäée
Sun hemp capsularies (white)
Corchorus Fabaceae
olitorius (tossa)
Crotolaria juncea
Fodder Napier grass Pennisetum purpureum Poaceae
crops Johnson Sorghum halepense Fabaceae Darva grass
& grass Medicago sativa Cyperaceae
Grasses Alfalfa Cyperus papyrus
Papyrus
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 85
Divisions of Horticulture
Group Name Scientific Name Family Available in the
Uväsagadasäo
Präkåt term English term
Brocoli Brassical Ieracea italica Brassicaceae Vatthu Spinach
Vegetable Cabbage Brassica oleracea variety (formerly Cruciferae) Suthiya Ground
capitara Chenopodiaceae Maëòukkiya
Spinach Spinacia Oleracca Apiaceae
Celery Apium graveolens (formerly
(formerly Umbelliferae)
Fruits cucumber Cucumis sativus Cucurbitacea Jujube
Lemon Citrus limon Rutaceae Tinduka
Watermelon Citrullus lanatus Cucurbitaceae Mango
Mango Mangifera indica Anacardiaceae
Banana Musa paradisiaca Musaceae
Flower/ Rose Rosa sp Rosaceae Karinta flower White
Ornamental Marigold Tagetes erecta Asteraceae Suddha-paumam lotus
plants (formerly Mälai-kusumam
Sunflower Heliabthus sp. Compositae)
Jasmine Jasminum sp.
Oleaceae
Plantation Coconut Cocos nucifera Arecaceae Arcanut
crops (formerly Palmae)
Cardamom Elettaria cardamomum Zingiberaceae Alla-laööhé
Condiments Clove Syzygium aromaticum Myrtaceae Lavaìga Clove
& Spices Turmeric Curcuma domestiea Zingiberaceae Ela Cardam
Coriander Coriandrum sativum Apiaceae Jätiphala Nutme
(formerly Peppe
Cardamom Elettaria cardamomum. Umbelliferae)
Zingiberaoeae
Forest Acacia Acacia spp Fabaceae (formerly
plants Leguminosae)
Junipers Juniperus virginiana Cupressaceae
Eucalyptus Eucalyptus spp Myrtaceae
Anola Emblica officinalis
Aromatic Citronella Cymbopogon Poaccae GaÞdha-käsäée
plants grass winterianus Lamiaceae Aloes-olibanum
Japanese Menthe canadenis (formerly Labiantae) Agaru-turukka-
mint dhuvam
Medicinal Plants
Group Name Scientific Name Family Available in the
Uväsagadasäo
Präkåt term English term
Medicinal Cinchona Cinchona officinalis Rubiaceae Alla-laööhé-
plants Sorpagandha Raorolfia sarpentina apocynaceae mahuaÞ
Vinea Catharanthus roseus ’’ Khéramaloka
Anola Emblica officinales
86 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
Mango
Bengali äm, is called mango in English and ämra in Skt. Sometimes
mango tree is called ämraù or sahakära in Skt. Scientific name of this
fruit is Mangifera indica23. We get reference of this tasteful fruit in the
seventh Aìga sutta Uväsagadasäo. Now it is cultivated throughout India.
From the reference of this book we can surmise that it was cultivated
in ancient India also. This fruit is not only a tasteful fruit but has some
medicinal properties and uses.
Ber
In the first portion of the story of Änanda we get the reference to
hog-plum or jujube fruit along with mudga, mäsa and mango. Ber is
of two species: genus Ziziphus mauritiana and Z. jujube and it is native
to India, China and Malaysia. There they have been cultivated for more
than 4,000 years. The white, crisp pulp surrounds a single seed. The
fruits are smaller and not so sweet. The wood is moderately strong. It
is used for cot-legs, poles, agricultural implements shaft, etc., the
branches are pruned to get tender shoots every year. The branches are
used as fuel wood and also produce good quality of charcoal. The
sapwood of this species has high calorific value (94,878 calories). Ber
fruit contains protein 0.8%, fat 0.1%, carbohydrates 12.8%, calcium 0.03%,
phosphorus 0.03% and Iron 0.8%. Generally the fruits are eaten fresh,
candied, dried smoked and pickled. Several products like ber butter,
ber squash or juice etc. may also be made.
Çäla
In the Uväsagadasäo we get the Pkt. word pälaìgä-mähuaraeëam.24
‘Mähuraya’ is a sort of sweet drink taken by Änanda. According to the
Skt. Commentary it may be juice of valli fruit. Vallé-phala means phala
viçeñaù ‘a kind of fruit’ of the Vallé. The name vallé is given to various
medicinal plants. Besides this the word indicates liquor which comes
from the dammar of the (vallévåkña) Çäla25 tree. This dammar is readily
soluble in alcohol. Yellow-coloured gum of this tree is slightly aromatic
in taste. From this a stimulant is prepared which is used as a tonic. In
the Ayäraìga Sutta II, I 8, § 4 it is mentioned as ‘sallai-palamba’ bearing
the meaning product of the shallaké tree. From this we can surmise that
the people of that time knew the medicinal properties of this tree and
used to cultivate this tree for different purpose. This tree belongs to
92 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
wood for cleaning the teeth’. Änanda limited himself in the use of
tooth-cleaners, saying: “excepting one kind, viz., a green stick of sweet
taste28 may be liquorice (Beng. Yañöimadhu). Generally single consonant
‘ya’ of the Skt. Word yañöi becomes ‘la’ in Pkt. (yañöyaÞ laù Vr. 2.29;
yañöyäÞ laù Hc. 1.247). So, Skt. Yañöimadhu easily can be laööhi mahuaÞ
in Pkt.. This Glycyrriza glabra Linn. is a plant from whose root is obtained
a black substance used in medicine and in sweets.
This green stick of sweet taste is used in this book as tooth cleaner.
So, this plant is efficacious for teeth also. Dried peeled or unpeeled
underground stems and roots of liquorice constitute drug. It is an
important constituent of all cough, catarrh syrups and throat lozenges.
It is effective for peptic ulcers.
Nutmeg
Myristica is an evergreen tree native to the Moluccas or spice Island
of Indonesia. Seed of the Myristica is used as spice nutmeg. It has a
distinctive pungent fragrance. Its taste is slightly sweet. It is used to
flavour many kinds of baked goods, confections, puddings, meats,
sausages, sauces, vegetables and such beverages. It became important
as an expensive commercial spice of the western world around 1600
AD. Romans used it as incense. Nutmeg fruit is a pendulous drupe.
When fully mature this fruit splits in two, exposing a crimson coloured
aril. Its seed is brown. The pulp of the fruit is used locally.
In the Uväsagadasäo householder Änanda used to take some spices
with betel as mouth perfume. According to Hoernly nutmeg was one
of this spice. From the aforesaid discussion we can surmise that people
of that time were acquainted with nutmeg and such spices. To use
these they had to cultivate such spices.
Clove
This story informs us that people of that time used to cultivate
cardamom, cloves, kakkola nutmeg, areca-nut and betel as they were
acquainted with the medicinal properties.
Lavaìga or clove is small, reddish-brown flower bud of the evergreen
tree. Syzygium aromaticum of the family Myrtaceae. It is indigenous to
Moluccas or spice Island of Indonesia and important in the earliest
spice trade. Cloves are used to flavour many foods, particularly meants
and bakery products. During the late Middle Ages cloves were used in
Europe to preserve flavours and garnish food. Clove cultivation was
94 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
some or other, existed before that council. According to the tradition of the
Jains, Mahävéra himself taught the Puvvas to his disciples, the Gaëadharas;
and the latter composed the Aìgas. The Puvvas (Skt. Pürva) or the ‘Earlier’
(compositions) were evidently called so because they existed prior to the
Aìgas. At the time of the council of Päöaliputra a large portion of them are
said to have been lost; what remained was then embodied in the twelfth
Aìga.” (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society. Calcutta,
Page X).
2 Väëiyagäma is Skt. Väëijagräma which is another name of the well-known
city of Vesälé (Skt Vaishälé). It was the capital of the Licchavi country
(Cunningham’s Ancient Geography of India, p. 443). In the Kalpa Sütra § 122
this city is mentioned separately in close conjunction with Vesälé. Vesälé
occupied a very extended area which included within its circuit (at the
time of Hwen Thsang, of about 12 miles. See Cunningham’s Archaeological
Reports, Vol. I, p. 56), besides Vesälé proper (now Besäåh), several other
places. Among the latter were Väëiyagäma and Kuëòagäma or Kuëòapura.
These still exist as villages under the names of Bäniyä and Basukuëò (see
the Maps, Plate XXI in vol. I and plate II Vol, XVI of the Archaeolog. Reports).
Hence the joint-city might be called according to circumstances, by any of
the names of its constituent parts. The epithet nayara clearly marks out
Väëiyagäma as a very large city; for Champä, itself one of the proverbially
large cities (see Rockhill’s Life of Buddha, p. 136), is only designated a nayaré
as § I. Under the name of Kuëòagäma, the city of Vesälé is mentioned as
the birth place of Mahävéra, who hence is sometimes called Vesälie or the
‘man of Vesälé’, (see Jacobi’s Introduction to the Translation of the Äcäraìga
Sütra, p. Xi and Weber’s Indische Studien, Vol, XVI, p. 262). A Buddhist
tradition quoted by Rockhill (Life of Buddha, p. 62), mentions the city of
Vesälé as consisting of three districts. These may very well have been Vesälé
proper, Kuëòapura and Väëiyagäma, occupying respectively the south-
eastern, north-eastern and western portions of the area of the total city.
Beyond Kuëòapura, in a further north-easterly direction by the suburb (or
‘station’, sannivesa) of Kolläga (see § 7), which appears to have been
principally inhabited by Kshattriyas of the Näya (or Jïätåi) clan, to which
Mahävéra himself belonged; for in § 66 it is described as the Näya-kula. In
connection with their ‘settlement’ (sannivesa) at Kolläga, but outside of it,
the Näya-clan possessed a religious establishment (or cheïya) which bore
the name of Düïpaläsa (§ 3). Like most cheïyas it consisted of a park
enclosing a shrine, hence in the Vipäka-Sütra, lect I, § 2 it is called the
Düïpaläsa Park (Ujjäëa), and that it was owned by the Näya-clan is shown
by its description’. Uväsagadasäo, ed. Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, p. 3-4.
3 According to the commentary gähävaé means åiddhimad-viçeñaù, ‘a kind of
owner of dominion, a landowner, a squire’. ‘Possession’ or ‘dominion’,
(aggaha, Skt. avagraha) is in the Äy. 11.7, said to be fivefold : viz. that of a
lord of the devas (devenda), of a king (räja), of a landowner (gähävaï) of a
house-owner (sägäriya) and of a monk (sähummiya). The term gähävaé is
explained by skt. gräma-mahattaradi or ‘chief of a village, etc’. A gähävaï
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 97
kind of rice well-known in the east of India. Rice is either sown broadcast,
or in seed-beds and transplanted. The latter, raised from seedlings (or
kalmaçäli), are the finer varieties of rice. As two-thirds of all Indian rice are
grown in Bengal it is probable that the practice of cultivation by seedlings
was first introduced in that part of India, whence the fine rice of the east
or of Bengal became known as the seedling rice or kalamaçäli. The term
kalam or kal ’mi is commonly employed in India to denote plants improved
by cultivation (by grafts, seedlings etc.). In the present passage the term
kalamaçäli is probably intended, in a generice sense, for any of the finer
cultivated kinds of rice. There is, however, also a special kind of cultivated
rice, Which is called kar ’mä (or kal ’mä) in Bihar.’ (Uväsagadasäo, ed. A.F.
Rudolf hoernle, The Asiatic Society, p. 17-18).
6 “Historically the first and still the most conclusive evidence for the existence
regeneration. The part of the combination that provides the root is called
98 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
the stock; the added piece is called the scion. When more than two parts
are involved, the middle piece is called the interstock. When the scion
consists of a single bud, the process is called budding. Grafting and budding
are the most widely used of the vegetative propagation methods”. ©1994-
2001 Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.
8 Text gaÞdha-käsäée, scl. Çäikä ‘cloth’. The phrase also occurs in Näy., § 35.
The comm. explains it as a red cloth (rakta-säçöikä) distinghised by its
fragrance (gandha-pradhänä). — (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo,
the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, pp. 14-15).
9 Cotton has different uses. In medicinal world cotton is widely used. It is
also used in textile industry for making garments etc.
10 Text süva, Skt. süpa; accords to the comm... , the well- known Indian dish
of däla (Skt. dvidala, Yog. III, 7) is intended, pottage or thick soup made of
any kind of split pulse, boiled but usually not strained.
Text mugga, Skt. mudga, Phaseolus mungo, and mäsa, Skt. Mäña, Phaseolus
mungo radiatus. Kaläya is explained in the Skt. Comm. to be chaëakäkära
dhänyavisheña, i.e. ‘a kind of grain resembling cänä or gram’. The Gujaräti
paraph., more definitely indentifies it with the masüra or lentils (Ervum
lens or Cicer lens), which agrees with the modern usage. As masur is very
commonly eaten as däla (see Baden Powell, vol. I. p. 242, and Watt, Part VI,
p. 79). These three, masüra, mug and mäña are srill the most expensive and
most esteemed pulses used for däla. The name kaläya, however is in Bengal
and Bihar now commonly given to the mäña, which is called mäña kaläï (cf,
Watt ib., p. 135. Grierson § 996) Cänä (Cicer arietinum, the chickpea)
commonly called ‘gram,’ is very cheap and is only eaten by the lower
orders, not useally in the form of däl but parched or ground into flour (cf.
Baden Powell, ib., pp. 239-240). — (Hoernle. A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo
the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, p. 18).
11 Black gram (mäs kaläï) contains reasobnable about of phosphoric acid and
protein content near about 24%. It is widely used as a nutritive fodder crop
especially for milch animal.
12 There is much uncertainty as to the vegetables here intended. For vatthü
there are several different readings, none of which I can identify with the
name of any vegetables. Vatthü itself is modern batthuä or batthawä, or
bäthü, a kind of spinach Chenopodium album (Watt, p. 49), one species of
which is also called chüä (Baden Powell, p. 244, no. 869), a name which has
some resemblance to the varia lectio chüchü. The sutthiya is the Skt. svastika
(or sushavi). Momordica charantica, is a kind of gourd which is eaten in
curries (Watt Pt. VI, p. 112). The Gujaräté paraph., however, indentifies it
with agathéyo, modern Guj. agathio, Hindi agaté (Sesbania grandiflora), a tree
the leaves and pods of which are earen in curries (Watt, Pt. VI, p. 170). The
maëòukkiva, Skt. maëòükikä (comm.), is a name of various cucurbitaceous
plants (gourd and melons). The variety here intended is, according to the
Gujaräté paraph., the òoòé, Maräöhé òoòé, which appears to be the same as
the Hindi kaddü (Cucurbita maxina), a large pumpkin which is a favourite
for curry (Watt, Pt. VI, P. 64). — (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo,
the Asiatic Society Calcutta, p. 19).
RAY ACHARYYA : INTERPRETING UVÄSAGADASÄO 99
13 Medicinal Properties and uses : The bark, leaves, flowers and tender fruits
of agathi (Aeschynomene grandiflora L.), are used as Ayurvedic medicine. The
bark is astringent, bitter, tonic and febrifuge; its decoction is taken in small
dose to treat diarrhoea and dysentery. An infusion of the bark is recommended
during the first stages of smallpox, malaria and other eruptive fevers. The
Juice from the crushed flowers is used as an eye drop to improve dimness
of vision; the flowers are also considered useful for treating catarrh, cough
and consumption. The pods are considered useful for promoting memory
power and resolving tumours or glandular enlargements, treating anaemia
and consumption and dispelling toxins. The juice of the roots, mixed with
honey, is used as expectorant. The tender leaves, pods and flowers are eaten
as vegetables. —(Parrotta, A. John, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India,
CABI Publishing, pp. 412-13).
14 Medicinal properties and uses : The seeds are considered diuretic and
cooling. The pulp of the fruit is diuretic and demulcent and used for
removing tan freckles and for treating chronic eczema. In Unani medicine
the fruit is reportedly used to treat opthalmia and urinary discharges. —
(Parrotta, A. John, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing,
pp. 254-55).
15 Medicinal properties and uses : The plant is considered bitter, aperients
and tonic, and used to relieve bilious attack. The leaves are applied topically
to relieve inflammations. The seeds are sometimes taken in combination
with other plant drugs by women to help constipation and prevent
miscarriage. In Ayurveda, the fruit is used as an aphrodisiac and tonic. In
Siddha, the whole plant is used to relieve constipation. — (Parrotta, A
Jhon, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India. CABI Publishing, pp. 256.
16 Medicinal properties and uses : In traditional Indian medicine two varities
(sweet and bitter fruits) are distinguished. The stem and fruit of the sweet-
fruit veriety are used in Ayurveda to cure biliousness, and the fruit is used
to treat leucorrhoea. The leaves of the bitter-fruit variety are used to treat
jaundice, leucorrhoea, vaginal and uterine complaints and earache, and its
fruit is used in the treatment of asthma, bronchitis, inflammations, oedema,
ulcers and pains; ashes of the fruit, mixed with honey, are applied to the
eyes to treat night blindness. In Unani medicine, the fruit of the sweet-fruit
variety is considered tonic to the liver, vulnerary, antiperiodic and useful
for reliving muscular pain and dry cough; the ash of the fruit rind is
styptic and vulnerary. The flowers of the bitter-fruit variety are considered
cooling in Unani practice and useful for treating ophthalmia and toothache,
and its fruits for treating bronchitis. A syrup prepared from the tender
fruit is used as a pectoral. The juice of the fruit mixed with lime juice is
used as an application for pimples; boiled in oil it is used to treat
rheumatism. The fruit pulp is applied to the soles of the feet to relieve
burning. The seeds are used as an anthelmnitic; both the seeds and roots
are used to treat dropsy. The seed oil is applied externally to relieve
headache. A decoction of the leaves mixed with sugar is given to treat
jaundice.
100 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
to treat bleeding piles. Dried mango flowers are astringent and prescribed
for diarrhoea, chronic dysentery and inflammation of the bladder. The leaves
are chewed to give tone to the gums. The fumes from the burning leaves
are inhaled for relief from hiccups and throat affections and the ash burnt
leaves is a household remedy for burns and scalds. A cold aqueous extract
of the tender leaves is taken internally to relieve diarrhoea in parts of
southern Orissa; in this region a paste prepared from the ground bark in
water is also used for this purpose. The astringent bark is used to treat
diptheria and rheumatism, and is believed to have a tonic action on the
mucous membrane. It is also used to treat uterine haemorrhage,
haemoptysis, and melaena, diarrhoea and other discharges; mixed with the
root bark of Ziziphus nummularia (Rhamnaceae) and the stem bark of
Syzygium cumini (Myrtacaae), it is reportedly taken orally as an abortifacient
among the Bhils. He gum resin exuded from the cut bark is used in dressings
for cracked feet and scabies, and is considered antisyphilitic.
— (Parrotta, A. Jhon, 2001, Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI Publishing
pp. 65-67).
24 The Skt. commentary explains it by vallé-phala-viçeña ‘a kind of fruit of the
vallé’. The name vallé is given to various medicinal plants, and vallévåkña
is commonly mentioned as the name of the Çäla tree (Shoera robusta), which
also produces a gum resin. Here, however, it denotes the Olibanum tree
(Oswellia serrata or thurifera), the gum resin (comm. shälana) of which is
intended by the term phala-viçeña ‘a kind of fruit’, and denoted in the text
by pälaìgä. The ‘tears’ of this gum are of a roundish oblong form, of a
transparent light yellow colour and of a slightly aromatic taste (comm.
Anamla-rasa ‘not sour juice’). From the gum an astringent stimulant is
prepared, which is used as a tonic (Baden Powell. P. 336 and Watt. Pt. V, p.
61). In Ay. II, 1, 8 § 4 it is mentioned under the name sallï-palamba (Skt.
Shallaké pralamba) or “the pendant (product) or the shallaké tree”. The latter
is the proper Sanskrit name of the tree, while pälaìgä (Tel. and Tam.
Pälaìgé Sanscritised pälaìka) is its Draviòian or South-Indian name. In
North India the tree is not known by the name pälaìgä or pälaìka, which
is there given to a kind of spinach (Beta vulgaris or bengalensis). (See Watt,
Pt. I. 15, Pt. VI. 28 and B. Powell, pp. 339-399). It is remarkable, however,
that in Yog. III, 45 the pälaìka appears among a number of forbidden
plants— (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, Calcutta, pp. 19-20).
25 Description: A large, semi-deciduous tree, usually attaining a height of 18-
30 m and a stem diameter of 0.6-0.7 m. Bark reddish-brown or grey, smooth
or longitudinally fissured. Leaves 10-30 cm long and 5-18 cm wide, ovate-
oblong, coriaceous, lustrous when mature. Flowers hairy, soft, small, borne
in axillary or terminal lax panicles, yellowish. Fruit indehiscent, 10-15 cm
long, 1-1.5 cm long and 1 cm in diameter, ovoid, reddish to pale yellowish-
green in colour, 1-seeded with 5 somewhat unequal 5-7 cm long, winglike,
persistent sepals. Seeds ovoid, with fleshy, unequal cotyledons. Flowers in
March and April; fruits mature between May and July; in central India
trees remain leafless for a short period between February and April.
Distribution and habitat : A gregarious species, found extensively over a
104 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
bronchitis, cough, fever, jaundice etc. The fruits are one of the well known
Indian constituents being Bahera and Harra.
28 “Text danta-vaëa, skt. danda-vana” ‘a piece of wood for (cleaning) the teeth’.
The Chllivagga, V, 31,1 (in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XX, p. 146) has
dantakaööhaÞ. It is not quite correct, however, as stated in the footnote on
that word, that the ends of the tooth stick are “not rubbed on the teeth.”
The ends are at least in this part of the country, both masticated and rubbed
on the teeth for the purpose of cleaning them.
— (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagadasäo, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta,
pp. 15.)
29 Text tambola, now commonly called pan, the leaf of the Piper (or chavica)
betel which together with areca-nut and lime, is chewed, especially after
meals, as a digestive. (Watt, Pt. VI. 140 and Baden Powell, p. 303). Sometimes
certain spices are added; they are, according to the comm. ølä or cardamom
(Eleganus cardamomum), lavaìga or cloves (Caryophyllus aromaticus), karpüra
or camphor (Lourus camphora), kakkola or a kind of acid seed (Eleagnaaus
umbellata) and jätéphala or nutmeg (Myristica moschata). On the derivation
of tambola from Skt. Tämragula, see Ov., p. 165.
— (Hoernle, A.F. Rudolf, ed. Uväsagasäo, the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, pp.
20).
30 Deseription : A large, handsome evergreen tree up to 30 m tall; bark and
leaves aromatic. Leaves alternate, long-petiole, glabrous, somewhat leathery,
ovate-oblong to lanceolate oblong, 3-12 cm long and 1-5 cm wide, attenuate-
acute at both ends, usually 3- nerved. Flowers, yellow about 0.3 cm long,
borne in many-flowered, slender axillary panicles, peduncle thin, branching
at apex; calyx yellow, slightly longer than the pedicel, c.3 mm long, lobes
slightly tomentose inside. Fruits (berries) 1-seeded, globose, 0.5-1 cm in
diameter, seated on a shallow, thin cup, turning black when ripe. Flowers
between March and April in northern India; fruits ripen in October.
Destribution and habitat : Native to China, Taiwan and Japan, introduced
and cultivated in India as an ornamental and as a source of camphor.
Medicinal properties and uses : The leaves and aromatic oil (camphor) ditilled
from the bark and wood are credited with sedative, diaphoretic anodyne,
antiseptic, antispasmodic, expectorant, analgesic and anthelmintic
properties. When inhaled, camphor vapour is useful for treating colds and
related chest affections. A liniment prepared by dissolving camphor in
olive oil (1:4 parts) is used extensively as an external application as a counter-
irritant to relieve inflammations, bruises and sprains. In Ayurveda, camphor
is used to treat leprosy, boils, worm infestation and diseases of the throat.
In Siddha it is used to treat convulsions and as an analgesic. It is also used
in insecticidal preparations. Camphorated oils are used worldwide to relieve
rheumatic pain and inflammation, fibrositis and neuralgia.
— (Parrotta, A. Jhon, (2001), Healing Plants of Peninsular India, CABI
Publishing, pp. 444-45).
106 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
Red gram
Cotton (karpas)
Chenopodium ambrosioides
108 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
Cucumis melo
Momordica charantia
Introduction
The Bengal delta has been an important node in the transoceanic
networks of the Indian Ocean from the late prehistoric period.
However, due to the dynamic geological nature of the Ganga-
Brahmaputra (Bengal) delta, archaeological sites are not easily visible
and are often found in buried, transported and disturbed secondary
contexts. As a result of these factors, important antiquarian remains,
primarily ceramics and terracotta artefacts, are accidentally exposed
due to agricultural and other day-to-day activities such as digging of
ponds and also as a result of erosion. Some of the artefacts collected
from the coastal area in East Medinipur district by the last author are
preserved at Rajinikanta Gyan Mandir Museum and Research Centre
at the village of Dharas in East Medinipur (Midnapur) District of
West Bengal. The first two authors of this paper studied the two
important and complete ceramic jars from this collection. These two
ceramic jars are identified as early medieval amphorae of Red Sea/
West Asian origin, based on the observations on the fabric and the
stylistic features. One of these jars have been published earlier while
the other one had remained unpublished.
Coastal West Bengal
The coastal part of the eastern Medinipur district was formed
during the mid-late Holocene period1. The coastal landforms are made
of the several tidal creeks and estuaries, creating extensive flood-
plains. The major estuaries in this district are the Rupnarayan River,
Haldi and Rasulpur river. The delta of the Subarnarekha river forms
the western boundary of the district. Parallel to the Bay of Bengal are
sand dune ridges, formed both as a sea-level fluctuation and also due
to aeolian processes (Fig.1). The first specimen discussed here has
110 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
(Fig. 1)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 111
(Fig. 2)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 115
(Fig. 3)
116 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
(Fig. 4)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 117
(Fig. 5)
118 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
(Fig. 6)
120 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
(Fig. 7)
GANGOPADHYAY, SELVAKUMAR, MAITI : MEDIEVAL AQABA AMPHORA 121
Editeur.
9
Paribeni, R. 1907. ‘Richerche Nel Luogo Dell’ Antica Adulis’, Monumenti
Antichi, 13, pp. 437-572. Milan: Reale Accademia dei Lincei.
10
Melkawi, A. Khairah, A. Whitcomb, D. 1994. “The Excavation of two Seventh
Century Pottery Kilns at Aqaba”, Annual Department of Antiquities of Jordan
38, 447-468.
11
Hayes, J. W. 1996. ‘The Pottery’, in S. E. Sidebotham and W. Wendrich (eds.)
Berenike ’95. Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Berenike (Egyptian Red
Sea Coast) and Survey of the Eastern Desert, pp. 147-178. Leiden: School of
Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies. Tomber, R. S. 2004, Amphorae
from the Red Sea and their contribution to the interpretation of Late Roman
trade beyond the Empire. Transport Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern
Mediterranean. Acts of the International Colloquium at the Danish Institute at
Athens, Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens. 5: 393-402.
12
Keay, S. J. 1986. Late Roman Amphorae in the Western Mediterranean. British
Archaeological Report International Studies, volume 196.
13
Tomber, R. S. 2004, Amphorae from the Red Sea and their contribution to
the interpretation of Late Roman trade beyond the Empire. Transport
Amphorae and Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. Acts of the International
Colloquium at the Danish Institute at Athens, Monographs of the Danish Institute
at Athens. 5: 393-402 Zahn, R. 1913. ‘Die Kleinfunde’, in D. Krencker (ed.)
Deutsche Aksum Expedition, volume 2, pp. 199-231. Berlin: Georg Reimer.
14
Tomber 2008. Indo-Roman Trade, From Pots to Pepper, Duckworth, London.
15
(Indian Archaeology- A Reivew: 1954-55: 20)
16
Datta A. 2008. Excavations At Moghalmari, First Interim Report, The Asiatic
Society, Kolkata.
17
Tomber op.cit
18
Sengupta Gautam op. cit ..
19
Amphora 2: South Arabian Amphora Jar
Another amphora jar published in Sengupta op.cit, with a large body tapering
to the base, is also in the collection of the last author and was published in
Sengupta 1995:128. This amphora jar is large in size (Maximum height). Its
colour is 7.5YR 4/4 brown and has a coating on the surface. The colour of
the slip is 10 YR 6/4 light yellowish brown, which is gone in most of the
area. Patches of 2/5YR 4/6 red colour is also seen on the surface, suggesting
varying firing conditions. Pores, black inclusions are seen on the surface.
The colour of the core is 10 R 5/6 red. This amphora needs farther study
for chronology and precise provenance.
This note was made by the Late Mr. S. Kumar (Surendranath Kumar)
MRAS, Supdt of the Reading Room, Imperial Library (National
Library) Calcutta. He was also well known by the name ‘Nimrod’.
The very note is published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
New Serise Vol. XII, 1916 CE. By this note he had raised some questions
about the historicity of Lama Taranatha’s work in Tibetan language,
historicity of both the artists Dhiman and Bitpalo of Varendra and
about the terms as coined the ‘Eastern school’ of Indian art form on
the basis of Lama Taranatha’s work. In 1869 CE Dr. Anton Schiefner
of St Petersburg published a German translation of Taranatha’s ‘History
of Buddhism in India’ under the auspices of the Russian Imperial
Academy. The original work was written in about the beginning of
the seventeenth century CE. The date of Lama Taranatha has been
assigned in between the late sixteenth and the early seventeenth
century. (Perhaps c, 1573 CE)
About the historicity of Lama Taranatha’s work, S. Kumar rightly
pointed out that regarding the rise of the Palas of Bengal and the
lawlessness in the country (Matsanaya), there could be no doubt about
the truth of these statements. These statements were supported by
the Khalimpur Copper plate Inscription of Dharmapala. The
information catered by Lama Taranatha about the reigning period of
Mahipala-I and Ramapala for 52 and 46 years respectively. But now
on the basis of epigraphical sources it can at least be said the reigning
duration of aforesaid two kings are Mahipala I (c, 977-1027 CE ie 50
years) and Ramapala (c, 1072-1126 CE, i.e., 54 years). These might be
considered as not very far from the truth. Beside this Taranatha failed
to describe the correct genealogy of the Pala dynasty of Bengal.
According to Taranatha the genealogical list is as follows :
Gopala, Devapala, Rasopala, Dharmapala, Masuraksita, Vanapala,
Mahipala, Mahapala, Samupala, Srestapala, Canakapala, Virapala,
132 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
↓
↓ ↓ ↓ ↓
(18) Kumarapala Vittapala Rajjyapala (20) Madanapala=Chitramatika
(C, 1126-28 CE) (C, 1143-61 CE)
↓
(19) Gopala IV
(C, 1128-43CE)
↓
(21) Govindapala (C, 1161-65 CE)
↓
(22) Palapala (C, 1165-1200 CE)
Relying on the informations as given by Lama Taranatha Mr. V. A.
Smith (1848-1920 CE) and afterwards Mr. A. K. Maitreya both
acknowledged the historicity of ‘Dhiman’ and his son ‘Vitapals’ (or
Bitpalo), the native of Varendra (Bengal), who lived during the reign of
Dharmapala and Devapala. Smith and Maitreya considered that both
father and son were skilled as painters, sculptors and bronze founders.
But the point of objection as made by the author (Kumar) that no
other sources such as any inscriptions or texts had been supported the
historicity of ‘Dhiman” and ‘Bitpalo’. It is interesting to note that later
on Mr. V. A. Smith (History of Fine Arts in India and Ceylon, p. 305); Mr.
Aksaya Kumar Maitreya (his introduction to the ‘Gauda-rajamala 1921
reprint P-0.25); N. K. Bhattasali, (Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical
sculptures in the Dacca Museum, 1929; p. 9, R. D. Banerji (Eastern Indian
School of Mediaeval Sculpture-1933), R. C. Majumdar (ed, History of Bengal,
Vol 1-1943, p. 53); Niharranjan Roy (Bangalir Itihasa-1949 reprint 1400 B
P-134, 274, 657); S. K. Saraswati (Early Sculpture of Bengal 1962, p. 28);
B. Sahai, J. C . French, (The Art of the Pal Empire of Bengal, reprint 1983,
P-42) and many others accepted the historical presence of both
(Varendra’s) artists following the Lama Taranatha’s text.
The author (Kumar) of the very note also expressed his difference
of opinion about the origin of the Bengal School of Art of the early
mediaeval period which had been enriched by the artists like ‘Dhiman’
and ‘Bitpalo” or (Vitapala). On the eve of the visit of his Excellency
Lord Carmichael to the museum, of the Varendra Research Society, the
Society had published one Guide book on ‘History of Art’. In this
specific book “Guide to the Exhibition of Relics of Antiquity and
Manuscripts on the occasion of the visit to Rajshahi of H.E. Lord
Carmichael, Governor of Bengal.” some specimens (Stone images) were
attributed to Dhiman and his immediate follower. Author (Kumar) did
not agree to accept the hypothetical concept of dating some images
without any specific epigraphical references bearing the very names of
NOTES ON GLEANINGS 135
accompany him to the West. So, Swamiji wrote in his famous letter to
Nivedita on July 29, 1897 :
“India cannot yet produce great women, she must borrow them
from other nations. Your education, sincerity, purity, immense love,
determination and above all the Celtic blood, make you just the
woman wanted.”
At the same time, Swamiji left Nivedita in no doubt of the stiff
challenges awaiting her, if she decided to come to India, She would
find the weather of the country inclement and mistrust written in the
eyes of Indians about Europeans residing in their country. Her own
people would view her as mad. Yet, Swamiji wrote, “I am convinced
that you have a great future in the work for India.” He promised to
stand by her whatever be the outcome.
How did Nivedita respond? In an interview included in the present
volume (pp. 69-70), we fmd her saying: “Could work done for India
fmd a stronger motive than the fact that I am an Englishwoman?” At
the end of the interview, she clarifies her position thus :
“I would like to teach everyone the greatest respect for everyone
else’s creed. Perhaps no one needs this virtue as we ourselves do.
In India, my friends love me for my love of Christianity and talk
with me about it for hours together. Can we not show like sweetness
and courtesy?”
The same would be said by another great English soul who came
to India in the last century, C.F. Andrews. Although the date of the
above interview is not known for certain, it is worth noting, as the
author says (p.22), that Nivedita might not have given up fully her
affiliation to Christianity even after being initiated into brahmacharya
by Vivekananda on March 25, 1898, i.e. within two months of her
arrival in Calcutta.
It is difficult to fit the details of a many-splendoured life like
Nivedita within the short limits of an introduction of fifty pages. The
author has acquitted himself well in this respect. However, certain
remarks of his require more clarification. I find the first in the preface
to the book itself. Sen writes :
“Nivedita, one gathers, was at least thrice unsuccessful in love.
In the first instance her fiance died on the eve of engagement; in the
second, the man she loved was claimed by some other woman; and
in the third, an aspect of her life that is most kept under covers she
was spurned in love. Of the last I shall speak in greater detail.”
Sen does not return to this point and we are left no wiser. He
scorns the idea put forward by the Marxist writer Niranjan Dhar in
BOOK REVIEW 139
Nivedita became a close friend of his after they both spoke on Hinduism
at an International Congress of Religions held at Boston. But, Sen shows
how even a leader of the extremist group in the Congress like Bipin
Chandra Pal could sink in the eyes of Nivedita to the level of a coward,
when she learnt that the Bengali leader had cancelled a speech at Madras
and left for Calcutta after hearing that Lala Lajpat Rai had been deported
by the government for advancing similar nationalist views. Nivedita
did not respose any trust in him, even though she did not hesitate to
help him when he brought out the paper New India. Sen’s research
shows the importance of delving more deeply into the correspondence
of Nivedita, if we are to form a true picture of her.
Nivedita was a rare combination of an activist and a thinker. The
Celtic blood that flowed through her veins and her early years in Ireland
made her a passionate believer in independence. From the beginning,
she was convinced that she had come to perform a mission in the
world. This made her respond readily to Vivekananda’s call to come to
India. Once here, she did her best to obliterate all differences with the
local people and was soon accepted as one of them. She lived and
carried out her work from a small room in 16 Bosepara Lane in north
Calcutta. She braved the elements and started a school for women,
which to this day bears her name. She travelled far and wide to raise
funds for it but gave up when she found that the progress did not
come up to her expectations. That she was ready at all times to sacrifice
her life for the people was evident from the example she set by sweeping
the streets of Calcutta during the plague in 1899. With equal care she
rushed to attend the sick and the distressed. This was in striking contrast
to the atrocious steps taken by the Bombay government at the time to
deal with the victims of plague in Poona.
Nivedita’s intellectual abilities were displayed to the full in the help
that she rendered to Count Okakura in writing The Ideals of the East and
to Jagadish Chandra Bose in preparing the manuscripts of his scientific
texts. She encouraged Dinesh Chandra Sen to write A History of the
Bengali Language And Literature and Ramesh Chander Dutt in collecting
facts for his Economic History of India. Both works commanded respect
as pioneering ventures in their field. Nivedita was also a major
inspiration behind the modern art movement in India. It was she who
sent young artists of the time like Nandalal Bose and Asit Kumar
Haldar to visit the cave temples of Ajanta. She even funded their
expenses. She spared no pains in trying to promote the scientific
researches of Jagadish Chandra.
A burning sense of nationalism fired all her activities. She fulfilled
fully Vivekananda’s expectation of a “real lioness”. Her courage was
142 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
astounding. She did not hesitate to call the Viceroy Lord Curzon a liar
to his face and made public the facts which made her say so. So complete
was her identification with India that in her essay ‘Indian Nationality:
A mode of Thought’ she was even prepared to condone the defects of
the caste system, though she recommended a more democratic system
should take its place. Even the Hindu-Muslim conflict of the time took
a different significance in her writings. She said in the above mentioned
essay:
“The Hindu needs the Mohammedan: the Mohammedan needs
the Hindu, if there is to be an Indian nation. The battles of the past
have been merely the struggle to assert an equal strength. Like the
border warfare of Englishmen and Scots they have proved to be
the wrestling matches of combatants who knew themselves for
kinsmen .... Nothing is a better basis for friendship, than the fighting
of brave men.”
This conformed to Vivekananda’s dream of a Vedantic brain in an
Islamic body. Nivedita realised the need for an united front against
British domination and maintained close relations with both the
Moderates and the Extremists within the Congress. She felt extremely
depressed on hearing about the Surat split in the Congress in 1907. The
extent to which she was actively connected with the revolutionary
movement in the country has been debated for long. Our author, after
examining the available evidence, is of the opinion that “it could
reasonably be argued that Sister Nivedita herself remained self-
conflicting about her political positions, or more precisely on the
question of how far she was prepared to implicate herself in political
work without running the risk of an open confrontation with the police
and the bureaucracy” (p. 37). In fine, the author writes (pp 20-21) :
“For better or worse, Sister Nivedita regarded India not so much
in its disparate details as in its synthesis, whether potential or
manifest. Beyond a point, she did not trouble herself with the
undergrowth of custom and tradition. Rather her vision remained
fixed on what she deemed to be the essentials.”
A fair assessment to which I would like to add what Rabindranath
said by way of caution in his essay Bhagini Nivedita. We offer our respect
to her because of her intrinsic nobility and not because she was a
Hindu. What she understood by Hinduism, free from prejudice, is not
what we ordinarily understand by it. If we therefore claim that it was
the Hindu element in her which enabled her to make her contributions
and that, being Hindus we are no inferior, we reduce her importance
in trying to magnify ours.
Nikhiles Guha
BOOK REVIEW
Though the book covers a wide range of prehistoric culture but the
major emphasis is on the Lower Palaeolithic culture of the Indian
Subcontinent. At this stage people were hunter- gatherers. It is the
longest period of human history on earth. Both biological and cultural
evolution took place through the time period, until man reached its
Homo sapiens status. The change and development took place through a
time when climate and environment differed from those of the present
day. The authors discussed the palaeoclimate and the
palaeoenvironment together with the process of reconstruction of the
same. Major aspects of the Lower Palaeolithic culture covered are
technology, typology and assemblage patterns. Stress is given on the
organizational and adaptive variability of the Lower Palaeolithic humans
in response to zonal paradigm and in the perspective of intangible
behaviour. Relevant geographical features of the subcontinent are
described with suitable diagrams. The information on Itihas Purana is
very interesting and thought provoking. The historical perspective of
research in prehistory of India is discussed in detail. The prints of
original drawings of tools, stratigraphy and maps, especially those of
Robert Bruce Foote, the father of Indian prehistory, added to the
attraction of the book. Foote was a geologist working for the geological
Survey of India but he had taken up the study of prehistoric culture in
their geo-chronological context in the peninsular India. Interestingly
he had taken help of anthropology for the reconstruction of the life
ways of the prehistoric people. Foote and his successors’ findings of
colonial period are described with maps and figures. Contributions of
Sankalia and his students in Deccan College have given an orderly
picture of cultural sequence in India. The book has given a total outline
of the most updated findings of prehistoric sites and cultural remains
from South Asia, starting from Siwaliks in the north to Cape Comorin
in the south, from Rajasthan on the west to West Bengal in the east,
together with relevant figures and charts, so that a comprehensive
BOOK REVIEW 149
Aurobindo Maiti
Curator-Secretary
Rajanikanta Gyan Mandir Museum and Research Centre,
East Midnapur, West Bengal
H. S. Ananthanarayan
Former Professor of Linguistics
Osmania University
Hyderabad
Kaushik Gangopadhyay
Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology
Calcutta University
Kolkata
Lily Biswas
Contractual Teacher (Full time)
University of Kalyani, West Bengal
Nikhiles Guha
Member, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi
Ranjana Ray
Anthropological Secretary
The Asiatic Society, Kolkata
Somnath Mukherjee
Council Member,
The Asiatic Society, Kolkata
154 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
Ujjwal Kumar
Associate Professor, Department of Buddhist Studies
University of Calcutta
Kolkata
V. Selvakumar
Associate Professor
Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology
Tamil University
Thanjavur
GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS
156 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017
158 JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY : Vol. LIX, No. 3, 2017