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The Politics of Ritual Secrecy

Author(s): Abner Cohen
Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), pp. 427-448
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2799030 .
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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY

ABNER COHEN
SchoolofOriental
andAfrican
Sttudies,
University
ofLondon

Thereare about six millionmen in theworldtodaywho are themembersof

whathas been describedas thelargestsecretsocietyon earth-Freemasonry. The
overwhelming majorityof thesemenlive in thehighlyindustrialised societiesof
westernEurope and Americaand almostall are membersof the wealthyand
professionalclasses.
In Britainalone thereare about three-quarters of a millionFreemasons(see
Dewar I966: 46-7). They are organisedwithinlocal lodges whichare ritually,
ideologicallyand bureaucratically supervisedby the grandlodges of England,
Scotlandand Ireland.Theymeetperiodically in theirlocal centresand,behindthe
locked and well-guardeddoors of theirtemples,theywear theircolourfuland
elaboratelyembroidered regalia,carrythejewels, swordsand otheremblemsof
office,
andperform their'ancient'secretrituals.
The bulkoftheseritualsis concernedwiththeinitiation ofnew membersor the
promotionof existingmembersto higherdegrees.Theseritesof passageinvolve
theenactment of lengthydramas,in thecourseof whichcandidatesgo through
phasesof deathand rebirth, are entrusted withnew secretsigns,passwordsand
hand-clasps, and are made to takeoaths,underthethreatofhorrifying sanctions,
notto betraythesesecretsto outsiders. Recurringwithintheseritesofpassageare
episodesfromthelifeand careerof a mythological hero,HiramAbiff, who is said
to have designedtheTemple of Solomon.In theface of continualcriticism and
oppositionfromtheChurch,Freemasonsgo out of theirway to emphasisetheir
faithin the SupremeBeing,to whom theyreferas 'The GreatArchitect of the
Universe'or, at times,'The GrandGeometrician', and prominently displaythe
Holy Book' in all theirmeetings.
Thereis a vastliterature on Freemasonry. A largepartof it is concernedwith
controversies about the originsof the cult or the sourcesof its mythologyand
rituals.The longessayin theEncyclopedia Britannicais purelyhistorical.Another
sectionof this literatureconsistsof attacks,particularly by Roman Catholic
clergymen, againstthemovement,or of apologeticreactionsby Masons against
theseattacks.A thirdsectionconsistsof speculationsor disclosuresabout the
secretritualsof thecraft.
Althougha greatdeal is now knownaboutitshistoryand rituals,verylittleis
known about its social significance, or its involvementin the systemof the
distributionand exerciseof power in our society.Our ignoranceis only partly
due to thesecrecyin whichthe movementis enveloped.Freemasonsrepeatedly
pointout thattheyarenota secretsocietybuta societywithsecretrituals.By this
theymeanthatit is onlytheirritualsthatare secret,but thatmembership is not
secret.But theanomaloussituationtodayis thatwhiletheseritualsare no longer

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428 ABNER COHEN

secret,hardlyanythingis known about membership.Legally,everylodge is

obligedby law to submita listofitsmembersto thelocal Clerkof thePeace. But
neitherclerksofthepeace,northeMasonic- authoritiesareobligedto makepublic
thefulllistof members(seeDewar I967: 103-4). Some scantybitsofinformation
appearin thenewspapers everynow and thenaboutindividualMasonsand some
Masonsmay also in one way or anotherrevealto friends theirmembership, but
on thewhole themajoritydo not go out of theirway to maketheirmembership
known.
A greatdeal ofthisreluctance to disclosemembership is probablytheresult,not
of theteachingsof Freemasonry as such,but of thegeneraltendencyof members
of the middleand upperclasses,fromwhichMasonsare recruited, to be highly
individualistic and to value privacyin theirlives.This is indeedone of themain
reasonswhyso littlesociologicalresearch in generalhasbeencarriedoutin Britain
amongtheseclasses.
Added to thisdifficulty is theimmensity of thescaleof our socialgroupsand
settlements, withtheresultthatamidstour massiveand highlyimpersonalurban
milieux,it is too difficult
to identify and locatemembersor to be acquaintedwith
theircirclesor to know muchabouttheireconomic,politicalor othersocialroles.
Finally,it mustbe remembered thatsociologists are oftenso immersedin the
verycultureof whichFreemasonry is a part,thatsome of themarehardlyaware
evenofitsexistenceor of thesignificance of itsinformal symbolism.
Some of theseepistemological and methodological difficulties
can be overcome
if Freemasonry is studiedas it is practisedin a totallydifferent socialand cultural
contextfromthatof our own,withinrelatively small-scalesocieties.I believethat
we canlearna greatdealaboutour own culturegenerally whenwe studyitsforms
in foreignlands.Most anthropologists workingin preindustrial societieshave so
far,fora varietyofreasons,shiedawayfrominvestigating thefunctions ofWestern
culturalformsin thesesocieties.
Even a casuallook throughthepages of theyearbooks of theMasonicgrand
lodgeswill be sufficient to show thatrelatively largenumbersof Masoniclodges
existin nearlyall thenew statesof Africaand Asia. (Thereare 44 in Nigeria,43
in Ghana,and well over ioo in India,to takeonlyrandomexamples.)Thereis
practicallynothingwhateverknownaboutthesocialsignificance of theseMasonic
lodges.
I shalldiscussherethe organisation and functioning of Freemasonry in Sierra
Leone, west Africa.The interplaybetweenindividualmotivesand structural
constraints in thelocal development and functioning of thiscultwill be analysed.
In conclusionsome observations aboutthesocialsignificance and politicalpoten-
of Freemasonry
tialities withinindustrial societieswill be made.

The Creoles
Thereare todayseventeen Masoniclodgesin SierraLeone,all in Freetown,the
capital.Sevenof thesefollowtheEnglishConstitutionof Freemasonry. They are
organisedundera DistrictGrandLodge andareultimatelysupervised bytheGrand
Lodge ofEngland.The remaining tenlodgesfollowtheScottishConstitution of
Freemasonry, are organisedunder a separateDistrictGrand Lodge, and are
ultimately supervisedby the GrandLodge of Scotland(see table i). There are

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 429

no MasonicLodgesin SierraLeone whichfollowthethird'sister'Constitution of

Ireland.
I estimatethatthereareabout2,000 membersin theselodges.Only a handfulof
theseareEuropeans,mainlyBritish,althoughit was originally Britishofficials
in
thecolonialadministration who established Freemasonry in SierraLeone.2Most
oftheseEuropeansaretodayconcentrated in one particularlodge,alongwithother
Africans. SomeoftheBritishmembers havebeeninthemovement inBritainbefore
goingto SierraLeone and wantto continuetheirmembership throughaffiliation
withina Freetownlodge. A fewhavejoined in SierraLeone mainlyin orderto
become part of the movementin Britainwhen theyreturnhome. These find
joiningmucheasierin SierraLeone thanin Britain.My impression is thaton the
wholetheseEuropeanMasonsplayno significant rolein theactivities of thelocal
lodgesatpresent andatleastsomeofthemseemto be lukewarmin theirattendance
at theregularmeetings ofthemovement.
The bulkof theMasonsin Freetownare thusAfricans, and theGrandMasters
and theotherimportant office-bearers in bothdistrict grandlodgesareAfrican.
Withveryfewindividualexceptions, all theAfricans in theMasoniclodgesare
Creoles,the descendantsof the slaves who were emancipatedby the British
betweenthe I780's and the I85o's, and were duly settledin the 'Provinceof
Freedom',theFreetownPeninsula,whichwas boughtforthepurposefromthe
local Temne chiefs(see FyfeI962; PorterI963; PetersonI969). The Creolesare
predominantly highlyeducated,and occupationally
literate, differentiated.They
numbertoday41,783 in the whole of SierraLeone, with 37,560 of themcon-
centrated in the FreetownPeninsula,and 27,730 in the cityof Freetownitself.
The remaining4,223 are scatteredamong the provincialtownsand are mostly
civilservants and teacherswhose homesare in Freetown.(For censusdetails,see
CentralStatisticsOffice,I965.) The Creoles are thus essentially metropolitan.
AlthoughtheycompriseonlyI9 percent.of thetotalpopulation,theydominate
thecivil service,thejudiciaryand theothermajorprofessions of medicine,law,
engineering, university and highschoolteaching.A relatively substantialnumber
ofthemhavecompleteduniversity training in Britainor in theU.S.A.
Fromtheverybeginningoftheirsettlement in SierraLeone,theCreolesmadea
bid to havea new startin theirculturallife.TheyadoptedEnglishnames,English
stylesof dress,education,religion,etiquette, art,music,and a generalEnglishstyle
oflife.Even todaytheycantrulybe saidto be in manywaysmoreEnglishthanthe
English.I have indeedheardCreole men who have visited'swingingBritain'
recently expresspersonalshockand disillusionment at thedeparture oftheEnglish
fromtheir'proper' tradition which,in theCreoleideology,is synonymous with
civilisationand enlightenment. It is ccrtainly no exaggeration thathasled themso
oftento be called 'The Black Englishmen'.
Aftera period of interaction with the Creoles on the basis of equalityand
comradeship, theBritishadministrators turnedtheirbackson themand beganto
resenttheirattempts to be equal partners in Britishcivilisationand in thesharing
of politicalpower with them.The Britishadministrators graduallysegregated
themselves fromCreole companyand Britishwritersand travellers pouredscorn
and ridiculedtheir'rubbishy'Whitecultureand their'aping' ofEnglishcustoms
and waysoflife.But,as Banton(I957: 96-I20) pointsout,theircultureis veryfar

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430 ABNER COHEN

frombeingmerelytheblindresultof any superficial apingof Englishways. On

the contrary, it represents a unique and highlysophisticated culturecombining
different traits,bothEnglishandnon-English, in a new way. Anyonewho hashad
close personalcontactswith the Creoleswould know thattheirstyleof lifeis
genuineand naturaland is deeplyrootedin theirpersonality structure and en-
trenchedin theirthinking and in theirway of life.It is a culturewell worthin-
vestigating in itsown right.
Althoughtheyoriginally hailedfromdifferent partsof westAfrica(principally
fromNigeria)and carrieddifferent culturaltraditions, theCreolesmanagedin the
courseofonlya fewdecadesto developa homogeneouscultureoftheirown andto
set themselvessharplyapart,both culturallyand socially,fromthe restof the
populationof SierraLeone,to whomtheyreferred derisively as the'Aboriginies'.
(Fora detailedaccount,seePetersonI969). Duringthesecondhalfofthenineteenth
century and theearlydecadesofthepresentcentury theyattempted to controlthe
Natives,3but theBritishcolonialadministration, fora varietyof considerations,
thwarted thatattempt (seeFyfeI962: 614-20). If it hadnotbeenforthisBritish
policy,theCreoleswouldhaveprobablysucceededin achievingthesamedegreeof
overall dominationthat has been accomplishedby the Americo-Liberians, a
similarminority witha similarorigin,inneighbouring Liberia(seeLibenowI969).
Until about the end of the firstworld war, the Creoleswere prominentin
business.But sincethena numberof factorshaveled to therapiddeclineof their
businesses andto thetransfer oftheirresourcesandoftheirenergies intothetraining
and recruitment of civil servantsand professionals (see PorterI963). Extensive
biographicalevidenceshowshow one successful businessman afteranotherspent
his fortune, not on the developmentof his business,but on givinghis children
highereducationin Britainor America.Almostinvariably thesucceedinggenera-
tionpreferred thehighlylucrative,stable,and sociallyesteemedpositionsof the
professions and government service,so Creole businessvirtuallydied out, to be
takenoverby Lebanese,British,and Indianbusinessfirmswho are stilldominant
today.
Creolepowertodaystemsfromtwo majorresources.The firstis theextensive
propertyin land and in housingin Freetownand in the restof theFreetown
Peninsulawhichtheycontrol.Thisproperty has greatlyappreciated in valuesince
the end of the secondworld war, more particularly so sinceindependence, be-
causeof an increasing demandby foreigndiplomaticmissions,by wealthySierra
Leoneansfromtheinterior of thecountry, and by therapidlyexpandinggovern-
mentadministration. This propertyis freehold,while all the land in the other
provincesof thecountry, in whatwas formerly referred to as theProtectorate,is
still'tribal' land which cannotbe sold. Their secondsourceof power is their
predominance in thecivilserviceand in theprofessions.
Both thesestrongholds are now beingseriously challengedby thetribesmen of
theprovinces, particularly by theMende(30.9 percent.of thepopulation)and the
Temne (29-8 per cent.of thepopulation;see CentralStatistical OfficeI965). By
theirsheervotingpower,thesenon-CreoleSierraLeoneanscompletelydominate
theexecutiveandthelegislature andtheirpoliticians havebeenfrequently harassing
theCreolesand denouncing themas foreigners.The Temnemaintainthatthevery
landon whichtheCreoleshavedevelopedtheirsocietyand culture,theFreetown

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 43I

Peninsula,is theirsand thattheirforefathers were trickedintosellingit to the

Britishfora trivialpriceforthepurposeof settlingthe Creoles(see FyfeI964:
II2-I3). It is significant
thatevennow, theCreolesare stilllegallyreferred to as
'Non-Native'. And, as rapidlyincreasingnumbersof 'Natives' are becoming
educatedand trained,Creole predominancein the civil serviceand in thepro-
fessions is becomingincreasingly moreprecarious.
The cleavagebetweentheCreolesand theNativeshas dominatedSierraLeone
politicsthroughout thiscentury.This cleavageis symbolically representedin the
very flag of the state.The committeewhich designedthe flag chose blue to
represent 'thosewho camefromacrosstheseas',namelytheCreoles,greenforthe
nativeinhabitants, and white,signifying peace-or rather,thewish forpeace-
separatingthem.But the cleavageis becomingdeeper,thoughits processesare
operatingbehindnew slogansand new identities. Many Creolestodayclaimthat
theyarefacingnotjust thethreatof losingtheirpropertyand theirpositions, but
virtualphysicalannihilation and theyquote in supportof thisclaimvariouspro-
nouncements by politiciansand others,particularly
in theprovinces.
From thefiguresquoted earlier,it shouldbe evidentthatnearlyone in every
threeCreolemenin Freetownis a Mason. CreoleMasonsdo nothidethefactthat
Masonryin SierraLeone is overwhelmingly Creole.But theyargueat lengththat
thisis not theresultof anykindof policyof exclusion.They invariablymention
some namesof non-CreoleSierraLeoneanswho are Masons.The name of one
man in particular was mentionedto me over and overagainby different Creole
Masons.A Creole Mason will eagerlytellyou thatthereare manynon-Creole
SierraLeoneansin themovement.But whenyou askspecifically whetherthereare
suchmembersin hisown lodge,theanswerwilloftenbe that:'It so happensthat
thereis no one in ourown lodge,buttherearemanyin theotherlodges'. Thereis
no doubtthattherearea fewNativesin thelodgesbuttheirnumberis insignificant
and fora varietyofreasonswhichwillbecomeclearlatertheirmembership is only
nominal.It is a factthatall the importantfiguresin the Masonic movement,
includingthe two GrandDistrictMasters,are Creole. No nativename is ever
mentioned inthenewspapers in connexionwithFreemasonry andall theannounce-
mentsoffunerals and obituaries of deceasedMasonswhichI have beenable to see
or hearincludeno Natives.
I do not myselfthinkthatthereis any consciouslyformulated policy of ex-
cludingnon-CreoleSierraLeoneansfrommembership. Many Masonsthinkthat
non-Creolesare rarein the movementeitherbecausetheyare not interested, or
becausetheyare Muslims,or becausetheycannotaffordthe expense,or simply
thattheyare not sufficiently educated.Many Creoleswould also add thatthe
Natives have theirown secretsociety,the 'Poro', to which they are always
afflliated.The Nativesdo not in factneed to become membersin the Masonic
movement.More thanthat,whilethereis a good deal ofpressure on Creole men
tojoin themovement,thereis a good deal ofpressureon Nativesnottojoin it.4

Theincidenceofmembership
As witheveryothercult,individualMasonsmentiona wide varietyof motives
forjoining the movementand remainingwithinit. Some join because they
personallywant to, but othersjoin becauseof pressure.Oftena man mayjoin

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432 ABNER COHEN

initiallyfor one motive,but develop othersafterjoining. The same nlan may

emphasisedifferent motivesfor being a Mason at different times.A man who
joined as a resultofpressure maydevelopmotivesor sentiments thatareindividual
and personal.Ifwe considerthesentiments, motives,andcircumstances ofeachin-
dividualmembership, we willfindthateachis a uniquecaseand,whenquestioned,
Masonsoftenoffer consciousand rationalconsiderations fortheirmembership.
This,of course,is onlyone side of thestoryand it will failby itselfto tellus
anythingabout Freemasonry as an institution in its own rightor about the
structural circumstances whichkeep it alive as a going concern.The structural
consequences ofFreemasonic activity
arecertainly largelyunintended byindividual
Masons,as eachindividual'sfirstconcernis hisown interests. Thereis thusa dia-
lecticalrelationbetweentheindividualand thegroup.In otherwords,although
individualmembersseemto be actingfreelyand rationally, theiractionis never-
thelessconditioned largelyunconsciously bystructural factorswhichto someextent
constrain a manto behavein certainways.Thus,thecollectiveand theindividual
arecloselyrelated,thoughforanalytical purposestheyshouldbe keptapartifwe
are to understand thesocialsignificance of themovement.I wantto avoid at this
stage discussingthisproblemin the abstractand will thusproceedto consider
briefly themultiplicity and collmplexity of factorsunderlying membership.
Like many other ritualsystems,Freemasonry offersa body of beliefsand
practiceswhichhave intrinsic value.It providesa worldview whichincludesthe
place of manin theuniverse.The literature of speculativeFreemasonry containsa
largenumberof treatises on metaphysics and theologywrittenby men who are
passionatein theirsearchforwhattheybelieveto be thetruth.In FreetownI met
youngMasonswho spenta good dealoftheirsparetimereadingMasonicliterature
forsheerintellectual satisfaction.
Some menjoin the movementin the beliefthatthe secretswhichtheywill
acquirecontainvitalintellectual and mystical formulae.Thisbeliefis sustained for
long after joining as moreand moresecretsand ritualsareunfoldedto theMason
whenhe passesto higherdegreeswithintheorder.
Many of the Masons in Freetownwith whom I talkedstressedthe personal
satisfaction whichtheyderivedfromthe regular,frequentand extensiverituals
and ceremonies of thelodge. Some of theseMasonssaid,in explanation, thatafter
all theywere Africansand thusfondof the typeof dramathatthe movement
provided.A particularly powerfulsentiment in thisrespectis Freemnasonic cere-
monialconnectedwiththe deathof a 'brother'.The Creolesare intensely con-
cernedwithdeath,andfunerals aregreatpublicevents,oftenattendedbythousands
ofpeople,dependingonthestatusofthedeceased.Deathsandfunerals areregularly
announcedon thenationalradioin specialbulletins, and oftenthelodge or lodges
connectedwitha deceasedmanaresummonedto thefuneral bya specialannounce-
menton theradio.LodgesundertheEnglishMasonicconstitution areprohibited
by specialrulesoftheGrandLodge of Englandfromgoingoutin regaliato attend
a publicfuneral,althoughtheyare allowed by specialpermissionto appearin
regaliawithinthechurchforthefuneralserviceof a brother.But thisprohibition
does not existwithinthe Scottishconstitution to which the greaternumberof
Freetownlodgesbelong.ManyofthemembersofEnglishlodgesarehoweveralso
affiliatedwithinScottishlodges,so thattheirfunerals are oftenattendedformally

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 433

bytheirlodgesofaffiliation, inregalia.Thedeceased manis'laidout'inhisformal

blacksuit,withhisfullMasonicregaliadecorating him,forhoursbeforethe
funeralserviceandlargenumbers ofpeoplefilepast.Whenthecoffin is finally
covered, theregaliais takenoffthebodyandplacedon top.Masonsunderthe
Scottishconstitution proceedin theirregaliato theburialgroundandwhenthe
Christianburialservice is over,theMasonsperform a specialservice at thegrave
tosendtheirdeceased brother offtothe'Highest Lodge'.Itisindeedthedreamof
manyCreolemenwithwhomI talkedtobe buriedwithallthepompandcolour
oftheMasonicceremonial, andI haveno doubtthatthisisanimportant sourceof
satisfaction
formembers ofthemovement. Someoftheobituaries in thenews-
papersalsocarry photographs ofthedeceased intheirMasonicregalia.
A secondbodyofintrinsic valuesthatmenfindinFreemasonry isthe'system of
morality' thatit offers.A greatdealof theorganisation andceremonial of the
movement isconcerned withthedevelopment andmaintenance ofa truebrother-
hoodamongitsmembers. Members areaskedspecifically to 'fraternise' withone
another,anda gooddealofthetimeandresources ofthelodgesis devotedtothis
end.Theregular ritualsessionsofthelodgearefollowed byinstitutionalised, lavish
banqueting anddrinking. TheCreolesgenerally drinkheavily andmanycynics in
Freetown saythatmentaketo Masonry primarily for;'boozing'.The lodgeis
indeedverymuchan exclusive club.
Oneimportant aspectofFreemasonry asa brotherhood istheelaborate organisa-
tionofmutual helpwhichit develops, andthereisno doubtthatthewelfare and
socialsecurity benefits thatit offersattract someto themovement. Freemason
welfareservices inBritain areindeedamongthemostlavishandefficient. Manyof
theirbenevolent institutionsarepatronised bymembers oftheRoyalFamily.In
theUnitedStatesthisaspectofthemovement is evenmorepronounced. In Free-
town,noformal benevolent institutions
havebeenestablished yet.Suchinstitutions
taketimeto developandnearly allMasonshavea network ofkinwhoareunder
customary obligations to helpin thehourofneed.Nevertheless, thelodgeshave
provided helpin manyinstances andtheircareforagedmembers is particularly
pronounced. Everylodgehasanalmoner whoattends tocasesofneedandhasfor
thepurpose a specialwelfare fundtowhicheachmember contributes regularly at
a fixedrate.Thus,although a Creolemayexpecthelpinthetimeofneedfromhis
kin,hemaystill joininordertosecure forhimself andforhisfamily anadditional
measure ofsupport or securitywithout theburdenof kin obligations.
SomeMasonsmentioned alsotheimportance ofcontacting brothers inforeign
lands.The Creolestravelveryfrequently to Britain the
and U.S.A. in the course
of theireducational and professional in
careersand theysee Freemasonry an
organisation thatenablesthemtofindhelping andwelcoming brothers wherever
theygo. Thesebrothers abroadtendto be at thesametimepeopleofmeansand
influenceandtheirhelpcanbe substantial. I meta youngCreoleon hiswayto
Britainforthefirst timetostudy whotoldmethathewasa member ofa Scottish
lodgebutthatshortly before heleftheaffiliated himselfwithin oneoftheEnglish
Lodgesin orderto be abletomakecontacts withbrothers in bothEnglandand
Scotland.
Freemasons are required by specialrulesto harbourno enmity againstone
another andtosettle anymisunderstanding ortension between brothers promptly

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434 ABNER COHEN

andamicably.Thismustbe particularly significantformanyCreoleMasonswho,

in ordinary secularlife,arecaughtby thetensions ofcompetition forappointments
and promotionsand by the estrangement resulting from involvement in the
hierarchical bureaucratic structuresof thecivilserviceor theprofessions.
One of the moralprinciplesof the Freemasonicbrotherhood whichis parti-
cularlystressedby Creole Masons in Freetownis thatno brothershouldflirt
or commitadulterywith the wife of anotherbrother.This 'private' piece of
morality is one ofthemechanisms meantto reducepotentialsourcesoftensionand
enmitybetweenmembers, and is widelyusedin theorganisation ofmanykindsof
fraternities.
Womenareseenin manycontexts as a sourceof tensionbetweenmen.
This is probablythe mainreasonwhy Freemasonry and othersecretsocietiesof
this kind are exclusivelymale organisations. Indeed one of the indirectconse-
quencesof Freemnasonic membership among the Creoles is thatit servesas a
mechanisminstitutionalising the weaningof men fromtheirwives. Wives and
femalerelativesare invitedonlyonce a yearto a Ladies' Nightwhicheachlodge
holds.Even ifa manbelongsto onlyone lodge,he can spendtwo or threenights
a week in ceremonialsessions,meetingsof committees, or visitingotherlodges,
awayfromhiswife.A substantial proportionofthemembersof a lodge areOffice
Bearersand theirvarious dutiesnecessitate frequentmeetings.And, as many
in
Creoles Freetownare not onlymembers one lodgebutareaffliated
in to one or
more otherlodges,theirabsencefromtheirwives is indeedfrequentand pro-
longed.MostMasonicmeetings in Freetownstartat about6-30p.m. and go on in
ceremonialand in banquetinguntilabout 2 a.m. While oftensharingwiththeir
husbands someofthebenefits ofFreemasonry, wivesareannoyedbyit.Manywives
thinkthattheirhusbandsuse lodge meetingsas an alibiforvisitingotherwomen.
The CreolesaredevoutChristians andpridethemselves on beingmonogamous.
Also, Creole marriageis governedby Britishlaw, so thatwhile a Mende or a
Temnecan marryaccordingto customary law morethanone wife,a Creoleman
wouldbe prosecuted forbigamyifhe marriedanotherwife.But itis an established
'customary'institution thatmost Creole men take 'outside women', support
them,andhavechildren bythem.One ofthepeculiarities ofthedemography ofthe
Creolesis thatwithinthe age group of twenty-five to forty-five,women sub-
stantiallyoutnumbermen. The effectof this numericalimbalancebetween
thesexesis aggravatedby thefactthatmen marrylate.As thereis a verystrong
pressureon Creolesto marryCreoles,theresultis thatthereare manymoreun-
marriedwomenthanmen,and hencetheinstitution of the'outsidewoman'. The
wealthierand themoreeminenta man is themoreoutsidewiveshe has. This is
trueevenof eminentclergymen withintheChurchhierarchy, and is certainlyan
integralpartofCreoleculture(seeFashole-LukeI968). Itsfunctioning hasrequired
a good deal of' distance'or avoidancebetweenmanand wifeandfrommyobser-
vationI can say thatFreemasonry servesindirectly as a mechanismforbringing
aboutthisavoidance.
Apart fromtheseritualand moral values,some individualCreoles find in
Freemasonry more 'practical'and mundaneadvantages.Non-Mason cynicsin
Freetownclaim thatmen join in orderto establishinformallinkswith their
superiorsin the civil serviceor the professions, as the case may be. It mustbe
remembered thatmanyof the mosteminentjudges, lawyers,permanentsecre-

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 435

taries,headsof departments, doctors, engineers and othersaremembers of the
Masoniclodgesin Freetown. In a society whererankand patronage countfora
greatdeal,thismustindeedbe an important factorattracting mentojoin. One
oftenhearsgossipin Freetown societyto theeffect thatall appointments and
promotions in certain establishments are'cooked'in thelodges.Similarcharges
havealsobeenmadeagainst Freemasonry inBritain, America andelsewhere. But
oneneednotassumethevalidity ofthesecharges in orderto appreciate thefact
thatmenshouldseekto establish primary relationswiththeirsuperiors, irres-
pective ofpossible material gain.ManyoftheMasonsareinvolved inbureaucratic
hierarchies, as superiors andsubordinates, outside themovement, anda greatdeal
oftension arises between themin varioussituations. It is natural thattheyshould
welcomean institution whichalleviates theeffects of thistension.
Association withthe'high-ups' through Masonry leadsmanynon-Masons in
Freetown to complain thatMasonsaresnobsandbehavein a superior manner.
Masonryis certainly synonymous withhighclassin Freetown forthesimple
reasonthata mancannotbecomea Masonifhe cannotafford to paythehigh
expenses ofmembership andoftheveryfrequent andlavishbanqueting. Theannual
costofmembership foraninitiate intotheEntered Apprentice degree isabout ?50o,
excluding thecostofa blacksuit,transport, andso on.Atpromotion to a second
degreethecostwillbe higher. Whenheiseventually 'raised'totheThirddegree,
thatofa Master Mason,thecostduring theyearwhenheis'reigning ' inthelodge
is between?4?? and ?5soo.Although bothkinandlodgebrothers contribute
towards thisexpense, thebulkofthecostwillbe bornebythemanhimself The
regular payments thatmembers makeannually includefeesforregistration, con-
tribution to benevolent funds, andsomeotherminoritems.The regaliaforthe
initiate costsover/25 andas theMasonrisesin degrees so doesthecostofhis
regalia. MostofthelodgesinFreetown include thebasiccostofbanqueting forthe
wholeyearintheirannualfees,so thatwhether a manattended a banquetornot
he wouldhavepaidthecosts.Quiteapartfromtheexpenses ofmembership, a
manmustalsohavetheright connexions ifhewantstojointheorder.Freemasons
do notproselytise andcandidates arenearly alwaysintroduced bykinandfriends
whoarealready members. Thereisaninitial periodofinvestigation bya Committee
ofMembership duringwhich inquiriesaremadeaboutthecandidate, andthecandi-
datehimself is interviewed and questioned at length. WhentheCommittee is
satisfied, thecandidate is proposed forelection ina general meeting ofthelodge.
Election isbysecret balloting. Ifmorethanoneblack-ball werecastthecandidate
wouldnotbe admitted. Thismeans thatonly'theright people',whoareacceptable
tonearly thewholelodgewillbeadmitted. Membership isthustakenasa privilege
andMasonsareto a greatextent proudofit.
Perhaps largely unconsciously, theCreolesgenerally seein Masonry a mechan-
ism forthe development and maintenance of a 'mystique'whichmarksand
enhances theirdistinctiveness and superiority vis-a-vis theNatives.Thisis be-
comingincreasingly necessary inrecent yearsasnativeSierra Leoneans, backedby
thepolitical poweroftheir sheernumbers, whichtheyhaveenjoyed sincetheearly
I950'S, arechallenging theCreolesontheir owngrounds ofclaimstosuperiority-
education. One mythwhichyouhearoverandoveragainin conversation with
Creoles isthatnomatter howhighly educated a Nativemaybe,hewillneverhave

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436 ABNER COHEN

the same kind of 'mentality','civilisation',or culturalsophistication as the

Creoles.Theseelitequalities,theCreolesmaintain, aretheoutcomeofcenturies of
'civilisation'and can neverbe achievedby moneyor by formaleducation.There
are varioussymbolicmechanisms forthedevelopmentof this'mystique'among
the Creoles,and Freemasonry, throughits associationwithWesterncivilisation,
is seen as the hall-markof superiority,in contrastto the 'bush' secretsocieties
of the Mende, the Temne, and others.For the Creoles,Freemasonry is in this
respectan organisation withinwhich theyshareritualand moral values with
eminentEuropeanson the bases of equalityand 'brotherhood'.Freemasonry
requiresa good deal of literacyand educationand of sophistication in dressand
etiquette.Freemasonry probablyservesthe same kind of need in Britainand
Americaforthedevelopment of a mystiqueof superiority
whichis creatednotso
muchto convinceothersas to convincetheactorsthemselves.

Structural constraints
But by farthe mostimportantfactordrivingCreole men to Freemasonry is
pressurefromkin,fromfriends, and fromwidergroupings.Indeedmanyof the
benefits thatindividualMasonsaresaidto gainfrommembership areelaborations
or rationalisations
developedafterjoining. A greatdealofinsight intothestructural
forcesthatconstrain Creolementojoin Freemasonry can be gainedfromtalking
to menwho arenotyetMasons.
Some menjoinbecausetheirfathers areor wereMasons.A Masonregardsitas a
dutyand a sourceof prideto bringhis sonsinto membership, oftenwithinthe
samelodge.As sonsreachtheage of twenty-one theirfathers beginto pressthem
to join. I know of at leastone case wherea man who is eminentin both Free-
masonryand in the politicalorganisation of the statein SierraLeone, took the
troubleto ask the higherMasonic authorities in Britainfor specialpermission
to have his eighteen-year-old son admittedas a member.I talkedto menin their
twenties and a fewin theirthirties who toldme theyhad beenputtingoffjoining
themovementby tellingtheirfathers or otherrelatedMasonsthattheywerenot
old
yet'really enough' forit.Even whena father is dead,olderbrothers or other
relativesurgetheiryoungerbrothersthatit was theirfather'swish thatthe sons
shouldjoin. Pressurealso comes fromotherkin who are alreadywithinthe
movementor who arenot.
Mostimportant ofallisthepressure offriends.
Friendship tiesaresignificantamong
theCreoles.It mustbe remembered thatwe arediscussing herea fewthousandmen
who were born,broughtup, had theirschoolingand most of theiruniversity
educationwithina relatively smalltown.Men spendmostof theirleisuretimein
cliquesof friendsand when mostof a man's peersjoin Masonry,one afterthe
otherand becomeabsorbedwithinitsactivities, a greatdeal ofpressure is exerted
on himtojoin. Ifhe doesnot,he is likelyto losehisfriends. A youngengineer told
me thathis Masonicfriends would sometimesrequest'him to leave theroom so
thattheycould say something in theconfidence of Masonicbrothers. He was in
factnot sure,as he was tellingme this,thatthiswas not done deliberately by his
friendsin orderto inducehimtojoin.
Althoughonlyabout a thirdof Creole men are fullmembersof theMasonic
lodges,theothertwo-thirds are to a largeextentstructurally involvedwithinthe

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 437

movement. The Creoleson thewholearethehighestandthemostprivileged status
groupin SierraLeone. But theyare themselves internally stratified.A fewscores
of householdscommanda greatdeal of power derivedfrompropertyand from
professionalstanding andhighprestige whichtheyhaveheldformanygenerations.
Below theseare theotherprofessionals, and theseniorcivilservants. Below these
are the clerks,the salesmen,teachers.At the bottomare the relativelypoorer
householdswhosemembersare mainlyskilledand some unskilledworkers.Only
menfromthetwo top sectorstendto be in thelodges.But theCreolesareorgan-
ised in 'famnilies'
whosestructure combineskinshiprelationsand patronage.The
Creolesare bilateralin theirkinshiporganisation, and patrilateral,matrilateralas
well as affinal
kinand sometimes evenfriends, are includedwithinwhata Creole
would call his 'family'.Fromthisit is obviousthatall theCreolesarepotentially
relatedto one another,and thatwhata personwould call his 'family'tendsto be
an ego-centricentity.Nevertheless, a degreeof permanenceand discreteness is
givento a setofkinthroughthesystemofpatronage. Each eminentmanbecomes
thepatronofa largenumberofkinsmensomeofwhomwillevenadoptthename
of the patron,whethertheyare relatedto him patrilaterally, matrilaterallyor
affinally.Even a preliminary studyof thestructure of these'families'is sufficient
to show that each includesmen and women fromall classesof Creoldom.
Althoughthereis at thesametimea tendency forthewealthyand eminentto seek
closesocialrelations withtheirequalsin status, therearestrongeconomic,political,
moraland ritualforcesthatlinkthememberstogether.Thus althoughonlythe
relatively well-to-doarein thelodges,thesearein factthepatronsofthosewho are
notmembers.Patronageinvolvesbothprivileges and obligationsand it is difficult
fora manto remainin thispositionwithoutkeepingin closerelationship withthe
otherpatronswho occupystrategic positionsin thesociety.Masonicmembership
is an important featureof the styleof lifeof any Creole of importance.It is a
collectiverepresentation withoutwhicha man will not be able to partakein the
networkof privilege.A patronis indeedunderstrongpressure to join ifhe does
not wantto forfeit hisrole and hispower.
On deeperanalysis, it willbecomeevidentthatthispressure by relatives,friends,
and statusgroups,operatingon theindividual,is itselfa mechanismof constraint
whose sourceis the wide cleavagebetweenCreolesand non-Creoleswithinthe
SierraLeonepolity,To appreciatethenatureof thisstructural constraint,we must
view it developmentally. I have drawnforthispurposea listof theFreemasonic
lodgesinFreetown, eachbyname,yearofconsecration andconstitution. The estab-
lishment, consecration, and continuity of a lodge are supervised and administered
by the'mother' GrandLodge in Britain.No lodge can be formedunlessit gets
a specialcharterfromthe GrandLodge to certifythatthe lodge is formedin
accordancewithall theregulations of the movement.This chartermustbe dis-
playedin everylodge at everyone of itsmeetingsand withoutit themeetingis
invalid.The chartermustbe renewedannually.Each lodge has a specialserial
numberwithintheconstitution and itsname,addressandotherdetailsareformally
listedin the Year Book of theMotherConstitution (see table i).
The firstpointto be noticedfromthelistis thattheproliferation of thelodges
has not been a gradualprocessbut has occurredin bouts. We can divide the
developmentof Freemasonry in Freetowninto threemajor periods.The first

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438 ABNER COHEN

TABLE i. The Freemasonic

Lodgesin Freetownby name,yearofconsecration,
and constitution.

EnglishConstitution ScottishConstitution

Name Year of Name Year of

Consecration Constitution

Freetown I882*
St George I894*
Rokell I899* S. L. Highland I905*
Loyal I9I4 Academic I9I4*

Aboutthirty
yearswithno change

Progressive I947
Wilberforce I947
Tranquility I949
Harmony I950*
Travellers I950
Granville I952

Aboutthirteen
yearswithno change

MountAureol I949
Sapiens I966
Delco I966
Leona I968
Earl ofEglington
andWinton I968

* Lodgeswithasterisk
havebeengrantedRoyal ArchStatus.

phaseis fromI882 to I9I4, whensix lodgeswereformed,fourundertheEnglish

constitution andtwo undertheScottishconstitution. Mostofthemembersofthose
lodgeswere Britishofficials. I am not concernedin thisarticlewiththatperiod.
For thefollowingthreedecades,fromI9I4 to I946, no new lodgeswere estab-
lished.This was roughlytheperiodof indirectrulein BritishWestAfrica,which
came to an end in mostBritishcoloniesshortlyafterthesecondworldwar.
Theninthecourseoffourto fiveyears,fromI947 to 1952, thenumberoflodges
in Freetowndoubled,fromsix to twelve.Thiswas thebeginningofnew political
developments leadingto independence in I96I.
Therefolloweda standstill periodof about thirteen yearswhichroughlyco-
incidedwiththestablepremiership of SirMiltonMargai,endingin I964 withhis
death,and the successionto the premiership of his brother,Sir AlbertMargai.
Thisusheredin a turbulent timewhichcameto an endwiththecoupsd'e'tat of I967
and I968. In the courseof less thanthreeyearsthe numberof lodgesleapt by
nearly5o percent.fromtwelveto seventeen, withall theincreaseoccurringwithin
theScottishconstitution, thenumberof whosedaughterlodgesthusdoubled.
We thushave two phasesof concentrated andintensified'freemasonisation',the
I947-52 period,and thei965-68 period.What is significant in bothperiodsis that
eachinvolveda directand seriousthreatto Creoldom.This emergesclearlyfrom
the wealthof documentation of all sorts,and fromthe detailedstudiesof the
politicsof SierraLeone sincethesecondworldwar by politicalscientists and other

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 439

scholars(see particularly CartwrightI970; Kilsen I966; FisherI969). I can here
giveonlya briefoutlineof therelevantevents.
The developmentsof the I947-52 period still remainthe most traumatic
experience in thepsychologyof theCreoles.UntilthentheCreolesweresecurely
entrenched in the Colony-despite the Britishpolicy of restraining themfrom
dominating thenativesfromtheProtectorate. Theirascendancein thecivilservice
and in theprofessions was overwhelming. Even as lateas i950 therewereat least
seventyCreole doctorsas againstthreefromtheProtectorate (Cartwright I970:
24). In I953, 92 percent.of the civil servantswere Creoles.In I947 the British
government presented proposalsforconstitutional reformin SierraLeone aiming
at unifying theColony and theProtectorate and settingthewholecountryon the
pathto independence. The proposalsat thatstagewerenot revolutionary forthe
countryas a whole but theydramatically affected thebalanceof power between
Colony and Protectorate. Among otherthingstheystipulatedthatthe fourteen
Africanmenmbers of thenew LegislativeCouncilshouldbe electedby thepeople.
This virtuallymeantthebeginningof the end of Creole politicalinfluence even
withinwhattheyhad hitherto regardedas theirown home: theColony.
Their reactionwas frantic.In I948 all the major Creole politicalgroupings,
includingthe CombinedRate PayersAssociationand the SierraLeone Socialist
Partypresented a petitionto theSecretary of StatefortheColoniesattacking the
colonialgovernment forintending to givepowerto illiterate'foreigners';i.e. the
peopleof theProtectorate. The Creolesdemandedthatonlytheliterateshouldbe
giventherightto vote.
TherewerebitterexchangesacrossthedeepeningcleavagebetweentheCreoles
and theNatives.Dr H. C. Bankole-Bright, theCreolepoliticalleaderat thetime,
describedtheCreolesand theNativesas 'two mountains thatcan nevermeet'.In
a letterpublishedby the Creole SierraLeone WeeklyNews(26 August,Ig50) he
recalledthattheProtectorate had come intobeing'afterthemassacreof some of
our fathersand grandfathers ... in Mendelandbecausetheywere describedas
"Black Englishmen"'.For the othercamp, Milton Margai,who was soon to
becomethePrimeMinisterof SierraLeone,describedtheCreoles(seeProtectorate
Assemblyi950: 28-3 i) as a handfulof foreigners to whom 'our forefathers' had
given sheltcrand who imaginedthemselvesto be superiorbecause theyaped
Westernmodes of livingbut who had neverbreathedthe truespiritof inde-
pendence.
What is important to notehereis thatalthoughthemoreconservative Creole
elemnents a
fought desperate battlefora long timeandcontinueto do so stilltrying
toputtheclockback,mostof theCreolemoderates andintellectuals
recognised the
futilityof thisstandand triedto adjustto thetimesand makethemostout of the
new opportunities. They soon recognisedthatany attemptby the Creoles to
organisepoliticallyon formallineswould be disastrous becauseof theirhopeless
numerical weaknesses. It shouldbe emphasised thatin theirdeterminationto leave
SierraLeone,theBritishpursueda consistent policyin theAfricanisationof their
administration. Thisentailedthereplacement ofBritishofficials
by Africans,and as
fewNativeswereeducatedenoughto qualify,itwas inevitablethatthebulkofthe
new recruits shouldcome fromamongtheCreoles.The Britishdid theirbestto
educateAfricansparticularly fromthe Protectorate forthenew jobs, by giving

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440 ABNER COHIIEN

themscholarships forstudyoverseas.But even so and despiteall pressure, 6o per

cent.of the holdersof thesescholarships betweeni9Si and i9S6 were Creoles
(Cartwright I970: 24). Also,as holdersoflandproperty in theColony,theCreoles
beganto reapthebenefits of theimpendingindependence by therisein thevalue
of theirproperty.All thismeantthatthe Creoleswould lose everything if they
stoodas a formalsolidpoliticalbloc withinthenew statestructure, while,ifthey
co-operatedin the maintenance of a liberalregimeon the basis of individual
equalitytheywould gain a greatdeal becauseof theirsuperioreducationand
culturalsophistication. The Creoleswho werethinking alongtheselines,eventually
co-operatedwith the Native-dominated Milton Margai government.Milton
Margai,who was a shrewdpolitician,recognisedthathe could not establisha
governmnent withouttheCreolesand he also recognised theimmensecontribution
thattheCreoleshad made and could stillmake to thecountry.He therefore in-
cludedmanyCreolesin hisParty'srepresentation and retainedCreole menin key
administrative positions.Thus,despitethegrumbling of some Creoleseverynow
and then,a period of co-operationand stability prevailedthroughout Milton
Margai'sregime,endingwithhisdeathin I964.
His brother,AlbertMargaiwho succeededhim,was different in character andin
styleof government. Withina shorttimehe madea seriousattemptto changethe
constitutionin orderto establishofficially a One-Partysystem.He could not do
thiswithoutthecloseco-operation of thecivilservice,thejudiciaryas well as the
But his attemptwas immediately
legislature. opposedby almostall the Creoles
who now shifted theirsupportto theoppositionparty.Oppositionpapersbegan
to agitateagainstAlbertand to exposehis allegedcorruption. The government
broughtthe agitatorsto court.But the courtswere presidedover by Creole
judges and verdictswerein thehandsofjurieswho, becauseof thedemandthat
theyshouldbe literate, werealso Creoleand mostof theaccusedwereacquitted.
This outragedAlbertMargaiwho began to attackominouslyin hisspeechesthe
'doctors,lawyers,and lecturers of Freetown'who were wilfullyrefusing to see
theblessingsof theone partysystem.
Eventsduringthefollowingone or two yearsshow what an influential small
minorityelite can do againstan establishedgovernmentsupportedby a large
sectionof the population.Creole heads of tradeunions,clergymen,lawyers,
doctors,teachers, and universitystudentsusedeveryshredofinfluence theyhad to
bringaboutthedownfallof AlbertMargai.An opportunity presented itselfin the
I967 generalelections whenthemajorityof Creolemen and womenthrewtheir
influenceand their organisationalweight behind the oppositionparty. The
governing party,theSLPP, was defeatedthoughby a narrowmajority(fordetails
see Cartwright I970; FisherI969).
Thus in boththeI947-52 and i965-68 periodstherewas a sharpdramaticturn
of eventswhichbroughtabouta seriousthreatto thecontinuity of Creolepower
andprivilege.The verymenwhosepowerwas mostthreatened in thisway,mainly
thecivilservants and membersof theprofessions, werethosewho filledtheFree-
masoniclodgesin Freetown.Unlesswe assumethatthesemenhad splitpersonali-
ties,we can easilyseethatthetwo processes ofchange,i.e. thedevelopingthreatto
Creole power and the increasein Freemasonicmembership, are significantly
interrelated.Nearlyall thenamesoftheCreoleswho wereinvolvedin thestruggle

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 44I

againstAlbertMargaiin I966 and I967 arethoseofwell-knownFreemasons.The

variedformsthatCreoleactiontookto bringaboutthedownfallofAlbertMargai
showeda remarkabledegreeof overallco-ordination whichno formalpolitical
partyor associationwas at thetimecapableof achieving.

An exclusiveorganisation
Largely withoutany consciouspolicy or design,Freemasonicritualsand
organisationhelped to articulatean informalorganisation, which helped the
Creolesto protecttheirpositionin thefaceofincreasing politicalthreat.It did this
in a numberofways,themostimportant beingin providingan effective mechan-
ism for regularcommunication,deliberation,decision-making, and for the
developmentof an authority structureand of an integrated ideology.Although
the membersare dividedinto two constitutions and further, withineach, into
severallodges,thereis a verygreatdeal ofintensive interaction betweenthewhole
membership. Thisis done throughthemanipulation of someof theinstitutions of
Freemasonic organisation.
A Mason can becomea Memberin only one lodge,his 'lodge of birth',into
whichhe is initiated.But he can seek 'affiliation' withinotherlodges,whether
fromhis own constitution or fromthe otherconstitution. Many Masons are
affiliated
to one or more lodges, dependingon theirabilityto meet the high
expensein bothtimeand money.Affiliation withina lodge costsonlyslightly less
thanmembership. When you are affiliated withina lodge you enjoy the same
privilegesand sharein thesameactivities as themembersof thatlodge.I know of
somemenwho are affiliated withinfivelodges.On theindividuallevel,menseek
affiliation
forthesamereasonsmentionedabove in connexionwithmembership.
They may want to associatewitheminentmen who are the membersof other
lodges,to interactsocially,to enjoyeatingand drinkingmorefrequently. Other
Masonsseekaffliation withinotherlodgeswheretheyhave betterprospectsfor
earlierpromotionto thedegreeof MasterMason.
Anotherinstitution, which is probablyeven more importantin establishing
channelsof communication betweenthelodgesis thatof visiting.A Mason can
visitotherlodges,wherehe may or may not have friends. All excepttheRoyal
Archlodgesareopento members fromall degrees.Royal Archlodgeshoweverare
open to onlyreigningor pastMasterMasons.I understood fromMasonsin Free-
town withwhom I talked,thaton averagenearlya quarterto a thirdof those
presentin anylodge meetingare visitors fromotherlodges.
Sociologically,
themostimportant featureoflodgeceremonials is nottheformal
ritualsof the orderbut the banquetingfollowingtheirperformance. It is here,
amidstheavy drinkingand eating,thatMasons are engagedin the processof
true'fraternising'.In my view thisinformalinstitution withinMasonry,whose
procedureis neitherplannednor consciouslypursued,is the mostfundamental
mechanismin weldingthemembersof all thelodgesintoa single,highlyinter-
relatedorganisation.It mustbe remembered thatwe are dealingherewitha small
and limitedcommunity of a fewthousandmenwho werebornand broughtup
withina relativelysmalltown.Indeedtheseventeen lodgesmeetwithinlessthan
one squaremile.In somecasesmanylodgeshavetheirtemplesin thesamebuilding
in thecentreofthetown.Thesearealso themenwho arerelatedto one anotheras

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442 ABNER COHEN

relatives, affinesorfriends, andwhoattend oneanother's weddings, funerals,and

otherfamily occasions.
Itisobviousthatthewealthier a manis themoremobilehebecomes within the
lodges,andthisbrings usto a secondanda mostfundamental structuralfunction
ofMasonicorganisation. Thisis thatalthough thereis emphasis in Masonry on
equalityand truebrotherhood, Masonicorganisation provideseffective and
efficientmechanisms fortheestablishment ofa strong authoritystructure.Formally,
thisisachieved through theritual promotion within thethree degrees oftheCraft,
theEntered Apprentice, Fellowof theCraft, andMasterMason.Thesedegrees
are thesameunderboththeEnglishand theScottish Constitutions. But the
EnglishConstitution has further degreeswithinwhatis knownas the Royal
Arch.
InitiationintotheFirstDegree,andthenpromotion to theSecond,'raising'to
theThird,andfurther promotion intheRoyalArchDegrees, aremarked byvery
elaborate ritualdramas. Eachstageisalsomarked bynewregaliawithadditional
signsofoffice. Itisalsomarked bytheacquisition offurthersecrets,bynewduties
andnewprivileges. Apartfromtheseritualdegrees thereis alsoin eachlodgea
largenumber ofOffice Bearers ofall sorts, whoareconcerned withtherunning
andorganisation ofthelodge.Andatthetopofthelodgeswithin eachConstitution
there isa DistrictGrandLodge,headedbya District GrandMaster, hisDeputyand
Secretary. A Masteris alwaysaddressed as 'Worshipful Master'.A GrandMaster
is addressed as the'MostWorshipful Master'.The highera Mason'sdegreethe
greater hismobility within, andaccessto,thelodges.A MasterMasoncanenter,
without permission orinvitation, eventheRoyalArchLodges.
Allpromotions areformally onthebasisofattainment inFreemasonic theology
andritual andrequire devotion tothemovement inregular attendance. Butaseach
promotion toa higher degreenecessitates spending moremoneyinfees,inregalia
and,moreespecially inproviding banquets, onlythoseMasonswhocanmeetthese
expenses andwho havethenecessary backingin thelodgeswillseekor accept
promotion. Promotion usually takestimeandsometimes it cantakea manover
tenyearsto becomea MasterMason.Buttheprocess canbe greatly speededup,
andtherearecasesin Freetown ofmenbeingraisedto theThirdDegreewithin
threeyears.
In thisrespect, the Scottish Constitution is morehelpfulthantheEnglish.
Promotion canbe quicker. MasonsfromScottish lodgesinFreetown toldmethey
thought theScottish constitutionwasmoredemocratic thantheEnglish, whichthey
described as conservative.In a Scottish lodgeitis themembers ofthelodgewho
decideon whowillbe raisedto theposition ofMasterandhisDeputywhilein
Englishlodgesthedecision comesfromabove.On thewhole,theScottish con-
stitutionseemstobe moreeasilyadaptable tochanging situations thantheEnglish
one,andI believe thatthisisthemainreason why,asthetableaboveshows, itisnow
morepredominant amongtheCreolesthantheEnglish one.In a rapidly changing
situation itis important fora groupto havea moreflexible articulating ideology
andorganisation. FortheCreoles, thisisindeedcrucial.
Within thehierarchy ofdegrees andoffices intheFreemasonic organisation there
isthusa closerelationship between wealthandposition inthenon-Masonic sphere
ontheonehand,andritual authority within theorderontheother. Theprominent

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 443

men in the Masonic order are indeed the prolmiinent miienin SierraLeone in
general.Thereis a closerelationbetweenthetwo spheres.
IndividualMasons oftenmanipulatevarious factorsto gain authorityand
powerwithinthemovement.A man who hasjustjoined a lodge and who will
probablyhaveto takehisplacein thequeuebehindmanyother'brothers'in order
to be raisedto thecovetedstatusof MasterMason, will seekeitheraffiliation to
anotherlodge in whichmiiore opportunities exist,or will groupwithothermenm-
bers,who shouldincludeat leastsevenMasters,in orderto drivean application
throughforthefoundation of a new lodge.If he is a memberof an Englishlodge
he may discoverthathis chancesare betterin affiliation withina ScottishLodge.
And withinthe lodge he will tryto gain the affection and supportof various
cliquesof friends.
Even at thelevelof DistrictLodges,thetwo Masonicorganisations are closely
interrelated,and, takentogether,theyindeed mergein effectto articulateone
unifiedMasonic hierarchy.The presentDistrictGrand Masterof the Scottish
constitutionforexamplewas originally initiatedintoanEnglishconstitution lodge,
was thenaffiliatedto otherlodges from both constitutions,and became founding
Masterof a Scottish lodge.OthereminentMasonsin Freetownhad similarcareers
withintheorder.
Thisintegrated hierarchyof authority is ofimmensesignificance fortheCreoles
as a corporateinterest group.Likethemiddleclassesin manycountries, theCreoles
are in generalnotoriouslyindividualistic and no soonerdoes a leaderbegin to
assumeleadershipthana numberof othermen beginto contesthis claimin the
spiritof' whyhe,notme?'. It mustbe emphasised thatduringtheColonialperiod,
whiletheTemne,Mende,and theothertribesof SierraLeone had theirown local
andparamountchiefswhoseauthority was upheldby theColonialadministration,
theCreoleswerewithouttraditional leadership. Up to thepresent, theCreolesare
treatedlegallyas non-Nativesand theirfamilyand sociallifeis regulatedunder
Britishcivillaw, whiletheNativesaretreatedmainlyaccordingto customary law.
The Creoleshave forlong identified stronglywiththeBritishand do not have
anykindof tribalstructure.
The difficultyin developinga unifiedleadershipand a systemof authority was
further increasedby thefactthat,outsidetheformalpoliticalarena,the Creoles
had several,oftencompeting, hierarchies of authority withindifferent groupings.
One was the churchhierarchy, the otherswere withineach one of the major
professions,includingtheteachers, as wellas property holders.Furthermore, there
was intensive strifewithineachgroupingcharacterised by intensecompetition for
promotionintohigherpositionsand by perpetualtensionbetweensuperiorand
subordinate withinthebureaucratic structure. But whenthemembersof all these
groupingsbecame incorporated withinthe Masonic lodges,theybecame inte-
gratedwithinan all-encompassing authority structurein whichmembersfromthe
higherpositionsof the different non-Masonichierarchies were included.The
differenttypesand basesofpowerwithinthosegroupings wereexpressed in terms
ofthesymbolsandideologyofFreemasonry. A unifiedsystemoflegitimation fora
unifiedauthority structurewas thuscreated.This has been of course,not a once-
and-for-alldevelopment, buta continuing processofinteraction betweentheritual
authority withintheorderand thevariousauthority systems outsideit.

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444 ABNER COHEN

Freemasonry has thusprovidedtheCreoleswithtllemeansforthearticulation

of the organisational functionsof a politicalgroup. The organisation thathas
emergedis efficient and effective and is thusin sharpcontrastwiththeloose and
feeblepoliticalorganisations in SierraLeone generally.As Cartwright(I970)
pointsout,thepoliticalpartiesof SierraLeone areloose alliancesbetweenvarious
groups,manyof whichshifttheirallegiancefromone partyto anotherunpre-
dictably.But Freemasonicorganisation is strictlysupervisedby the two Grand
Lodgesin Britainwho enforcethesamestrictstandards of organisation thathave
beenevolvedin an advancedand highlyindustrialised society.This is why,in my
view, Freemasonic organisation in SierraLeone todayis one of themostefficient
and effective organisations in thewhole country.It has thuspartlymade up for
Creole numericalweakness.A smallgroupcan indeedgreatlyenhanceitspower
throughrigorousorganisation.
In adoptingFreemasonry in thisway,theCreolesarenotmakinguse of a novel
kindofideologyandorganisation in SierraLeonepolitics.Foritis wellknownthat
SierraLeone and some of herneighbouring countriesconstitute an ethnographic
area whichis especiallycharacterised by thevarietyand multiplicity of itssecret
societies.The roleofthePoro secretsocietyoftheMendein organising andstaging
the so-calledHut Tax War againstthe Britishand the Creolesin I898 is well
documented(see ChalmersI899; Little i965; I966; Scott I960: 173-4). As
Kilsenpointsout (I966: 256-8) the Poro has ever sincebeen used in modern
politicalcontextsdown to the present.Its symbols,ideology,and organisation
have been usedby theSLPP, themajor,Mende-backedpartyof MiltonMargai,
to mobilisevotes and supportin elections.A similaruse of the symbolsand
organisation of secretsocietiesin themodern'politicsof neighbouring Liberiahas
also beenreported(see Libenow I969).
AlthoughI havebeendiscussing herethcpoliticalfunctions of a ritualorganisa-
tion,I am not implyingany kindof reductionism whichaims at explaining,or
ratherexplainingaway,theritualin termsofpoliticalor economicrelations. Nor
am I imputingconsciousand calculatedpoliticaldesignon thepartof men who
observethebeliefsandthesymboliccodesofsuchan organisation. Likemanyother
ritualsystems, Freemasonry is a phenomenon It is a sourceof valuesin
sui generis.
itsown right,and individuals oftenlook at it as an endin itselfand notas a means
to an end. A Creole Mason will be genuinelyoffendedif he is told thathe is
joiningthemovementforpoliticalconsiderations. More fundamentally, theFree-
masonicmovementis officially and formally opposedto thediscussion ofpolitical
issuesin the courseof its formalmeetings.Therc is certainlyno consciousand
deliberateuse of Frcemasonry in politicalmanoeuvring.
But all thisdoesnotmeanthatthemovementhasno politicalaspectsor political
consequences.Althoughman in contemporary societyplays different roles in
differentfieldsofsociallife,theserolesarenevertheless relatedtoone anotherwithin
one 'self','ego' or psyche.A normalmanhashisidentity, his'I', whichis devel-
oped onlythroughtheintegration of thedisparate rolesthathe plays.To achieve
selfhoodat all,a man'sroleas a Mason mustbe broughtintorelationwithhisrole
as a professional,a politician, a husband,a father.
The Creolesgenerally havebeenunderseverepressure andstrainduringthepast
tweity-five yearsor so. Duringthisperiodtheyhavehad to putup withthreats of

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 445

varioussorts, in thestreet, in thecourtroom, in parliament. Thesemenarecon-
sciousofandworried abouttheseproblems andtheytalkaboutthemallthetime.
Whentheymeetin theMasonictemples, theymeetto perform theprescribed
formal rituals.
Butwhentheyadjourn tobanqueting, orwhentheymeetinformally
altogether outside theframework ofFreemasonry, whatdo theydiscuss?
I addressed thisquestion to severalMasons.Almostinvariably thereplywas
thattheytalkabout'theusualordinary current problems', whichpeopleusually
talkabout.Thereis no doubtwhatsoever thatthisisso.Butitisnotunreasonable
to conjecturethatthesemendo talkabouttheircurrent problems andabouttheir
anxieties,hopes,andalsodeliberate aboutsolutions. Theydo notevenneedto
talkabouttheseproblems exclusively withinthelodgesor whilebanqueting.
Through thesharing ofthesamesignlanguage, thesamesystem ofbeliefs,
thesame
secretrituals,
andthesameorganisation, andthrough frequent banqueting, strong
moralbondsdevelopbetween themwhichoften transcend, becomestronger than,
manyotherbonds,so thatwhentheymeetoutside thelodgeframework theytalk
together moreconfidentially andmoreintimately thaniftheywerenotbrothers
within thesamemovement. Attend anyofthefrequent ceremonials stagedby the
Creolesintheir ordinary sociallife,suchas weddings, christenings,orgraduation,
andyouwillnotfailto seethatwhilethewomenarebusydancing on theirown
to thewildbeatof theGumbeband,themensitquietlyin cliqueson theside
drinking and talking. If you askthewomenwhattheirmenweredoingthey
will say 'theyare talkinglodge'.Indeedthephrase'talkinglodge' whichis
frequently heardin Freetown society,hastheconnotation of 'talkingpolitics'.
Through theseintimate andexclusive gatherings, within andoutside theframe-
workofthelodge,menpool theirproblems, deliberate aboutthem,tryto find
solutionsto themandeventually developformulae forappropriate action.It is
becauseof all thisdeliberation, communication, andco-ordination of decisional
formulations, thatthereisa remarkable unanimity ofopinionamongtheCreoles
overmajorcurrent problems. Talkaboutanypublicissueonanydaywitha number
ofCreolesin Freetown andyouwillmostprobably hearin comment thesame
statements,usingalmostthesamephrases andwords.Manyexpatriates in Sierra
Leonehaveremarked on thisuniformity ofresponse tomajorissuesonthepartof
theCreoles.In thecourseofa fewmonths I followed a number ofpublicissues,
concentratingparticularly ontwoofthem.Oneissuewasraisedbythreedifferent
menin different situations withintwoto fourdaysofeachother, including one
ina dailynewspaper.
article On enquiry allthreementurned outtobe members
of thesamelodge.In a fewdays'timethestatements aboutthatissuebecame
stereotyped,andtruly becamethe'collective representation', ofa wholegroupof
menand,later,oftheir women.
Freemasonry is, of course,not theonlycultural institution whichhelpsto
articulate
thecorporate organisation ofCreoleinterests. In myview,itis bestto
studyan interest groupin termsof two interconnected, thoughanalytically
separated,dimensions: thepolitical andthesymbolic. Thesymbolic consistsofall
thepatterns ofnormative behaviour withina number ofinstitutions suchas the
church,thefamily, friendship, artandliterature. Mostofthese patterns ofsymbolic
behaviour haveconsequences affectingtheorganisational functions ofthegroup,
although somewillhavemoredirect effectsin articulating certainfunctions than

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446 ABNER COHEN

others.A singleinstitution,like Freemasonry,will contribute to thearticulation

of different
organisational
functions, suchas communication and decision-making.
On theotherhand,a numberof institutions will jointlyhelp in thearticulation
of a singlefunctionsuch as thatof distinctiveness (fordetails,see Cohen I969:
2oi-ii). To studyCreoldomin thisway would requirea completemlionograph.
What I have attemllpted
hereis simplyto isolatethe structural consequencesof
Freemasonry.
* * * * *

ThroughoutthisdiscussionI have referred to the Creoles as if theywere a

discreteethnicgroup.They indeedaresuch a group,havingtheirown distinct
cultureand theirown history.What is more,theyare stillregardedlegallyas
'non-Native'. They see themselves and are seen by othersas a distinctculture
group.But thisis to some extenta falsepicturebecauseit entails,among other
things,thestrictobservanceof a rigidprincipleof descent,and henceof recruit-
nment. But theCreolesare bilateraland a man will oftenincludewithinwhathe
regardsas his 'family'bothpatrilateral, matrilateral,and affinal
relativesas well
as friends.
Throughoutthehistory of theCreolesin SierraLeone nmen andwomen
of Native descentwere Creolisedthroughvariousprocesses(see Banton 1957;
PorterI963). By acquiringthesymbolsandstyleoflifeofCreoldomandby being
incorporated withinthe Creole social network,theseNativesbecame in effect
Creole.On theotherhand,thereis evidenceofan oppositeprocessgoingon all the
timewherebyCreolesbecameNativesandcametoidentify themselves withdifferent
ethnicgroups.More recently, somne CreoleshavepubliclyrenouncedtheirEnglish
namnes whichtheychangedintoAfrican namesandadvocatedcompleteintegration
with the Natives. Creole men today, and certainlyalmostall the Freemasons
amongthem,declarepubliclythattheyareopposedto 'tribalism',andplaydown
theirdistinctiveidentityas Creoles.
Creoldomn withinthe mnodern SierraLeone polityis essentiallya statusgroup
markedofffromothersocialgroupsby a specialstyleof lifeand by a densenet-
workofrelationships andco-operation. Althoughtheyareinternally stratified,
they
standas a groupon theirown withinthewidersociety.Thereis no doubtthat
Freemasonry has helpedthemto co-ordinatetheirstruggleto preservetheirhigh
status.It mustbe remembered thatthe Creolesare essentially professionals and
wage earners.Theyarenotexploiters. Theyhave beenthemainfactorin keeping
thecountry's institutions
liberal.UntilveryrecentlySierraLeone was one of the
few statesin theThirdWorld whichwas stilldemocratic.5 The Creoleswantthe
countrytoremainliberalnotonlybecauseoftheirideologicalzeal,butalsobecause
theyrealisethat,as long as thereis freecompetition forjobs in the civilservice
and theprofessions they,withtheiradvancedschoolingsystem, theirWesternstyle
oflife,and theadvantagestheyhavehad overothergroupsin thesefieldsforover
a centuryand a half,are likelyto win and to maintaintheirpresenthighsocial
status.
One of thesociologicallessonswe can learnfromthestudyof a grouplikethe
Creolesfortheunderstanding ofWesternindustrial societiesisthestudyofclasses-
particularlythehigherclasses-asgroupswhichareinformally organisedforaction
througha varietyof institutions like Freemasonry. The associationbetweenFree-

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THE POLITICS OF RITUAL SECRECY 447

masonry andthehighersocialclassesin Britainand theU.S.A. hasbeenknownfor
a longtimenow. What I havetriedto do in thisarticleis to indicatehow thiscult
operatesin articulating a corporateorganisation fora groupof highlyindividual-
isticpeople.An analysisof thistypecan perhapssupplement thatby forexample
LuptonandWilson(I959) in theirwell-knownstudyofdecision-makers in Britain.
Freemasonry offerstwo majorfunctions to itsmembers:an exclusiveorganisa-
tionand a mechanism forthecreationof a brotherhood. Throughupholdingthe
principleof secrecy,or ratherof themonopolyof secrets, Freemasons are able to
develop,maintain, andruna vast,intricate, andhighlycomplexorganisa-
efficient,
tion,withitssymbolsof distinctiveness, channelsof exclusivecommunication,
structure of authority, ideology,and frequentsocialisation throughceremonials.
Throughitsnetworksof lodges,itsritualdegreesand hierarchical structure, its
institutions of affiliation
andvisiting,and theexistenceof threedifferent constitu-
tions,it is particularlysuitedto operatein thehighlydifferentiated and complex
structure of ourindustrial society.Forit is capableofarticulating thegroupingsof
different occupationaland social categoriesof people, allowingboth unityand
diversity.
As menjoin theorganisation, theimpersonalcharacter of a socialcategorylike
classgivesway to therapiddevelopment of moralbondsthatlinkitsindividuals.
Throughthesharingofcommonsecretsand ofa commonlanguageofsigns,pass-
words,and hand-clasps,throughsharingthe humilitiesof the ceremonialsof
initiation,throughmutualaid,thefrequent communionin worshipping andeating
together,and the rulesto settledisputesamicablybetweenthem,the members
are transformed into a truebrotherhood. This combinationof strict,exclusive,
organisation, with the primarybonds of a brotherhood, makesFreemasonry a
powerfulorganisation in contemporary society.
Freemasonry has different structural
functions underdifferent socialconditions,
and in itshistoryin Europe it has servedto organiseconservative as well as pro-
gressivemovements. Itsfunctions aredetermined neitherby itsdoctrinenorby its
formalorganisation. But it is definitelyan organisation especiallysuitedforthe
well-to-do.What is more,becauseof itssecrecyand itsrulesof recruitment, it is
such thatonce it is capturedor dominatedby a stronginterest group,or by a
numberof relatedinterestgroups,it tendsto become the exclusivevehiclefor
promotingtheinterests of thatgroup.Throughsecretballotingand therequire-
mentof almostcompleteconsensusfor admittingnew members,it can easily
excludethemembersof othergroupsfromjoiningit. Sociologically, thequestion
of whomit excludesbecomesas significant as thatof whomit includes.

NOTES
The fieldstudyon whichthisarticleis basedwas carriedout in Freetown,SierraLeone,
betweenSeptember I969 and September I970. It was financedby theSchoolof Orientaland
AfricanStudies,University of London.DuringthatperiodI was giventhestatusof Visiting
ResearchFellowby FourahBay College,University of SierraLeone.I wouldliketo record
mythanksto bothinstitutions fortheirgenerous help.
I am grateful
to Dr HumphreyFisherforhis detailedand criticalcommenton an earlier
draftofthearticle.
I Accordingto Freemasonic principles,
theHoly Book canbe eithertheBibleor thesacred
book ofanyotheruniversal religion.
To myknowledge, all Freetown
lodgesdisplaytheBible
only.

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448 ABNER COHEN

2 Accordingto Fyfe(I962: I46) thefirstlodgewas openedin Freetownin I82I, but was
abolished, togetherwithotherdormant lodges,in I864 byorderoftheGrandLodgeofEngland.
Freemasonry was revivedin I882 (I962: 437) withCreolesandEuropeansjoiningthesame
lodge.
3 I am usingthetermNativefornon-Creole SierraLeoneansin thesameway as it is used
whenone writesofthenativesofFrance,forexample.
4 In itsagitation
againsttheAPC government in I970, an opposition
paperclaimedthatthe
PrimeMinisterof SierraLeone had made historyby beingthefirstPrimeMinisterof the
country tojoin Freemasonry. Thiswas to implythatthePrimeMinister had beenunderthe
influence oftheCreoles.
5 I leftFreetown in September I970. For someof thepolitical developments sincethen,see
Dalby I97I.

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