To cite this article: Thomas Risse (2003) The Euro between national and European identity, Journal of European Public
Policy, 10:4, 487-505, DOI: 10.1080/1350176032000101235
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Journal of European Public Policy 10:4 August 2003: 487–505
ABSTRACT We miss the significance of the advent of the Euro for European
political, economic, and social order if we ignore its identity dimension. Money
has always been a symbolic marker in nation-building efforts and is strongly related
to collective national identities. This article makes two interrelated causal claims.
On the one hand, the introduction of Euro bills and coins has already begun to
affect Euroland citizens’ identification with the EU and Europe in general. The
Euro makes Europe real and reifies it as a political order, since it provides a visible
link from Brussels to the daily lives of the citizens. On the other hand, existing
collective identities pertaining to the nation-state explain to a large degree how
comfortable people feel using and dealing with the Euro. The variation in attitudes
between the Italian enthusiasm for the Euro, the German ambivalence about it,
and the widespread British opposition can be accounted for by the differences in
collective understandings and identification patterns with the nation-state and
Europe. In sum, the causal arrows from the Euro to collective identities run
both ways.
KEY WORDS Euro; European identity; European monetary union; European
public opinion.
INTRODUCTION1
The introduction of Euro bills and coins on 1 January 2002 has been one of
the most important events in the history of European integration. Two-thirds
of the citizens in ‘Euroland’ (the twelve European Union [EU] member states
which introduced the Euro) agree with this statement (EOS Gallup Europe
2002c: Report, 72–3). Moreover, between November 2001 and January 2002,
the number of those agreeing with the following statement increased by 13
per cent from 51 per cent to 64 per cent: ‘By using euros instead of national
currencies, we feel a bit more European than before’ (EOS Gallup Europe
2002b: table 26).
Europeans are quite aware that money is not only about economics and
finance, but also about nation- and state-building (Helleiner 1997, 1998;
Journal of European Public Policy
ISSN 1350-1763 print; 1466-4429 online © 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
DOI: 10.1080/1350176032000101235
488 Journal of European Public Policy
McNamara 2003). Money is among the most important identity markers in
people’s daily lives. The images on bills and coins are usually chosen carefully
in order to connect with historical and sometimes nationalist symbols of the
various nation-states. The images of bridges, columns, and windows on the
Euro bills depict the openness and inclusiveness of a supranational entity in
an almost extreme sense: Europe as ‘all around us – and . . . nowhere in
particular’ (Hymans 2002: 33).
This article analyses the relationship between collective identities and the
Euro. The Euro has already left its mark on people’s attitudes and feelings
toward Europe and the EU. At the same time, collective identities pertaining
to the nation-state and/or to Europe shape citizen attitudes toward the Euro
to a large degree. In other words, the causal arrows between the Euro and
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with it, starting with the ‘nation first, Europe second’ identification found in
the Eurobarometer data. If France, for example, is constructed as a European
country with a European heritage, French citizens can strongly identify with
their country and with Europe, too. The findings by Marks and Hooghe that
the effects of exclusive identification with the nation-state on support for
European integration vary across countries (Marks and Hooghe 2003) could
be interpreted as supporting a ‘marble cake’ model of multiple identities. If
the historical and cultural understandings of one’s national community already
contain aspects of Europeanness as an intrinsic component, then loyalty to
one’s national community would imply some identification with Europe, too.
For example, the more a ‘good Portuguese’ is constructed in the national
political discourse as having to support the EU, even Portuguese citizens who
are fiercely loyal to their national community can actually remain in favour of
European integration. In sum, the ‘marble cake’ model of multiple identities
focuses attention on the way in which national political and cultural discourses
including constructions of historical memory relate Europe and the nation-
state to each other.
One corollary of the ‘marble cake’ concept is that being European might
mean different things to different people. Since EU membership interacts with
rather different national identity constructions, the overall effect will not be
homogenous leading to a generalized European identity. Rather, Europe and
the EU become enmeshed with given national identities leading to rather
diverging identity outcomes. This concerns, above all, the content and sub-
stance of what it means to identify with Europe. I come back to this point
later in this article.
What does this discussion of empirical findings pertaining to European
identity and of ways to interpret these findings mean theoretically for the
relationship between collective identity and the Euro? I argue in the following
that the concept of ‘entitativity’ is particularly important to understand the
effects which the Euro is likely to have on identification processes with the
EU (the Euro as ‘independent variable’). In contrast, the ‘marble cake’ concept
of multiple identities helps to explain how collective identities pertaining to
the nation-state affect attitudes toward the Euro (as the ‘dependent variable’).
492 Journal of European Public Policy
HOW THE EURO AFFECTS COLLECTIVE IDENTITIES:
EVIDENCE FROM PUBLIC OPINION DATA
Recent Eurobarometer data show that the Euro has already left its mark on
the attitudes of citizens toward the EU including identification processes, albeit
to a limited degree. My analysis is not based on a sophisticated statistical
analysis, but on the data as provided by the Eurobarometer reports. I
concentrate on the EU and Euroland in general and on Italy, Germany, and
the UK in particular. These countries represent three distinct types of attitude
toward the EU: strong, almost consensual support (Italy); lack of consensus
and deep ambivalence (Germany); strong opposition (UK). To illustrate this
point: according to the November 2002 Eurobarometer, for example, two-
thirds of the Italians felt attached to the EU, Germans were completely divided
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on this question, while two-thirds of the British did not feel attached to the
EU (European Commission 2003: 27). As a result, the effect of the Euro on
citizen attitudes also varies among the three countries.
Of course, a year after the introduction of Euro coins and bills it is still too
early to reach firm conclusions. Nevertheless, the data show that the Euro is
beginning to leave its mark on the construction of European identity among
Euroland citizens of the member states.
Support for the Euro remains extraordinarily high in Euroland and overall
majorities of public opinion are both happy with it and consider it as
advantageous for the future of their country. While these numbers have
decreased slightly since the introduction of Euro bills and coins in 2002, it
remains unclear whether this decrease has to do with the Euro itself or with
the general perception of an economic crisis (cf. data in EOS Gallup Europe
2002c: 74–5; European Commission 2003: 3–4).
Despite this general approval of the advent of the Euro, attitudes vary
considerably in Euroland (Anderson 2002). Germans appear to be very
ambivalent toward the Euro with 57 per cent expressing some degree of
dissatisfaction with the new currency (the highest degree of unhappiness in
the Eurozone). As Graph 1 indicates, German attitudes toward the Euro rank
consistently below the Euroland average. In November 2002, Germany was
the only country in Euroland where a majority of citizens considered the
introduction of the Euro as overall disadvantageous for their country. Moreover,
there is very little consensus among German citizens toward the Euro (Anderson
2002). In contrast, Italians are overwhelmingly satisfied with the Euro and
consider its introduction as advantageous for their country and its future.
Italian attitudes always rank above the Euroland average. And these attitudes
are quite consensual among Italian citizens; there is little disagreement expressed
(Anderson 2002). Finally, British citizens turn out to be the most negative
among the EU members who have not adopted the Euro (optimistically called
the ‘pre-ins’ by the Eurobarometer reports!). The difference between the
Euroland average and British attitudes is enormous, but this is probably a
function of more general opposition to the EU than specific attitudes toward
the Euro (see below).
T. Risse: The Euro between national and European identity 493
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But Graph 1 still depicts attitudes toward the Euro rather than indicating
how the new currency affects collective identities. Here, the evidence is still
sketchy, but a few points can nevertheless be made. First and probably most
important, the Euro has already become a symbol which citizens identify with
the EU. The spring 2002 Eurobarometer introduced a new question asking
people what the EU means personally for them. This is the closest the
Eurobarometer got to directly measuring the salience and ‘realness’ (entitativity)
of the EU in people’s lives. The answers are remarkable: at the top of the list
are ‘freedom of movement and travel’ (50 per cent) and the Euro (49 per cent),
while the third item – ‘peace’ – was only chosen by 32 per cent of the
respondents. This is a strong indicator that the Euro has quickly become an
important symbol of European integration. When citizens think ‘EU’, they
appear to also think ‘Euro’. In this sense, the new currency has already reached
the status of an identity marker.
As a symbolic representation of the EU, the Euro tops the list in eight of
the twelve countries of Euroland (among them Germany: 54 per cent), while
it reaches second place in Italy (but still at 55 per cent). In Britain, the Euro
is still the second most mentioned item, but at much lower levels (24 per cent;
all data according to European Commission 2002: 53–4). The difference
between British attitudes, on the one hand, and Euroland attitudes, on the
other, further substantiates the claim that the Euro has increased the entitativity
and the ‘realness’ of the EU among those who use the new currency in their
daily lives. And it also demonstrates that the EU only features remotely in the
average British citizen’s perception (and this perception is fairly negative, ‘waste
of money’ being the third most mentioned item).
But has the Euro also increased the collective identification of citizens with
the EU? Here, the data are more ambivalent. On the one hand, as mentioned
494 Journal of European Public Policy
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own past. Overcoming the German past not only meant supporting European
integration, but also instituting sound economic policies of low inflation and
controlled budget deficits. The Deutsche Mark became the symbolic embodi-
ment of this policy. Over the years, the Deutsche Mark acquired a highly
identity-inducing value as a powerful national symbol of Germany’s prosperity
and its economic miracle after World War II (Haselbach 1994).
The rigid insistence of German government officials on the strict fulfilment
of the Maastricht convergence criteria was not only motivated by economic
policy concerns, but also by the need to cater to German public opinion and
to Deutsche Mark patriotism. The idea was to construct the Euro as something
like a Europeanized Deutsche Mark. It is no wonder, therefore, that German
élite supporters of the single currency worked hard to ensure that the
institutional setup of EMU looked similar to German monetary institutions.
The German case is one of identity contestation, namely German Euro-
peanness versus Deutsche Mark patriotism (for details, see Engelmann-Martin
2002). Ultimately, German Europeanness carried the day, but it came at a
price. Since the political élites were reluctant to openly discuss the merits of
the single currency in public and to allow for a serious public debate, they left
public opinion behind. This resulted in the continuous ambivalence of German
public opinion toward the Euro. While most people see the single currency as
an identity marker for the EU, they are not happy with it so far. In particular,
the Euro has given rise to widespread fears of inflation, the country’s collective
trauma since the inter-war period, which only serves to exacerbate the current
slump in consumer confidence owing to the economic crisis.
CONCLUSIONS
The central argument of this article is that we miss the significance of the
advent of the Euro for European political, economic, and social order if we
ignore its identity dimension. Money has always been a symbolic marker in
nation-building efforts and is strongly related to collective national identities.
While the EU will not look like a nation-state writ large in the near future,
this does not preclude a discussion of the Euro in identity terms.
This article made two interrelated causal claims. On the one hand, there is
evidence that the introduction of Euro bills and coins has already begun to
affect Euroland citizens’ identification with the EU and Europe in general.
The key category here is the social psychological notion of ‘entitativity’. The
Euro makes Europe real and reifies it as a political order, since it provides a
visible link from Brussels to the daily lives of the citizens. On the other hand,
existing collective identities pertaining to the nation-state explain to a large
degree how comfortable people feel using and dealing with the Euro. The key
category is the ‘marble cake’ model of multiple identities pertaining to the
degree to which Europe meshes and blends into collective understandings of
one’s own nation-state as an imagined community (Anderson 1991). The
variation in attitudes between the Italian enthusiasm for the Euro, the German
ambivalence about it, and the widespread British opposition can be largely
accounted for by the differences in collective understandings and identification
patterns with the nation-state and Europe. In sum, the causal arrows from the
Euro to collective identities run both ways.
Where does this leave us concerning the future of the Euro and of European
order? If the arguments put forward in this article are correct, the Euro
constitutes a huge step toward the symbolic creation of a European polity. The
more their past currencies leave the mental maps of Euroland citizens, the
more current ambivalences in popular attitudes will recede in the background.
This should pertain to Germany in particular. However, joining the Euroland
train is an altogether different question. The Euro influences collective identities
through daily social and discursive practices. Given the strong correlation
502 Journal of European Public Policy
between constructions of British identity as exclusively national and opposition
to the Euro, British élites will continue to face difficulties in convincing a
sceptical public that giving up the pound is the right thing to do.
NOTES
1 This is the revised version of a paper first presented at the conference ‘The Year of
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the Euro’, Nanovic Institute for European Studies, University of Notre Dame, South
Bend IN, 6–8 December 2002. I thank Juan Diez Medrano, two anonymous
reviewers, and the participants of the conference for their critical comments.
2 This part summarizes findings from an interdisciplinary project on European
identity and from a thematic network on ‘Europeanization, Collective Identities,
and Public Discourses’ (IDNET), funded by the European Commission’s Fifth
Framework Program on Socio-Economic Research. See Risse and Maier 2003;
Herrmann et al., forthcoming for details.
3 This part draws upon Risse et al. 1999 and Engelmann-Martin 2002. See also Diez
Medrano, forthcoming.
4 Then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook, speech in the House of Commons, 9 June
1997, http//www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/cm199798/cmhansrd/
cm970609/debtext/70609–08.html (my emphasis).
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