To cite this article: Ajwang’ Warria, Hanna Nel & Jean Triegaardt (2015) Challenges in
Identification of Child Victims of Transnational Trafficking, Practice, 27:5, 315-333, DOI:
10.1080/09503153.2015.1039974
Download by: [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] Date: 21 November 2017, At: 10:33
PRACTICE: SOCIAL WORK IN ACTION VOLUME 27 NUMBER 5 (DECEMBER 2015), 315–333
Introduction
Violence and abuse against children and the exploitation of children worldwide
have become a growing concern in the past decade. Child trafficking is a multi-
ple human rights violation and a global public health, migration, criminal jus-
tice, economic and social issue. The United Nations (UN) Trafficking Protocol
(2000) defines child trafficking as the recruitment, transportation and receipt
of children for purposes of exploitation. This definition includes all children
under the age of 18 who have been trafficked with or without their consent for
forced labour, illegal adoption, sexually exploitative practices and for illegal
body organ trade (Gozdziak and Bump 2008; Kropiwnicki 2007; Martens, Piecz-
kowski, and Van Vuuren-Smyth 2003; Touzenis 2010). In Africa, child trafficking
is embedded in socio-economic dynamics and overlaps with smuggling, refu-
geeism, child labour and other socio-political and cultural issues, making it a
complex social development challenge.
According to the US-TIP Report (2013), countries such as the USA, Canada,
Haiti, Gambia, Netherlands, Bulgaria, and South Africa have been identified as
trafficking source, destination and transit countries. High incidents of child
trafficking have been reported in Asian countries by Larsen (2011). In South
Africa, although the exact number and demographics of children trafficked in,
out of and into South Africa is unknown, non-governmental organisations
report that 60% of trafficking victims are children under the age of 18 (US-TIP
Report 2010, 2012). Trafficking patterns are reported to run from north to
south of Africa with the majority of children who are trafficked into South
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According to United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) (2013), ‘hu-
man trafficking is a global problem and one of the world’s most shameful
crimes, affecting the lives of millions of people around the world and robbing
them of their dignity’. Morrison and Crosland (2000) refer to human trafficking
and smuggling as the ‘dark side’ of globalisation. Globalisation, with its neolib-
eral policies and free trade in goods has also given rise to an exploitative glo-
bal service sector that relies heavily on trafficking of vulnerable children
including migrant and unaccompanied minors (Abu-Ali and Al-Bahar 2011;
Chung 2009; Sawadogo 2012; Yakushko 2009).
Many countries in the world are affected by human trafficking whether or
not they are party to the UN Trafficking Protocol. Almost every country is
impacted on by trafficking either as a country of origin, country of transit and/
or as the country of destination. In 2012, the UNODC reported that much of
the human trafficking flows in Africa are either intra-regional, or are directed
toward the Middle East or Western Europe. On the other hand, transnational
trafficking that flows from East Asia is reported to be the most prominent glob-
ally, with most victims from that region being identified in many countries
around the world, including in South Africa.
CHALLENGES IN IDENTIFICATION OF CHILD VICTIMS 317
ing are children, although in poorer regions such as Africa and in sub-regions
such as the Greater Mekong, children make up the majority of trafficked per-
sons. This is further corroborated by the UNODC (2012) report that 27% of all
trafficked victims are children, and that out of every three trafficked children,
two are girls and one is a boy. When examining the link between migration and
trafficking, one can argue that the causes and manifestation of trafficking, the
means used and the types of exploitation within a certain region or country
might vary depending on the trafficking demands exerted.
South Africa dismiss the customary law rationale and strongly emphasise that
when parents engage in ‘soft’ trafficking through either silently or actively con-
senting to the process of giving their children away for exploitation or selling
their children for any reason, it still contributes to trafficking. Comparative
select texts by Child Exploitation and Online Centre (CEOP) (2011) in the UK,
Ngidi (2009) in South Africa, Kasirye (2007) in Uganda and Wolfensohn (2004) in
Southeast Europe all demonstrate that the welfare of children is inseparable
from that of their families and those families may not understand trafficking,
but see it as a survival strategy for the family or as a child protection measure.
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Education may offer alternatives and an informed job offer assessment, but
lack of educational opportunities may be a trigger for children to seek a better
life, seek employment or force families to migrate for work (Heady 2003;
Larsen 2011; Okyere 2012; Sossou and Yogtiba 2009). The already deeply
entrenched poverty cycle due to socio-economic deprivations further forces
the child to abandon school and subsequently become the family’s breadwin-
ner, by migrating and working in a low-skilled or unskilled job market (Palmary
2007, 2009). Due to children’s age, lack of skills and inability to negotiate, the
children often end up being exploited. However, when writing on Benin and
Ethiopia, Boyden and Howard (2013) argue the importance of children’s inde-
pendent migration in relation to domestic, economic, and social integration
and transition into adulthood. Liborio and Ungar (2010) further argue that chil-
dren’s economic activities could potentially be a pathway to the children’s
resilience. Clearly, relationships will continue to exist between poverty and
trafficking (Blackburn, Taylor, and Davis 2010) because ‘socio-economic and
politico-institutional causes remain to a certain extent embedded in each
other just like the two sides of a coin’ (Sawadogo 2012, 103). Recent develop-
ments in social protection have highlighted that poverty reduction is crucial as
a mechanism to reduce children’s and families’ vulnerability (ACPF 2010;
Okongwu and Mencher 2000; Truong 2006).
Routes for child trafficking for sexual exploitation are largely regional in
Southern Africa, because truck drivers deceive children with promises of mar-
riage, employment or academic opportunities if they agree to accompany them
to South Africa. Children from Mozambique, Swaziland and Lesotho have also
been known to be exploited as sex slaves (Ferro 2013) and as child labourers
on farms in South Africa. In addition, children from Southeast Asia are also
trafficked to South Africa (Molo Songololo 2003) and the US (Jani and Anstadt
2013), and exploited in escort agencies and massage parlours; and to Persian
Gulf states and Saudi Arabia to become camel jockeys and beggars, respec-
tively (Ghosh 2009). Trafficking also has regional dimensions in Southeast Asia
which is reported to be a major ‘source of trafficked persons due to regional
characteristics such as intra-regional irregular migration, extensive land bor-
ders and disparities in economic, employment and education opportunities’
(Larsen 2011; 3 as cited in Larsen 2010). For example, children from Cambodia
are taken to Thailand for begging, girls taken from Vietnam, Myanmar and
North Korea for forced marriage in China, boys taken from Vietnam to China
CHALLENGES IN IDENTIFICATION OF CHILD VICTIMS 319
for illegal adoption, and girls taken from Laos to Thailand for factory work.
The majority of trafficking of children in Africa is for sexual and labour
exploitation and as child soldiers whereas in Asia, exploitation takes on more
diverse forms thus requiring a more coordinated, meaningful and systematic
approaches to change. Although child victims of trafficking are usually of both
genders, trafficking of boys is increasing (Desai 2008), yet it continues to
receive less attention in both Asia and Africa (Allais 2013; Larsen 2011).
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within work environment, inability to move freely, absence from school and
lack of travel/identity documents. Victims who harbour characteristics which
do not fit neatly into the identified indicators are not recognised as legitimate,
and they become invisible and blameworthy if they do not have enough fea-
tures to warrant public sympathy and professional empathy (Lee 2011; Pearce,
Hynes, and Bovarnick 2009). Trafficking indicators are generally not exhaustive
and exceptions exist because child trafficking is ever-changing, it manifests
itself differently in different regions and it is influenced by the ultimate pur-
pose of exploitation. A culture of disbelief which leads to under and/or mis-
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Research Methodology
A qualitative research approach was applied in the study to give deeper mean-
ing and to provide rich details of the lived experiences of study participants
(Fouche and Schurink 2011). Purposive sampling was applied based on the study
participants’ knowledge of trafficking and child protection nexus. The selection
criteria of participants was based on their willingness and availability to take
part in the study as well as shared commonalities, work experiences and view-
points relating to the identification of child victims of trafficking. For purposes
of this paper, the total sample of study participants was 22 key informants (in-
cluding seven social workers, seven child protection advocacy officers, three
victim empowerment practitioners, three antitrafficking researchers, one law-
yer and one detective in specialised police services). The social workers were
all registered to practice with the South African Council for Social Services Pro-
fessions and were working in the child protection field for at least six months
prior to data collection. The other 15 stakeholders interviewed were experts
and had worked in the human trafficking and/or child protection field for more
than one year, and six of them had social work training.
Participation in the study was voluntary and participants were allowed to
withdraw from the study at any time. Informed consent was obtained from the
participants and ethical approval was granted by the University of Johannes-
burg’s Ethics Committee prior to data collection (Strydom 2011). Individual,
face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted using a semi-structured inter-
view schedule. The interview schedule was applied as a framework for explor-
ing the areas of research interest and the predetermined questions guided and
did not dictate the interview. In some questions, the study participants were
asked to think back and reflect on professional work experience and then
respond to the question. Field notes were written down immediately after the
interview and they included what the researcher knew, thought and observed
before, during and after interviews, and basic interpretations relating to those
aspects (Emerson, Fretz, and Shaw 2001). The interviews were audio-recorded
and subsequently transcribed verbatim.
CHALLENGES IN IDENTIFICATION OF CHILD VICTIMS 321
The data were analysed using thematic analysis (Schurink, Fouche, and De
Vos 2011). The first analysis was in the field during data collection i.e. as data
were being gathered, it was analysed preliminary. The second analysis was
after completing data collection. The simultaneous data gathering and analysis
process lent itself to the construction of more consistent interpretation of the
data. The thematic analysis phases followed included familiarisation with data,
generation of initial codes, searching for and reviewing of themes, definition
and naming of themes and relating the analysis back to the objectives of the
study and previous literature reviewed (Braun and Clarke 2006). A selection of
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… it depends where they are, because if you have a child that never goes out-
side and [he or she] is locked up somewhere in an apartment in the middle of
downtown Johannesburg you’re not going to easily identify them and you might
find that you’re suspicious about what might go down there but [you] wouldn’t
necessarily know that it’s trafficking … (Stakeholder 1)
… and the third factor I would say is non-cooperation from them. Some of our
victims I think if I put it, enjoy it, it’s going to be too harsh. They sort of like
tend to lean on to the new lifestyle in terms of sexual exploitation. You find
that some of the females say I’m getting my own money, back in my own coun-
try I wouldn’t earn anything like this, so that is fine. [The] same with labour
exploitation. It’s sad but it’s the reality of this practice, and you wouldn’t
want to compromise [my position and earning potential]. If I’m going to open
my mouth to the police or law enforcement then obviously there are conse-
quences attached to my cooperation. So if it’s non-cooperation, then I’m safe
and sound … (Stakeholder 13)
The extract indicates that the removal of aspects of poverty, whether physi-
cal, financial, intellectual or emotional in nature, seem fulfilling to some chil-
dren in trafficked situations, rather than them continuing to live lives plagued
with socio-economic struggles. The findings enable social workers to under-
stand that the demand factors within the child’s close environment influences
the enabling environment in which child trafficking flourishes. These structural
causes and the subsequent trafficking tend to give the child a skewed sense of
life and belonging. Furthermore, as a survival mechanism, the relationship that
the child has with the trafficker is based on perverse and skewed loyalties, as
well as positive feelings towards their trafficker, and the children try to pro-
tect them from the authorities.
CHALLENGES IN IDENTIFICATION OF CHILD VICTIMS 323
Fear in Children
The narratives that the traffickers tell the children are similar to those told to
abused children and they are often conjured up; they are used to instil fear in
children, and often they are not a true portrayal of what would happen in real
324 WARRIA ET AL.
life. Thus, the children end up fearing authority (the police), being arrested,
and deported or prosecuted, and they fear being stigmatised by others. While
these fears can be discussed separately, it is important to note that in traffick-
ing situations, the threats are not so readily compartmentalised or uttered by
the trafficker in isolation. Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) ecological perspective can
be used to explain the significant and complex interrelationships, influences
and overlapping factors when trafficked children are threatened. The child is
personally threatened, their family is threatened and other greater societal
factors are used to instil further fear in the child. Based on the nature and the
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magnitude of these threats, the trafficker becomes glorified and this makes
the child live in fear of the trafficker, as reported in the two of the many
interview extracts below:
… If they see service providers are being empathic, they would feel more able
to approach services, but definitely children fear to approach formal services
because they anticipate being returned to where they come from [interrup-
tion]. These children have been trafficked out of very difficult circumstances
[and] it’s your very poor children who lack family support, care, and love who
are vulnerable to being trafficked in the first place. So some of these children
do not want to go back to where they have come from. Secondly, the fear of
punishment, and also children don’t phone up our crisis lines and say I’ve been
trafficked … (Stakeholder 7)
Findings from this study reveal that a majority of the children were either traf-
ficked by relatives, or their families gave consent for them to be trafficked. The
key informants indicated that most of the children they engage with had reported
their families’ involvement in their trafficking. Almost all key informants inter-
viewed corroborated this finding from children and one participant said:
… the role of the family in the trafficking of children who are their own rela-
tives is a big question mark. One would not expect [it]. I’m just saying family,
[but] children’s parents are involved in the trafficking of their own children.
CHALLENGES IN IDENTIFICATION OF CHILD VICTIMS 325
Point is that they are in some cases, and that’s a difficulty. No wonder the act
of trafficking is only discovered afterwards, because [if] I go somewhere with
my aunt, my mom’s sister, no one will suspect this person or it’s unlikely that
the person will be suspected because my mother’s sister is as good as my
mother, and meanwhile they are linked to other people … It’s one of the most
biggest difficulties … (Social worker 7)
The statement shows how the desire of families to break out of their cycle of
poverty leads to trafficking, and they may either silently consent or be actively
involved in the process of giving away their children for financial benefits. In
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It is hoped that the study reported on here helps to facilitate a better under-
standing on challenges influencing rapid and timely identification of child vic-
tims of trafficking, as well as to fill a gap in the current child protection
practice base within social work.
The transnational aspects of trafficking make it a complex area for child
protection work as identified by Bump (2009) and Fong and Berger Cardoso
(2010) in the US and by Bokhari (2008) and Rigby (2011) in the UK. However,
internationalisation and globalisation affects social workers and they become
involved in initiatives related to providing care to all types of migrants includ-
ing victims of trafficking through transnationalisation of care and or globalisa-
tion of practice.
Poverty and the child’s family’s tendency to want to make money out of the
child, as little as it may seem, encourages the child’s entry into trafficking and
exploitative work. Exploitation that happens in private spaces, such as a home,
or those that are sanctioned by the child’s family/relatives are often not
recognised as child labour because the child lives with family or the family
knowingly allows the exploitation to happen. In addition, because we live in
trusting environments, the child is also generally assumed to be safe within
these settings and with these people they are related to. Children who are
exploited, abused and/or neglected by people responsible for them in family
homes or private spaces are thus invisible, hidden behind closed doors and
difficult to reach, especially for social workers (CEOP 2011; Wirtz 2009).
326 WARRIA ET AL.
Furthermore, in South Africa and in parts of Africa and Asia, when designing
interventions, social workers should be aware of cultural, institutional and leg-
islative reluctances to address issues that seem to impinge on the rights of the
family. The problems that subsequently arise from children being trafficked by
family members is that they are difficult to identify, quantify, rescue, provide
victim/social assistance to, and they are excluded from policies and laws.
Similar to findings in Tanzania by Kamazima et al. (2011), paradoxically, the
more unsophisticated the crime network is, the more difficult it is to recognise
trafficking and fight it. A possible explanation for this is that child trafficking
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unsafe migration especially for children. It is essential that the training pro-
gramme for social workers must include the following topics:
(i) causes of child trafficking and factors leading to children being vulnera-
ble to trafficking;
(ii) the connection amongst migration vulnerability, neglect, abuse and
exploitation in children;
(iii) identification of trafficking indicators within child trafficking;
(iv) protocols on how to communicate with child victims;
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Social workers are well placed to recognise, identify and understand the
dance of power, control and oppression, and its impact, especially on traf-
ficked children’s, separated, migrant and unaccompanied minor’s need for jus-
tice and protection of rights. In line with Yakushko (2009) recommendations,
social workers competence in working with these vulnerable populations should
encompass the possession of political awareness and familiarity with immigra-
tion policies. The nature of social work would allow for therapeutic justice,
whereby rapid identification processes are humanised and fairness and justice
are maintained (Palmer 2010). Since fear and mistrust are core elements
within a child’s trafficking process and when children present as abused, asy-
lum seekers, refugees, separated or unaccompanied minors, the provision of
stability, safety and informed social work practice is of great significance dur-
ing identification.
Conclusion
There is no quick fix and/or easy solutions to rapid identification of child vic-
tims of trafficking. However, appropriate and timely identification of child vic-
tims of trafficking can be equated to lifting veils of silence. Veils of silence
are lifted and in this way the trafficked children become more visible and they
can be heard. Challenges in identification jeopardise the potential for a vic-
tim’s recovery and healing. These challenges infringes on child victims’ rights
as they continue to live lives of perpetual crisis, fear, misery and instability;
whilst also facilitating the growth of trafficking operations. The ability to
understand the nature of child trafficking, to create better social work identi-
fication strategies and to assist in the enforcement of trafficking and child pro-
tection policies relies heavily on social workers being aware of trafficking and
unsafe migration as child protection concerns and improving their knowledge
and skills base accordingly. This expectation of professional competency is in
line with the International Federation of Social Workers manual, which states
328 WARRIA ET AL.
that one of social work professions core obligation is to stay abreast of theo-
retical development and empirical evidence in relation to what works best for
children and being knowledgeable about children’s rights.
Trafficking of children is a socio-legal issue and a symptom of deeper socio-
economic and cultural issues that transcend many societies. The authors are of
the opinion that this paper is also relevant to the Asian region as child traffick-
ing has also been reported to be as prevalent as it is in Africa (US-TIP Report
2014). Although there might be regional differences between Asia and Africa,
trafficking of children in both continents is becoming an internationalised
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Disclosure statement
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Jean Triegaardt is currently a visiting Professor for the Centre for Social
Development in Africa, University of Johannesburg, South Africa. Her research
interests are social security, social policy, restorative justice, poverty and
unemployment. She was a Fulbright scholar at University of California,
Berkeley in 2003. Currently, she is the editor of the Social Work Practitioner-
Researcher and serves as a member of the Ministerial Committee to Review
the Implementation of the White Paper for Social Welfare. Together with Pro-
fessor Viviene Taylor at University of Cape Town, she is presently co-editing a
book on social welfare policy in South Africa (Oxford University Press).