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But Morris didn't get anything from Washington. It took a gift from
a Texas billionaire to help the Morris family pay off part of the
debts.
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The Hyde Amendment did nothing for Morris, whose claim was dismissed by a judge who nonetheless criticized
prosecutors and said they had "lost sight of the objective — justice."
It did nothing for Daniel Chapman, a lawyer who lost his job and had to sell his house to pay $275,000 in legal
bills fighting a securities fraud case a judge threw out for "flagrant" prosecutorial misconduct.
And it did nothing for Michael Zomber, an antiques dealer who spent two years in prison and paid more than $1
million in attorney fees before his fraud conviction was thrown out.
The Justice Department, which fought the Hyde Amendment from the day it was proposed, nearly always resists
efforts to win compensation, no matter how egregious a prosecutor's conduct might have been. Defense lawyers
contend that the scarcity of compensation wins, amid a rise in misconduct charges, shows the law's not working.
"The Hyde Amendment is practically a useless tool for dealing with prosecutorial misconduct," said Jon May, a
Miami lawyer who co-chairs the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers' white-collar crime committee.
For a defendant to win, "the standard is so high that a prosecutor practically has to know" in advance "that his case
is so meritless that it is unlikely to get a conviction."
• Many defendants don't apply. The wealthy and those so poor they had court-appointed lawyers don't qualify.
Others hold back because they'd have to spend time and money in court and pursue a new civil action against the
government after winning their criminal cases. The investigation identified just 92 Hyde Amendment compensation
cases since the law's enactment.
• Some defendants are pressured by federal prosecutors to give up their right to seek repayment in exchange for
lenient plea bargains or getting their cases thrown out.
• Even those who seek compensation face what an appeals court called the "daunting obstacle" of proving,
sometimes in another trial, that prosecutors wronged them. Congress deliberately set a high legal standard to
qualify for payment: To win, a defendant must prove a prosecution had been "vexatious, frivolous or in bad faith."
But the House and the Senate never held committee hearings that could have defined that standard.
An anonymous tip
The case against Morris began in 1999 with an anonymous tip to a Department of Defense hot line. The caller said
the infantry officer had diverted $7 million of surplus medical equipment from a Marine Corps base in Albany, Ga.,
just south of his own post at Fort Benning.
Morris, now 54, was a decorated combat veteran and logistics expert. Superiors often had praised his ability to
work his way through complex military supply rules and get the job done. He played a role, for example, in ex-
Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega's 1990 surrender to U.S. troops. When commanders decided to use
deafening music to force Noriega out of the Vatican Embassy in Panama City, Morris quickly found and set up a
sound system.
Morris' defense team said the medical supplies were intended to help a charity he had founded open health clinics
in Rwanda. The non-profit, Partners International Foundation, had been approved by Army brass and had never
paid Morris.
The Army's Criminal Investigation Division and the Defense Logistics Agency probed the charges and gave a
report to Army Maj. Gen. John Le Moyne, the Fort Benning commander. Le Moyne issued a February 2001
decision that cleared Morris, finding that he didn't violate military law, hadn't lied and didn't misappropriate
government property. "There was no theft," the decision stated.
Dissatisfied, the Defense Logistics Agency took its findings to the U.S. attorney's office in Columbus, Ga., which
declined to prosecute. The agency then turned to the U.S. attorney's office in Dallas. In March 2001, a grand jury
there indicted Morris on a theft conspiracy charge.
U.S. District Court Judge Joe Kendall in Dallas voiced doubts about the case. He said it looked as if investigators
had shopped it to prosecutors in several jurisdictions. Getting a guilty verdict from a Texas jury could be hard, he
warned, and prosecuting Morris could be a mistake. The prosecutors went forward, and Kendall granted a defense
motion to transfer the case to Georgia for trial.
Le Moyne also tried to head off the August 2002 trial. He reminded prosecutors the Army had exhaustively
investigated Morris. In a letter to an Army officer panel, Le Moyne said he had met with the prosecutor, Assistant
U.S. Attorney Candina Heath, and told her "she would lose … and be embarrassed in the process." In a separate
memo sent to prosecutors before trial, Le Moyne wrote that Morris had made an "error in judgment" that "did not
rise to the level of a criminal offense." It concluded: "Bob Morris is not a crook!"
During a nearly two-week trial, the prosecution called 38 witnesses. The defense called none. The jury acquitted
Morris in 45 minutes, a "lightning fast" verdict that U.S. District Court Judge Clay Land tied to the government's
"woefully inadequate presentation."
Legal bills from Morris' criminal case totaled $250,000.He said he faced at least $40,000 more in related expenses
— and had exhausted his savings and life insurance benefits during the earlier Army investigation. So Morris'
parents took two new mortgages on their Connecticut home, and also cashed life insurance policies, to help pay
the lawyers.
Morris filed a Hyde Amendment application. Despite Judge Land's criticism of the prosecution, he dismissed the
case in 2003. The decision to prosecute hadn't been totally baseless, he ruled, because Morris' logistics skill and
signs that he'd skirted military rules provided "sufficient circumstantial evidence" to infer "criminal intent."
The judge did not rule that the prosecutors committed misconduct. For that reason, USA TODAY did not include
the Morris case among 201 misconduct cases the newspaper found in an extensive search of federal court records
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since 1997.
The prosecutors, Land wrote, "will likely lick their wounds and fully recover. Because of the strict requirements for
recovering fees and expenses, Lt. Col. Morris, an innocent (and now financially poorer) man, may not."
The case put a three-year hold on Morris' previously approved promotion to colonel. He got the promotion after the
trial, but his military career plateaued and he ultimately retired Aug. 31. The case didn't leave him destitute, but
there seemed little hope of repaying his parents anytime soon.
Then Texas billionaire and former presidential candidate H. Ross Perot and his charitable foundation stepped in.
Grants totaling $210,000 to Morris and his father arrived in 2003 after the court denied Morris' compensation claim,
the foundation's tax filings show. The organization, which often requires beneficiaries to sign confidentiality pacts,
declined to comment.
Morris said the money helped his parents pay off their mortgages. It did not, though, cover thousands in other
debts related to the investigations and trial. His widowed mother, Lillian, 86, is his dependent; he took over paying
most of her bills.
Said Jack Zimmerman, a Houston lawyer who represented Morris: "If Congress really intended to compensate
innocent people who were put upon by the government, they've got to revisit the Hyde Amendment standard. …
Any court is loath to penalize the government … if it's a judgment call."
A compromise in Congress
Illinois Rep. Henry Hyde spoke bluntly when he rose on the House floor and introduced the law that bears his
name. "This simply says to Uncle Sam, 'Look, if you are going to sue somebody … and the verdict is not guilty,
then the prosecution pays something toward the attorney's fees of the victim,' " Hyde said on Sept. 24, 1997.
As proposed, the legislation would have required the Justice Department to pay legal fees to vindicated
defendants unless the government proved the prosecution had been "substantially justified." That provoked a veto
threat from the Clinton White House.
Then-deputy attorney general Eric Holder, the Justice Department's leader, said defendants such as John Gotti,
the mobster who beat the rap at his first trials, might get "big taxpayer checks."
Asa Hutchinson, a former House member from Arkansas who led the opposition, said critics feared the law could
have a "chilling effect," making prosecutors shy away from worthwhile but difficult cases.
Hyde compromised. He agreed to require defendants to prove they had been wrongly charged. And to win, they
would have to show not just that they were innocent, but that prosecutors had acted vexatiously, frivolously or in
bad faith.
Congress approved the measure, which Hyde had attached to an appropriations bill, without defining those terms.
As a result, federal trial and appeals courts in different parts of the country have issued conflicting and often
confusing rules about when the Justice Department must pay.
A U.S. district court in Virginia in 1999 ruled the standard for vexatiousness should be whether a "reasonable
prosecutor should have concluded" that evidence was "insufficient to prove the defendants' guilt beyond a
reasonable doubt."
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in San Francisco explicitly rejected the standard used in Virginia. It
adopted a two-step rule: To win, a defendant must prove that the case was "deficient or without merit" and the
prosecutor "acted maliciously or with an intent to harass."
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit in Atlanta used different language. It said defendants must show a
prosecutor's "state of mind (was) affirmatively operating with furtive design or ill will."
The U.S. Supreme Court, which often resolves conflicting lower-court rulings, has not yet accepted any Hyde
Amendment cases.
The legal threshold is so high that Joseph McKay, a Montana lawyer who won nearly $17,000 in a 1999 Hyde
Amendment repayment, says the legal standard has become "un-meetable" since his win.
Hyde Amendment awards are so infrequent and so small that the law "hasn't been a major remedy for bad
prosecutions," said Bennett Gershman, a Pace Law School professor who examined the misconduct cases USA
TODAY identified. "It's a very minuscule deterrent" to prosecutors.
Even courts that have ruled that prosecutors violated defendants' constitutional rights find their hands tied. That's
what happened when the government brought securities fraud charges against Las Vegas lawyer Daniel Chapman.
The case collapsed in 2006 because prosecutors failed to turn over more than 650 pages of records his lawyers
could have used to discredit prosecution witnesses.
A series of judges berated prosecutors for violating Chapman's rights. U.S. District Judge James Mahan, who
presided over the trial, said it was "not some slight oversight, but it strikes at the very heart of the government's
obligation." He said prosecutors had offered no proof that Chapman broke the law and then dismissed the case.
An appeals court was even tougher, ruling that prosecutors had committed "misconduct in its highest form" and
"conduct in flagrant disregard of the United States Constitution."
Chapman, now 57, has spent four years seeking repayment of his legal bills. That effort has so far failed, because
the Hyde Amendment only allows payment to a "prevailing party." Courts ruled the dismissal Chapman won didn't
qualify because it didn't decide his innocence or guilt.
He's now pursuing another long-shot appeal. Chapman said his continued battle is about vindication and
discouraging government misconduct as much as a desire for repayment. Without a strong deterrent, Chapman
said, federal prosecutors will "do this over and over again."
Defendants who win Hyde cases also say they doubt that repayment awards have any impact on the Justice
Department.
Ali Shaygan, a Miami doctor, was charged in 2008 with 141 counts of illegally administering prescription drugs.
Acquitted in 2009, he sought Hyde Amendment payment because the government had engaged in what the trial
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judge called "win-at-all-costs" conduct. Shaygan won compensation of $601,795; the government is appealing.
Even if he wins again on appeal, Shaygan said the money would amount to "a drop in the bucket" that wouldn't
change prosecutors' "habits."
Payments in all the winning Hyde Amendment cases ranged from $8,722 to nearly $1.5 million, USA TODAY
found, less than some of the defendants' total legal costs. The 13-year payout total was just under $5.3 million.
A bargaining chip
Michael Zomber already had served his two-year sentence when prosecutors agreed to throw out his conviction
stemming from a 2003 conspiracy indictment. There was just one catch: He had to give up give up his right to
seek government repayment of his $1 million legal bills.
Before agreeing to a dismissal, federal prosecutors used Zomber's right to seek government repayment as a
bargaining chip.
A federal jury in Pennsylvania had convicted Zomber of conspiracy to commit mail and wire fraud for the sale of
four antique Colt pistols to businessman Joseph Murphy. Prosecutors said the weapons were worth half of what
Murphy paid for them, and that Zomber lied to increase the price.
Zomber, now 60, spent almost two years in a federal prison camp before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 3rd
Circuit threw out his conviction. It found that the prosecutor, Robert Goldman, had failed to give Zomber's defense
the letters Murphy wrote to Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates offering to resell the pistols "at cost" — the same price
Murphy paid.
Goldman said he did nothing wrong and warned USA TODAY that he would have any article about Zomber's case
"reviewed by counsel for potential litigation." He said he regrets only that Zomber's conviction was overturned
because of "an insignificant document." But the Appeals Court ruled the letters could have given jurors "reasonable
doubt" about whether Zomber overcharged Murphy.
The court's decision meant Zomber faced the prospect of another costly trial. He was unlikely to go back to prison.
But he could have been ordered to pay $1 million or more in restitution.
Instead, defense lawyer Gerald Lefcourt reached a deal in which prosecutors ended the case.
"They weren't going to consider dismissing" it "unless we agreed not to pursue a Hyde Amendment application," he
said. Lefcourt, Hutchinson and other lawyers say prosecutors now automatically include such waivers in many plea
agreements.
Zomber said he had little choice but to go along with the agreement, because prosecutors are "always going to
make you sign a Hyde Amendment" waiver. Battling for repayment, he said, was "just not worth it."
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some witnesses that had nothing credible to offer that yeilded a 45 minute decision by the jury -
UNREAL!!! This disgusts me. What a gift to give your 80 year old parent for your selfless service and
life given to your country, destroy their hard earned living defending an honorable man against
dishonorable attorneys who have no accoutnability or a leash - its all about accountability. Prayers to
the retired COL and his poor mother for this pain ----
As egregious as some of THESE sorts of miscarriages of justice are, there are FAR WORSE
depredations out there than such "merely domestic" cases. I refer to VASTLY MORE ABHORRENT
FAILURES TO PROSECUTE in some celebrated "MILITARY" situations!
Perhaps the grossest "case in point" at this time is the fact that NO substantive charges of any kind
were ever brought against the perpetrators of the COLLATERAL MURDERER involved in that HIGH-
TECH EXECUTION of a LARGE NUMBER of ordinary people in Baghdad --- ENTIRELY WITHOUT
“BENEFIT” OF EVEN ANY KIND OF INVESTIGATION (much less any sort of “Trial”) --- that
EVERYONE HERE should now ACTUALLY MAKE IT A POINT TO WITNESS FOR THEMSELVES in
that now-infamous liberated WikiLeaks Video thus titled. (Just go to www.WikiLeaks.com!)
Meanwhile the presumed "wistleblower" --- who is ACTUALLY A HERO! --- sits in a brig awaiting a
Court Martial, AND IS LIKELY TO END UP SUFFERING FAR GREATER PUNISHMENT AND
PERSONAL DAMAGE THAN THE PERPETRATORS OF THE ACTUAL CRIME!!
That being said, it is really MORE than a little bit hard to actually TAKE SERIOUSLY much of the
blather expressed by various functionaries of the (sometimes IN)"Justice" establishment in connection
with all the supposedly "careful consideration of the details" in "weighty" cases such as that which you
are documenting HERE!
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