Constructing Islam On The Indus PDF

Constructing Islam on the Indus
This book deals with the medieval history of Islam in the Indus Valley, bringing
to light a previously hidden narrative of dialogue and contestation among
Isma'ili and Imamiyah Shiites, Sufis and Sunnis. It represents the first serious
consideration of Shi'a esotericism in material and architectural terms, as well
as of pre-modern conceptions of religious plurality in rituals and astrology.
The author undermines the received narrative of Shi'ism, and particularly
of Isma'ilism in the area being marginalized by Sunnism by the thirteenth
century, and shows its continued existence in the guise of Sufism. This is an
argument that has often been stated but never before demonstrated in such a
fulsome way, and certainly not by claiming that an Isma'ili–Shi'a–Sufi polity
continued to exist well into the Mughal times.
Sufism has long been reckoned to have connections to Shi'ism, but without
any concrete proof. The book shows this connection in light of current scholarly
works on the subject, historical sources, and most importantly, metaphysics
and archaeological evidences. The monuments of the Suhrawardi Order,
which are derived from the basic lodges set up by Pir Shams in the region,
constitute a unique building archetype. The book’s greatest strength lies in its
archaeological evidence and the metaphysical commonalties between Shi'ism/
Isma'ilism and the Suhrawardi Sufi Order, both of which complement each
other. In addition, working on premise and supposition, certain re-analysed
historical periods and events in Indian Muslim history serve as added proof
for the author’s argument.
Hasan Ali Khan is Assistant Professor at Habib University, Karachi, Pakistan.

He is an architect by initial training, who worked with acclaimed Pakistani
architect and planner Arif Hasan. Hasan earned his PhD from the School of
Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. His research
expertise is in medieval Islamic history and the study of religions.
The Royal Asiatic Society

The Royal Asiatic Society was founded in 1823 ‘for the investigation of subjects
connected with, and for the encouragement of science, literature and the arts in
relation to Asia’. Informed by these goals, the policy of the Society’s Editorial
Board is to make available in appropriate formats the results of original research
in the humanities and social sciences having to do with Asia, defined in the
broadest geographical and cultural sense and up to the present day.
The Monograph Board

Professor Francis Robinson CBE, Royal Holloway, University of London
(Chair)
Professor Tim Barrett, SOAS, University of London
Dr Evrim BinbaŞ, Royal Holloway, University of London
Dr Barbara M. C. Brend
Professor Anna Contadini, SOAS, University of London
Professor Michael Feener, National University of Singapore
Dr Gordon Johnson, University of Cambridge
Dr Rosie Llewellyn Jones MBE
Professor David Morgan, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Professor Rosalind O’Hanlon, University of Oxford
Dr Alison Ohta, Director, Royal Asiatic Society
For a full list of publications by the Royal Asiatic Society

see www.royalasiaticsociety.org
The Material History of the Suhrawardi
Sufi Order, 1200–1500 ad
Hasan Ali Khan

Cambridge House, 4381/4 Ansari Road, Daryaganj, Delhi 110002, India

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.
It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence.
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107062900
© Hasan Ali Khan 2016
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2016
Printed in India
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Khan, Hasan Ali, author.
Constructing Islam on the Indus : the material history of the Suhrawardi Sufi order,
1200-1500 AD / Hasan Ali Khan.
pages ; cm
Summary: "Studies the Suhrawardi Sufi order through resighting of architectural sites of
Multan and Uch in
Pakistan"--Provided by publisher.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-107-06290-0 (hardback)
1. Suhrawardiyah. 2. Sufism--Pakistan--Uchchh--History. 3. Uchchh (Pakistan)--
Antiquities. 4. Sufism--Pakistan--
Multan--History. 5. Multan (Pakistan)--Antiquities. 6. Architecture, Medieval--Pakistan.
7. Islamic architecture--
Pakistan. I. Title.
BP189.7.S8K53 2015
297.4'8--dc23
2015017778
ISBN 978-1-107-06290-0 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication,
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
Dedicated against Falsehood…
vii
Contents
x
xv
xix
xxi
1
• Of Sufism and Islamic unorthodoxy 1
• The Ghaznawids in northern India 4
• Syncretism: Isma'ili Multan and Sind 7
• The Shi'a Century 10
• The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids 19
25
• A historic overview 25
• Isma'ilism and the Suhrawardi Suf i Order 26

30
• The role of Baha al-din Zakiriyya in politics 31
• Shaykh Sadr al-din 'Arif 39
• Zakiriyya’s religious affiliations with heterodox Islam 42
• Zakiriyya’s theological connection to the Ja'fari fiqh 47
• Shah Rukn-e-'Alam 48
• Conclusion 55
58
• Dispelling anecdotes about Uch 58
• The itinerary of Shams’s arrival in Multan 61
• The river and the arrival from Uch 72
Constructing
Contents
Islam on the Indus

75
• The religious ceremonial of Shams’s shrine 79
• Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri 82
• Sakhi Sarwar 88
• Conclusion 93
96
• Jalal al-din Surkhposh 96
• Ahmad Kabir 103
• Jahaniyan Jahangasht 103
• Sadr al-din Rajjan Qattal (Sayyid Raju) 108
• The Jalali Dervishes: Connections to Isma'ilism 110
• Conclusion 120
123
the Religion of the Medieval Isma'ilis
• Introduction 123
• The concept of wilayat in Shi'sm and Sufism 125
• Ghadir Khumm, Nawruz, wilayat and Majlisi 128
• Nawruz and 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali calendar 133

138
• Jafr 141

145

148

157

159
• Conclusion 164
169

169
• Origins of the archetypical monument 170

172

ix
• Shah Rukn-e-'Alam: History, construction and myths 176

• The plan and the Suhrawardi archetype 181
• Unorthodox elements: Ground f loor 184
• The interior 185
• The mihrab: From the exterior 186
• Unorthodox symbols on the second storey 194
• Conclusion 196
199
• Prelude 199
• Nasir al-din 200
• Sadr al-din 204
• Hasan Kabir al-din 207
• The da'wa after Hasan Kabir al-din 210

212
• The Surkhposh khanqah 214
• The Surkhposh mosque and the chillah rooms 215
• The Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju khanqahs 217
• The Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram complex 221
• The Bibi Jaiwandi complex: Construction history and myths 221
• Site measurements for the pentagram complex 223

226
• Multi-faith symbolism on the Bibi Jaiwandi monuments 227
• The burial symbolism of five traditions 231
• Conclusion: Suhrawardi pluralism as architecture 234
• One of the seven Uchs: Lal Mohra 235

237
• The complete Suhrawardi archetype 238
• The trishul of 'Ali Akbar 240

241
245
256
259
260
271
272
275
List of Figures
2.1. The site of Shams’s Sun miracle in the village of Suraj Kund 72
2.2. Shams’s passage from Uch to Sitpur through the Panjnad 74
and then on to Multan
2.3. The 'Ashura boat ta'ziya in the Gilani quarter of Uch 77
2.4. The astrological chart for 18 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri/14 March 632. 86
The event of Ghadir Khumm with the Sun at 23 degrees Pisces
on a Wednesday
4.1. The four different dimensions of wilayat as adhered to by Sunnis, 128
(Sunni) Sufis, and the Shi'a
4.2. The astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm related Nawruz on 137
25 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri/20 March 632 at 9.45 p.m., when the Sun
enters Aries. Mars is placed at 24 degrees Capricorn and both the
planets are in the signs of their exaltations
4.3. Top left, the Arabic abjad according to al-Biruni, and right, 143
planetary exaltations according to al-Biruni. Bottom, the hours
of the day and the night as ruled by the seven planets according
to al-Biruni
4.4. Planetary consonants 144
4.5. A hexagram talisman of the abjad sum of the Nad-e-'Ali 145
4.6. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab hexagram with its recreated numbers 151
(left), and the seven symbols of the Seal of Solomon, representing
the seven planets and the days of the week (right). The original
seal has been flipped here from the Arabic, to start instead from
the left hand side (for English readers). In either case, the seal
begins with the encircled pentagram symbol for the Sunday. The
symbol for Saturn or the Saturday is on the far right
xi
4.7. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab framed by the Ayat al-Kursi 153

band running around it
4.8. Top left, the complex site plan as a pentagram, which is the symbol 154
for the Sun in the Seal of Solomon, and right, an old tile from the
Bibi Jaiwandi monument with the symbol for Mars. Bottom, the
seven talismanic symbols for the seven planets from the Seal of
Solomon, with those for the Sun and Mars encircled
4.9. An Islamic astrological chart used for maximising planetary 156
benefit in alchemy
4.10. The Bibi Jaiwandi symbols: left, a) Baha al-Halim cross niche, 157
b) Surkhposh cross niche, c) Bibi Jaiwandi Star of David, d)
(bottom right) Baha al-Halim Star of David
4.11. The astrological chart of Easter Sunday, 9 April 34 CE 162
5.1. Rukn-e-'Alam, the ground f loor plan of the shrine with its 183
three characteristic entrances and the main southern entrance
(facing left). Notice the entrance vestibule re-aligning the main
southern entrance to the east (by facing down), and the sealable
secret staircase to the upper stories from the outside (see bottom
left). The lockable storage niches in the interior can be seen as
depressions on the four diagonal facades of the octagonal plan
5.2. Rukn-e-'Alam, the main mihrab after restoration, with its deeply 188
recessed niche. The true height of the mihrab is visible here
5.3. Top, details of the attributes of the symbols in the Seal of Solomon 189
from Shams al-Ma'arif. Bottom, the seven planets with their ruler
ships over the days of the week and their associated purposes
5.4. Rukn-e-’Alam, the ten (interior) inscriptions as recorded on site, 192
located above the four inner storage niches, the three entrances,
and the mihrab. These are superimposed on the architect’s
drawing of the plan. Notice the four double pentagrams in the
drawing, with one of them located directly above the western
mihrab (left), and three opposite to it
5.5. Rukn-e-'Alam, view of the parapet tiles with a telescopic lens; 194
the details of the tiles are unclear from the ground level
5.6. Left, Rukn-e-'Alam, the parapet tiles from the parapet above. 195
Notice the kalima or the Islamic profession of faith on them,
followed at the bottom by the hardly visible Arabic number
. Right, Rukn-e-'Alam, the negative image of a parapet tile,
with the number clearly following the kalima. This number
is representative of the Shi'a profession of faith, known as the
Panjatan, denoting the Family of the Prophet
Constructing
List of
Islam
Figures
on the Indus
6.1. Left, Latin cross niches inside the Surkhposh khanqah. Notice 216
the oil residue that has dripped down from the lighting of
ceremonial lamps. Right, the Surkhposh mosque interior, with the
north-facing chillah rooms and their entrances (panelled doors)
6.2. The Jahangasht khanqah, the mihrab facade with Jahangasht’s 219
snake marked between the tiles
6.3. Top, the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram complex with the Surkhposh 224
khanqah on its right (notice the line emanating from the
khanqah’s corner that defines the centres of the Nuriyya and Baha
al-Halim monuments). Bottom, the pentagram site plan. The
monuments in the complex today are, A) lost monument, B) Baha
al-Halim, C) Bibi Jaiwandi, D) Nuriyya, and E) lost monument.
The original site plan, as was aligned with the khanqah, is denoted
by letters with dashes, i.e. A`, B` and so on. The deformed plan
today, because of the sinking of the site and the monuments, is
marked by straight letters without dashes, i.e. A, B, etc
6.4. Top, the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram drawn in perspective, with 226
its centre point seen vertically. The complete configuration
would have been visible from the north-west corner of the
Surkhposh khanqah’s chillah room facade. Bottom, a comparison
between Bibi Jaiwandi and Rukn-e-'Alam, with the pentagram
representation of A) Muhammad, B) 'Ali, C) Fatima, D) Hasan,
E) Husayn on the left, and the Rukn-e-'Alam Panjatan tiles
depicting the same five personalities in a similar fashion (on
the right)
6.5. A comparison of the religious symbols at the Bibi Jaiwandi 229
complex. Top row from left, a) the Druze pentagram of al-
Hakim, a.1) the symbol for the Sun (below it) and, b) the Bibi
Jaiwandi pentagram representing the Panjatan, Nawruz and
the wilayat of 'Ali. Bottom row from left, a) a Bibi Jaiwandi
tile with the symbol for Mars, b) a Baha al-Halim cross niche,
c) a Surkhposh khanqah cross niche, d) above: Bibi Jaiwandi
hexagrams, d.1) below: a Baha al-Halim hexagram, e) above:
the twenty four spoke Bibi Jaiwandi dharmachakra and, e.1)
below: Bibi Jaiwandi swastikas
6.6. Lal Mohra, left, Tomb B, the main southern entrance with its 236
hexagrams; right, Tomb D, the mihrab with its Latin crosses
in glazed tile
xiii
6.7. Top, the monument of 'Ali Akbar’s mother, the southern entrance 242
with the shrine of 'Ali Akbar in the background. Notice the
graves with the white plaques (right foreground), located next
to the entrance. They tilt towards the actual Mecca direction,
which is 10 degrees to the south-west of the shrine here. Bottom,
the Pir 'Adil dome and its trishul, facing west (i.e. Mecca)
C.1. The crests of the Rifa'i (left), and the Badawi Sufi Orders 254
with the Seal of Solomon
Appendix 1 272
Appendix 2 273
xv
Foreword
In their rapid spread across Asia, Africa and southern Europe from the seventh
century CE, Muslims came to work with many local cultures and local religious
traditions. Often, Muslims came to express their faith through these local
cultures, using local myths and local idioms to express their meaning. At other
times, they might work closely with local traditions, fashioning a multi-faith
harmony. Sufis were usually at the forefront of the process of interaction; their
success was, to a large extent, measured by the number of local supporters
they could attract. Theoretical underpinning for the process was found in
Ibn al-'Arabi’s idea of wahdat al-wujud (the unity of being) which spread
rapidly from the thirteenth century. At times, the shari'a-minded found fault
with these local expressions of Islam, declaring them to be shirk or rejections
of the oneness of God. But the shari'a-minded were relatively few and local
expressions of Islam were usually powerfully intertwined with local social and
political power. For the greater part of Muslim history, Islam was expressed
through local cultures and in harmony with them.
From the eighteenth century, the manner of Muslim engagement with local
religious traditions came increasingly to be challenged. The source was the
great movement of revival and reform which spread throughout the Islamic
world, its main starting points being the teaching of Muhammad Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab (1703–1792) in Arabia and Shah Wali Allah (1703–1762) in South
Asia. Among the targets of this movement were all forms of behaviour that
could be interpreted as challenging the oneness of God: the worship of trees
or stones, the following of customs which had no sanction in Islamic law. A
common battleground was behaviour at saints’ shrines; no one should behave
Constructing
Foreword
Islam on the Indus
in a way which suggested they were worshipping the saint. At its extreme,
the movement of reform became opposed to Sufism itself. Debates about the
interpretation of Ibn al'Arabi became more frequent. Reformed Islam became
increasingly exclusive rather than inclusive. The process of reform, in various
manifestations, has continued down to the present.
Hasan Ali Khan is concerned to lay before us the world of inclusive and
pluralistic religious practice which existed in the Indus Valley up to recent
times. He tells us how Isma'ili da'is, who were helped by Fatimid power to
enter Sind and the Multan region, came to work with Suhrawardi Sufis to
create a Satpanthi, or ‘True Path’, tradition of worship including Sunnis, Shi'as,
Hindus and Christians. Their inclusive purpose was demonstrated in the site
plans and original designs of buildings of the Suhrawardi Order in Multan
and Uch. He uncovers for our attention a distinctive building archetype, which
the Pakistani awqaf department would have appeared to have tried to conceal
by remodelling, which had entrances for different faiths, that from the north,
for instance, being reserved for Hindus. Further examples of inclusiveness in
the archetype lie in its decoration: the Shi'a panjatas concealed from common
view in the upper storey of the tomb of the Suhrawardi saint, Rukn-e-'Alam,
at Multan; the Latin cross niches in the Surkhposh khanqah at Uch; the snake,
symbolic perhaps of the close connections Jahangasht had with Hindu yogis,
which curls round the tiles in the mihrab of his khanqah; and the Hindu trishul
placed on top of the tomb at Multan of Ali Akbar, who was both a Suhrawardi
Sufi and an Isma'ili da'i. Hasan 'Ali Khan expounds and interprets for us an
extraordinary record of pluralistic religious practice.
A range of attributes was required to bring this work to fruition: the
capacity to read Isma'ili ginans; knowledge of Isma'ili and Suhrawardi thought;
an architect’s eye, and the author has had an architect’s training, to interpret
building design and decoration. Beyond this, there are two particular attributes.
The first is a real understanding of astrology and the ability to relate it to
architecture, site plans and religious practice. Post-Enlightenment scholars have
long-dismissed astrology. Hasan Ali Khan, however, belongs to the growing
band of modern scholars who give it full weight because that was the practice
of the people of the pre-modern world whom they study. The second is the
importance of a curious and open mind willing to follow the evidence into
whatever unsuspected channels it might go. The outcome is a book, which
may have aspects with which not everyone will agree, but which, nevertheless,
makes a powerful case for the existence of inclusive Islamic practices in the
Indus Valley over many hundreds of years, practices which were so different
xvii
from the religiously exclusive, indeed increasingly Sunni, practices of modern

Pakistan. This is a major contribution to the history of the Indus Valley and
also to the history of Islam in South Asia before the great movement of revival
and reform had its impact.
Francis Robinson,
Professor of the History of South Asia,
Royal Holloway, University of London.
xix
Preface
This book is an adaptation of the author’s doctoral thesis, Shi'a-Isma' ili

Motifs in the Sufi Architecture of the Indus Valley 1200-1500 (London, 2009),
which deals with the connections between Isma'ilism and the Suhrawardi
Sufi Order in the middle Indus region, or rather what is now the southern
Punjab region of Pakistan. In academia, Sufism has long been reckoned to
have connections to Shi'ism, but without concrete proof. Quite simply, the
book shows this generally hidden connection by examining current scholarly
work on the subject, historical sources, and most importantly, metaphysics
and archaeological evidence.
Something special happened in Multan and Uch eight centuries ago, around
the time when the Mongol invasions devastated the Middle East and Central
Asia. Large-scale migration from these areas swelled the numbers of Isma'ilis,
and the various Sufi denominations, that pre-existed here. One such Sufi order
was the Suhrawardi, which had previous connections with Isma'ilism in Iraq.
In Multan and later in Uch, the Suhrawardi Order secretly collaborated with
Isma'ili missionaries on a model of religious transcendentalism. In Isma'ilism
this model was known as the Satpanth, or True path. The Satpanth is based on
the Shi'a metaphysical concept of wilayat, or vice regency, of the first Imam 'Ali,
and its connection to Nawruz, the Persian New Year. The Isma'ili missionary
Pir Shams was the first to develop and apply this model to the Indian context
in Multan, through religious ceremonies centred on his shrine. Subsequently,
it was developed further by the Suhrawardi Sufi Order into a grand scheme
of envisioning monotheism, one which has been found represented in the
architecture left behind by the order in Multan and Uch. The monuments of
ConstructingPreface
Islam on the Indus
the Suhrawardi Order, which are derived from the basic lodges set up by Pir
Shams in the region, constitute a building archetype which is unique. It is
hoped that this book will play a role in revealing the covert connections that
existed between Shi'ism and Sufism in the medieval era, and redefine the
methodology that is used to study this relationship.
Introduction 1
Introduction
Of Sufism and Islamic unorthodoxy

The 'Alid nature of Sufism, and that of heterodoxy in Islam in general, has
been studied in various disciplines of the Humanities. Its direct connection
however, to the Shi'a tradition remains to be fully explored. Shi'a-Sufi studies
is a relatively new sub-field, the study of which has been limited by a lack of
primary sources. Any researcher of Shi'ism in history is hindered by the very
nature of the religion, which for most of its existence either concealed itself
and its real beliefs, or tempered its outward identity to make it more acceptable
to the orthodox. Exceptions to the above of course are to be found whenever
Shi'a denominations held the reins of state power. Similarly, researchers of
Shi'a connections to Sufism, or of Sufi orders with Shi'a beliefs, are for the
most part confronted by high levels of secrecy.
In short, research into Shi'a-Sufi relations in the medieval period is
handicapped by concealment from the outset. But primary textual evidence
can undermine the attempt to conceal. Clues are from time to time left as to
what was really happening. For the most part, the real corpus of beliefs would
be held secretly, transmitted orally and be expressed in forms other than the
ordinary, to hide them from the majority of the believers. Indeed, some of
the personalities in this book, when studied through textual evidence, would
appear as good ‘orthodox’ Sufi Muslims, who lived their lives according to the
predefined structure of their tariqat, i.e. order. A notable example of what can
be done with these sources can be found in Amina Steinfels’ book Knowledge
before Action: Islamic Learning and Sufi Practice in the Life of Sayyid Jalal al-Din
Bukhari Makhdum-I Jahaniyan (2012), where she reconstructs the life and times
2 Constructing Islam on the Indus
of Jahaniyan Jahangasht (d.1384) for the first time in modern scholarship.

Steinfels’ commendable work is based on textual evidence–Jahangasht’s
correspondence, relationships with his disciples and with the state, and material
about his esoteric training as a Sufi. However Jahangasht, appears somewhat
differently in this book as the evidence used to show his ‘real’ spiritual leanings
here is mostly archaeological and metaphysical.
The aim of this book is to show the hidden connections that existed
between medieval Shi'ism and Sufism, by mainly examining the link that
the Suhrawardi Sufi Order shared with the Nizari Isma'ili tradition of Shi'a
Islam. The use of the term ‘Shi'a’ or ‘Shi'ism’ in this book is generic, and
signifies all sects, groups and beliefs that were associated with the Shi'a branch
of Islam in the medieval era, as opposed to the narrower definitions which
are evoked for this religious system within Islam today. The development of
Sufism has been roughly classified into three stages in this work, which are
approximately, pre-tariqa or pre-‘order’ Sufism (mid 700s to 1100 CE), tariqa
or ‘order’ Sufism (1100-1600 CE), and finally ‘popular’ Sufism, which starts in
the early modern era (1600 CE).1 The last saw Sufi motifs evolve into popular
culture, especially in South Asia, from where they spread into vernacular
language and poetry, while the era itself is characterised by a widespread Sufi
populism the scale of which was unknown in times past. Because the greatest
number of work were produced in the latter era, it is the final stage of Sufism
which has been studied more than others in modern scholarship, and through
which previous stages of Sufi development are gauged. The final era also sees
a clearer division between orthodoxy within Sufi beliefs and heterodoxy, and
the religious classification of certain orders as ‘orthodox’, which in earlier
periods may have been heterodox- maintained having active relations with
various forms of Shi'a Islam. This book has also been concerned to downplay
the sharper demarcation of identity, which has been a feature of the ‘final
stage’ of Sufism, i.e. the period of European expansion and modern politics.
It is the tariqa stage of Sufism that is the main subject of this book. But in the
case of the Suhrawardi Order, to understand its secretive near embryonic tie
to Nizari Isma'ilism, a short analysis of the religious and political conditions
that existed on the ground towards the end of the pre-tariqa Sufi era must
be made. This analysis focuses on Shi'ism in the region, as the Shi'a milieu
1 Trimingham was the first to classify Sufism into pre and post-tariqa stages, along with
a revivalist stage in the nineteenth century, albeit not exactly in the same manner as
defined in this book, see Trimingham 1998, pp. 7ff.
Downloaded from https:/www.cambridge.org/core. University of Florida, on 26 Feb 2017 at 23:50:43, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use,
available at https:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107477636.003
Introduction 3
then was probably the single most important factor that facilitated the rise of
tariqa Sufism.
Sufism and medieval Isma'ilism

Little work has been done on the connections between Isma'ilism and Sufism.
One of the few exceptions is the introductory chapter by Herman Landolt
called ‘'Attar, Sufism and Isma'ilism’, in Lewisohn and Shackle’s recent book
on the famed twelfth century Persian Sufi master Farid al-din 'Attar. Here
the author uses a new approach to discern the secret Isma'ili leanings of 'Attar,
from the metaphysical tendencies of his writings, by comparing them to Shi'a
concepts on existence. Yet Landolt observes that 'Attar, in the true spirit of
dissimulation, places his Sufi writings in the middle ground between Twelver
Shi'ism and Isma'ilism, but with a tilt towards the latter. All the while, 'Attar
asserts his own Sunnism, posing as an objective writer on the subject, in a
Sunni-ruled environment.2
Landolt’s approach identifies one methodological approach used for the
arguments made in this book. It must be pointed out that it is still early, through
the use of Landolt’s analysis, to be able to state that entire Sufi orders were
Isma'ilis in dissimulation, secretly paying homage to the Isma'ili Imam of the
time, or that there is an essential Shi'a connection to most Sufi orders. Landolt
deals for the most part with 'Attar’s writings, who is one individual. Indeed,
the real situation was much more complex, with the probability of one branch
or some members of the same Sufi order being more prone to Shi'a tendencies
when living in a Shi'a environment, than other branches/members who worked
in regimes under Sunni rule. However, as we will show, there were generally
very strong metaphysical connections, and religious and theological empathy,
between Isma'ilism and certain Sufi orders, especially the Suhrawardi Order.
This connection evolved secretly over time to reach a zenith in the case of the
middle Indus region.
The starting period for this book is the late twelfth century, just before the
Ghorids conquered Delhi in 1206, an act that delineates the beginning of the
Delhi Sultanate (ended 1526). This is nearly two centuries after Mahmud of
Ghazna successfully destroyed the Isma'ili state of Sind and Multan in 1008.
The Ghorid era saw the expansion of Muslim rule from present day Pakistan
into the north Indian heartland for the first time in the form of a Turkic empire.
2 Lewisohn and Shackle 2006, pp. 5-7.
The creation of this empire saw a large influx of immigrants to sustain its
infrastructure, among them prominent Sufis who reached the highest favour at
court, outstripping that afforded to the 'Ulama or the traditional Sunni clergy.
This period also saw a resurgent ‘underground’ Isma'ilism as missionaries from
Iranian Khurasan made inroads into the country, who at times commanded
such a cult of personality and spiritual prowess that they were in part tolerated
even by the officials of the empire.
The Ghaznawids in northern India

The Ghaznawid period (starts 962) in Indo-Muslim history is important for
this book for three reasons. The first is the arrival of a number of Sufis, who
for the most part were not attached to a tariqa or order. The second reason
is that the foes of the Ghaznawids i.e. Isma'ilis, and not just Hindus as some
would argue, are part of the larger religio-political reality of Shi'ism on the
ground in that era which requires further investigation. The third reason is
connected to the second, which is the syncretic nature of Fatimid Isma'ili
rule in the middle Indus region. This said, Isma'ili rule in the region also saw
one major iconoclastic event, which was the destruction of the Sun temple in
Multan. But this uncharacteristic event was probably a reaction on orders from
Cairo, the Fatimid capital, to the emergence of syncretic practices in Multan
under local Isma'ili authority.3 General evidence available suggests that Fatimid
Multan was religiously pluralistic. Hence on their arrival in the country the
Ghaznawids confronted a syncretic Isma'ili belief system comprised of Shi'a
Islam and elements of Hindu/Buddhist beliefs. These local religious groups in
turn formed martial alliances with the isma'ilis against the invaders.
The Ghaznawids and latter day Muslim historiography

In Pakistan today, and in the polemical Muslim nationalist historiography
associated with its territory, the Ghaznawids are seen as advocates of a concerted
Islamisation push into India. In reality, the Ghaznawid armies fought the local
Isma'ili state of Multan and its affiliates.4 Due to the general lack of historical
3 See Flood 2011, p.42. Flood speaks of the Fatimid Imam al-Mu'izz criticising the local
Isma'ili missionary for ‘fostering and permitting heterodoxy in doctrinal matters,’ i.e.
religious syncretism. Syncretic practices included probable continued visitation to the
Sun temple until its destruction.
4 Ibid, p.19.
Introduction 5
sources about the Shi'a tradition in early Islam, the ground realities of the
Isma'ili era in Pakistan are indiscernible except from a few surviving Isma'ili
texts. New work is being done on the subject, mainly through Fatimid sources
from Egypt; many of these are letters, which mention the Isma'ili jazira or
province of Sind. In fact, the practice of writing historical treatises was not really
the mainstay of early Muslim scholarship in India or its surrounding countries.
There are however, ample numbers of theological and metaphysical texts,
written by both Sunnis and various kinds of Shi'as, from the late Ghaznawid
into the Ghorid era, along with some Sufi texts. Such sources are sufficient to
construct a basic historical argument when supplemented with other evidence.
When Islamic histories did finally start to be written, from the Sultanate era
into the early Mughal period, they asserted a homogeneous Muslim identity in
the sub-continent for reasons of kingship and power.5 In these, Isma'ilism or
other kinds of early Islamic heterodoxy are portrayed as something that needed
to be shunned, and were dealt with forcefully and quickly whenever they did
appear. In contrast (in later works), the Ithna 'Ashari or Twelver Shi'a state that
flowered in the Sultanate era in India, starting from the late fourteenth century
onwards in the Deccan, fuelled by an immigrant Shi'a population from Iran,
is historically better recorded and acknowledged.6
The first real historical and political treatise in Muslim India is Juzjani’s
Tabaqat-i Nasiri, a voluminous work completed in 1260.7 The work
predominantly deals with the Ghorids and their governors who inherited
territory and became Sultans in India, but it also contains the history of the
Ghaznawids from the earliest era, before they rose to power,8 hence granting
them a watershed status in Muslim historiography in India. The Tabaqat is
probably the most referenced historical work on the Ghorids and the Indian
exploits of the Ghaznawids. It even mentions briefly the head of the Suhrawardi
Order at the time, Baha al-din Zakiriyya, and his involvement in high level
politics,9 but not unexpectedly; this is in the capacity of his public profile as
an orthodox Sufi master-a fact that is taken for granted in the Tabaqat.
5 A visible change in writing, of course, occurred with the Mughal emperor Akbar (ruled
1556-1605), due to his own interest in multi-faith doctrines.
6 The Twelver Shi'a Bahmani dynasty in the Deccan started in 1347 with the coronation
of its first king 'Ala al-din Hasan: Hollister 1953, pp. 104 ff.
7 Siddiqui 2010, p.83.
8 Bosworth 1963, p.11.
9 See Siddiqui 2010, p.83.
Nearly a century after Juzjani, the f irst notable historian to emerge is Ziya
al-din Barani (1285-1357). His two works, Fatawa-i Jahandari and Tarikh-i
Firuz Shahi were written in the mid-fourteenth century during the Tughluq
dynasty (1320-1398).10 Although post-dating the Ghaznawid era by three
centuries, the Ghaznawid dynasty still figures prominently as a point of
reference in Barani’s works, as the beginning of Islamic rule in India and a
golden age. In the Fatawa-i Jahandari, Mahmud of Ghazna is represented as
a model of good governance and efficient administration, one that the king
of the time should emulate. Elements of his other work, Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi,
can be seen at times to be poised at an anti-Isma'ili and anti-heterodox stance.
In Objects of Translation: Material Culture and the Medieval ‘Hindu-Muslim’
Encounter, Barry Flood examines the antagonistic engagements between
Sunnis and Shi'as of various sorts that were integral to the self-fashioning of
the Ghaznawid and Ghorid sultans.11 This antagonistic way of writing history
in the Sultanate era actually begins with the Ghaznawids-in part through
their encounter with Isma'ilism. The style was emulated in the early histories
of the Mughal era, with Mughal emperors hoping to portray themselves as
a continuation of the earlier Sultanate era sovereigns. In short, the view of
Isma'ilism as it exists in the imperial histories of Muslim India is that of a heretical
force which succeeded in the country by letting natives retain their un-Islamic
practices and cultural traits in exchange for allegiance and religious tithes.
It is important to point these facts out, since this is one of the main reasons
that this book does not primarily rely on histories from either its period, or
later commentaries. They are consciously ignored because of their polemical
style. Even surviving Sufi manuals and biographies of this period make
such a good job of dissimulation that, unlike in Landolt’s analysis of 'Attar’s
writings, nothing much can be made of the ‘real’ religious identity of the Sufi
concerned except the obvious, i.e. Sunni orthodoxy.12 On methodology it
10 The latter treatise covers the first years of Firuz Shah Tughluq (ruled 1351-1388) in the
Sultanate era; Firuz Shah subsequently commissioned a work under his own authorship
(his autobiography).
11 Flood 2011, p.107. Flood also cites the sack of the Iranian city of Rayy in 1029 by
Mahmud of Ghazna as an example, where texts associated to the promulgation of
heterodox (Shi'a or Mu'tazilite) ideas were burned on the ground, in the likeness of
the linga of the Somnath (Hindu) temple broken and burned where it stood, see p.34.
12 Among others, a good example of the above polemic can be found in the Persian Sufi
text from Sind titled Tadhkira Awliya-i Siwistan (written 1039 Hijri, or 1630 CE). It
portrays Shahbaz Qalandar as an orthodox Muslim who ‘fulfilled the prerequisites of the
shari'a.’ However, it is an established fact that members of the Qalandariyya Suf i Order
Introduction 7
should be noted that Flood also uses evidence from material culture, coinage
and architecture, alongside textual evidence, as this book does, to advance
his arguments.13
Syncretism: Isma'ili Multan and Sind

The nature of early Isma'ilism is necessarily syncretic, and it is necessary to
understand this in the context of larger Shi'a beliefs in the region, which
together with Fatimid Isma'ilism provided a broad Islamic platform for the
mixing of religions. In Islam, early Shi'ism is generally known to be more
associated with heterodoxy than its counterpart in the modern era. The
Fatimid Empire started in 909 in what is now Tunisia, and lasted until 1171
with Cairo as its capital, until it was finally overrun by Salah al-din. The
Fatimids, in line with their cyclical view of the sacred history of mankind, made
intentional attempts to accommodate major religions like Judaism, Christianity,
Zoroastrianism and Manichaeism in their Gnostic system of thought.14 Aside
from the Fatimids, other heterodox Shi'a groups in the region were equally
open, if not more so, to the mixing of religious ideas. This background was
pirotal for the Suhrawardi Sufi Order to emerge in the middle Indus region
two centuries later, through its own connections to Isma'ilism; as the ideas
that began a few centuries earlier provided the order with a clear base from
which to spring forth. In the case of Multan, the said syncretism carries even
more weight, when one considers the city’s old Sun temple and the astrological
permutations of the associated planet (i.e. the Sun), within a meta-religious
framework based around the Sun. As the book reaches its central focus of
research, this fact will become self-evident.
Available sources do not permit us to give an exact date for the beginning of
the Isma'ili state of Multan, but it is generally acknowledged to be sometime in
the tenth century, which then continued until the Ghaznawid invasions. Some
scholars however, cite the exact date of 965 CE as its beginning, connecting
the state’s establishment to the successful takeover of the city’s administration
by an Isma'ili missionary, Jalam ibn Shayban, who was an agent of the Fatimid
Imam al-Mu'izz in Cairo.15 However, it was the same al-Mu'izz who had
actively reject all notions of piety derived from the shari'a. I thank assistant professor
Dr. 'Ismat Durrani of the Persian Department, Islamiyya University, Bahawalpur, for
this reference.
13 See Flood 2011, pp.
14 Daftary 1996, p.14.
15 See Flood 2011, p.30.
five years previously criticised an earlier missionary for ‘fostering heterodoxy

in doctrinal matters’ (see above), and the statement itself points to a position
of Isma'ili authority and control existing in Multan before 965. Flood speaks
of North African missionaries successfully converting the rulers of Multan to
Isma'ilism within six or seven decades,16 which means that Fatimid missionary
activity in the region started with the beginning of their empire in Tunisia in 909.
It is reported by some scholars that Fatimid missionaries were actually sent
to the Sind region at the end of the ninth century, even before their state was
established in North Africa in 909; many such missionary names have been
historically recorded.17 According to Flood, like Multan where Sunni piety
coexisted with Sun worship and the missionary activities of the Isma'ilis,
the remote frontier areas of the Indus Valley and Sistan were often seen as
the resort of heterodox Muslims.18 In light of this statement, it is worthy to
note that just before the arrival of Fatimid missionaries, in 871 the 'Abbasid
Caliph al-Mu'tamid (under duress) handed the governance of Sind, Sistan
and Khurasan to a certain Yaqub ibn Layth al-Saffar. Ibn Layth subsequently
set up the proto-Shi'a Saffarid dynasty (871-1003), which after 900 became
a Sunni vassal. The Saffarids are credited with pursuing a successful Shi'a
agenda, especially in Sind,19 making the story of heterodox Shi'ism and Sind
an old one in the annals of Islam.
Flood comments that around the same time as Multan became (officially)
Isma'ili, i.e. 965, the amirs or rulers of Mansura (in lower Sind) aligned
themselves to the Buwayhids (a dynasty in Iran we will come across again
in this chapter), thus bringing the two Arab polities in (larger) Sind into the
Shi'a fold. The heterodoxy of the (Sindhi) amirs led to their extinction at the
hands of Mahmud of Ghazna.20 Comparing Multan with Anatolia, Flood
16 Ibid, p. 50.
17 See Hamdani 1956, p.1.
18 See Flood 2011, p. 43.
19 For details of Yaqub bin Layth’s conflict with the 'Abbasid Caliph and his Shi'ism, see
Husain 1978, pp.226 ff. Historical snippets of Shi'a connections to the region which is
now Pakistan, dating back to the earliest Islamic era, are too anecdotal and numerous
to mention. The first reported Isma'ili presence in Sind is the migration of two sons
of the eighth Isma'ili Imam Muhammad bin Isma'il (late eighth century) who then
became advocates of Isma'ilism here, while some anecdotes also mention a visit to Sind
of Muhammad bin Isma'il himself (from Iraq): Hollister 1953, p.206.
20 Flood 2011, p. 19. It should be stated that the Buwayhids were Twelver Shi'a and not
Isma'ili, and that ‘Sind’ in the medieval era included the area up until Multan and the
middle Indus region, as part of greater Sind.
Introduction 9
reflects on the failure to enforce orthodoxy actually having been useful and
a means of fostering social cohesion in areas conquered by force in which
Muslims were a minority (i.e. it being a conscious process). The patronage of
the Sun temple or the minting of bilingual coins in Multan by its amirs points
in this direction, and are (acts) set quite apart from their obvious economic
benefits.21 But whatever utilitarian reasons such attempts to foster what Flood
calls ‘pietistic cosmopolitanism’ had, it is important to note that they always
took place under the banner of Shi'a heterodoxy.
The syncretism and mixing of ideas in Isma'ili Multan even show up in non-
Muslim sources consulted by scholars who study other regional religions, as do
the martial alliances against the Ghaznawids that took place as a result. Due
to their comparatively tolerant attitude towards local traditions, the Isma'ilis
found strong allies in the region now comprising Pakistan, including Hindu
and Buddhist principalities.22 Religious coexistence was the main reason that
united the Isma'ili state of Multan and the Hindu Shahi rulers, who fought
together against the Ghaznawids. In fact, the one reason for Mahmud’s initial
attack on Hindu Shahi territory was simply that it was sandwiched between
Ghazna and Multan.23 Ironically over a period of time the Ghaznawids too
became superficially syncretic. After conquering the Hindu Shahi state and
obliterating Isma'ili Multan and Mansura in lower Sind, in his later wars
Mahmud used unconverted Hindu troops and a Hindu general against his
other ‘heterodox’ enemies to the west, the Shi'a Buwayhid dynasty in Iran.
21 Ibid, p. 43.
22 For details of this religious coexistence from work based on Buddhist sources see
Alexander Berzin (1993), The Historical Interaction between the Buddhist and Islamic
Cultures before the Mongol Empire, Part 3, Chapter 18: ‘The Spread of Islam among and by
the Turkic Peoples (840-1206)’, at http://www.berzinarchives.com/web/en/archives/e-
books/unpublished_manuscripts/historical_interaction/pt3/history_cultures_18.html.
23 This Hindu Shahi state existed in the tenth-eleventh centuries between the Ghaznawid
Turks in Afghanistan and Isma'ili Multan, or rather between the Indus and the Hindu
Kush mountains. Its rulers also appear to have practised a pluralistic religion, comprised
mainly of Hindu beliefs, mixed with Buddhist and Zoroastrian elements (as visible from
their coinage). They had a martial alliance with Isma'ili Multan against the Ghaznawids,
which they upheld to the extent of fulfilling all their military obligations in the treaty, at
a very heavy cost. The Hindu Shahis supported Hinduism and Buddhism: http://www.
berzinarchives.com/web/en/archives/advanced/kalachakra/relation_islam_hinduism/
kalachakra_presentation_prophets/kc_pres_prophets_islam_full.html . The above
report seems to suggest some Hindu Shahi metaphysical commonality with medieval
Isma'ilism.
Mahmud’s main target remained the Twelver Shi'a and Isma'ilis until the
end of his rule.24
We can conclude to say that Shi'a influences, and the religious heterodoxy
that accompanied them, has a long history in the Indus region, one which
predates the arrival of the Fatimids. This milieu rendered local people open
to multi-faith doctrines and syncretic practices.
The Shi'a Century

The heterodox Shi'a milieu that we have encountered so far in the region
around Multan was actually a much wider phenomenon. Shi'a developments
in the middle Indus region in the tenth century coincided with a larger trend
towards Shi'ism in the Muslim world. It would not be incorrect to call the tenth
century the ‘Shi'a century,’ since the religious conditions generally prevalent
generated a Sunni backlash which resulted in the rule of the Ghaznawid
Turks, a process that Flood paraphrases as ‘antagonistic engagements between
Sunnis and Shi'as of various sorts that were integral to the self-fashioning of
the Ghaznawid and Ghorid Sultans’.25
Twelver Shi'ism and Isma'ilism were not always engaged in religious
competition, as has become the case in the modern era, after the rise of clerical
Twelver Shi'ism in Iran and the subsequent migration of the (Nizari) Isma'ili
Imamate to India and beyond in the shape of the Aga Khans. Historically,
they coexisted and facilitated each other for the most part; yet, there were
still squabbles and infighting among them, mainly due to ethnic, dynastic
and territorial reasons. This spirit of cooperation became regionally manifest
in the early medieval era, when a sudden rise in Isma'ilism and various other
Shi'a denominations so weakened Sunni Islam that is ceased to be a force to
be reckoned with in the Middle East and South-Western Asia. Sunnism’s
only mainstay remained in eastern Iran and Central Asia in the form of the
Samanid emirate (819-998), 26 via which it made a subsequent comeback. This
was first through the Ghaznawids and later through their temporal successors,
the Seljuqs of Iran, and the Ghorids of India and Afghanistan – whose invasion
of the Indus Valley and later India heralds the beginning of this book.
24 Ibid, p.18.
25 See Flood 2011, p.107.
26 The Samanid State (819-998) was founded when a Persian (Tajik) noble Saman Khuda
converted to Sunni Islam under the 'Abbasid Caliphate: Daniel 2001, p.74. Their capital
was based in Bukhara.
Introduction 11
The Shi'a milieu

The Saffarids and their short proto-Shi'a rule has already been mentioned
for the embryonic role it had played in the flowering of Shi'ism in the region,
especially in Sind.27 In the tenth century, while the Fatimid Caliphate ruled
over Egypt and parts of the Hijaz (lasted 909-1171);28 its Isma'ili counterpart,
the Qarmati state (899-1067) ruled over Arabia Felix and parts of Syria. The
other face of medieval Shi'ism, the Twelver tradition, was loosely represented
in the region by the Hamdanids in northern Syria (890-1004), and the
Buwayhids in Iran and Iraq (934-1055). As a movement, the Qarmatis had
broken off from the Fatimids in 899, just before the rule of the first Fatimid
Caliph was established (in 909). They had fluctuating relations with the
Fatimids, but freely negotiated agreements and treaties with the Hamdanids
and the Buwayhids.29 On the other hand, the Buwayhids cooperated with the
Fatimids when it suited them. Territorial squabbles between the Qarmatis and
the Fatimids were accentuated by a doctrinal difference between them, one
which entailed the return of the seventh Isma'ili Imam (Isma'il) as the Messiah
for the Qarmatis; as opposed to the f irst Fatimid Caliph/Imam, 'Abdullah
al-Mahdi, who had claimed this mantle for himself on the establishment of
his state in North Africa.30
Nevertheless, the Fatimid and Qarmati polities pushed any sort of Sunni rule
out of Egypt and the Hijaz, and along with the Buwayhids and Hamdanids,
created an environment of heterodox Shi'a piety which spanned the entire
Middle East, ruled over solely by Shi'a states. This environment was partly
responsible for the popularity of non-shari'a Sufi beliefs and practices, one facet
of which became the qalandar phenomenon, which shall be touched upon in
Chapter 1. For their part, the Buwayhids had also successfully ‘incorporated’
(as a vassal) the Sunni 'Abbasid Caliphate into their emirate. They held
caliphs under their tutelage, deriving legitimacy from them, while summarily
appointing and dismissing caliphs in Baghdad as the need arose. The Isma'ili
27 See ‘Syncretism: Isma'ili Multan and Sind,’ (previous). They were defeated by the
Samanids in 900, and absorbed as a vassal, mellowing their Shi'a stance.
28 For the Nizari-Musta'li split in Fatimid Isma'ilism, and the subsequent shifting of the
Nizari branch under Hasan bin Sabbah to Persia, which upheld the succession rights
of Nizar, the elder son of the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir (ruled 1036-1094, from
a young age); and the erstwhile continuation of the Fatimid dynasty in Cairo under
Musta'li, the younger son of the caliph, see Daftary 1996, pp.4-5, 97, 181.
29 Ibid, p.34.
30 Ibid 2007, pp.151-152.
state of Multan was a part of the Fatimid Empire, and as mentioned after 965
its governor was designated from Cairo, while their southern proto-Isma'ili
neighbours in Mansura (lower Sind) were allied to the Twelver Buwayhids. 31
The Buwayhids and Twelver Shi'ism

The religiosity of the Buwayhids has been debated in scholarship, and it has
been argued by some that they were not Twelver Shi'a. However, considering
the fluid nature of medieval Shi'ism, affiliations could change quickly, and
an analysis of Buwayhid patronage of religious scholars and their writings will
bring their Twelver Shi'a leanings to light. According to many historians of
Islam the Buwayhids were allegedly Zaydi,32 a Shi'a denomination, but the
doctrines of Imami Shi'ism (or the Twelver Shi'a) suited them politically.33
The famous Twelver Shi'a theologian and narrator of hadith (sayings of the
Prophet), Shaykh al-Mufid (b. 948-1022), was patronised at the Buwayhid court
in Baghdad, and wrote most of his thirty or so works under its patronage. He
was a well-known Twelver Shi'a from the beginning of his life to the end. His
works include the Kitab al-Irshad, the first written account of the lives of the
Twelve Imams in the Twelver tradition. He wrote the above book immediately
after the Twelfth Imam is said to have gone into complete occultation in 940,
in part to address the disarray that community went into due to the event.
Al-Mufid is credited with bringing the Twelver community together through
his work and preaching, while serving at the court of many Buwayhid rulers,
31 See Flood 2011, p. 19. It is this author’s opinion that the Shi'a denomination in Mansura
in lower Sind, generally said to have been an Isma'ili denomination, may actually have
been Qarmati, but there is no tangible historical evidence to suggest this (yet).
32 The Zaydi strand of Shi'ism is of a slightly different nature than the Twelver or the
Isma'ili. Zaydi belief asserts that in the absence of an infallible Imam, the Imamate of a
‘lesser’ Imam is permissible, with his rising against injustice, and that such an Imamate
should continue until an infallible Imam rises. For Zaydis the f irst such Imam was Zayd
ibn 'Ali (the son of the fourth Twelver and Isma'ili Imam, 'Ali ibn al-Husayn), and then
his successors. Importantly, the Zaydis use the Hanaf i Sunni School of jurisprudence for
theological purposes, and not the Ja'fari School used by Twelvers and Isma'ilis. Hence
in theological matters they are not Shi'a at all. This approach was f irst adopted by Zayd
to make himself more amenable to theSunni scholars and the Sunni population of Iraq.
Hence consequently, the Zaydis enjoyed better relations with Sunnism in comparison
to the Twelvers or Isma'ilis: Jafri 1979, pp.251-254, p.267.
33 This is the view of most western scholars, including A. K Howard, who wrote the
introduction to a modern reprint al-Mufid’s book: al-Mufid 1981, p.21.
Introduction 13
who patronised him in his work. Two of his star pupils who later became very
important Twelver scholars in their own right, al-Sharif al-Radi (b.970) and his
younger brother Murtada, also worked under Buwayhid patronage.34 Under the
Buwayhids, al-Sharif al-Radi was responsible for producing the compilation of
the sayings of the first Shi'a Imam 'Ali from a Twelver perspective, known as
Nahj al-Balagha, or Peak of Eloquence.35 This text also mentions the Twelver
view of the apocalypse, with the return of the Twelfth Imam from occultation,
and its Twelver affiliation, or that of the two brothers, is certainly not in doubt.
Furthermore, Mufid’s other students included a certain Abu Ja'far
Muhammad al-Tusi (b.995-1067).36 Al-Tusi too went on to become an eminent
Twelver scholar, and after al-Mufid’s death, was associated with Murtada
al-Radi. He was responsible for strengthening the Twelver community
further under Buwayhid patronage.37 One of al-Tusi’s major works is called
the Kitab al-Ghayba, or the Book of the Occultation, which clarifies the
confusion prevalent in the Twelver community regarding the occultation of
their (Twelfth) Imam.38 After the Seljuq takeover of Baghdad in 1055, and
subsequent anti-Shi'a reprisals, Abu Ja'far al-Tusi retired to Najaf, where the
first Shi'a Imam 'Ali is buried. There he set up the Najaf seminary, which
until today is the major pivot in the training of the Twelver clergy. Since the
reorganisation of the Twelver Shi'a community in Iraq can be first traced to
the Buwayhids, it seems unnatural that they should have invested in such
extensive community building, unless they had strong doctrinal affiliations
to Twelver Shi'ism themselves.
The above facts cast doubt on the Buwayhids being Zaydi Shi'a when they
established their state in Iraq and Iran, as some modern scholars have argued.
34 Donohue 2003, pp.332-333. Twelver sources mention the presence of an 80000-volume

library in the possession of Murtada.
35 Nizari Isma'ilis have their own compilation of 'Ali’s sayings.
36 Not to be confused with the later Nasir al-din Tusi, who was born in 1201, and is famed
for his work on both Twelver and Isma'ili Shi'ism.
37 Donohue 2003, pp.332-333.
38 See Hussain 1982, pp. 7-8.This is just one of a host of such books written by Twelver
scholars under Buwayhid patronage in Iraq. Many works, like al-Tusi’s book, are only
pre-occupied with proving to the Twelver Shi'a that their Imam’s occultation was not
an event detrimental to the existence of their community. There seems to have been
great disarray in the Twelver community’s ranks at the time, and hence a concerted
effort was made under the Buwayhids to reorganise it through the patronage of Twelver
scholars.
Their main link to Zaydi Shi'ism is the initial conversion of Buwayhid clan
members to Islam under the Zaydi Imam, Hasan bin Zayd.39 Furthermore there
are fewer historical references for Buwayhid patronage of Zaydi scholarship in
comparison to that offered by them to the Twelvers. It is probable that due to
a strong Twelver presence in their camp from the beginning, the Buwayhids
acquired Twelver beliefs after their conversion, and before the establishment
of their state (934); around the time of the murders of the Zaydi chiefs in
northern Iran.40
It is possible that the Buwayhids continued to outwardly use their old Zaydi
identity, to extract legitimacy from the Sunni 'Abbasid Caliph whom they held
hostage. Since Zaydis use Hanaf i Sunni jurisprudence, such a cover would be
a most suitable tool to acquire and apply the caliph’s religious decrees and rule
in his name, and the act would also have had a calming effect on the Sunni
masses they ruled over. The abolition of the seat of the caliphate entirely, or
shifting to the Ja'fari fiqh or school of jurisprudence used by the Twelvers, would
have caused a general uprising against the Buwayhids. In short, at the time
of their emirate in Iraq and Iran, in light of their overwhelming patronage of
Twelver Shi'ism, it appears that the Buwayhids had greater leanings towards
the Twelver Shi'a creed than to their Zaydi beginnings.
Fatimid and Buwayhid relations

Relations between the Fatimids and the Buwayhids, the two main Isma'ili and
Twelver polities in tenth century Middle East, formed the greater part of a
loosely defined pan-Shi'a umbrella, an umbrella that determined the religious
nature of the region for a century. Although Daftary is sceptical of the depth of
39 This conversion took place when the f irst Zaydi state was established in Tabaristan
(northern Iran) in 864. It lasted until the death of its leaders at the hands of the Samanids
in 928: Kabir 1964, p.3.
40 Some Zaydi traditionalists actually accentuated a trend towards Twelver Shi'ism
themselves. Jassim Hussain states that between the years 859-874 both Imami (Twelver)
and Zaydi traditionalists were relating traditions that the Twelfth (Twelver) Imam
Mohammad (b. 868) would be al-Qaim (the Mahdi). The Zaydi traditionalist al-'Asfari
(d. 864), and the Imami narrator Ahmad bin Khalid al-Barqi (d. 887), both related
such traditions. Moreover, these events took place just around the reported birth of
the Twelfth Imam, which was a well-publicised and long-awaited affair. As a result,
Twelvers also joined forces with other Shi'a denominations, seeing their uprisings as
signs of his coming. This included large-scale Twelver participation in the establishment
of the Zaydi state of Tabaristan: Hussain 1982, p.29.
Introduction 15
this relationship, mainly due to his academic efforts towards defining medieval
Isma'ilism as a singular entity, even he concedes that a limited positivistic
‘exchange’ did take place. Daftary writes of a Fatimid embassy to the Buwayhid
ruler 'Adud al-Dawla (b. 936-983), who had patronised al-Mufid, to convince
him of Fatimid sovereignty, necessarily implying the existence of diplomatic
relations.41 However, writing about the same embassy (of 369/980), Donohue
speaks of its stay in Baghdad for three months. Thanks were sent to 'Adud
al-Dawla by the Fatimid Caliph al-'Aziz on the embassy’s return to Egypt, for
'Adud having recognised al-'Aziz’s legitimacy. In the letter, al-'Aziz (b.955-996)
refers to himself as an Imam, yet uses the same title for the Buwayhid ruler,
implying a terms of equivalence between them. Disputing some earlier Muslim
historians who misconstrue the affair of the embassy and the letter, and state
that by acknowledging Fatimid suzerainty 'Adud al-Dawla had become Isma'ili,
Donohue asserts that this was not the case. In his opinion the original sources
suggest that (while) 'Adud al-Dawla had no religious scruples in recognising
the authority of the Fatimid Caliph as an Imam in Egypt, this does not mean
that he was an Isma'ili himself.42
Daftary also refers to a successful Isma'ili missionary of Persian origin
who was influential at the court of the Buwayhids in Shiraz at a later stage.43
These facts demonstrate a higher level of tolerance for both Isma'ilism
and its missionary activity on the part of the Buwayhids than is generally
acknowledged. One of the most important pieces of historical evidence, that
is the product of this heterodox and syncretic pan-Shi'a milieu, determined
mainly by relations between the Fatimids and the Buwyahids, are the famed
Ikhwan al-Safa or Brotherhood of Purity manuals. These manuals are generally
believed to have been written around 983-985 in Iraq and are ascribed a much-
questioned Isma'ili authorship by some scholars.44 Their appearance postdates
al-'Aziz’s Fatimid embassy of 980 to 'Adud al-Dawla by merely three years,
and they are actually dated to the beginning of the rule of Samsam al-Dawla
41 Daftary 2007, p.176. Daftary, who is unimpressed with this connection, seems
misinformed in this instance, and actually writes of the embassy’s failure.
42 Donohue 2003, pp.72-75.
43 This was in 1037 when al-Mu'ayyad, the chief Fatimid da' i or missionary of the Fars
region, entered the service of the local Buwayhid Abu Kalijar. His influence resulted
in large-scale conversion to Isma'ilism among the locals and low-rank Turkic soldiery
who were usually Sunni, eventually leading to his expulsion from the region at the
behest of the Sunni 'Ulama of Fars: Daftary 1996, p.203.
44 Ibid, pp.145 & 149.
(ruled 983-998), 'Adud’s son.45 Having mentioned the multi-faith aspects of

Fatimid Gnostic thought, it is important to point out that some of the Ikhwan
manuals mention practices and rituals which are religiously syncretic, including
the ritual celebration of the solstices and equinoxes. Among these, there is a
special preference for the Sun entering the sign of the ‘Ram,’ or literally Aries,
i.e. Nawruz. This facet of the manuals will be explored further in Chapter
4. It cannot be ascertained to what degree ‘official’ Fatimid and Buwayhid
interaction facilitated such religious developments, except to state that it played
its fair part mainly due to the environment it create.
The Hamdanids and Qarmatis

The other Shi'a denominations, ‘lesser’ ones which formed a part of this larger
web, were the Hamdanids and the Qarmatis. The Hamdanids were comprised
of two emirates, with one based in Syria and the other in northern Iraq.
Beginning with the rule of the fourth Hamdanid Amir with Nasir al-Dawla
(ruled 929-967) from Mosul (Iraq), Hamdanid religious conviction became
Twelver Shi'a. It was expressed in various ways, such as attention lavished on
Shi'a shrines and the (monetary) contributions that Nasir al-Dawla made to
Shi'a groups in Baghdad,46 which at the time were mostly Twelver groups
under the Buwayhids. His contemporary, the Hamdanid Amir at Aleppo, Sayf
al-Dawla (ruled 945-967) allegedly ‘discovered’ the burial place of al-Husayn’s
son in that city, which he embellished to assert his own claims to Shi'ism; the
site is revered to this day. Sayf also patronised his famous poet-cousin Abu
Firas, appointing him governor of a town near Aleppo. Abu Firas’s poems
extol the virtues of revered Shi'a personages, beginning with 'Ali and Fatima
and ending with the Twelfth Imam in occultation.47
Incidentally, this display of Twelver Shi'ism by the Hamdanids took
place under the influence of the Fatimids, to whom they were allied, and
the relationship was carefully cultivated against the territorial designs of the
45 Ibid, p.149. Samsam Dawla is said to have had 37 of the 51 volumes of the Ikhwan
epistles in his own possession.
46 Bikhazi 1981, pp.43-44.
47 Ibid. Abu Firas al-Hamdani (b. 932-968) was the cousin of Sayf al-Dawla, who made
him governor of the town of Manbej, near Aleppo. He was imprisoned by the Byzantines
after one of Sayf al-Dawla's battles against them and spent six years in their jails, where
he wrote his most famous Shi'a poems.
Introduction 17
Buwayhids. The scenario demonstrates pragmatic patronage for any kind

of Shi'ism by both the Fatimids and the Buwayhids, as long as there was
no conflict with their own interests. It is stated that the Hamdanid Amir
Sayf al-Dawla’s successor Sa'ad converted to (Twelver) Shi'ism openly under
Fatimid pressure. Daftary analyses this event as evidence for Sa'ad’s wariness
of the declining power of the Buwayhids in the region (by his acknowledging
Fatimid sovereignty).48 However, there is no evidence for the Hamdanids ever
having been influenced by Isma'ili thought, and the only Shi'ism attributable
to them is Twelver. Further historical research is needed to understand how
the Isma'ili-Twelver nexus between the Fatimids and the Hamdanids actually
worked, which would improve our understanding of the syncretism it nurtured
in the region. It is in this environment that two groups with multi-faith beliefs
and practices, which survive to this day, established themselves in the Levant.
These are namely the Druze and the Nusayri communities; the latter is now
known as the 'Alawi community of Syria. Of them, the Druze are an offshoot
of Fatimid Isma'ilism, while the 'Alawis follow Muhammad Ibn Nusayr, a
disciple of the tenth and eleventh Twelver Imams, who went on to proclaim
his own sect.49
In 1004 the Fatimids simply took over the Hamdanid emirate in Syria, but
before this takeover, the Hamdanids also continually struck deals with the
Isma'ili Qarmatis, the opponents of the Fatimids. Sayf al-Dawla showed great
zeal in concluding a treaty with the Qarmatis under which a certain amount of
iron had to be paid to them.50 Needlessly to say, such deals were done to play
off the larger Shi'a powers of the region against each other, to maintain the
sovereignty of the small Hamdanid emirate, and do not delineate a sectarian
preference within Shi'ism. The Syrian Hamdanids were also Byzantine vassals
against the Buwayhids at one stage, before Sayf switched his allegiance to the
Fatimids.
In his doctoral thesis, Bikhazi argues that the root cause of the Hamdanid-
Buwayhid estrangement was ethnicity. He asserts that (to the Arabs)
the prospect of a Daylamite (Persian) regime dominating the ('Abbasid)
48 Daftary 2007, p. 175.

49 Nusayr remained alive well after the birth of the Twelfth Imam (lived 874-940) and
actually claimed to be his agent, see Hussain 1982, p.90; while the Druze actually
came to be a community (in 1018), nearly a decade after the Fatimid takeover of the
Hamdanids. Both communities have non-Abrahamic elements to their beliefs.
50 Daftary 1996, p.34.
Caliphate was unacceptable would ‘expose Mesopotamia to the double threat

of an invasion by a politically, culturally and ethnically alien people.’51 This
argument seems to be partially born out of an Arab nationalistic sentiment,
as the Hamdanids favouring the Fatimids over the Buwayhids would not have
made too much of an ‘ethnic difference.’ It is a well-known fact that many of
the scholars, nobles and soldiers of the Fatimids were not just Persian, but also
Berbers, Turks and Sudanese; while the Buwayhids of Iraq would naturally
have Arabised themselves. In addition, the other allies of the Hamdanids, the
‘Arab’ Qarmatis, entered into many treaties with the Buwayhids. Moreover, the
Qarmatis had their own Persian inf luences and on one occasion underwent a
religious ceremony with elements of Iranian ritual in it, including astrology. In
931, at the conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn, the Qarmati leader Abu Tahir
turned over the reins of his state in Bahrain to a young Persian in whom he
had recognised the expected Mahdi (the return of the Qarmati Messiah i.e.
Isma'il).52
The facts above show that in spite of territorial and ethnic bickering
amongst the different states, there seems to have been some consensus in the
region, especially among the major players, the Fatimids and Buwayhids, for
maintaining and patronising a pan-Shi'a reality. One facet of this status quo
is religious heterodoxy, which was tolerated and perhaps even encouraged, as
a result of which the various types of syncretisms seen above took root and
developed throughout the polities concerned. This is certainly visible from the
examples cited in the previous sections. The main factor driving this status
quo was probably fear of absolute decimation at the hands of a reinvigorated
'Abbasid Caliphate, something which eventually happened.
The cooperation between elements of the two major Shi'a sects, Isma'ilism
and Twelver Shi'ism, endured and continued in the following two centuries,
one example of it being the Twelver scholar Nasir al-din Tusi, who was based at
the Isma'ili stronghold of Alamut. This era is the beginning of the timeline for
this book (twelfth-sixteenth centuries), after heterodox Shi'a rule was replaced
by Sunni Turkic states. However, the multi-faith religious ideas based on Shi'a
metaphysics that had started in the tenth century survived, and re-emerged in
the form of Shi'a-Sufi connections, during the tariqa stage of Sufism.
51 Bikhazi 1981 p.456.

52 This Persian Mahdi abolished the shari'a and instituted ceremonies that shocked
Muslims: Daftary 1994, p.21. The act can nevertheless be seen as an event in the
Persianisation of the Qarmatis.
Introduction 19
The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids

The Ghaznawids rose to power in the tenth century, from a dynastic dispute
in the Samanid state, the only remaining Sunni power in the region. The
Ghaznawids were the Turkic slave guards of the Samanid (Tajik) kings. The
process of large-scale recruitment of Turkic slave soldiers to ensure loyalty had
already begun before the Samanids, during the 'Abbasid Caliphate. They were
used to fight the caliphate’s enemies, including at times the different Shi'a
sects.53 For example, the 'Abbasid Caliph al-Mustasim (794-842), brother of
al-Ma'mun and a contemporary of the eighth Twelver Shi'a Imam, Reza, was
the first 'Abbasid ruler to induct a large number of Turkic soldiers into his
army. He used them to fight (among others) the Kharjites and Byzantines. His
mother too was of Turkic origin.54
At the height of the power of the Shi'a states in the mid-tenth century, the
Samanids started engaging in extensive missionary activity on the steppes
of Central Asia. As a result, they were responsible for the first large-scale
conversions of entire Turkic clans to Islam. It has been suggested that this was
done at the behest of an 'Abbasid Caliph who was placed under house arrest by
the Buwayhids, so as to counter the Shi'a threat to the Muslim world; and was
not simply an act of empire building by the Samanids. Historians believe more
than 200000 tents were initially converted to the Samanid cause in this way.55
Although the Ghaznawids were well integrated into the Samanid court, on the
periphery of Samanid influence another Turkic tribe, the Seljuqs, converted to
Islam.56 However, it was the Ghaznawids who picked up the mantle of Sunni
resurgence first, and became its champions.
Certain events that just precede the conversion of the Ghaznawids and the
Seljuqs to Islam give us another insight into why such a large-scale conversion
policy was adopted by the Samanids. A medieval book recently reprinted as An
Isma'ili heresiography: The Bab Al-shaytan, which is translated from the Arabic,
actually highlights the conversion of one Samanid ruler to Isma'ilism. Amir
Nasr II b. Ahmad (ruled 914-943) was converted by a certain al-Nasafi, an
53 Turkic slaves were first bought individually as children and raised as soldiers for elite
units in Islamic armies. The process started in the Umayyad era in the early eight
century, and later became common practice during 'Abbasid times.
54 Uyar and Erickson 2009, p.8.
55 Daniel 2001, p.74; also see Johanson and Bulut 2006, p.28.
56 In 950 they migrated to Khwarazm, near the city of Jend, next to the Aral Sea, where
they converted to Islam: Wink 2004, p.9.
eminent at the court. Due to the conversion al-Nasafi became become exposed to
his Sunni enemies, and with the change of the ruler in 943, there was a general
extermination of Isma'ilis throughout Khurasan.57 The book suggests that the
event is connected to the beginning of the open enmity that the Samanids, and
later the Ghaznawids and Seljuqs, came to profess towards Shi'ism.
The first Ghaznawid ruler Alptigin established his kingdom at Ghazna in
962, where he was previously a Samanid governor. He was succeeded briefly
in 975 by his son, on whose death in 977, his son-in-law Sebuktegin ascended
the throne. Sebuktegin conquered new areas and founded the Ghaznawid
Empire.58 But the Ghaznawid Empire was to become synonymous with
Sebuktegin’s son Mahmud, due to his great territorial gains. Mahmud (ruled
998-1030) was given the title Yamin al-Dawlah, or preserver of the state, by
the 'Abbasid Caliph of the time. The fortunes of the 'Abbasids changed due to
Mahmud’s successful wars against Fatimid Multan and later Buwayhid Iran.
Mahmud’s military successes heralded a change, as the eastern half of the Shi'a
polities that dominated the Middle East for a century started to buckle. He
destroyed the Isma'ili state of Multan, and captured the Hindu Shahi kingdom
allied to it in his first attack in 1005. It is said that (on one occasion) he put so
many Isma'ilis to the sword himself, that his hand was stuck to the hilt.59 The
Buwayhids were divided into two emirates, and the Iranian emirate known
as the Buwayhids of Rayy (near Tehran) fell to Mahmud in 1027, before his
death. Hence the reason why Mahmud of Ghazna is so pivotal to early Indian
Muslim historiography, as he is not only India’s first Muslim empire builder,
he also cuts a very tall figure in the resurgence of Sunni Islam, after a century
of its obeisance to Shi'ism.
The Seljuqs
When Mahmud died in 1030, his descendants could not govern the vast empire
created by him, and the Ghaznawids were fast overtaken by their initially less
important cousins, the Seljuqs, in pursuing the Sunni cause. The Seljuqs had
started raiding Mahmud’s territories from their stronghold of Jend on the
Aral Sea in his lifetime, but were repulsed by him. After his death, under
Toghrul Beg, they took over all the Ghaznawid territories in Iran and Central
57 Probably the largest of its time, see Madelung and Walker 1998, p.5.
58 Farishta 1981, vol. 1, p.15.
59 Khan 1983, p.45.
Introduction 21
Asia from his successor Mas'ud I in 1040,60 and also managed to secure the
'Abbasid Caliph’s favour above the Ghaznawids, as guardians of the faith.61
The second Buwayhid emirate, that of Iraq, fell to Toghrul Beg’s armies
under the 'Abbasid Caliph’s commission in 1055. This freed the palace-bound
caliph to safety from the last Buwayhid ruler.62 Then in 1067, the Qarmatis
of the Hijaz were dealt a final blow by Seljuq army contingents from Iraq.63
In 1171, Salah al-din Ayyubi succeeded in ending the rule of the Fatimids
over Egypt, Syria and Palestine, returning those lands to the nominal control
of the 'Abbasid Caliphate (under Turkic overlordship), ‘after two centuries
of serious Shi'a challenges to it.’64 And thus ended the last bastion of Shi'a
heterodoxy in the region, but the religious effects of those first hundred years
were so profound-that the syncretic ideas they promoted continued to exist,
until these re-emerged in the form of Nizari Isma'ilism in Iran, and as Sufi
traditions connected to Shi'ism, particularly, the Suhrawardi Sufi Order.
Shi'ism underground: The Seljuqs, Nizari Isma'ilism and Alamut

Although Isma'ilism was the dynamic face of Shi'ism in the tenth century,
the two Twelver Shi'a states in the Asiatic Middle East, the Hamdanids and
especially the Buwayhids, played the major part in leaving behind a religious
and political landscape that facilitated the rise of Nizari Isma'ilism in Iran
under Hasan bin Sabbah. This rise was soon after to spread back into Syria in
the form of Nizari mountain enclaves, in an area which was once Hamdanid
60 Farishta 1981, vol. 1, p.93.

61 This is the first time that the Ghaznawids started looking to retire to India, and
Lahore, the capital of their Indian provinces, gained importance. After Ma'sud’s loss
of territory to the Seljuqs, he dispatched his son Majdud and some of his best troops
to consolidate control of Multan, which had a large Isma'ili population even after his
father’s many massacres and mass expulsions. They had used the Seljuq invasions to
revolt, and consequently had the khutba or Friday sermon read in the name of the
Fatimid Caliph again: Bosworth 1977, pp.14, 30-31. Bosworth also states here that
Qarmati is specif ically a pejorative Ghaznawid term used for Isma'ilis.
62 Until then the Buwayhid rulers had absolute control over the 'Abbasids and the
mechanism for issuing the religious edicts needed for ruling in their name. The 'Abbasid
Caliphs were mostly confined to their harem, from where their seal of authority could
be easily procured: Husain 1978, p.226: Tabari, vol. 3, pp.1452-1465.
63 Larsen 1984, p.65.
64 Flood 2011, p.91.
territory. Hasan was himself born to a Twelver family in the mid-1050s, in

Qumm near Rayy, after the Ghaznawid takeover of 1027, and the subsequent
Seljuq conquest of Iran. He received his initial religious education as a Twelver,
and was introduced to Isma'ilism in his teens in Rayy.65
This Isma'ili presence in Iran and the religious ideas that accompanied
it existed due to the tolerance shown to Isma'ili missionary activity by the
Buwayhids. However, it appears that after the fall of the Buwayhids, Isma'ilism
in its covert missionary guise was the only viable option left for anyone in
Iran wishing to see a resurgent Shi'ism. Under Hasan’s Nizari Isma'ili state in
the twelfth century, large-scale missionary work began anew in what is now
the middle Indus region in Pakistan. Hasan bin Sabbah’s consolidation of
the castle of Alamut in 1090 marks the beginning of the Nizari Isma'ili state
(1090-1256).66 The castle is located in an area that until a few decades earlier
formed the boundary of the Buwayhid emirate of Rayy, and was physically
adjacent to their Caspian Sea heartland. Hasan could not have encountered
much difficulty in exacting allegiance from a local population with old Shi'a
sympathies, especially during Seljuq rule, but little research has been undertaken
into this connection.67 It is from Alamut that Hasan made his mark in history,
by reorganising the Nizari branch of Isma'ilism, and ordering the assassination
of its enemies.
The story of Hasan bin Sabbah and that of his childhood friend 'Umar
Khayyam (b.1048-1131), who was responsible for the revival of Persian cultural
traditions through his work under the Seljuq monarch Malik Shah I (ruled
1072-1092), in a process which is culturally and religiously pluralistic, forms
an important backdrop to this book. 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali calendar and
the Persian motifs in Nizari Isma'ili religiosity are both products of the Shi'a
65 Daftary 2007, p.311. Although the area was not under Buwayhid control when Hasan
was born, his father, who was a clan chief, certainly lived in times when the Buwayhids
of Iran ruled from nearby Rayy.
66 Daftary 1996, p.5.
67 According to Daftary, the castle of Alamut was in the hands of a Zaydi ruler called
Mahdi, who had maintained his sovereignty in the post-Buwayhid era. He was tricked
into giving the castle to Hasan, yet did so without a fight, and Hasan paid him 3000
dinars for it: Daftary 2007, p.314. As the Buwayhids also started with Zaydi Shi'ism,
and subsequently fostered a pan-Shi'a policy in the region, the situation of the takeover
of the castle by Hasan should be analysed in the context of their religious legacy, i.e.,
pan-Shi'a politics. Hasan was a Twelver by birth and clan association, a Nizari Isma'ili by
creed, and bought Alamut from a Zaydi chief, subsequently converting the surrounding
(Zaydi) area to Isma'ilism.
Introduction 23
heterodoxy which proceeded them. Farhad Daftary has called the Alamut
period of Iranian Isma'ilism ‘a revolutionary movement with nationalist trends
against the Sunni Seljuqs, whose rule was despised in Persia.’68 The Seljuq
desire to appropriate Persian cultural values for legitimising their rule (as is
the case in 'Umar Khayyam’s work) probably became a feature of the resistance
against them; in the eyes of the Iranian Isma'ilis led by Hasan, it was an act
of misappropriation by a foreigner.69
During this period, the Ghaznawids continued to rule over their eastern
territories from Ghazna, but the city was sacked twice by the Seljuqs under
Sultan Sanjar, in 1117 and 1136, and eventually had to pay tribute to them.70
The Ghorids
In 1151, after Sanjar’s power had weakened (d. 1157), his eastern vassals
the Ghaznawids were overrun by a group from central Afghanistan called
the Ghorids, who were ethnically Tajik, but relied on Turkic soldiery. They
occupied Ghazna and sacked and burned it for 7 days in 1151, forcing the
Ghaznawid ruler Bahram Shah (ruled 1118-1157) to flee to Lahore for over
a year.71 Bahram Shah managed to return to Ghazna briefly, but only to have
his son permanently move the capital from Ghazna to Lahore, to escape the
68 Daftary 1996, p.181.

69 Hasan bin Sabbah’s anti-Turkic sentiments, and the general dislike for Seljuq rule in
Iran and surrounding lands is discussed in detail in Daftary 2007, p.316.
70 Bosworth 1977, pp.97 & 101. Sanjar was the last Seljuq Sultan (ruled 1118-1153) who
tried to revive the Seljuq Empire. It had ruptured into individual principalities amongst
the feuding descendants of Malik Shah I, after his death in 1092. Nur al-din Zengi,
Sanjar’s governor in Syria, was the patron of Salah al-din Ayyubi, responsible for the
destruction of the Fatimids in 1171, Maalouf 1984, pp.160 ff. Only the Seljuqs of
Anatolia, established under Malik Shah’s son Kilic Arslan, survived until the Mongol
invasions. After Sanjar, all the Seljuq territories in Iran and Central Asia were taken
over by Qutb al-din Muhammad I, who declared the Khwarazm Empire. Muhammad
I was an ex-slave governor Anushtegin's grandson, Anushtegin had been appointed
by Malik Shah I to the province of Khwarazm. The establishment of the Khwarazm
Empire roughly coincided with the rise of the Ghorids: Bosworth in Boyle 1968, vol.
5, pp.66 & 93.
71 Bosworth 1977, p.115. Just after their sack of Ghazna, the Ghorids also massacred the
small Isma'ili community in Ghor and its da'i, who had been dispatched from Alamut:
Daftary 2007, p.356.
Ghorid threat.72 Bahram’s grandson, Khusraw Malik (ruled 1160-1186) was

the last Ghaznawid ruler, and was based in Lahore. And so, the last two
Ghaznawids ruled permanently from Lahore, and remained as sovereigns
in that city until 1186, when it too fell to the Ghorids.73 Khusraw Malik
surrendered to the Ghorids in Lahore. He was sent back to Ghor as a prisoner,
and later executed. 74 By making an Indian city their capital, albeit under duress,
the Ghaznawids are credited with being the first Indian Muslim dynasty in
the region now comprising Pakistan. The general cruelty of the Ghorids, as
reported in historical sources, is generally overlooked by both Muslim and
western scholars.
After conquering Lahore in 1186, the Ghorids advanced further into India,
with their armies comprised of Turkic slaves, under the command of the Ghorid
general Muhammad, who is also known as Mu'izz al-din Sam (b.1162-1206).
They conquered and administered vast territories through a slave-regent system
similar to the one the Seljuqs had used in the previous century, when expanding
from Iran into Byzantium (Anatolia). The Ghorids laid the foundations of the
first Islamic empire to be truly based in India. Based in Ghazna, but often on
campaign in India, Mu'izz al-din Sam ruled the Indian territories through
his slave governors. He was the second in command of the empire, and ruled
in the name of his elder brother and regent, Ghiyath al-din, who was based
in Ghor.75 Mu'izz al-din remained commander of the army and vice-regent
until Ghiyath al-din died in 1202, and then ascended the throne. He had no
sons, but was very attached to his Turkic slaves. It is anecdotally reported that
whenever he was reminded of the necessity of having a son to preserve his rule,
he responded by saying that he had thousands of sons, i.e. his slaves. After
his murder in 1206, Mu'izz al-din’s slave governors inherited the different
regions of his empire, where they had acted as administrators. This heralded
the beginning of a period in Indian Muslim history known as the Sultanate
era, which is the main historical period for this book. The Sultanate era
lasted from 1206 to 1526, until the Mughals took over in India. It is worth
mentioning that Mu'izz al-din was actually killed by a lone Isma'ili assassin
while campaigning in the Punjab,76 who was probably acting on orders from
the Isma'ili headquarters at Alamut, set up by Hasan bin Sabbah in 1090.
72 Bosworth 1977, p.122.

73 Ibid, p.130.
74 Ibid, p.131.
75 Farishta 1981, vol. 1, p.161.
76 Khan 1983, p.51.
The Suhrawardi Order 25
CHAPTER
One
The Suhrawardi Order
A historic overview
After the conquest of the Buwayhids of Iraq and the takeover of Baghdad by the
Seljuqs under Toghrul Bey in 1055,1 there was general anarchy in the city, and
a staunch orthodox agenda was pursued. The conquest was followed by large-
scale rioting, and the main targets were the Buwayhid state’s institutions and
centres of Shi'a learning, which were systematically sacked and burnt down by
Seljuq troops, who were joined in by the local Sunni population. This included
the 80000 volume-strong library built up by the Twelver scholar Murtada al-
Radi.2 During these events prominent Shi'a scholars retired to less dangerous
areas, especially Najaf. After consolidating their conquest, one of the first tasks
the Seljuqs undertook was to set up institutions of higher learning, to undo the
scholarly damage done to the Sunni tradition in Buwayhid times. The famed
Seljuq minister Nizam al-Mulk was set around this task, and the institutions
which emerged as a result were promptly named Nizamiyyas after him.3
The foundations of the religious struggles of the next two centuries, between
a Sufi-cloak donning Nizari Isma'ilism, and a resurgent Sunnism under
Turkic rule, were laid in the late 1000s, and are personified by the ideological
struggles of three vibrant personalities. While Hasan bin Sabbah reinvigorated
Isma'ilism at Alamut, his childhood acquaintances 'Umar Khayyam and (in
anecdote) Nizam al-Mulk – who was also an ideological nemesis, played a vital
1 See Introduction, ‘The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids.’

2 See ibid, ‘The Shi'a Century.’
3 Boyle 1991, p.71.

part in the creation of Seljuq state institutions in conquered areas. It is their

groundwork that gave the foreign Seljuqs religious and cultural legitimacy in
Iran and Iraq in the aftermath of the Shi'a-dominated tenth century.4
The most famous Nizamiyya was the one set up by Nizam al-Mulk in
Baghdad in 1065, under Toghrul’s successor and Malik Shah’s predecessor
Alp Arslan (ruled 1063-1072). However, it is unlikely that in the immediate
aftermath of the Buwayhids, whose rule saw the consolidation of the Twelver
community, scholarship like the Ikhwan al-Safa, and the free movement of
Isma'ili missionaries,5 that Shi'ism in Iraq would just disappear on the arrival
of the Seljuqs. In all likelihood much of it probably went underground for
survival, using the traditional Shi'a practice of taqiyya or dissimulation, and
subsequently started expressing itself in newer and more discreet ways.
Isma'ilism and the Suhrawardi Sufi Order

Although some scholars describe the beginnings of Sufism as the exchange of
metaphysical ideas and practices between monastic adherents of the Abrahamic
religions in eighth century Middle East, real Sufi thought and literature only
surfaced towards the end of the eleventh century, in post-Seljuq Iraq, or rather
in the tariqa age (1100 onwards). In this, tariqa Sufism also coincides with
post-Buwayhid Shi'ism, especially Nizari Isma'ilism, exercising dissimulation
in the face of active persecution by the Seljuqs. It would not be wrong to
suggest that some of the Shi'ism that had disappeared after the Seljuq takeover
simply adopted a convenient Sufi garb for survival. This is not to state that the
flowering of tariqa Sufism was exclusively connected to Shi'a Islam; just that
in the muddled religious environment of Seljuq Iran and Iraq, Shi'a thought
and scholarship were given refuge by Sufism which, in turn, expressed itself
as a voice opposing the traditional views of the Sunni 'Ulama. Opposition
usually took the shape of metaphysical treatises and theological discourses,
4 Although scholars doubt the legendary friendship between the three due to the thirty-
year age difference between Nizam al-Mulk, and Hasan bin Sabbah and 'Umar, such an
association is still asserted between the latter two. After Toghrul’s capture of Baghdad,
the functional capacity of the Seljuqs and the general consolidation of Sunni rule were
almost entirely dependent on Nizam al-Mulk. According to Daftary he was the virtual
de facto ruler of Seljuq dominions until his assassination in 1092, allegedly ordered by
Hasan from Alamut, after which Seljuq unity just fell apart: Daftary 2007, pp.197 &
209.
5 See Introduction, ‘The Shi'a Century.’
and as in the tenth century, one way of identifying elements of Shi'ism therein
is through the use of heterodox ideas and syncretic beliefs and associations.
The name ‘Suhrawardi’ is carried by three celebrated Islamic mystics who
lived near contemporaneously in the post-Seljuq era and hailed from a city
called Suhraward, located in the region of Iranian Azerbaijan. The Suhrawardi
Sufi Order was established by a certain Abu Najib Suhrawardi, who was born
in 1097 in Suhraward, west of Sultaniyya, in the province of al-Jibal in Iran.
He died in 1168, and according to most historians, his life as a Sufi revolved
around his association with Shaykh Ahmad al-Ghazali, the brother of the
famed Abu Hamid al-Ghazali who taught at the Nizamiyya at Baghdad.6 Abu
Najib started his own khanqah or lodge on the banks of the Tigris as soon as
he reached spiritual proficiency. Due to his close association with al-Ghazali’s
brother, it is difficult to link to him a Shi'a connection.
A generation after Abu Najib, the name Suhrawardi is associated with two
personalities, one of whom played the central role in defining the future course
for this order. This was Abu Najib’s nephew, Abu Hafs 'Umar, born in January
1145 (d.1234) in Baghdad. He was taught by the different Sufi masters of the
time, and after a systematic study of tasawwuf or Sufi doctrine, he was initiated
into the Suhrawardi Order by his uncle Abu Najib.7 He went on to succeed
his uncle and headed the Suhrawardi khanqah in Iraq, enjoying patronage
and favour at the re-invigorated 'Abbasid court. Abu Hafs’s personal Sufi
associations are more traceable in history to 'Abdul Qadir Gilani, as opposed
to Ahmad al-Ghazali, who is said to have stated about Abu Hafs, ‘You are the
last of the famous ones from Iraq.’8 His association with his uncle Abu Najib
does not suggest an inherent Sunnism on his part.
Abu Hafs heralded a change in the Suhrawardi Order’s connections to
Shi'ism, by befriending the Isma'ili Imam of the time, and is credited with
the latter’s (outward) conversion to Sunnism.9 Al-Huda states that the lack
6 Al-Huda 2003, p.13. The famous al-Ghazali was a known orthodox Sunni, and was
appointed as the head of the Nizamiyya of Baghdad in 1091 by Nizam al-Mulk himself.
7 Ibid, p.14.
8 Sindhi 2000, p.344.
9 Al-Huda 2003, p.36. The Isma'ili Imam Hasan III ‘converted’ to Sunnism in 1211,
and started observing orthodox Islamic practices. This decision was made to limit the
isolation of the feuding and impoverished Isma'ili community from the outside world
in the latter half of the Alamut period, and is seen an act of dissimulation: Daftary
2007, pp.375-378.
of actual evidence on Hasan III’s conversion to Sunnism due to Abu Hafs’s

personal involvement is conversely complemented by the metaphysical and
theological reforms made by both of them in the religious ideas of their
respective communities, i.e. the Suhrawardi Order and Nizari Isma'ilism,
which resemble each other. A generation later, the Twelver Shi'a scholar cum
Isma'ili heresiographer Nasir al-din Tusi (b.1201-1274), who wrote the Isma'ili
doctrine for the periods of occultation at Alamut, explained the conversion
of Hasan III to Sunnism as a necessary act of taqiyya or dissimulation, made
obligatory by the new satr or era of concealment which had then begun.10
Interestingly, in Lewisohn and Shackle’s book on Farid al-din 'Attar,
Hermann Landolt asserts an ‘unconscious Isma'ilism’ on the part of Abu Hafs.11
In light of the general situation in Iraq at this time, and Abu Hafs’s close
connection to a visibly ‘reformed’ Hasan III, it will not be wrong to conclude
that Abu Hafs’s Isma'ili tendencies were more than unconscious. But his
Isma'ili influences could have been limited to metaphysical ideas and concepts,
as opposed to his actually having subscribed to Isma'ili Imamology; the two
are entirely different things. Nevertheless, it is important to note that such a
connection did exist, as it explains a future course taken by the Suhrawardi Sufi
Order in the middle Indus region, one which will be explored later in the chapter.
The last mystic bearing the Suhrawardi name was Yahya bin Habash
Suhrawardi, who was responsible for the development of a multi-faith
transcendental philosophy, which includes elements of Zoroastrianism.
Amongst those who used the name Suhrawardi, he is the one personality
who exhibits the religious syncretism of the era the most, but his formal
association to the already established Suhrawardi Order in Iraq remains to be
ascertained. His most noted biographer states his year of birth as being 1171, in
the village of Zanjan around the vicinity of Suhraward.12 He received the title
Shaykh al-Ishraq, or Master of Illumination, by his followers, for his treatise on
spiritual illumination. The text later became a core document for Iranian Sufi
masters. Yahya bin Habash wrote several works on the metaphysics of spiritual
10 Daftary 2007, pp.36-37. Since medieval Isma'ilism depended on fixed astrological

cycles and sub-cycles for marking changes in religious demeanor, this is a plausible
reason for the conversion. Daftary also write of a period of ‘dissimulative Sunnism’ and
a subsequent revival of (heterodox) Isma'ilism at Alamut: Daftary 2007, pp.378-379.
11 Lewisohn and Shackle 2006, p.11.
12 Razavi 1997, p.2. His real date of birth is probably earlier, as he was forty years old
when he died in the 1190s.
illumination by combining Greek, Zoroastrian and Muslim thought. Some

have argued that he might have been influenced by Shaivism too.
Most scholars of Sufism would refute any connections between Yahya, his
Zoroastrianism-inspired philosophy, and the Suhrawardi Suf i Order in Iraq.
But the metaphysical connections that are to be found just a few decades later
between the latter and Nizari Isma'ilism in Uch and Multan, through the
multi-faith system of the Satpanth, calls for greater research. In the case of
Multan and Uch, the Suhrawardi-Isma'ili connection was hinged on Nawruz
or the Persian New Year, which worked as the pivot for the religious syncretism
contained inside the order’s hidden doctrines. If a Nawruz connection were
also to be discovered within the Zoroastrian elements of Yahya’s illumination
philosophy, a clear link between him and the Suhrawardi Order itself could
be established.
Not much is known about Yahya’s short life except that he initially taught at
the court of a local Seljuq Sultan in Anatolia. He later moved to Aleppo, where
he was given patronage and favour by Prince Zahir, the son of Salah al-din
Ayyubi. This favour was short-lived and he was executed against Prince Zahir’s
wishes in 1191, on the orders of his father Salah al-din, after allegations of his
holding heretical ideas,13 and perhaps for his Shi'ism. Landolt comments on
Yahya’s metaphysical Isma'ilism as being more pronounced through his Ishraq
or Illumination doctrine than that of Abu Hafs, and connects it directly to
an Isma'ili text written a few years after his execution.14 In addition, Hossein
Nasr has stated that, ‘The causes for (Yahya) Suhrawardi’s death cannot
be truly discovered until the situation of the region historically, religiously,
philosophically and socially is thoroughly investigated.’15 Yahya’s murder
took place in the post-Seljuq era when the Fatimids had just been conquered
by Salah al-din, and the Sunni jurists of the time were in no mood to allow
a young philosopher, with suspected Shi'a leanings, to corrupt Salah al-din’s
son.16 The title of Shihab al-din or the ‘comet of religion’ is shared by both Abu
Hafs and Yahya, and adds to the confusion surrounding their personalities
in Sufi anecdote.
The main focus of this chapter is the establishment of the Suhrawardi Sufi
Order in Multan in the southern Punjab region, under delegation from Abu
13 Ibid.
14 Lewisohn and Shackle 2006, p.5.
15 Razavi 1997, p.2.
16 Ibid., p.3.
Hafs. Here, under its local proponents, the order took on its own dynamic
and flourished, while the main branch in Iraq declined after the Mongol
onslaught. In the relaxed multi-religious environment of the Indus Valley,
centred on Multan with its own history of Fatimid era syncretism, the order
became more heterodox than it was in post-Seljuq Iraq, and diversified its
religious doctrines further.
The Suhrawardi Order in Multan: An overview of religious and

political conditions
The Suhrawardi Order was established in Multan by Baha al-din Zakiriyya.
The Indian Sufi commentary Siyar al-'Arifin narrates his birth as being on 3
June 1171 at Multan. He was born to a rich Arab family, originally settled in
Khwarazm (Transoxiana), which had migrated to Multan in the time of his
grandfather, in the Seljuq era. Ahmad Nabi Khan, relying on two primary
sources, cites his reaching early proficiency in the traditional Islamic sciences,
after which he went abroad to study at the centres of learning in the Islamic
world. At the age of seventeen, he reached Baghdad and became a disciple of
Abu Hafs. Within just a few days of training Abu Hafs appointed Zakiriyya
as his khalifa or deputy, and sent him back to Multan to set up a Suhrawardi
khanqah there.17 Upon protests by his Iraqi disciples on why an Indian had been
shown such a great favour so quickly, Abu Hafs replied that ‘he was like dry
wood waiting to catch fire when he reached me, while you are still wet twigs’.18
Zakiriyya established his khanqah in Multan upon his return, which soon
grew into a lavish compound famed for its material wealth and religious
prestige. The Sufi text Akhbar al-Akhyar states that the saint worked from this
site for more than half a century, where separate lodging was provided for all
disciples, guests and visitors.19
The persistence of Isma'ilism in Multan, and Zakiriyya’s connection to it,
are deducible from the local political situation at the time. As we have noted,
the Ghorid Mu'izz al-din Sam, who had created a huge empire for his regent
brother Ghiyath al-din Muhammad in northern India from the territories of
the Ghaznawids, and which he subsequently inherited on the latter’s death in
1202, 20 had his own conflict with Isma'ilism. First, Ghiyath al-din attacked
17 Khan 1983, p.190: Tarikh-e-Farishta vol. 2, p.760.

18 Ibid.: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.103-104.
19 Ibid., p.190: Akhbar al-Akhyar, p.26.
20 See Introduction, ‘The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids.’
and devastated the Alamut connected Isma'ili fortresses of Quhistan (eastern

Iran), after which Mu'izz al-din made further raids into the area himself.21
Then in 1175, Mu'izz al-din is reported to have massacred Isma'ilis in Multan.
While returning to Ghazna, he appointed a new governor for the region,
'Ali Karmakh, who was based in nearby Uch rather than in Multan itself.
Karmakh continued the Ghorid policy of subduing Isma'ilism.22 The choice
of basing the new governor in Uch seems odd, unless the situation in Multan,
the biggest city in the region, was unsettled. Another reason may have been
the fear of assassination attempts from proximity to the Multani Isma'ili
population.23 One must remember that Mu'izz al-din Sam died of injuries
from an assassination attempt at the hands of a lone Isma'ili da'i in Jhelum,
near present day Islamabad, in March 1206.24 It is probable that Mu'izz al-
din’s assassination was the result of the Ghorid persecution of Isma'ilis in
Quhistan and Multan.
The role of Baha al-din Zakiriyya in politics

According to Zakiriyya’s biography, he returned to Multan from Iraq in the
1180s, around when 'Ali Karmakh was pursuing his Ghorid agenda as governor
in Uch, from where he also ruled over Multan (city). The power vacuum in
Multan suggests that it was easy for local favourites to become overlords, as
eventually happened in Zakiriyya’s case. Historical sources do not mention
'Ali Karmakh’s relationship with Zakiriyya, only that Karmakh was based in
Uch. In fact in this period, not much is known about local Multani politics,
except for the anti-Isma'ili incursions made by Mu'izz al-din Sam.
Following in the footsteps of his mentor Abu Hafs, Zakiriyya rose quickly
and enjoyed the favour and loyalty of the local Multani elites who, judging from
the political situation, must also have included some pre-Ghaznawid Isma'ilis
practicing dissimulation. In time, Zakiriyya commanded a near absolute say
in the decision making process in Multan. It seems that this was due to the
21 Daftary 2007, p.374.

22 Khan 1983, p.47; Farishta, vol. 1, p.56.
23 As we have seen in the last chapter, in the time of Mahmud’s successor Mas'ud, Multan
still had a large Isma'ili population, even after Mahmud’s many massacres and mass
expulsions. They had used the Seljuq invasions to revolt, and consequently had the
Friday sermon read in the name of the Fatimid Caliph: Bosworth 1977, pp.14, 30-31.
It is most likely that this community lived on in Multan.
24 Khan 1983, p.51.
influence amongst Muslims of his spiritual mentor Abu Hafs, in addition to

his own landed Multani background. When 'Ali Karmakh died (sometime
in the 1190s) Mu'izz al-din appointed a certain Nasir al-din Qabacha as his
replacement in Uch, 25 who became enamoured with Zakiriyya.
A thorough examination of Zakiriyya’s role in politics, his relationships
with temporal rulers, and the Isma'ili personality of Pir Shams, are central to
understanding his own Isma'ili connections. There are few signs to show that
any members of the Suhrawardi Order in Multan associated Zakiriyya ever
lived in poverty, or advocated such a way of life. This openly contrasts with the
good relations that they maintained with ascetics and wandering dervishes, who
possessed nothing except the clothes on their bodies. The Multani Suhrawardi
material well-being seems to have been derived from their own organisational
capacity, and their ability to generate revenue in times of war and political
strife, rather than from royal grants. Indeed, in the case of the Multan region
(previously a separate province until the British era), the order seems to have
been much richer than the local rulers themselves. These facts raise questions
about the true nature of their funding and associated activities.
Zakiriyya, the post Mu'izz al-din Ghorid principalities,

and Isma'ili activity
After Mu'izz’s murder in 1206, his vast kingdom was divided between his
trusted slaves who had been ruling as governors in their respective principalities,
each of whom became independent. Khurasan and Ghazna went to Taj al-
din Ilduz, Delhi and northern India east of the Punjab went to Qutb al-din
Aybak, who was succeeded by his son-in-law Iltutmish in 1211 at Delhi, after
a brief one-year rule by his son. Uch went to Nasir al-din Qabacha, its resident
governor (who was initially only semi-independent under Aybak – ruling from
Delhi).26 In 1210 with Aybak’s death, Qabacha declared himself Sultan in Uch
25 Sources like Farishta mention 'Ali Karmakh yet do not give a date for his death, but
the research for this book suggests that it was in the mid to late 1190s.
26 Farishta states that Qabacha had served with Mu'izz al-din for many years under various
important posts and had excellent qualities: Farishta 1981, vol. 2, p.161 ff. This may be
an example of Farishta glorifying the imperial Muslim past of India, the purpose for
which his history was written. The incoming Qabacha would still be playing second
fiddle to Mu'izz al-din’s older trusted slave governors in India, hence his need for local
alliances, such as the one with Zakiriyya.
and further extended his rule into Multan.27 This statement is derived from
Juzjani, 28 and suggests that until 1210 Multan was in fact still not directly
ruled from Uch; and raises the question of who was actually ruling Multan?
Considering Mu'izz’s anti-Isma'ili campaigns in that city, Multan could have
enjoyed some degree of freedom and self-rule, with a peace treaty and taxes
paid to the Ghorid governor in Uch, as was the usual case in those days. In such
a scenario, there would have existed a de facto decision-making mechanism
and a ruler, which could have been either the old Multani elite or Zakiriyya.
The above is suggested because as ruler of Uch, Nasir al-din Qabacha,
who was also Zakiriyya’s devotee, could not have arranged for his takeover of
Multan in 1210 from his base in Uch, without the Suhrawardi shaykh’s tacit
support. When Qabacha inherited Uch on Mu'izz’s death in 1206, he f irst came
to Multan to meet Zakiriyya, presumably seeking legitimacy for his rule, and
left as his devotee.29 In post-Mu'izz al-din Multan, Zakiriyya seems to have
been the only agency of spiritual and political certitude in an era of continuous
fratricide among Turkic governor-kings. Zakiriyya’s relationship with Qabacha
must be traced in retrospect, to Qabacha’s f irst office as governor of Uch, from
where he would have come across the younger Zakiriyya. This was also the time
when Isma'ilism made a remarkable comeback in the Uch and Multan region
in the person of Pir Shams. A very interesting political situation develops here,
with an upsurge in Isma'ilism under Shams, a semi-independent Multan under
Zakiriyya and/or its local elite, which was later taken over by the newcomer
Qabacha from Uch, who paid homage to Zakiriyya on acquiring his new
inheritance, after the assassination of Mu'izz al-din Sam.
In terms of overt Isma'ili activity in the region, Pir Shams had never
espoused any dissimulation about either his Isma'ilism or his missionary work.
His initial visit to Uch, the reported working of a miracle there in the late 1190s,
and the expansion of his da'wa or religious mission from Uch to Multan in the
early 1200s, could not have happened without the knowledge of, a) Mu'izz
27 Khan 1983, p.51.

28 As mentioned in the Introduction, the Tabaqat-i Nasiri is a detailed history of Muslim
India by Juzjani, who first came to India in 1227 and became a historian at the court
of Iltutmish, after Mu'izz al-din’s empire had broken up. His father Siraj al-din was a
jurist in Mu'izz’s army in India, and originally hailed from Ghazna. He lived through
the reign of four Delhi sultans after Iltutmish, and completed his history in 1260, the
most detailed biography of that era.
29 Sindhi 2000, p.362.
al-din, b) his governor 'Ali Karmakh, and c) at a slightly later stage, Qabacha.
In the case of Qabacha, this would be both in his initial capacity as governor
of Uch, and then its ruler. One wonders how Shams’s missionary work took
place under the rule of the anti-Isma'ili Ghorids, unless it was tolerated to some
extent by the local administration. This is a theme that will be explored later.
Nasir al-din Qabacha

During Qabacha’s rule as self-proclaimed Sultan from 1210 to 1228, a few
incidents of political significance occurred, which have been recorded in
primary sources. Some of these cannot be dated exactly, but Zakiriyya f igures
in them prominently. These incidents took place after Qabacha had taken over
Multan. Uch was Qabacha’s bastion, which always served as his power base,
and one which was only lost to him at the end of his rule, just a month before
his boat capsized in the final battle against the Delhi Sultan Iltutmish, on 30
May 1228.30 There was discord between Iltutmish and Qabacha since the latter
declared himself sultan at Uch, after Aybak’s death in 1210, seceding from the
imperial seat at Delhi.31 Historical evidence suggests that subsequent to his
takeover of Multan, Qabacha expanded his territory further, and eventually
controlled an area as far off as Lahore. Iltutmish took Lahore back from him
in a battle in 1217.32 An undated settlement between Qabacha and Iltutmish
was arranged by Zakiriyya. Iltutmish greatly respected Zakiriyya in spite of
his connections to Qabacha.33 The settlement was most probably associated
with the Lahore issue of 1217.
According to historians, Zakiriyya had initially written an open letter to
Iltutmish inviting him to march on Multan against his devotee Qabacha.34
This communication may also have given Iltutmish the green light for the
future invasion of Lahore. The letter was intercepted by Qabacha’s agents,
to which the Shaykh openly owned up, saying that he had written it under
divine guidance and Qabacha was free to act in any way he wanted.35 Qabacha
30 Uch was captured by Iltutmish on 5 May 1228: Khan 1983, p.53: Juzjani, vol. 1, p.419.
31 The reason for the feud was that Iltutmish was Aybak’s son-in-law and successor. It
ensued when Qabacha assumed (direct) control of imperial territory: Khan 1983, p.51:
Juzjani, vol. 1, pp.418-419.
32 Khan 1983, p.53: Juzjani, vol. 1, p.419.
33 Sindhi 2000, p.362b.
34 Al-Huda 2004, p.118.
35 Ibid.
pardoned Zakiriyya; such was his spiritual clout.36 It is apparent from the
evidence here that Multan, at least under Zakiriyya, somehow maintained its
independence from outside rule, even after its takeover. Multan was finally
taken by Iltutmish in 1227, after which he appointed Zakiriyya as the Shaykh
al-Islam, or the highest religious authority, of his empire.37
This was obviously a turning point in Zakiriyya’s life, and in the fortunes of
the Suhrawardi Order in Multan. Now that he had direct support from Delhi,
Zakiriyya’s order enjoyed a kind of diplomatic immunity throughout Muslim
India, so to speak. Yet it is the years between the 1180s and 1227, before he
became Shaykh al-Islam, which are the most interesting in Zakiriyya’s life.
These years hold the key to his connections to Isma'ilism, as the period saw
large-scale missionary activity by Pir Shams in the area, and will be explored
in the next chapter.
The examination of power relations here demonstrates how different groups
coexisted, and how an Isma'ili da'i like Shams could operate freely in a Ghorid
province, successfully making this small region his power base. Shams’s mission
must have acquired some kind of tacit support, and this support was most
probably Zakiriyya, and not the Ghorid administration. As we have seen,
Zakiriyya’s clout with the rulers even before he became Shaykh al-Islam was
so great that he successfully played off Qabacha in Uch against Iltutmish at
Delhi, while commanding the respect of both. Considering Abu Hafs's support
for Isma'ilism through Hasan III in Iraq, it is tenable that a similar pattern
emerged in Multan between Shams and Zakiriyya.
The Mongols
Other factors that contributed to weak government, and perhaps to this on-
going Isma'ili activity in Multan, were the conflicts on the region’s borders.
In addition to Iltutmish, Nasir al-din Qabacha was f ighting to expel a foreign
prince and his army from Uch. This was Jalal al-din Minkburni, the son of
the last Khwarazm Shah.38 Jalal al-din had come to the region with his army
36 According to Sindhi, Zakiriyya wrote the letter because of Qabacha’s general cruelty.
Zakiriyya owned up to the letter citing cruel behaviour towards the populace as the
reason, for which Qabacha actually apologised. He later bade farewell to the Shaykh
very respectfully with gifts: Sindhi 2000, p.362.
37 Al-Huda 2004, p.119: Siyar al-'Arifin, p.175.
38 See Introduction, ‘The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids.’ The Khwarazm
Empire had taken over from the last Seljuq Sultan (Sanjar) in Iran and Central Asia,
in 1221, after the Battle of the Indus, and his defeat there at the hands of
Chengiz Khan.39 He had hoped to seek refuge in Delhi, which was denied
to him for fear of triggering a Mongol invasion into India. He was finally
forced to leave in 1226.40 Jalal al-din had entered India being followed by
Mongol troops, and was actually pursued by Chengiz Khan himself as far as
the Indus. Because of Minkburni, Qabacha also had to f ight off the Mongols
who had followed him in pursuit. To cope with the dire situation of war on
many fronts, Qabacha continuously asked Zakiriyya for material and spiritual
help, especially against the Mongols.41
Zakiriyya’s wealth and prestige

According to Athar Abbas Rizvi, it appears that Zakiriyya was very rich even
before he was appointed Shaykh al-Islam to the Delhi Sultanate. On one
occasion, the governor of the province of Multan needed grain during a famine;
he was given a full storehouse by Zakiriyya. A pot of silver coins, which had
been found amongst the grain, was returned to the Shaykh by the governor,
who said he had only asked for grain, not money. The Shaykh replied that he
merely wished to give the governor money as well.42
Although undated, the above incident obviously refers to either ‘the governor’
'Ali Karmakh, or to Qabacha. But as the latter declared himself sultan only
in 1210, the reference here is most likely to ‘the governor’ Qabacha, due to his
closer association with Zakiriyya, sometime between the late 1190s and 1210.
The event is further proof of Zakiriyya’s power in the earlier period, at the time
when Shams’s da'wa was being established in the region. After the annexation
of Multan and Sind by Iltutmish, the relations between the Zakiriyya and the
Delhi Sultan became cordial. In 1247, when the Mongols besieged the walled
city of Multan, the Shaykh (personally) offered 100000 dinars to the invaders
and persuaded them to raise the siege, negotiating peace through a Muslim
dignitary in the Mongol army.43
and endured until it was destroyed by the Mongols in 1220. The conquest was triggered
by the killing of Chengiz Khan’s ambassadors by the last Khwarazm Shah 'Ala al-din.
His son Jalal al-din consequently crossed the Indus with his followers to take refuge.
39 Daftary 2007, p.386.
40 Khan 1983, p.52.
41 Ibid: Fawaid al-Fawad, p.185.
42 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.192: Tarikh Namah-i Harat, pp.236-237.
43 Ibid.
Statements about Zakiriyya’s wealth are also to be found in other Suf i

commentaries. Siyar al-'Arifin describes the Shaykh as having, amongst other
institutions, his own granaries next to his extensive khanqah, and leaving
700000 pieces of silver as inheritance for each of his seven sons.44 These
incidents suggest that Zakiriyya played a bigger f inancial and institutional
role in Multan than the state itself. The Mongol affair of 1247 shows that
Zakiriyya’s power in Multan overshadowed that of the central government
even after the province was absorbed into the Delhi Sultanate. Zakiriyya’s
patronage included the establishment of new Suhrawardi khanqahs in the
region, and the construction of his lavish shrine (before his death), from his
own finances.45
Plausible sources of wealth

The general conditions in the middle Indus region show a weak and crippled
country under constant threat from external aggression and internal strife, with
its province of Multan being effectively governed by a Sufi shaykh in the person
of Zakiriyya, who also partly managed its foreign policy. It must be iterated that
since these events took place after the breakup of the Ghorid Empire, followed
by the Mongol invasions within just a few decades, the central government too
must have been very destitute. Hence, with no royal grants, the question of the
source of Zakiriyya’s immense wealth begs to be asked. One explanation can
be Multan’s position as the hub and market for the massive agrarian produce
of this region, and its old landed and mercantile elite, who managed the cash
flow,46 and supported Zakiriyya. Among them, in addition to Hindus, there
may have been rich Isma'ilis living under dissimulation who had survived the
Ghaznawid era, and who paid a religious tithe to Zakiriyya, as other citizens
did.47 Khums is a tax amounting to twenty percent of a believer’s income that
44 Khan 1983, p.190: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.151 & 164.

45 Ibid, p.190.
46 After Mahmud’s first invasion in 1006, Isma'ili Multan remained semi-independent
before its conquest by paying a capitulation fee which some sources have reported to
be a staggering twenty million dirhams, while others cite a still inflated, yet realistic,
twenty thousand dirham sum: Maclean 1989, p.139.
47 Khums presents from Multan are mentioned as being sent to Egypt in the Fatimid
era by the Arab historian al-Maqdasi who visited Multan in 986. An earlier historian
Mas'udi, who visited in 915, also wrote (in 943) about Multan’s wealth. He commented
on Multan’s multistoried houses made of sandalwood, with visible fertility, luxury and
opulence, and its coinage being fashioned on Fatimid coinage: Hollister 1954, pp.340-
has to be (traditionally) paid out as tithes by adherents according to the (Twelver

and Isma'ili) Ja'fari School of jurisprudence. Perhaps something similar paid
to the Suhrawardi Order could in part explain Zakiriyya’s wealth. In a strictly
Sunni environment a similar religious tax, or simply zakat monies, are collected
directly by the state in the name of the caliph or king; here these would have
been paid to the local governor. In addition, Zakiriyya’s wealth could also have
been partially derived from his family’s land holdings.
Zakiriyya’s death and legacy

After living for almost one hundred years, Zakiriyya died on 21 December
1262 and was buried in the tomb he had built for himself.48 For more than half
a century he had been the most eminent Sufi of the region, enjoying special
fame in Khurasan and Transoxiana, besides the Indus region. He was renowned
for his piety and, above all, for his successful negotiations with the Mongols,
and is credited with having saved the country from the fate of neighbouring
regions at their hands. Although his tomb still exists, the khanqah does not.
Ahmad Nabi Khan suggests that the khanqah must have been situated inside
the Multan citadel, close to where the tomb itself is located, as he had found
a few surviving cells north of the tomb.49 This is a plausible argument, but if
the description of the khanqah’s scale with its attached granaries is anything
to go by, it would not have fallen out of use so easily, especially owing the
order’s status in the city.
Zakiriyya’s material and spiritual status was passed on to his successors,
some of whom enjoyed an even stronger position in local politics, something
which also caused great antagonism with the authorities. Even two centuries
later, an example of the continued prominence of the family in Multan can
be found in an incident dated to 1443, after Timur’s invasion had devastated
northern India. Tired of continuing lawlessness and weak governance from
the centre, the people of Multan (province) declared it autonomous again, and
elected a great-grandson of Zakiriyya, called Shaykh Yusuf, as their ruler. A
court history states that Shaykh Yusuf had the khutba after the Friday prayer
read in his own name from the pulpits at Multan, Uch and other towns in the
342. The second historian’s statement also suggests an earlier Fatimid connection to
Multan than is generally acknowledged (i.e. after 965). It is improbable that Multan’s
wealth would have diminished in Zakiriyya’s time.
48 Khan, 1983, p. 190.
49 Ibid, p.245n.
province, and exercised his rule from the khanqah and (Zakiriyya’s) shrine,
implying that he ruled from those institutions.50 The often cited primary
text Tarikh-e-Farishta states that Shaykh Yusuf managed the affairs of state
so efficiently in Multan and Uch that within a short time the area invited the
attention of neighbouring overlords, one of whom attacked and annexed it,
forcing the Shaykh to flee to Delhi.51
Shaykh Sadr al-din 'Arif

Zakiriyya appointed his son Sadr al-din as his successor. He was known as 'Arif
or the Gnostic, and of his six brothers he inherited the largest share of his father’s
property. Rizvi, relying on the Sufi commentary Siyar al-'Arifin, says that 'Arif
immediately gave the entire amount to the poor, believing that unlike his father
he would not be able to spend it judiciously.52 The relations of the Suhrawardi
Order with the imperial authorities in Delhi, of which Multan was a part after
Iltutmish’s takeover in 1227, seem to have taken a sour turn with Sadr al-din
'Arif ’s succession. This would have been an extraordinary situation, because
after all the Suhrawardi Order was the order officially favoured by the state.
One obvious reason was Zakiriyya’s patronising attitude towards state authority,
which in his own lifetime was neutralised by the respect that he commanded,
but which nevertheless must have earned him and his family many enemies.
Once Zakiriyya’s powerful personality had been replaced by the ascetic-minded
'Arif, these old enemies would have manifested their sentiments more openly.
Not much in detail is known of the political antagonism and intrigues
plaguing 'Arif ’s life. He continued his father’s religious policies and rode
on the goodwill and popular support of the people. The malfuzat or Sufi
biography for 'Arif has not survived, but excerpts from it are found in other
Sufi commentaries like Akhbar al-Akhyar. They are also present in Siyar al-
'Arifin. These excerpts express his opposition to state policies, and show that
he believed that state officials were negligent and corrupt, spending too much
of the treasury’s wealth on themselves and their indulgences.53
Relying on Siyar al-'Arifin, the Suhrawardi chronicler Qamar al-Huda says
that 'Arif was opposed to traditional Suhrawardi ideals on relations with the
state, wealth accumulation and institutional management. On one occasion
50 Al-Huda 2003, p.130: Tabaqat-e Akbari, vol. 3, p.788-789.

51 Khan 1983, p.71: Tarikh-e-Farishta vol. 2, p.325.
52 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p. 202: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.128-129.
53 Al-Huda 2003, p.122.
he opposed the state directly, by going against a decision of the governor of

Multan, Prince Muhammad, who was also the son of the emperor at Delhi.
The discord this event caused becomes clear in a report in which one Shaykh
Qidwah, a son of Zakiriyya and 'Arif ’s brother, was invited to a high-level
gathering for an eminent foreign Sufi. However, 'Arif himself was not invited
or present, although he was at the time the chief Suhrawardi shaykh and the
Shaykh al-Islam of the empire.54
Sadr al-din 'Arif ’s conflict with state authorities

Sadr al-din 'Arif ’s running conflict with the governor of Multan, Prince
Muhammad, the son of emperor Balban (ruled 1266-1287), became
progressively exacerbated. At some point the discord also involved the Prince’s
wife. Qamar al-Huda and Rizvi both relate the incident but al-Huda’s
narration carries no supporting references.55 Relying on Siyar al-'Arifin and a
more obscure Sufi manuscript, Rizvi relates the details of the prince having
divorced his wife in a drunken rage, only to realise that he wanted to remarry
her. However, according to the Islamic shari'a he could not do so, unless she
remarried and divorced another man first. The prince used his position to
coerce Shaykh 'Arif, the Shaykh al-Islam, to agree to marry her and then
divorce her after a short period, so that he could remarry her. But the day
after the marriage, 'Arif refused to divorce her on the grounds that she did
not want a divorce. The prince toyed with the idea of killing 'Arif, but was
killed himself in a Mongol raid on the city.56 However, al-Huda states that it
was actually the Shaykh who was killed by a lone Mongol assassin, and does
not mention the death of the prince.57 Rizvi seems to have the more coherent
argument. The Shaykh may have died later under mysterious circumstances
in a revenge killing, as no sources mention the real cause or exact date of his
death. Qamar al-Huda thinks that he died in 1285.58
Not much else has been written about the beginning or the real reason for
the feud between the prince and 'Arif, but it seems to have heralded a growing
rift between the order and the state. It is probable that religious undertones
and political issues played a part in the rift, as the Sultanate consolidated
54 Ibid, p.124.
55 Ibid, p.123; also see Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.203.
56 Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p.203 ff: Siyar al-'Arifin, p.135-136.
57 Al-Huda 2003, p.124.
58 Ibid, pp.124 & 141: Tarikh Namah-i Harat 1944, pp.157-158.
its position in Delhi. This rift may have been accentuated by the fact that
Sadr al-din 'Arif accelerated the practice of initiating heterodox qalandars or
wandering mystics into the order, at a time when orthodoxy was taking firm
root in Delhi. Zakiriyya did not initiate qalandars quite so frequently, but it
was a process that he had started himself, contrary to what is attributed to him
of orthodoxy in tradition and scholarship.
One qalandar initiate of Sadr al-din 'Arif was Amir Husayni, who later
migrated to Herat and became very famous.59 He has left behind many works
of poetry and literature related to the Suhrawardi Order. Another example was
Salah al-din Dervish, who was just fourteen years old on his initiation, and in
his latter days was a contemporary of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq (ruled
1325-1351). He had migrated to Delhi from Multan, opposing the Sultan
for his stringent views on religion, and was openly contemptuous of political
authority.60 Dervish did this long after the death of his mentor 'Arif and in
the time of his successor Shah Rukn-e-'Alam, who was also in conflict with
the same Muhammad bin Tughluq.
Another one of 'Arif ’s famous qalandar initiates was a certain Ahmad
Ma'shuq (the Lover). Rizvi describes him as being an alcoholic who had
accompanied his father on a business trip to Multan. On the trip, Ma'shuq
became acquainted with 'Arif at a local shop where he was conducting business.
'Arif later invited him to his house. Ma'shuq became the Shaykh’s disciple,
gave up drinking, sold all his property and distributed the money to qalandars,
while completely withdrawing from the world himself. In the latter part of his
life, Ma'shuq also gave up obligatory prayers.61
The Suhrawardi Order was the official Sufi order of the Delhi Sultanate
at the time, and its shaykh, the Shaykh al-Islam, was the highest religious
authority in the land. An initiation into the order would automatically provide
safety from persecution on religious grounds, from the lower levels of the state
apparatus. It must also be noted that the guise of dervishes and qalandars
was often used as a cover by Isma'ili missionaries, and by Isma'ili assassins.62
Sadr al-din 'Arif ’s many qalandar initiates would certainly have caused great
resentment in official circles, especially amongst the orthodox 'Ulama.
59 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, pp.206-208.

60 Ibid: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.66-67.
61 Ibid, p. 210: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp. 129-31.
62 Nizam al-Mulk’s assassin is said to have approached him disguised as a dervish, which
is the main reason his death is regarded as having been ordered by Hasan bin Sabbah,
see Daftary 2007, p.319.
Zakiriyya’s religious affiliations with heterodox Islam

In his lifetime Zakiriyya too had initiated a few qalandars into his order,
contrary to what is popularised about his being a staunch proponent of Sunni
orthodoxy. The question that immediately comes to mind is why were two
successive Suhrawardi shaykhs in Multan, who were also the Shaykh al-Islams
of their time, initiating people well known to be the religious opponents
of their patrons, the Sunni Imperial Sultanate in Delhi. In doing so, they
were only jeopardising their own position, unless there were other reasons.
However, unlike his world-rejecting son 'Arif, Zakiriyya chose not to be openly
surrounded by qalandars, even if he did religiously empathise with them.
Zakiriyya also initiated other individuals, from less orthodox Suf i orders, into
his order. The practice was continued by his descendants as well, especially by
Shah Rukn-e-'Alam, in whose time it became the norm for such Sufis to be
initiated into a number of orders.
The origins and religious characteristics of the medieval qalandars

To understand the impact of the Suhrawardi connection to the qalandars, and
what this means in terms of connections to Shi'ism, a short investigation into
what defines a medieval qalandar must be made. In the tenth century, when the
different Shi'a states ruled the Middle East, small parties of mystics holding
extreme Shi'a beliefs, usually numbering from three to five, started travelling
from Syria to India and back. They came to be known as the qalandars. One of
the first uses of the word qalandar is in the poetry of the tenth century Persian
poet Baba Taher,63 who some allege was a qalandar himself. The qalandars
did not have a specific form or central organisation then, but their greatest
hallmark was that they did not adhere to the Islamic shari'a. They travelled
with a traditional Shi'a standard known as the 'alam, which led their party.
The 'alam is attributed to Husayn’s martyr-brother al-'Abbas (at Kerbala).
It is reported that sometime in the latter half of the 1000s, the eminent
Sufi Khwaja 'Abdullah Ansari of Herat (1006–1088), met such a travelling
qalandar on the outskirts of Herat, and spent many days with him. It is stated
in oral tradition that he was deeply touched with the asceticism, simplicity and
world rejection of the qalandar, and wished to join him. The qalandar told
him that his path was a most difficult one and invited the scorn of the whole
world. It would be better if the Khwaja followed his own path, because with
63 De Bruijn 1997, p.73.
it he could do more good in the ‘real world.’ Subsequently al-Ansari returned

to Herat, and as a gesture of his experience wrote the famous master-piece
of short Persian prose, the Qalandar Namah, which is also the first Islamic
text that deals solely with qalandars. The subject of the Qalandar Namah is a
qalandar who suddenly appears in an Islamic theological school, and convinces
the students to leave their orthodox education and seek real spirituality.64
The first time the qalandar phenomenon was given real shape and
organisation was in 1219 in Damascus, by an ethnic Persian called Shaykh
Jamal al-din Sawi. Damascus, where Sawi had set up his khanqah, was then
ruled by the Ayyubids. Sawi had numerous disciples in the city, many of them
being immigrant Iranians, but in 1223 he was eventually forced to leave for
Egypt under Ayyubid pressure. However, his disciples stayed on and made
their headquarters in Bab al-Saghir.65 This is a cemetery in old Damascus where
many martyrs of Kerbala are buried, and is a site holy to Shi'a Muslims. The
act suggests that the qalandars had retained their (extreme) Shi'a beliefs after
their re-organisation under Sawi. It must be pointed out that most Islamic
denominations, especially Sunni ones, frown on the rejection of the shari'a, and
that heterodoxy of this sort, as we saw from evidence from the tenth century in
the Introduction, is the realm of medieval Shi'ism. Moreover, the one group in
Islam which has consistently rejected the shari'a for long periods is the Nizari
Isma'ili tradition in Iran, in the post-Fatimid era. There have, however, also
been brief periods of shari'a rejection in the Fatimid era, and by the Qaramtis
in the tenth century, when the earliest qalandars appeared.
We must consider the impact of Zakiriyya’s qalandar associations on his
own religious ideas. One prominent qalandar initiated by Zakiriyya was Fakhr
al-din 'Iraqi, who eventually became Zakiriyya’s son-in-law. Rizvi relates
that he was the main reason for Zakiriyya’s fame abroad. He was born in
Iran, as Fakhr al-din Ibrahim, 'Iraqi being his nom de plume. He had his own
khanqah in Hamadan (Iran). Once a party of travelling qalandars stayed at
his khanqah. It included a boy with whom 'Iraqi became so infatuated that
he left his lodge. 'Iraqi followed the party back through Khurasan and on to
Multan. At Multan the party of qalandars stayed at Zakiriyya’s khanqah. But
on their leaving Multan, 'Iraqi got separated from the rest of the party because
of a storm, and was forced to return to Zakiriyya’s lodge. There, the force of
Zakiriyya’s personality made 'Iraqi forget the boy he was pursuing. Instead he
64 Ibid.
65 Humphreys 1977, p.209.
started living in a cell that Zakiriyya assigned to him. Zakiriyya eventually

married his daughter to 'Iraqi and before dying appointed him as his khalifa
or spiritual deputy.66
'Iraqi became very famous because of the poetry he wrote in the twenty five
years he stayed in Multan. After Zakiriyya’s death he moved f irst to Egypt,
then through the Levant to Anatolia, where he is associated with Rumi. He
died in 1289 and is buried in Damascus near Ibn 'Arabi’s grave.67 Rizvi does
not cite antagonism with the authorities as 'Iraqi’s reason for leaving Multan
after Zakiriyya’s death (d.1262), but states that he was forced to leave Multan
within a year, where he had been residing since 1239, on account of local
jealousy.68 However local oral traditions, some even from parts of Afghanistan,
state that 'Iraqi left Multan due to the hatred of the local ruler. Depending on
why Iraqi really let this ruler could have been Prince Muhammad, who also
had a running feud with Zakiriyya’s son Sadr al-din 'Arif. 'Iraqi had a copy
of his new work the Lama'at or ‘Flashes’ sent to 'Arif before his death, which
was inspired by Ibn 'Arabi.69
'Iraqi’s life, and events in general related to close contacts between the
Suhrawardi Order and qalandars, contradict Rizvi’s erstwhile statements about
Zakiriyya being unwelcoming to qalandars,70 which is also a view propagated
about the Shaykh in later court-centric histories.71 After all, 'Iraqi’s own group
of qalandars stayed at Zakiriyya’s khanqah, where the two made each other’s
acquaintance. According to reports, Zakiriyya’s famous qalandar son-in-law
('Iraqi) never gave up his heterodox wandering lifestyle.72 Rizvi’s statements
are based on primary sources, which raises the question of faulty reportage,
like in the case of so many primary texts from this context. These texts are
attributed to latter-day authors and their patrons, who wished to popularise
Zakiriyya in a particular light.73 In fact, most of the later commentaries are
66 Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p.204: Siyar al-'Arifin, p.115.

67 Ibid, p.205; also see Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.107-109.
68 Ibid, pp. 204-205 & 306.
69 Ibid.
70 Ibid, pp.191& p.193, Rizvi’s reports derive from later texts like Siyar al-'Arifin (see p.
151), and Tarikh Namah-i Harat (see p.56).
71 See Rizvi 1986, vol.1, pp.303-306, where Rizvi states that Zakiriyya disliked qalandars
intensely and never encouraged their visits.
72 Ibid, p.306.
73 Most such works were written long after the said Sufi had died, like the example of
Tadhkira Awliya-i Siwistan given in the Introduction (in regards to Shahbaz Qalandar);
both Siyar al-'Arifin and Tarikh Namah-i Harat used by Rizvi are latter-day works.
works by Sufi chroniclers from the Chishti Order, commissioned during the
late Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal eras, long after the Suhrawardi Order
had fallen from grace. No original malfuzat or commentary has survived from
the early Multani Suhrawardi period for cross-referencing on this issue.
Shahbaz Qalandar and Shi'ism

Zakiriyya’s most renowned qalandar association is by far Lal Shahbaz Qalandar
(d.1274), whose shrine in Pakistan today serves as the country’s biggest centre
for Shi'ism and for non-shari'a 'Alid Sufism. Shahbaz was made a shaykh of
the Suhrawardi Order by Zakiriyya, but his initiation probably had more to
do with providing protection, than spiritual reasons. Available evidence shows
that in reality Shahbaz Qalandar belonged to the Qalandariyya Suf i Order
more than anything, which was organised from the qalandar phenomenon by
Jamal al-din Sawi in 1219 in Damascus. Following the shari'a as propagated
within the Delhi Sultanate held no interest for Shahbaz. He was a native
of Marwand in Iranian Azerbaijan, also known as Marand in Iran today;
however some argue for a different (historical) city of the same name, located
instead in Khurasan, something for which there is no proof. Shahbaz lived for
most of his early life with his spiritual mentor, Ibrahim Mujjarad (celibate),
in a khanqah in Kerbala. This was most probably a Qalandariyya khanqah,
an environment similar to that inhabited by Sawi’s disciples in Bab al-Saghir
(Damascus); both being Shi'a graveyards. Shahbaz migrated to India during
the time of the Mongol invasions. On his arrival in Multan, Zakiriyya received
Shahbaz very warmly, made him his khalifa, and immediately dispatched him
to Sehwan in Sind to start a khanqah, without imparting any training to him.
Moreover, his title ‘Shahbaz’ or falcon was allegedly given to him by Zakiriyya,
which is how he is remembered. Rizvi comments briefly on this initiation,
albeit basing it on an obscure Sufi manuscript.74
In popular belief Shahbaz was born and raised as 'Uthman Marwandi,
'Uthman being mostly a Sunni name. This is contested however, by the
initiated dervishes of the Qalandariyya tariqat left behind by him in Sehwan,
on which this author has worked extensively. They, like so many others who
are today Shi'a custodians or devotees of Sufi shrines traditionally believed to
be Sunni, argue that the name 'Uthman was used by Shahbaz for protection
in a hostile orthodox environment, and that his real name in the tariqat was
74 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.306: Ma'arij al-Wilayat, f. 542b.
‘Shah Husayn.’75 Shahbaz’s ascetic and spiritual practices, or at least those

which survive in Sehwan today, certainly have nothing to do with what is
expected of orthodox Sufism, or even the Suhrawardi Sufi Order. They are
best embodied in the form of a sama' or Sufi dance popularly known as the
dhammal, or rather dam-hal, which is the symbolic re-enactment of the walk
Husayn’s son Zayn al-'Abidin endured from Kerbala to Damascus under his
captors.76 The symbolism of the dhammal in Sehwan is purely Shi'a in nature.
The usual Chishti Sufi sources referenced for the era rarely mention
Shahbaz at all. This could be because his religious legacy was completely
unacceptable to the patrons of the chroniclers, even though he was according
to some sources Zakiriyya’s khalifa in lower Sind. The connection between
Shahbaz and Zakiriyya is of primary importance here, since Shahbaz is
universally acknowledged to have been some kind of a Shi'a. He promoted
heterodox doctrines, penance and esoteric practices beyond the ordinary. In
the genealogical family tree of the descendants of the Isma'ili missionary
Pir Shams, known as the Shamsi Sayyids, Shahbaz Qalandar is recorded as
Shams’s younger cousin, which gives Shahbaz’s family background an extra
Shi'a flavour.
In addition, a book by 'Ubaydullah Dasti, Sawanikh-e-Shahbaz (1974),
reproduced a copy of Zakiriyya’s original letter of appointment to Shahbaz
Qalandar. It strengthens this outwardly paradoxical association further.77 In
principle, Shahbaz’s initiation into the Suhrawardi Order was in line with
the religious policy followed by both Zakiriyya and his son 'Arif, of initiating
non-shari'a or unorthodox elements into their circles. This pattern of initiation
of heterodox elements into the Suhrawardi order in Multan was not limited
just to qalandars.
A close look at the map of the Suhrawardi Order, stemming from Iraq into
the sub-continent, contained in Qamar al-Huda’s book, Striving for Divine
Union (2003), shows that the Multan branch of the Suhrawardi Order had
75 See Hasan Ali Khan, ‘Dhammal: From 'Ashura to 'urs, a medieval motif of the
Qalandariyya in contemporary Pakistan,’ in Humkhayal, vol. 3, (2013), p.20ff.
76 See Ibid for details. There is noticible structural similarity between the dam-hal in
Sehwan, and certain rituals of the Alevi community of Turkey – who have their own
‘dem’ ceremony; and the Ahl-e Haq of Iran. Importantly, all three groups revere the
Twelve Imans in a non-shari'a format, akin to Nizari Ismailism, and in this are the
non-shari'a face of Twelver Shi'ism.
77 See Dasti 1974, pp.8-9. The book was published by the Awqaf Department, and the
original letter was (at the time) allegedly preserved in a national archive.
connections to Shi'ism through many of its members, at least one of whom

was a Twelver Shi'a.78 Sayyid 'Ali Hamadani, connected to Jalal al-din II
(Jahangasht) of Uch, was a Twelver and was successful in proselytising this
faith in Kashmir.
The discussion until now contains enough evidence to show that the
Suhrawardi Order in the Multan region afforded protection to people with
heterodox (and mostly) Shi'a beliefs, and on occasion to adherents of the
Twelver branch of Shi'ism. However, the Suhrawardi Order’s main religious
connections were to Nizari Isma'ilism, in a long drawn out process which began
with Abu Hafs in Iraq, and moved into the heterodox non-shari'a realm of
Zakiriyya’s qalandars, who albeit Twelever in their Imamology, probably also
had Nizari Isma'ili overtones to their ascetic practices. The analysis sheds light
on this factor as being the most probable reason behind the conflict that arose
between the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and the state, which was staunchly
Sunni. However, until further research is conducted, these events cannot
have a bearing on the Delhi branch of the Suhrawardi Order, which being at
the centre stage of the Sultanate, may have been more tightly regulated. The
facts do however raise the question of whether the early Suhrawardi shaykhs
in Multan had their own reasons to be hiding their ‘real beliefs,’ since they
seem to have been the odd ones out, who were neither Shi'a nor qalandars, yet
supported both denominations.
Zakiriyya’s theological connection to the Ja'fari fiqh

Due to the loss of all the malfuzat literature related to Zakiriyya, no further
details on his religious connections are available. However, one prayer manual
for his khanqah has survived, and has been recently re-edited and published by
the Pakistan and Iran Centre for Research on the Persian language. Although
it does not deal with metaphysics, which would have yielded greater clues to
his hidden religiosity, the text reveals unexpected prayer prescriptions by a Sufi
master who was allegedly an orthodox Sunni. When coupled with his qalandar
and Isma'ili connections (next chapter), the prayer manual gives Zakiriyya’s
persona a cryptic Shi'a colouring.
Firstly, in the manual, there is not a single salutation to the companions
of the Prophet, which is standard practice in Sunni Islam, as it awards the
companions a high status along with the Family of the Prophet. All the
78 See al-Huda 2003, p.117.
prescribed salutations are exclusively for the Family of the Prophet, in traditional
Shi'a format, and there are certain extended versions that this author has not
encountered before.79 Moreover, the Durud Ibrahimi or Salutation to Abraham’s
descendants (and then to the Prophet’s descendants), used by Twelvers, and by
Isma'ilis to this day for the Aga Khan, is also mentioned a number of times.80
Secondly, the section on Muharram contains the prescription (by Zakiriyya) of
one hundred rak'at or units in prayer for the night of 10 Muharram, or 'Ashura.
A similar hundred-unit prayer is prescribed for the night of 'Ashura by the
Ja'fari School of jurisprudence, traditionally used by Isma'ilis and Twelvers,
and is present in all standard Twelver prayer manuals today.81 In the modern
era, such obligatory and supererogatory prayers were observed by the Nizari
Isma'ili community, until 1904, when the third Aga Khan Sultan Muhammad
abolished their necessary observance.
Shah Rukn-e-'Alam
Sadr al-din 'Arif ’s son Rukn al-din Abul Fath was born on Friday 26 November
1251,82 and went on to succeed him as Shah Rukn-e 'Alam. He was a favourite
of his grandfather Zakiriyya, who groomed him to be the future head of
Suhrawardi Order from childhood, much to the disapproval of his father
Sadr al-din 'Arif. He used to don his grandfather’s turban symbolically from
the age of four. He was brought up and educated in his youth by Zakiriyya,
who looked after his upbringing until his own death.83 Eminent Suhrawardi
scholars and luminaries of the time were then appointed to educate and train
Rukn-e-'Alam, a process which took place in Zakiriyya’s khanqah in Multan.
Ahmad Nabi Khan, relying on Tarikh-e-Farishta, (wrongly) describes
Rukn-e-'Alam’s date of succession as being 1309 at the age of sixty, after the
death of his father Sadr al-din 'Arif.84 In the timeline of this book this seems
79 See Zakiriyya 1978, pp. 53 & 59.

80 Ibid, p 40.
81 Qummi 1872, p.481.
82 Khan 1983, p.215: Tarikh-e-Farishta vol.1, p.775. Although correct here, the dates
quoted by Ahmad Nabi Khan at times do not coincide with other sources, while Farishta
is also occasionally unreliable in terms of dates. Farishta puts Pir Shams’s arrival date
in Multan a century later than it is mentioned in Isma'ili literature: Hollister 1953,
p.353.
83 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.211: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.141-142.
84 Khan 1983, p.215: Tarikh-e-Farishta vol.1, p.775.
rather late, and does not account for the twenty four odd years between the
generally reported death of his father and his suggested date of succession by
Khan.85 Qamar al-Huda states that 'Arif ’s death and (hence) Rukn-e-'Alam’s
coronation took place in 1285.86 One factor to consider here is the antagonism
that existed between Rukn-e-'Alam’s father and Prince Muhammad, the son
of emperor Balban. In addition, Balban was succeeded by two rulers for very
short periods, between 1287 and 1290, both of whom were incompetent and
had weak governments. The weakness in Delhi suggests an automatically
stronger Suhrawardi Order in Multan, enough for Rukn-e-'Alam to reassert
the position of the order after the Prince Muhammad affair. It is most likely
that Rukn-e-'Alam did become his father’s spiritual successor to lead the
Suhrawardi Order in 1285 as al-Huda states, but without an imperial mandate,
due to his father’s problems with the state.
In 1290 a new dynasty, the Khaljis, took over from the Slave dynasty in
Delhi,87 and it is here that Rukn-e-'Alam’s first connections to the imperial
seat of power are reported. Rukn-e-'Alam was appointed Shaykh al-Islam by
'Ala al-din Khalji, who ascended the throne in 1292. He remained Shaykh
al-Islam throughout the Khalji and Tughluq periods.88 It would be safe to
conclude that between the death of his father in 1285 and the coming to power
of 'Ala al-din Khalji in 1292, Rukn-e-'Alam was indeed the chief Suhrawardi
shaykh, administering Multan in the same way Zakiriyya had done before
Nasir al-din Qabacha’s governorship-as its de facto ruler in the absence of
clear authority. Subsequently however, it is reported that Rukn-e-'Alam also
accepted the largest ever land grant given by the Sultanate to a Sufi order.
After being the Khalji Shaykh al-Islam for many years, he used his political
clout to intercede with the incoming Tughluqs in 1320, to save the lives of
Khalji family members.89
85 Khan probably makes his statement based on a faulty date of death for Sadr al-din 'Arif
by his primary source Farishta.
86 Al-Huda 2003, p.123.
87 Five dynasties rose and fell in Delhi during the Sultanate era after Mu'izz al-din Sam’s
assassination in 1206. The first was the Slave dynasty (1206-90) of Sam’s ex-slave
governors and their successors. This was followed by the Khalji dynasty (1290-1320),
the Tughluq dynasty (1320-1413), the Sayyid dynasty (1414-51), and the Lodhi dynasty
(1451-1526).
88 Khan 1986, p.215: Tarikh-e-Farishta vol.1, p.775.
89 Al-Huda 2003, p.124: Tarikh-e-Firuz Shahi, p.249. This is reported from a post-Khalji
source, and it is not specified if the land grant was made by the Khaljis; but as Rukn-e-
'Alam had interceded on their behalf with the Tughluqs, it was probably a Khalji grant.
It is not clear if Rukn-e-'Alam continued his predecessor’s policy of

maintaining close connections with heterodoxy during the time he was held
in favour at Delhi. But he is known to have institutionalised the Suhrawardi
khanqah in Multan more than ever before, and in accepting the land grant he
made it economically subservient to the Sultanate. It would appear that due
to his father’s asceticism, the Suhrawardi Order’s funds may have run out. He
subsequently visited Delhi four times. Rukn-e-'Alam’s economic ties to Delhi
compromised his authority in the long run, and were in stark contrast to the
open independence exercised by his grandfather in all affairs. He visited 'Ala
al-din Khalji twice in Delhi in person.90 He also visited 'Ala al-din’s successor
Mubarak Shah (ruled 1316-1320). On this, his third visit, Mubarak tried to
persuade him to open a Suhrawardi khanqah in Delhi to counter the influence
of the renowned Chishti shaykh Nizam al-din Awliya, which he refused.91
Shah Rukn-e-'Alam enjoyed good relations with the first Tughluq Sultan
Ghiyath al-din (ruled 1320-1325), with whom he had negotiated to save the
lives of Khalji family members. Ghiyath al-din, also known as Ghazi Malik,
was a Khalji governor in a principality near Multan before becoming sultan,92
when Rukn-e-'Alam was serving as Shaykh al-Islam for the Khaljis. Hence it
would not be wrong to assume that the two knew of each other. Rukn-e-'Alam
and Ghiyath al-din are finally reported to have met on the former’s fourth
visit to Delhi, when Ghiyath al-din had become sultan. During the visit, when
Rukn-e-'Alam spent a few years in the city, the famous saint Nizam al-din
Awliya (1238-1325) died.93 Rukn-e-'Alam’s stay was extended because of
Nizam al-din’s death, and presumably involved him with state functionaries
more than ever before.
Rukn-e-'Alam’s conflict with local authorities

Not much is known about Rukn-e-'Alam’s heterodox associations except that
he is shown to have initiated a certain Shah Yusuf Ghirdez (probably Gardez)
into the order at Multan.94 There is a high chance of this person being the
90 It is reported that on each of his visits 'Ala al-din paid Rukn-e-'Alam 20000 tankas on
arrival, and 500000 on his departure: Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p.211: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.141-
142.
91 Ibid.
92 Khan 1983, p.215: Tughluq Namah, p.63.
93 Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p.212: Siyar al-Awliya, pp.141-142.
94 Al-Huda 2003, p.116.
descendant of an earlier Twelver Shi'a ascetic who bore a similar name, Yusuf
Shah Gardez (b.1026-1152), about whom Toynbee has written in his book
Between Oxus and Jumna.95 Shah Yusuf Ghirdez also succeeded Rukn-e-'Alam’s
nephew Hud to become the last Suhrawardi shaykh in Multan, after the latter’s
short term as shaykh.96 The Gardezi family of Multan has historically been
Twelver Shi'a, and has never practised dissimulation about its beliefs.
The death of Nizam al-din Awliya in 1325 coincided with the coronation
of Ghiyath al-din’s successor Muhammad Tughluq, during Rukn-e-'Alam’s
two-year stay in Delhi. There are no comprehensive reports of what happened
in terms of power relations in Delhi at this point, but Rukn-e-'Alam’s good
relationship with Ghiyath al-din was replaced by a problematic one with
Muhammad Tughluq. It is reported that Rukn-e-'Alam accepted a grand
donation of one hundred villages from Muhammad Tughluq.97 However,
this cannot qualify as ‘the largest land grant the order ever accepted from
the state,’ and the confrontational nature of the relationship between the
two men suggests that the report is either faulty, or the grant’s real nature/
purpose is miscommunicated. From the time of his coronation, Muhammad
Tughluq’s problems with Rukn-e-'Alam and the Suhrawardi Order were set
to continue beyond Multan, into the order’s Uch period. Certain sources from
the Tughluqid era portray their relationship as being cordial, but this seems to
be in line with the general practice of writing cosmetic histories.98
The Multan revolt

Relations between the order and Muhammad Tughluq appear to have especially
deteriorated after a revolt in 1328 by Multan’s governor Aiba Kishlu Khan. It
is reported that after the Sultan had crushed the revolt, he ordered a general
massacre of the inhabitants, who were suspected to be rebel sympathisers,
and (had) flayed alive the qadi or chief judge. Rukn-e-'Alam retreated into
meditation for 7 days in protest, remerging afterwards to save more lives, and
95 Toynbee 1961, p.15.

96 Al-Huda 2003, p.128: Tarikh-e-Firuz Shahi, pp. 96-98.
97 Ibid, p.125.
98 There is mention of an incident when Muhammad marched on Multan during a
rebellion, and Rukn-e-'Alam is supposed to have blessed him for it. A second source
states that the Sultan gave up the same attack on the Shaykh’s request, when neither
incident really took place: Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p.213: Futuh al-Salatin, p.443.
asked for a city-wide amnesty.99 According to al-Huda, Multan was full of

seditious groups under the Tughluqs. The nature of this revolt is not clear,
but it is said that the inhabitants had turned to Rukn-e-'Alam for help and
assistance.100 These reports are, however, from Barani’s Tarikh-e-Firuz Shahi,
written for the Tughluqid court, which would have suppressed any religious or
sectarian reasons for the revolt, especially if connected to the Shaykh al-Islam
of the empire or his order.101 During the rebellion, Rukn-e-'Alam’s brother
was forced to impersonate the Sultan and was subsequently killed,102 which
suggests a link between members of Rukn-e-'Alam’s family and the uprising.
It is possible that the old Isma'ili presence in Multan participated in the
rebellion. There are no clear references to Isma'ilism, or to Shi'ism in general
for this period; but credence is lent to their presence because of Muhammad
Tughluq’s religious bigotry. He later died in 1351 during an expedition in
lower Sind, while suppressing a similar rebellion by the local population of
Thatta, which according to reports ‘had joined certain escaped rebels.’103 The
Sind revolt is believed to have involved Isma'ilis, but due to a lack of detail on
Muhammad Tughluq’s military campaigns, no evidence is available for it. All
references to Muhammad Tughluq’s rule come from a court history written
in the time of his successor Firuz Shah (ruled 1351-1388), who patronised
such works.
In the aftermath of the Multan rebellion, the Sultan made the Suhrawardi
Order completely subservient to his will in all its affairs, a process he had
started a few years earlier on his coronation (in 1325), when Rukn-e-'Alam
was present in Delhi. It is not clear if the suppression of the order was due to
its involvement in the rebellion, considering that Rukn-e-'Alam’s brother was
made to impersonate the Sultan during the fighting, or if the rebellion just
became a means to this end.
Muhammad Tughluq’s control over the Suhrawardi Order

Muhammad Tughluq’s desire to control the Suhrawardi Order could well have
had something to do with the order’s religious connections, and the multitude
99 Al-Huda 2003, p.126: Tarikh-e-Firuz Shahi, p.470.

100 Ibid.
101 In the previous paragraph, we have already seen the same book speak of the grand
donation of a hundred villages to Rukn-e-'Alam.

102 Al-Huda 2003, p.126, from Ibn Battuta’s Rihlah, vol. 2, see p.157.
103 Holt, Lambton, and Lewis 1977, p.18.
of ideas taking refuge under its umbrella, since the time of Zakiriyya and
Sadr al-din 'Arif. Some of these connections were probably also involved
in the rebellion. One can infer this from the fact that after the rebellion,
it became obligatory for every visitor to obtain permission from the wali or
governor of Multan before putting up in the Suhrawardi khanqah in the city.
The Tughluqid control of the khanqah forbade any traveller to stay there
unless permission was granted from the Sultan (or his governor).104 These
restrictions show great suspicion on the part of imperial authorities in regard
to the khanqah’s visitors. The new rules in principle barred anyone considered
undesirable by the authorities from entering the khanqah premises, and
virtually amounted to house arrest for Rukn-e-'Alam. Rizvi states that many
works were attributed to Rukn-e-'Alam, including a malfuzat, but that none
have survived; hence one cannot assess the Suhrawardi view of these events.
The only aspect of the Multan khanqah that remained immune from official
control was the succession of the new shaykh, while all the other functions were
regulated by the Sultan (through his new governor). 105 This last remaining
institutional freedom, the office of succession, was also lost to the order when
Rukn-e-'Alam died. As Rukn-e-'Alam had no children, Muhammad Tughluq
intervened directly between the contenders to appoint his nephew Hud as
the next shaykh. He later had Hud arrested and executed on a trumped-up
charge of wealth acquisition and sedition, based on a complaint made by the
governor of Multan.106
And thus Muhammad Tughluq’s concerted effort to acquire absolute control
of the Suhrawardi khanqah in Multan and turn it into a state institution
climaxed, with every facet of the lodge’s existence coming under his direct
control. Multan’s location at the crossroads of greater Khurasan (of which
northern Afghanistan was a part), and India, coupled with the Suhrawardi
Order’s connections to heterodox and anti-state elements, must have become
an administrative nightmare for the imperial authorities, especially after
the Multan revolt. After the execution of Shaykh Hud, to demonstrate his
detachment from the Suhrawardi Order, Muhammad Tughluq publicly
started taking a greater interest in the Chishtis. He attended the annual death
anniversary of the Chishti saint Mu'in al-din in Ajmer over twelve times in
his last years.107
104 Al-Huda 2003, p.126.

105 Ibid.
106 Ibid, p.128, also see Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p. 214: Ibn Battuta, Rihlah, vol. 2, p.145.
107 Al-Huda 2003, p.127: Futuh al-Salatin, p. 460.
The demise of the Suhrawardi Order in Multan under the Tughluqs

The Suhrawardi Order remained without official leadership after Hud, as
a succeeding shaykh is not mentioned conclusively. However, the khanqah
continued to function under state supervision, until Muhammad Tughluq’s
successor Firuz Shah (1351-1388) finally appointed Yusuf Ghirdez (Gardez)
as the Shaykh al-Islam.108 This is the same Yusuf (Gardez) who had been
initiated by Rukn-e-'Alam. The delayed and obscure appointment was perhaps
the final attempt to undermine the order. Tension is reported to have developed
between Yusuf and Firuz Shah, especially on the Chishti issue.109 Firuz
Shah, on a follow-up campaign against rebels in Sind who had not been fully
suppressed by Muhammad Tughluq, visited all the local Chishti khanqahs in
Multan while returning to Delhi, but did not visit even one Suhrawardi lodge.
Yusuf Ghirdez was very offended and complained to the Sultan, requesting
him to at least visit Zakiriyya’s shrine as a mark of respect, which the Sultan
did not do.110 This refusal to honour Yusuf, the Shaykh al-Islam whom Firuz
Shah had appointed himself, and the shrine of Zakiriyya, who was regarded
as the greatest Sufi of that era, proved to be the final nail in the coffin of the
Suhrawardi Order in Multan.
Firuz Shah Tughluq was instrumental in shifting the axis of favour away
from the Suhrawardi Order entirely, towards the Chishtis. In his autobiography,
he writes about rebellions in his era, as narrated to his scribes. He states, ‘(In
my reign) A sect of Rawafid (Shi'a) tried to mislead the people, so I burnt
their books and severely punished their leaders. Just a little later on, another
sect of heretics endeared the citizens. I killed their leaders mercilessly, and
imprisoned the survivors, and hence the people were rid once and for all of
this abominable evil.111
The sectarian aspect of the civil conf lict in the Sultanate during the
Tughluqid era becomes clearer from this quotation. The only places in the
empire in the mid-Sultanate era which had large Shi'a and Isma'ili populations
were the regions of Multan and Sind. In addition to Multan, it was in Sind
that both Firuz Shah and Muhammad Tughluq suppressed rebellions. It is
important to understand that the situation with seditious groups, previously
mentioned with respect to Multan, and the rebellion in which Rukn-e-'Alam
108 Ibid: Tarikh-e- Firuz Shahi, pp. 96-98.

109 Ibid.
110 Ibid.
111 Firuz Shah Sultan of Delhi 1954, vol.3, p. 377-378.
protested while the inhabitants were being massacred by Muhammad Tughluq,

were probably in part of a sectarian nature. Unfortunately, there is no text like
Firuz Shah’s Futuhat-i-Firuz Shahi available for the reign of Muhammad
Tughluq, which would have yielded greater insights into the role played
by Multan’s Suhrawardi shaykhs in supporting heterodox groups opposing
Tughluqid rule. However, the coincidence between sectarianism, multiple
rebellions and Muhammad Tughluq’s personal antagonism towards Rukn-e-
'Alam, does raise a few questions. It is possible that the loss of the malfuzat
and other works reported for the first three Suhrawardi shaykhs in Multan is
related to the burning of books mentioned by Firuz Shah. A fact in favour of
this argument is the survival of much of the court produced literature from
the same era.
The scheme to bring to heel a well-entrenched religious organisation with
heterodox, and at times clearly sectarian connections, was very carefully
executed by the Tughluqs over a couple of generations. Before that, the earlier
Turkic dynasties of the Sultanate era, in the first hundred years after Mu'izz
al-din Sam’s death, were not established enough to challenge Zakiriyya’s
international network. In contrast, by the mid-Sultanate era, the Chishti
Order at Ajmer became the obvious choice for imperial patronage, as it was
less secretive, and was not financially vibrant enough to challenge the state;
most of its adherents lived in absolute poverty. It was also more orthodox in
its religiosity, something which suited the image of the good king facilitating
conservative Islam. After Firuz Shah, the Suhrawardi Order at Multan simply
slid into oblivion.
Conclusion
This chapter illustrates the larger religious scenario in the Middle East and
South-western Asia, at the beginning of which the Suhrawardi Order in Iraq
had established connections with a ‘reformed’ Isma'ilism in the person of
Hasan III. It also demonstrates a tendency amongst certain Shi'a groups to use
Sufism for dissimulation, especially in regions like Iraq, which were previously
ruled by Shi'a denominations in the tenth century. Here, Isma'ilism took the
lead by using the appearance of the common Sufi, or the wandering dervish/
qalandar, as a disguise for its missionaries and assassins. As seen, even some
Sufi literature, like that of 'Attar and Abu Hafs himself, gave Shi'a metaphysical
ideas a hidden voice when they could not be heard otherwise.
Daftary states that the Sufi exterior adopted by the Nizari Isma'ilis would
not have been possible if these two esoteric traditions in Islam did not have
a common ground, but this is something that has been brought forward only
recently and needs to be researched further.112 It is also visible from the analysis
in the Introduction and this chapter, that in the period covered by this book,
Twelver Shi'ism and Isma'ilism were not opposed to each other. However, in
this relationship Isma'ilism was certainly the more proactive religious partner.
It is what Daftary describes as tariqa or literally ‘order’ Shi'ism, or what in this
book is called the ‘tariqa stage of Sufism.’ This is in reference to its propagation
by certain Sufi orders, where the agenda was not to propagate a certain Shi'a
sect, but rather the ‘Shi'itization of (a dominant) Sunnism.’ These Sufi orders
remained outwardly Sunni for quite some time after their founding, following
one of the four Sunni theological schools, but being especially devoted to the
first Shi'a Imam 'Ali and acknowledging his high spiritual stature.113 According
to Daftary, this Shi'a-Sufi relationship, initially spearheaded by Isma'ilism,
was to be the primary cause for the resurgence of Shi'ism in its Twelver form
under the Safavids in Iran, in the post-Mongol era.114 Another reason for the
popularity of this Sufi-Shi'a garb was the destruction of the post-Seljuq Sunni
elites of the Khwarazm Empire in Iran by the Mongols.
In Multan, the Suhrawardi Order under Zakiriyya and his descendants
continued Abu Hafs’s policy of maintaining close connections with heterodox
elements which had links to Shi'ism. In addition to the few Twelvers who were
initiated, the biggest such group were the many qalandars who joined the order
under Zakiriyya and his son 'Arif. Although they revere the Twelve Imams,
their rejection of the shari'a and extreme veneration for the Prophet’s family
are characteristics which make the religiosity of the qalandars synonymous
with early Isma'ili asceticism. In the middle Indus region, this commonality
is strengthened by the blood relationship between Pir Shams and Shahbaz
Qalandar. Obviously, the syncretic religious environment of the Indus region
and weak central government (in Delhi) gave Zakiriyya the freedom to go a
step ahead of his Iraqi mentor Abu Hafs, in forming, fostering, and maintaining
heterodox relations. However, since the Indus region escaped the devastation
of a full-blown Mongol invasion unlike the Middle East, the local Turkic
elites here matured quickly to become imperial dynasties, and successfully
112 Daftary 2007, pp.419-420.

113 Ibid, pp.426-427. The basis of the metaphysical difference between Shi'ism and
Sunnism is the superiority of 'Ali over the first three Sunni caliphs, which is explained
through a concept called ('Alis) vice-regency; in principle this concept is also followed
by all early Sufi orders.
114 Ibid.
suppressed all heterodoxy, including the qalandar-friendly Suhrawardi Order.

This is evident from Muhammad Tughluq’s military campaigns and Firuz
Shah’s autobiography.
It must be asserted that during the Sultanate era, the Shaykh al-Islam
was an office higher than the Sadr al-Sudur or the chief director of religious
affairs, who was responsible for overseeing that all laws in the empire were in
agreement with the shari'a.115 This made the Suhrawardi shaykhs who carried
the title the highest religious authorities in the empire. When the Suhrawardi
shaykh was the Shaykh al-Islam of the empire, in principle his initiates enjoyed
protection from state persecution. Based in the provincial capital Multan,
away from Delhi’s prying eyes, the Shaykh al-Islam could easily use his clout
to protect the people he favoured. This is the reason why these shaykhs had a
free hand in initiating Shi'a elements. Firuz Shah’s autobiography citing his
eagerness to persecute heretical elements would naturally also include those
who protected them. Hence, the Tughluqs came down hard on Rukn-e-'Alam
and his Suhrawardi successors. The Shi'a-qalandar connection was probably
the major cause behind the fluctuating relationship between the Suhrawardi
Order and the state, culminating in its destruction at the hands of the Tughluq
dynasty.
115 al-Huda 2003, p. 194n.b
CHAPTER
Two
Shams
Dispelling anecdotes about Uch

In modern times, Uch is famous for its patron saints, Jalal al-din Surkhposh
and his descendants, who made it a Suhrawardi centre after the order had
literally ceased to exist in Multan due to Tughluqid persecution. Surkhposh
was one of Zakiriyya’s later initiates, who had been commissioned to set up a
Suhrawardi khanqah in Uch.1 The execution of Rukn-e-'Alam’s nephew and
successor Hud on sedition charges by Muhammad Tughluq was probably
accompanied by a purge of suspected sympathisers in Multan. However, Firuz
Shah’s snubbing of Zakiriyya’s tomb and Multan’s Suhrawardi khanqahs during
his visit was not accompanied by any (reported) anti-Suhrawardi activity in
Uch. Therefore, it can be assumed that even after the axis of imperial favour
had shifted entirely towards the Chishti Order in Multan, Uch continued as
a Suhrawardi centre under Surkhposh’s descendants. This process was most
certainly aided by a second religious phenomenon the headquarters of which
were based in Uch. The Isma'ili da'wa or religious mission in Multan had
survived its progenitor, Pir Shams, and had made Uch its headquarters. Pir
Shams was Zakiriyya’s contemporary. The da'wa continued at full strength in
Uch in the post-Zakiriyya period, during the time of Muhammad Tughluq’s
military campaigns in Multan and Sind, and Firuz Shah’s self-assumed
massacres of heretics.
1 See al-Huda 2003, p.117, diagram of Suhrawardi shaykhs.
Shams 59
The faulty periodisation of Pir Shams

Pir Shams’s biography to date is mostly anecdotal and at times historically
inaccurate. Some scholars of Isma'ilism have misplaced his mission by nearly
one hundred years, and give the date of his death as 1356.2 Farishta gives his
arrival in Kashmir as being in 1496, which would date him three hundred years
after Zakiriyya. An Isma'ili text from the Gujarat, the Satveni-ji Vel, states
that Pir Shams was actually the Isma'ili Imam of his time (also called Shams),
namely Imam Shams al-din (b.1240s), who was the son of the last Imam of
Alamut. The text claims that Imam Shams al-din left the Imamate to his son
Qasim Shah in 1310 and came to India in disguise, and states this to be the
reason behind Pir Shams’s remarkable spiritual powers.3 Similar exaggerations
and misleading dates have also found their way into his connections with the
Suhrawardi Sufi Order.
A chart in a Suhrawardi text from Multan that gives the chronology of
Suhrawardi shaykhs in that city shows Pir Shams as having succeeded Yusuf
Shah Ghirdez,4 which suggests that he lived during Firuz Shah’s reign (1351-
1388). In this it corresponds with the mistakes made by Isma'ili scholars
and others about dating Shams’s life. The chart however does claim a direct
connection between Pir Shams and the Suhrawardi Order in Multani Sufi
hagiography. While some of Shams’s own descendants were known to have
been Suhrawardi Sufis in Uch, there is no real proof to suggest that Pir Shams,
like his cousin Shahbaz Qalandar, was initiated into the Suhrawardi Order.
His real date of birth shows that he was Zakiriyya’s contemporary more than
anything else.
Contrary to Pir Shams being the Isma'ili Imam in disguise and arriving in
India in 1310, nearly a hundred years after Mu'izz al-din Sam’s assassination
in 1206, the real Shams was reportedly born on 29 May 1165,5 and died in
1276. The date of Shams’s birth suggested by Zawahir Moir seems to be
accurate, as it supports his famous tussle with Zakiriyya, which is mentioned
in Isma'ili sources and in Multani oral tradition. Shams had shifted to Multan
2 Hollister 1953, p.335: Ivanow in JBBRAS, XII, 1936, p.60.

3 Ibid.
4 Al-Huda 2003, p.116: Farhat Multani (1980) Awliya-i Multan, Multan: Ayaz
Publications, p.17-91
5 Zawahir Moir/Noorally, ‘Hazrat Pir Shams al-din Sabzwari Multani’ in Abdal al-
Isma' iliyya, p. 83 ff. Also see Daftary 2007, p.385.
permanently in 1201 at the age of thirty-six.6 This was just a few years after
his contemporary Zakiriyya (born 3 June 1171, died 1262) had returned from
Iraq, to start his Suhrawardi khanqah in Multan around 1188.
According to Isma'ili sources, Shams’s father, Pir Salah al-din, was the
chief Isma'ili hujjat or da'i for Balkh (eastern Khurasan) and India (Sind and
Punjab in modern-day Pakistan). Shams inherited the da'wa from his father
in his early thirties, and moved through the region of eastern Khurasan and
the Punjab in the late 1190s, preaching Isma'ili doctrines.7 During his early
travels, Shams is said to have visited Uch a few times first, reportedly restoring
life to a local ruler’s son, before settling in Multan in 1201.8 If the reference
here is to the city of Uch and not its surroundings, this ruler could only be
one of the Ghorid governors of Uch under Mu'izz al-din Sam, as there were
no other rulers based in the city at that time.9
It is important to note here that Shams’s arrival in Uch in the 1190s and
his subsequent fame barely predate Mu'izz al-din Sam’s murder by an Isma'ili
assassin. Resurgent Isma'ili activity in the middle Indus region eventually
benef ited the new Ghorid governor Qabacha, by giving him a kingdom on
Mu'izz al-din Sam’s death. Although there is no evidence to suggest that the
local Isma'ilis were connected to this assassination, their involvement cannot
be ruled out, mainly due to the extreme cruelty of the Ghorids. In 1175
Mu'izz al-din personally massacred Isma'ilis in Multan, before appointing 'Ali
Karmakh as governor in Uch, who followed a similar policy.10 These details
have been explored in the last chapter and seem to suggest with some certainty
an undeclared triangle between Zakiriyya, Shams and Qabacha, one which
must have ultimately left Qabacha very shaky. The feverish level of Isma'ili
missionary work carried out by Shams in the region during this period could
6 Khan 1983, p.204: A.J. Cunara, Nur al-Mubin, a text on Isma'ili history and religious
figures compiled under the third Aga Khan in the early twentieth century.
7 Ibid. According to Zawahir Moir, Shams’s f irst arrival in Multan was in 1175-80 at a
very young age, coinciding with the Isma'ili da'i Satgur Nur’s mission in the Gujarat.
This is notable as Shams’s initial arrival actually precedes Zakiriyya’s return to Multan
in 1188, suggesting on-going Isma'ili activity in the city.
8 Ibid. This sequence of events as reported by Khan complements Zawahir Moir’s
reportage for Shams’s arrival in the region of Uch, if not in Multan itself.
9 Local tradition mentions Shams resorting life to a Turko-Mongol king’s son. Hence,
it is likely that the incident involved a Ghorid (Turkic) governor, rather than a Hindu
chief or monarch.
10 See Chapter 1, ‘The Suhrawardi Order in Multan.’
Shams 61
not have taken place without some kind of official tolerance or discretion.
This tolerance however may not have been voluntary, and could have been a
necessity borne out of mutual interdependence, most likely between Qabacha
and Zakiriyya. As will be seen later, their association obviously went sour at
some point, but only after Shams had completed the groundwork for his da'wa.
The historical and political analysis of the Multan region in the last
chapter demonstrates Zakiriyya’s role as its kingmaker. It is unlikely that
Shams could have operated on the scale that he did, especially as reported in
Isma'ili sources, without official protection or tolerance. Although there is no
report of Zakiriyya directly supporting or protecting Shams, unlike the many
qalandars that he initiated, perhaps there was an understanding between them
behind the scenes. This argument is supported by the fact that Shams’s initial
missionary work was in Uch, which was the seat of the Ghorid governor,
when Zakiriyya was based in Multan, supporting that same governor. Shams
simply could not have operated in Uch without a cover. And if Zakiriyya did
provide that support, a simple reason for the governor to comply would be the
f inancial and spiritual clout that he (i.e. Qabacha) needed from Zakiriyya to
remain ruler, in a region of continuous strife. We have seen in the last chapter
that at the time Zakiriyya was richer than the state treasury and on occasion
actually bankrolled the governor. In addition, prior to the Mongol invasions,
Zakiriyya’s international network with established Suf is and their khanqahs
in the larger region must have been a force to be reckoned with.
This chapter primarily deals with the part that Shams’s personality and
the events of his life played in the development of the religious environment
of the middle Indus region, especially in terms of multi-faith doctrines. It
reconstructs his spiritual legacy and biography using oral traditions, Isma'ili
ginans or mystical poetry, ceremonies recorded at his shrine, and geography.
The chapter later explores the enigmatic tie between certain Isma'ili ceremonies
started by Shams, and the secret iconography found on the monuments of the
Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch, connections which were consciously
kept hidden from the common eye and have remained so for eight hundred
years. These connections will be explained in greater detail in the following
chapters.
The itinerary of Shams’s arrival in Multan

Pir Shams’s early arrival in the region of Multan, before Zakiriyya’s return
from Iraq as Abu Hafs’s deputy, has been discussed above. Although historical
evidence, and Isma'ili sources as interpreted by ginan expert Zawahir Moir,
establish Uch as the first headquarters for Shams’s da'wa; the place of Shams’s
initial passage through the region, as the teenage son of the chief Isma'ili da'i,
is said to have been Multan. Hence Shams’s connection to Multan is an old
one. The story of Shams’s arrival in the city, associated with his fame more
than Uch, and his being granted a place outside the citadel walls to preach,
after the initial hatred of the Multanis, is the subject of both local folklore and
Isma'ili poetry. Some of the anecdotally reported events have been quoted by
latter-day historians, but most of these are as references to Shams’s shrine in
Multan, which was to become his permanent headquarters.11
The details of Shams’s arrival in local Multani folklore are extraordinary
descriptions, which dwell on his supernatural feats, including amongst
others, crossing a river on a paper boat while escaping from his enemies,
and summoning down the Sun to cook a bird, due to which he became very
popular.12 However, the Uch period of his da'wa is comparatively less known,
except through a few Isma'ili references, which also hold the key to his
biography; these will be examined below. An important aspect of Shams’s first
arrival in the region, as noted by Zawahir Moir, is that he was the contemporary
of another ‘miracle-wielding’ Isma'ili missionary from Alamut, Satgur Nur,
who preached in the Gujarat.
In the absence of primary sources, oral reports on Shams from Multan and
Uch are central to ascertaining the chronology of his early movements, before
he finally came to rest at the site of his (current) shrine, which was initially
his khanqah. Shams’s shrine in Multan is located only a mile down the hill
from the khanqah complex of his contemporary Zakiriyya, then the de facto
ruler of the city. Shams’s unannounced arrival at the city gates, his fame and
his subsequent antagonism with Zakiriyya, are well-recorded and at times
exaggerated events. Most scholars who have written about Shams’s arrival in
Multan usually take the Isma'ili (ginanic) view, of a spiritual contest between
Shams and Zakiriyya that Zakiriyya lost.13 Other historians report the event
more mutedly, as Zakiriyya’s short-lived resentment of Shams.14
However, the fact that Zakiriyya was the most inf luential person in Multan
at the time is well-established. Hence, Shams’s accommodation within the city
11 Khan 1983, p.205.

12 See Malcom 1829, vol. 2, p.282. These are reports similar to the ones about his raising
a local ruler’s son from the dead (in Uch).
13 Kassam 1995, p.378.
14 Zakiriyya ordered the Multanis to withhold the serving of food and drink to Shams:
Malcom 1829, vol. 2, p.282.
Shams 63
walls and his preaching Isma'ili doctrines just a mile from Zakiriyya’s own
khanqah could not have proceeded unsupported. In essence, considering the
older Isma'ili connection to the Suhrawardi Order in the form of Abu Hafs
in Iraq, and Zakiriyya’s own empathy for heterodoxy through his qalandar
connections, one can easily surmise to say that Zakiriyya must have somehow
tolerated the Isma'ili doctrines Shams preached at his front door. It must be
remembered that Shams settled in Multan in 1201. If the report is correct,
this would be just a few years after Qabacha became the governor of Uch,
on the death of the previous anti-Isma'ili governor 'Ali Karmakh. In such a
scenario, Shams’s only tacit support and protection to operate freely in Multan
would be Zakiriyya.
Satvarani Vadi
The famous story of Shams summoning the Sun down in Multan is frequently
mentioned in both oral traditions and Isma'ili poetry, as are his movements in
the region. The reports in Isma'ili ginans are remarkably similar to those in
local folklore in terms of events, but there is some confusion in the names of
places, and greater confusion still in the chronology of events. Shackle and Moir
have transcribed a part of the ginan, Satvarani Vadi, or ‘The Greater Account
of Truth’, which describes the Isma'ili version of Shams calling the Sun down
to cook food for his young disciple.15 Some of Shams’s geographical movements
as mentioned in this ginan differ from those reported in local folklore for the
same event. The confusion is amplified by the allegorical language of the
ginan, which gives fabulous accounts for Shams’s life.
The Satvarani Vadi manuscript describes the story of Shams’s arrival in the
country in great detail. Like some other sources and folklore, the ginan records
his first place of arrival as Uch. It states that the ruler of ‘that city’ Baha al-din
(Zakiriyya) observed Shams’s arrival from his riverside palace on the opposite
bank, and did not welcome it.16 Shams responded first by sailing a paper boat
15 Shackle and Moir 2000, pp.134-135.

16 Satvarani Vadi (private MS), p.132 ff. This specific ginan uses allegorical references to
describe Shams’s actual movements and the events surrounding his life. These reports
should not be interpreted strictly. Hence, the reference herein to ‘that city,’ can actually
be to Multan, which lies across a river from Uch. There is no possibility of Zakiriyya
having had a ‘palace’ in Uch. His khanqah was located in Multan on the citadel mound,
which is physically far removed from any river. The reference in the ginan is probably to
Zakiriyya initially having heard about Shams’s arrival, and not having appreciated it.
to demonstrate his spiritual prowess.17 He then gave Zakiriyya a ‘side glance’

(allegory), because of which two horns grew from Zakiriyya’s head in fear.
The horns projected upwards (from Zakiriyya’s head) into the ceiling of his
palace’s balcony, marooning him there. They had to be eventually sawed off
(to free him).18 Subsequently communication was established between the two
(opponents) through Zakiriyya’s son, Shaykh Sadr, who found Shams sitting in
a mosque. He brought a message from Zakiriyya saying that there was no place
for new ascetics in Multan, represented by a bowl full of milk. Sadr was first
rebuked by Shams for Zakiriyya’s Sunnism, by his moulding three mounds of
ash on the ground as a reference to Zakiriyya’s orthodoxy.19 Shams then sent a
reply to Zakiriyya by placing a rose in the bowl of milk as representing himself,
which Sadr took back.20 The rose signified that Shams would supersede all
the other Sufis in the city.21 The reference to Zakiriyya as the ruler of Uch
in the ginan could also be representative (in ginanic allegory) of his power, as
eclipsing that of the local (Ghorid) governor (who was based in Uch).
According to the ginan, news of Shams’s arrival then reached ‘the city.’
In this case, due to the reply having been sent back to Zakiriyya through the
bowl of milk, the city should be read as Multan where Zakiriyya was based,
and the event as the arrival of Shams’s fame to it. However, Shams’s own entry
into Multan is not mentioned in the manuscript at this point, suggesting that
he was still based elsewhere. Perhaps he was still in Uch where the ginan
mentions him as having arrived first. Based on fieldwork this author suggests
17 Ibid. The confusion between Uch and Multan starts here, with the ginan giving the
impression that the boat-sailing event actually took place in Multan, where this would
have been physically impossible due to the absence of a river next to Zakiriyya’s khanqah.
18 Ibid. As its obvious description is completely unintelligible, this report can also be
allegorically interpreted as, ‘Shams’s fame and spiritual proficiency eclipsing (horns)
that of Zakiriyya’s, conf ining him to his khanqah.’ The ginan is a thematic description
of events over-layered with fabulous hagiography, one which must be decoded and
verified through actual history and folklore.
19 Ibid: representing the first three caliphs, or Sunnism.
20 The Shaykh Sadr mentioned here cannot be Zakiriyya’s son Sadr al-din 'Arif (d.1285),
who would not have been born then, unless of course the allegory of the ginan represents
others as Zakiriyya’s sons. In local folklore, Shaykh Sadr is actually replaced by Haji
Baghdad, one of Zakiriyya’s disciples.
21 Satvarani Vadi (private MS), p.134 ff. In Sind, the story of the bowl of milk is also
used to describe Shahbaz Qalandar’s arrival in Sehwan; however in Isma'ili ginans, it
is used solely for Shams.
Shams 65
that the reported meeting between Shams and Shaykh Sadr did not take place
in Multan either, but was rather held at some distance from the city walls.
Subsequently, according to the ginan, the son of the ruler of ‘the city’ (not
identified as Multan or Uch) died.22 When all the scholars and ascetics of
‘the city’ could not revive him, Shams was called in and he duly restored life
to the child.23 The event scared and incensed the orthodox 'Ulama so much
that they charged Shams with breaking the shari'a (by bringing a dead person
to life, hence interfering with God’s will). They passed a fatwa or religious
edict against him, decreeing that he be skinned alive as punishment, and be
deprived of all food and drink. As a result, he searched for food for 3 days,
which was denied to him.24
When Shams finally managed to convince a butcher to sell him some raw
meat, he cooked it by summoning down the Sun. Thereupon his tormentors
rushed back to him acknowledging his power and begged for forgiveness. They
asked for the Sun to be sent back up, lest it consumed the city, to which Shams
agreed.25 Shackle and Moir have questioned the chronology of events as cited
in the ginan. The confusion between Multan and Uch probably resulted from
the erroneous copying of an earlier manuscript.26 The presentation of events in
Satvarani Vadi should be interpreted in light of the corruption of the original
ginan, after loss in its (oral) transmission and subsequent reconstruction, as is
the case with many early Isma'ili ginans.
22 Ibid.This certain reference to ‘the city’ is in the verse which comes immediately after
the verse that reports the meeting between Shams and Sadr. Hence, here the ginan
gives the impression of the child’s death as having taken place in Multan, which is not
the case. It is obvious that two different cities are being mentioned in the ginan at the
same time, i.e. Multan and Uch, but this is not initially evident.
23 Ibid. According to local folklore this event took place in Uch, suggesting that the ruler
was Qabacha.
24 Ibid. At this point (p.134) there is confusion in the ginan. It does not give an exact place
for the punishment. The ginan also gives the impression that the events of the skinning
and the withholding of food took place simultaneously. To add to the confusion (between
Multan and Uch), many other details of actual events are missing in the manuscript,
which may be due to verses having been lost in the ginan’s reconstruction, courtesy
Zawahir Moir.
25 Ibid. The author is thankful to Zawahir Moir for these references.
26 Zawahir Moir also told the author that she has seen an older Satvarani Vadi manuscript
which mentions only a brief tussle between Shams and Zakiriyya, instead of the
elaborate spiritual contest usually described between them.
Power relations in Multan and Uch at the time of Shams’s arrival

In spite of its errors, the fact that Satvarani Vadi mentions Uch as Shams’s
first point of arrival in the country carries significance. Firstly, it sheds further
light on the political connections that were needed for Shams’s missionary
activity to take place. Zakiriyya’s position is elaborated in the ginan as ‘the
ruler of Multan.’ Secondly, the ginan complements folklore from Uch which
also describes Shams as arriving in that city first. As seen earlier, Uch was
ruled by Mu'izz al-din Sam’s governor 'Ali Karmakh, until he was replaced
by Nasir al-din Qabacha on his death in the late 1190s. This is when Shams
f irst showed up in Uch (i.e. in the 1190s), with a young Zakiriyya poised as
the ruler of a semi-independent Multan. Zakiriyya has less historical aff inity
with Karmakh as compared to Qabacha, or rather nothing is known of it.
The missing link here is quite simply that there is no historical evidence of
Zakiriyya’s relations with either Mu'izz al-din Sam or his governor Karmakh.
But in Qabacha’s time as governor, good relations are clearly reported to have
existed between him and Zakiriyya.
As asserted, Shams’s missionary work in Uch could not have been carried
out without some official tolerance. Historical analysis suggests that this would
have been under the new governor Nasir al-din Qabacha, as 'Ali Karmakh was
prudent in his anti-Isma'ili work. In addition, since Karmakh was appointed
governor by Mu'izz al-din Sam in 1175, 27 when Zakiriyya was only four
years old, the chances of Shams heading an Isma'ili mission at an equally
young age are unlikely. It would not be incorrect to conclude that Shams’s
(permanent) move to Uch and the subsequent upsurge in Isma'ili activity in
the region is a post-Karmakh affair, one which was tolerated by the (local)
Ghorid administration in Uch, most probably due to pressure from Zakiriyya.
Shams and local folklore: Uch

Oral traditions from Multan and Uch describe the power relations of the time
more clearly than the ginan. They clarify much of the confusion in Satvarani
Vadi, which exists mainly between places and actual events. In addition, the
chronology of events about Shams available from the combined folklore of
Multan and Uch offers a coherent description of his life, one which is also
geographically accurate, unlike the ginan. It must be pointed out that existing
27 Khan 1983, p.47: Farishta, vol. 1, p.56.
Shams 67
biographical data on Shams has mostly been collected from oral traditions in the
region, first by Colonial era writers like Malcolm, later by scholars like Ivanow
and Hollister, and more recently (amongst others) by Zawahir Moir herself,
who is a source for this work. Besides oral tradition, most of these scholars
used Isma'ili ginans, which too were at some point orally transmitted. Farishta
is perhaps the only early historian who mentions Shams in his history, and
actually misplaces him by more than a hundred years. The non-verification of
Shams’s life events through secondary methods has been a cause for confusion
in his biography. Hence, the process of ‘validating’ the ginan Satvarani Vadi for
errors through local narratives and geography is a scholarly exercise well called
for, especially considering that Folkloristics is (now) an independent academic
discipline, which is able to make its own contributions to history. According
to local folklore, Shams went through a very tumultuous time before reaching
his spiritual high ground in the Indus region.
Oral traditions and certain rituals from Uch suggest that Shams came to
Uch in Qabacha’s reign, where he established his da'wa successfully.28 Shams’s
first arrival was probably in Sitpur, which was (then) a non-Muslim principality
outside Uch, and was ruled by a Buddhist queen called Sita Rani, who became
Shams’s devotee.29 Oral traditions state that Shams’s presence in the region
was not appreciated by the local authorities; he was eventually skinned alive
for being a Shi'a and for his successful Shi'a (Isma'ili) proselytism. He was left
to die on the fringe of the desert outside Uch. In this time of extreme torment
Shams was accompanied by his young attendant, a boy of thirteen years who had
come with him from Iran. The skinning was ordered by the orthodox clergy and
may have involved Qabacha. It was the result of a fatwa issued against Shams
for being a heretic (Shi'a) and propagating a false religion. Shams somehow
survived the skinning, and with his attendant’s help, managed to retreat into
the desert from where he had been left to die, and disappeared. Nothing was
heard of him for a while. After two and a half years he reappeared in Uch with
28 The local tradition complements Satvarani Vadi (p.132) in this case. Somewhere during
this period Zakiriyya’s annoyance as mentioned in the ginan must have occurred.
29 In Uch the Sita Rani story is often applied to Surkhposh, but is discredited here due
to his later birth and arrival in the city, for details see Chapter 3. A story similar to
Sita Rani’s, about Shams, is found in Satvarani Vadi (p.132 ff ), where the local queen
became Shams’s devotee, and the king his enemy. The ginan could be referring to
the same queen (i.e. Sita Rani) who is mentioned in Uch’s folklore; especially as the
(ginanic) story is contained in the section which describes Shams’s first arrival in Uch.
his skin grown back, wearing a snakeskin and wielding remarkable spiritual
powers. Around this time the son of the local ‘Turko-Mongol ruler’ (perhaps
Qabacha) died. Shams subsequently brought him back to life when nobody
else could.30
The act astounded everybody and earned Shams admirers as well as (more)
enemies. He quickly set about collecting his loyal supporters in Uch, who had
lived clandestinely during his absence.31 Meanwhile the forces of orthodoxy
were trying to recover from the damage caused to their religious standing
because of Shams’s miracle. They formulated a strategy for arresting and
killing him. He was subsequently pursued by soldiers and their allies to be put
to death along with his (few followers). Shams and his band initially managed
to outrun the pursuers, but were (finally) cornered on the banks of the river
Panjnad. On his instructions, Shams’s followers hurriedly put together a boat-
like structure from salvaged paper and rags on the river bank. Shams boarded
the paper boat first, and then asked his followers to get on one by one. Before
boarding, Shams asked his followers to discard all their worldly possessions
on the river bank. He then blew on the makeshift sail and the boat started to
float (into the water), and then to sail, much to the amazement of his enemies,
who thought they had him cornered. However, midway across the Panjnad the
boat started to sink. This is when Shams told a follower on board to throw the
last piece of gold that he had hidden in his sleeve into the water, after which
the boat sailed effortlessly to the safety of the opposite bank of the vast river.32
30 For a second account of the same story, see Hollister 1953, p.353; Faridi 1971, p.39. The
story narrates ‘when nobody could restore the child to life, Shams appeared and kicked
him saying rise in the Name of thy Lord, and nothing happened, then he stated rise in
my name ‘Shams,’ and so the child came back to life.’ The citation (by Hollister) does
not mention the child as Qabacha’s son, only as the son of an Uch noble. However local
folklore describes the king as a Turko-Mongol, sometimes even as ‘Chengiz Khan,’
due to which an association with the local governor (Qabacha) can be made. In her
book, Tazim Kassam describes the same event as having taken place in Multan, which
is erroneous, see Kassam 1995, pp.378ff.
31 In the latter half of Satvarani Vadi there is a similar mention of Shams’s secret followers,
many of whom were women. They had set up underground lodges in their houses and
held secret meetings (in Uch). They were called guptis or hidden ones, a term still used
for secret Isma'ilis today.
32 These details were recorded from local elders in Uch, during Muharram in March
2006, as part of the author’s PhD fieldtrip. In Sind, Shams’s boat miracle is ascribed
to his relative Shahbaz Qalandar, just like the milk bowl story in Satvarani Vadi.
Shams 69
The miracle of the boat is remembered in Uch in its Muharram ceremonies

through a religious icon connected to Shams. Contrary to ginanic reports, the
icon and the ritual attached to it suggest that the boat sailing event actually
took place in Uch, instead of Multan.
Local folklore: Multan

In the folklore of Multan, Shams came to the city with a few followers
(presumably after having escaped from Uch). When he reached the outskirts of
Multan, he camped at a site outside the city walls as a gesture of respect to the
Suf is already present in the city; probably a reference to Zakiriyya. He initiated
contact with Zakaryiya through his disciple. Zakiriyya replied by sending a
bowl of milk through the disciple, stating that there was no room for any more
Sufis in the city. In response, Shams sent back the rose, signifying himself,
floating on the milk. But he was turned away and refused entry within the
city walls. He was also denied the sale of food on the orders of the Multani
elite to dissuade him from staying on further. These events were orchestrated
at the behest of the learned men and clergy.33
Although he could do without food for any number of days, being a true
dervish, Shams was unable to obtain food for his disciple, who was merely a
boy. He called out to a flying dove to come down; in another version of the
story, it was a fish which obeyed and jumped out of a nearby pond. Shams
then summoned the Sun (to earth) and used its heat to cook the bird (or fish).
When news of this miracle reached Multan, its elite, including Zakiriyya,
came with an official entourage to beg Shams’s forgiveness. They asked him
to enter the city and to stay. Hence, after his Sun miracle Shams gained entry
into the walled city. He set up his lodge outside the Multan citadel, which
housed Zakiriyya’s own khanqah, never to leave again or be molested. His
shrine is located on the site of his lodge. Shams entered Multan in 1201 and
made it the permanent centre for his da'wa.34 He subsequently built a vast
Isma'ili network in the region, as stated in his own ginans and other poetry.35
33 Albeit with a different chronology, Satvarani Vadi also mentions Shams’s maltreatment
by the Sayyids and the learned men of ‘the city,’ (see p.134 ff).
34 This version of the story is often narrated, and is partially referenced here from historian
Ahmad Nabi Khan; it is based on Multani folkloric accounts. It is important to note
that the report ascribes good relations between Shams and Zakiriyya, see Khan 1983,
p.204.
35 Ibid.
Based on oral tradition, the story of Shams’s entry into Multan is quoted
with some variation, but with the same chronology, by many historians.36
Isma'ili sources cite Shams’s successful establishment of eighty four lodges
from Kashmir to the middle Indus region, with the appointment of deputies
who conducted religious ceremonies and collected tithes.37
The correct chronology of Shams’s movements between Multan and Uch

The sequence of events mentioned in Satvarani Vadi roughly corresponds
with local folklore from Multan and Uch. Some of the events in the ginan’s
chronology are, however, different. The skinning of Shams, his restoring life
to the son of the ruler (of Uch), and the sailing of the paper boat (in Uch),
are confused in the ginan with the withholding of food from Shams and his
Sun miracle, both of which took place in Multan. But this is only so because
the ginan does not name a particular city and its references can be to either
of the two cities. In the correct itinerary of Shams’s movements, geographical
inaccuracies between Satvarani Vadi and folkloric accounts should be omitted.
Of these, the most obvious is the boat journey. Nevertheless, in spite of some
confusion, Satvarani Vadi serves as an invaluable source for details on Shams’s
life.38
There is no doubt that Zakiriyya was outwardly known as an orthodox
Sunni, but as seen in the last chapter, his connections to (Shi'a) heterodoxy
through the qalandars, and his theological preference for the Ja'fari fiqh in his
khanqah textbook, bring out another side to his religious persona. Zakiriyya’s
religious attributes already signify a cryptic empathy towards Shams, one
which must have been responsible for Shams’s entry and accommodation
inside Multan; as this is something which would have been impossible without
Zakiriyya’s endorsement. During the initial Multan standoff however, Shams
probably camped outside the city walls, which would have been locked every
night, in the likeness of all medieval cities.
36 Malcom 1829, vol. 2, p.282. The source for the folklore used in this sub-section is the
Gardezi family of Multan. The family has also been consulted by historians in the
Colonial period. Rukn-e-'Alam’s initiate Yusuf Shah Ghirdez probably hailed from
the Gardezi family.
37 Zawahir Noorally, op.cit 84 ff.; W. Ivanow, Collections, I; idem, Isma' ili Literature: The
Rise of the Fatimids.
38 Most importantly, the ginan manuscript provides evidence for Shams’s arrival in Uch,
before Multan, on p.134.
Shams 71
Analysis of Multani oral traditions about Shams led this author to a site
located in a small village outside the old city walls. The oral tradition of the
area asserts that this was the spot where Shams performed his Sun miracle. By
extension, this is would also be the site where he stayed on his initial arrival
outside Multan, from where f irst contact with Zakiriyya was initiated, and
from where the milk bowl communication took place.
The name of the village in concern is ‘Suraj Kund,’ a name it shares with
another pre-Islamic site located outside of Delhi. Suraj Kund means ‘pond
of the Sun,’ which is how the site outside Delhi is identified, but it can also
mean ‘Sun hook’ in Saraiki (with kund literally meaning hook), in light of
the assertion made by locals, on the Multan site’s origins being connected to
Shams’s Sun miracle. The presence however of a pond at Multan’s Suraj Kund
is noteworthy. Whatever the real meaning of the name in the Multani context,
one should not forget the old Sun temple of Multan, and the ‘heterodoxy that
was fostered here during the Fatimid era,’39 which endured until the time of
Shams’s arrival. It provided him with a pre-existing ‘Sun-based’ religious
template to work with. Hence it would not be wrong to assume that the story
of Suraj Kund in Multan has a pre-Islamic component to it.40 As will be seen
later in this chapter, Shams was to ‘foster his own doctrinal heterodoxy,’ one
that outdid all other forms of religious syncretism that came before it in this
region - or perhaps anywhere else in the world.
In prosperous medieval Multan, Suraj Kund would have been an outlying
suburb beyond the city gates, perhaps with its own mosque, as mentioned in
the ginan. The small enclosure today (Figure 2.1) is venerated by villagers and
local visitors, who light oil lamps and incense in it every Thursday night, due
to its connection to Shams. The site is not too well-known outside the locality,
and its discovery came as a surprise to some even in the (Punjab Government’s)
Department of Archaeology, who are usually very well informed about the
area’s built heritage.
The part that oral tradition has played in demystifying Shams’s life for
this section is appreciable. The reason for the slight discrepancy that exists
between local narratives and Satvarani Vadi is that most Isma'ili ginans were
first written down centuries after Shams’s era (in the 1500s), in the Gujarat,
39 See Flood 2011, p.42.

40 For a detailed analysis of the Suraj Kund site in Multan, see Hasan Ali Khan, ‘Suraj
Kund: A lost icon in the hagiography of Shah Shams in Multan,’ in Humkhayal, vol. 4,
(2015), p.34ff.
Figure 2.1. The site of Shams’s Sun miracle in the village of Suraj Kund
which is located one thousand miles from Multan. In contrast, local folklore and
religious ceremonies have continued uninterrupted in the middle Indus region
for over eight centuries. For this work, folklore on Shams was collected from
a number of (credible) sources, and tested for common traits in its reportage.
In the transcription of field notes and the interviews, special attention was
paid to the coherence of the reports and they were tallied with the region’s
geography, without which accuracy in ascertaining Shams’s movements would
have been impossible.41
The river and the arrival from Uch

The chronology of Shams’s movements, as described in Satvarani Vadi and local
folklore, and his arrival in Suraj Kund from Uch, can be traced on a map. These
41 Folklore on Shams was gathered from three different sources. One source was the
(family) historian of the Gardezi family, who identified the Suraj Kund site. In Suraj
Kund, the author subsequently spoke to the village elders about Shams (second source).
The Gardezi family (archives) were also consulted by British historians when they wrote
about Multan, see Toynbee 1961. The Gardezis are regarded as the best keepers of oral
traditions in the city. The third source was the elders of Uch, from whom details on
Shams and the boat icon were collected in Muharram/March 2006.
Shams 73
movements reveal the route taken by Shams to Multan, which is verified by

geography. Some non-Isma'ili sources consulted by historians describe Shams
as having crossed the river Indus on a paper boat before reaching Multan.42
However, the Satvarani Vadi manuscript transcribed by Shackle and Moir
does not name the river.43 In contrast, oral traditions in Uch specifically call
this river the Panjnad.
Geographically, Shams’s journey to Multan from Uch would necessitate
the crossing of a river, irrespective of which river it was. Hence, some riverine
passage was involved in Shams’s arrival at Suraj Kund, which lies just outside
the city walls. There is however no river in the vicinity of either the village
or the old city walls. The route described in Figure 2.2 (next) was the most
probable one taken by Shams to reach Multan.
The plate shows Shams’s movements, starting in Uch, then onto Sitpur,
and finally to Multan (marked by squares). The river nearest to Multan is the
Chenab to the west, but Uch is located well south of Multan. The other main
river in the vicinity is the Panjnad (to the south), which is formed when the
Chenab actually joins the river Sutlej just before Uch. The Panjnad then flows
into the Indus a further forty-five miles downstream. It carries a vast amount
of water and can easily be mistaken for the Indus by a foreigner. Hence, the
Multani source quoted by Malcolm identifying the river for Shams’s paper
boat miracle as the Indus could be a misinterpretation.
The city of Uch physically lies just a few miles from the Panjnad, where,
according to local sources, Shams had sailed his paper boat. Shams’s boat event
having taken place on the Panjnad, around Uch instead of Multan, also makes
greater geographical sense on the map (see Figure 2.2). In addition, if Shams
first came to Sitpur from Khurasan and set up his da'wa there, as is narrated
in Uch, he would have been physically cut off from Qabacha in Uch city by
the Panjnad itself. A closer look at the map shows a triangular island-like land
formation around Sitpur, defined by three water courses, the Panjnad, the
Chenab before it falls into the Panjnad, and the Indus. This area is physically
detached from the mainland by water and would have been very difficult to
attack in the medieval era (see Figure 2.2). The triangle was probably a ‘safe
area’ for Shams and his followers, and its geography explains how Sitpur
survived as an independent Buddhist principality within earshot of nearby
42 See Malcolm 1829, vol. 2, p.282.

43 Shackle and Moir 2000, p.27.
Ghorid Uch.44 Oral traditions from Uch can be regarded as the most accurate
in describing Shams’s early activities in the country, including his first arrival
in Sitpur, and the sailing of the paper boat on the Panjnad.
Figure 2.2. Shams’s passage from Uch to Sitpur through the Panjnad
and then on to Multan45
The narrative from Uch which states that the skinning of Shams took
place around the city (and not in Multan as claimed in Isma'ili sources), is also
corroborated by geography. The only real desert in the region is located east
of Uch (see Figure 2.2). All other land in this area is arable, especially around
Multan and Sitpur, and has been fertile agricultural land for millennia. The
greater Thar Desert however starts in the south-east of Uch city, and extends
into Rajasthan. Shams’s skinning and being left for dead on the desert fringe
could only have taken place here. This scenario also explains the (mostly)
unexplored hagiography of Shams in Rajasthan, as the folklore of the Indian
state is rife with references to his spiritual feats.46 Rajasthan is probably the
place to which Shams had escaped in order to recover from his injuries. Without
44 A city called ‘Samaiya’ is mentioned in Satvarani Vadi (p.132 ff), with reference to the
Buddhist queen and her followers who had become Shams’s devotees. Some locals in
Uch identified this as an older name for Sitpur.
45 Syed 1985, pp. 38-39, recreated from a contemporary era map.
46 Khan (Sila) 1997, pp.71-74. Shams is known as Samas Rishi in Rajasthan.
Shams 75
the folklore of Uch and its desert connection, there would be little evidence
available from the Indus region of Shams ever having gone to Rajasthan.
A final piece of evidence in favour of Shams’s long association with Uch is
the celebration of his paper boat miracle through a religious icon in Muharram.
The 'Ashura ceremonies in Uch involving this icon are distinctive, like the
ceremonies found at Shams’s own shrine in Multan. The ritual of the boat
icon in all likelihood dates to Shams’s death, and was probably started by his
followers as a way of honouring him.
The Shams ta'ziya: An Isma'ili icon in the spiritual legacy of

the Suhrawardi Order in Uch
Unlike other places in South Asia, the most striking feature of Muharram
ceremonies in Uch is the use of gongs, horns and other distinct forms of music
in the rituals. In addition, on the tenth of Muharram a certain ta'ziya,47 which
is fashioned as a boat, is placed at the centre of the main procession. In the use
of gongs, horns and drums, Uch’s rituals are reminiscent of the Muharram
ceremonies of the Qalandariyya Suf i Order from Sehwan, attributed to
Shams’s relative Shahbaz Qalandar. Although not a (major) focus of this
book, it should be noted that traditionally the use of gongs in religious ritual
is a Buddhist motif, and that of the horn a Jewish one. The (combined) use
of both instruments in rituals is very pronounced in Uch and in Sehwan, and
delineates some kind of a religious syncretism connected to Shams/Shahbaz
Qalandar. This observation is strengthened by the fact that the horn is locally
known as the ‘Nad,’ short for the Nad-e-'Ali, a Shi'a supplication that we will
encounter in Chapter 4.48
It is generally believed that the first ‘official’ Muharram ceremonies were
begun in the tenth century by the Fatimids in Egypt, and the Buwayhids in
Iraq. The first ta'ziyas were roughly fashioned around the same time. In the sub-
continent, Muharram ceremonies in the major Shi'a centres of Lucknow and
the Deccan were traditionally connected to those in Iran and Iraq, albeit with
an added local flavour, and roughly date to the Safawid era in Iran (1501-1722).
However, in the Indus region of the sub-continent now located in Pakistan,
Muharram ceremonies are older and date to at least the Nizari Isma'ili era
47 A replica which refreshes the past.

48 In Sehwan, the horn is actually denoted as being the musical equivalent of the Nad-e-
'Ali supplication, and is used every day in the dhammal, as is the gong. In Uch however,
these instruments are used only in Muharram and on other holy dates, when mourning
rituals are conducted.
heralded by Shams,49 and perhaps extend back even further to tenth century
Fatimid Multan. Most of these ceremonies have invariably mixed with
Twelver Shi'a rituals over time, and have become indistinguishable from
them. However in Uch, the rituals are still distinct enough in their symbolism
and performance, mainly due to the use of musical instruments and icons, to
echo a long forgotten past. Isma'ili missionaries drew upon local iconographic
traditions for the representation of their faith to converts. In his book Shi'a
of India, Hollister reports on the first large-scale use of the images of 'Ali in
Isma'ili lodges for proselytising locals in India, who the da'is represented as
the tenth incarnation of Vishnu (to Hindus).50
In principle, in Multan and Uch, an icon or religious practice connected
directly to Shams’s personality, which is now attached to Twelver Shi'ism,
signifies the transition from Isma'ilism to Twelver Shi'ism (at some point). A
prominent characteristic of such rituals is that they are connected to Shams or
celebrate him, and are visibly different from traditional Twelver Shi'a practices.
Such phenomena exist in both cities, and a Multani example will be analysed
in the next section. In Uch today, these rituals are (unknowingly) enacted by
the local Twelver population, and are coordinated by the (Twelver) custodians
of the (Bukhari) Suhrawardi shrines. To an analyst, they are simply another
piece of evidence for the connection that existed between the Isma'ili da'wa
and the Suhrawardi Order in the distant past.
On the eve of the month of Muharram, the Muslim New Year, the Bukharis
of Uch start the construction of a life-size ta'ziya shaped like a boat.51 The
ta'ziya is fashioned entirely out of ropes, rags and old cloth. It is built around
a central mast which is actually an 'alam, a replica of the traditional Shi'a
standard attributed to Husayn’s martyred brother at Kerbala, al-'Abbas. This
framework of ropes and rags is finally clad and decorated with some higher
quality material to complete the outer layer. A similar but less elaborate boat
ta'ziya is also constructed in Muharram by the Gilanis of Uch, who are actually
a Sunni clan (in this city)-but not without their Shi'a influences. The Gilanis
arrived in Uch in the fifteenth century.52
49 For some reflections on this subject see ‘Multani Marsiya,’ by Shackle in Der Islam,
vol. 55, pp. 280 ff.
50 Hollister 1953, pp.356-357. Hollister actually states this as having been done by Shams’s
grandson Sadr al-din, who was based in Uch.
51 The Bukharis of Uch are the descendants of Zakiriyya’s disciple, Jalal al-din Surkhposh
Bukhari (d.1291), whose biography will be dealt with in the following chapter.
52 Sindhi 2000, p. 85. Some Gilanis in the Punjab can be Twelver Shi'a.
Shams 77
Figure 2.3. The 'Ashura boat ta'ziya in the Gilani quarter of Uch 53
The Gilani boat ta'ziya is simpler and smaller in comparison to the more
elaborate Bukhari version, but the general idea and symbolism behind it are
the same. It is assembled and kept in the Gilani imambargah,54 and taken out
on the day of 'Ashura, when it joins the main procession. After 'Ashura, it is
dismantled and stored away for the next year. The keepers of the Bukhari
shrines whom this author interviewed claim that the practice of making the
boat icon for 'Ashura in Uch goes back to Jalal al-din Surkhposh himself, and
that this is an integral part of the Bukhari legacy of the city.55 Whether the
boat ta'ziya’s origins can be traced to Surkhposh himself is unascertainable,
but the practice is obviously very old. The alleged Surkhposh connection to
the ta'ziya is also used by the Bukhari shrine keepers to maintain exclusive
control over Uch’s Muharram ceremonies.
The events of Surkhposh’s life however, are not related to any boat miracles
in either local folklore or in recorded history. But events in the life of the
53 Image courtesy Ghulam Qasim Rind, resident of Uch.

54 The Twelver Shi'a equivalent of a religious centre, which is not just a mosque. The
Gilanis of Uch maintain an imambargah, as a sign of respect for the Shi'a heritage of
the city.
55 In Uch, the words Bukhari and Suhrawardi are used interchangeably and (today)
delineate a Twelver Shi'a context.
region’s most famous spiritual personality, Pir Shams, certainly are, and that
too in the vicinity of Uch. It is possible that Surkhposh or one of his immediate
descendants did start the practice of making the boat ta'ziya in Uch (Surkhposh
died well after Shams’s death in Multan in 1276). The practice has probably
remained in the Bukhari clan thereafter, because of it having inherited the
city’s Suhrawardi khanqahs.
The Bukhari ta'ziya

The Bukhari ta'ziya is completed on the eve of 'Ashura at a small imambargah
located in the Bukhari quarter of Uch. At daybreak it is carried to the
Surkhposh khanqah on the ancient mound.56 The 'Ashura ceremonies in Uch
begin with the boat ta'ziya. It leads the main procession from the Surkhposh
khanqah, moving through the old city on a predestined route, visiting all the
Suhrawardi monuments. After circling the entire city, the procession returns
to the mound in the evening and ends at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex. The boat
ta'ziya is then taken back to the Bukhari imambargah, dismantled, and stored
away for the next year. Of it, only the main 'alam and the (boat’s) skeleton are
retained, while the cloth and rags used in the cladding are disturbed amongst
devotees.
From the time the 'Ashura ceremonies begin at daybreak, the ta'ziya is never
allowed to touch the ground, and is held above it by devotees to represent a
floating motion.57 At intervals throughout the day, and especially when the
ceremonies reach a climax in the afternoon, the participants swing the ta'ziya
to represent a sailing motion. As is customary with all 'Ashura icons, people
in the procession take over from tired participants to carry the ta'ziya.
An image of 'Ali is placed on the 'alam in the centre of the boat. The
ta'ziya makers claim that the tradition of hanging 'Ali’s image from the boat’s
mast/'alam has been there from the beginning. This is not surprising when
one considers the earlier Isma'ili use of 'Ali’s images for converts in this region.
In spite of 'Ali’s image and other common Isma'ili-Twelver Shi'a iconography
that can be used to explain the ‘traditional-ness’ of the boat ta'ziya by critics,
like the Bukhari shrine keepers who wish to explain it in accordance with
their Twelver creed, nowhere else in the Muslim world is a life-size ta'ziya
56 For details see Chapter 6, ‘The Surkhposh khanqah.’

57 All Muharram icons are held off the ground, but the connotation here, i.e. floating, is
different for a boat.
Shams 79
actually fashioned like a boat. Moreover in the case of Uch, a boat ta'ziya has
a special reference to Shams, especially considering the shaking and floating
motions to which the ta'ziya is subjected. The only event that the boat ta'ziya
can recall is Shams’s paper boat miracle, lost in the mists of Uch’s forgotten
Isma'ili past. Unknown to its Bukhari patrons, their claim that the practice
of making the ta'ziya goes back to Surkhposh himself, certainly does not
lend it a modern Twelver Shi'a colouring. In fact, the Bukhari claim only
strengthens the argument of the ta'ziya symbolising Pir Shams’s association
to the Suhrawardi Order. The existence of the ta'ziya also validates folkloric
reports on the events of Shams’s life as being accurate. Zawahir Moir elaborated
on the ta'ziya’s connection to Shams and his paper boat further, by observing
that the materials used for the cladding, i.e., rags and old cloth, were actually
used as paper in olden times, and that these symbolise paper in the icon.
The religious ceremonial of Shams’s shrine

This section deals with certain syncretic ceremonies that have survived at
Shams’s shrine in Multan. While most of the ceremonies at the shrine are
conducted in the usual Twelver Shi'a manner, being indistinct from Shi'a
rituals throughout Pakistan, others are highly unorthodox; similar to those
from Uch, in that they either celebrate Shams, or are directly connected to
him. The section will deal in particular with one ceremony, as it holds the
keys to a super structure of religious pluralism which was to become Shams’s
gift to the spiritual landscape of greater India. This ceremony is actually the
popularisation of the Persian New Year (Nawruz) with the Hindu calendar. Its
context is a multi-faith religious ceremonial based in the thirteenth century,
something that was distinctly Nizari Isma'ili, and was invariably authored by
Shams.
The Satpanth
The Satpanth is an often mentioned but largely un-deciphered doctrine
amongst the scholars of Isma'ilism. Its remnants abound in the Isma'ili
history and folklore of South Asia, where it took root in the medieval era,
and subsequently disappeared. Farhad Daftary describes the origins and early
development of this indigenous form of Isma'ilism in the Indian sub-continent
as being obscure. He adds that it is not clear whether Satpanth Isma'ilism
resulted from the conversion policies developed locally, or had developed
gradually, dating to earlier, possibly even Fatimid times.58 Ali Asani identifies
three contexts for the development of the elusive Satpanth, namely, Fatimid
Egypt, Indo-Muslim culture, and Indic (Hindu) civilisation.59 Yet neither of
the two scholars goes any further to try and explain what the Satpanth really
was.
The above mentioned ceremony at Shams’s shrine is most probably the last
surviving remnant of the astrological framework of religious celebration that
was attached to the Satpanth, translated into English as the True Path. The idea
of transcendental Islam that is the principle behind this ceremony plays a central
part in decoding the structure of the Satpanth for this book. It has also yielded
the conceptual basis for decoding the multi-faith symbolism of this book’s
Suhrawardi monuments. In addition, the ceremony emanating from Shams’s
shrine is directly connected to that of Sakhi Sarwar, an earlier Suhrawardi
Sufi. Shams’s Isma'ilism never having been in doubt, this connection endorses
the strong Isma'ili-Suhrawardi axis in the region, and upholds the influence
of Isma'ili metaphysical doctrines on the order. In short, the ceremony lends
credence to Isma'ilism having worked undercover as the Suhrawardi Order.
Although now in a dilapidated condition due to neglect, Shams’s shrine is
host to many religious celebrations throughout the year. Both local and Islamic
calendars were used in Satpanth ceremonies to celebrate auspicious dates,
especially Shi'a ones, and still are. The practice of using the local calendar
for Islamic events was widespread in Indian Sufism, as it enabled adherents
to plan their visits on fixed dates. But in the case of Shams’s shrine this takes
on an extra meaning due to the multi-faith nature of the Satpanth. Most
of the practices at Shams’s shrine, and in Multan in general, have lost their
real significance in the last two and a half centuries, because of the religious
disruption that occurred in the Sikh era. Large-scale religious and social
changes took place in Multan during the Sikh and British periods, mainly
due to the prolonged siege and conquest of Multan in 1848, and its fallout.
Hence, religious ceremonies from Shams’s shrine were probably much more
identifiable, as being Suhrawardi or Isma'ili, prior to the Sikh era.
The shrine of Shams serves as the main Shi'a centre for both Multan and the
southern Punjab region as a whole. Twelver Shi'a organisations from all over
the country visit the shrine regularly. Shahbaz Qalandar’s shrine in Sehwan is
the biggest centre of Shi'ism in Pakistan today, with Shams’s shrine probably
58 Daftary 2004, p.70.

59 See Asani 2002, p.3 ff.
Shams 81
being the second largest one. Outside of the Islamic calendar, a great number
of people visit the shrine for celebrating Shi'a events in accordance with the
local calendar. Traditionally, visitors from outside Multan celebrate Muharram
and other Shi'a dates with the Islamic calendar in their home towns, and
according to the Punjabi (or Vikrami, i.e. Hindu) calendar at Shams’s shrine.
The religious ceremonial of the shrine, with its celebration of Islamic dates
with the Punjabi calendar throughout the year seems to be one (basic) facet of
the Satpanth system. However, if one delves deeper into the ceremonies, more
details emerge, as will be seen in the next section. The Satpanth’s obscurity
and lack of clarity on its actual beliefs in the work of scholars of Isma'ilism is
due to the historical method used for its research. The use of newer methods,
involving metaphysics and astrology, gives us a clearer picture.
The Punjabi calendar and the Shamsis

The Punjabi calendar is a version of the Vikrami calendar used by the Hindu
community in the sub-continent. It was started in 56 CE to mark the victory
of the Indian king Vikramaditya over the Scythians,60 and has undergone
many corrections and changes over the centuries. It is the national calendar
of Nepal and is the progenitor of many regional calendars all over India. Its
various versions use roughly the same names for the twelve (lunar) months,
but differ slightly for marking the new month, and their respective new
years. The Vikrami calendar is essentially a lunar calendar, but one which
uses the astrological transits of the Sun within the lunar cycle to determine
the beginning of the new month. In essence, unlike in the Islamic and Jewish
calendars, it is not just the birth of the moon but also the transit of the Sun,
which defines the new lunar month. In addition, the calendar adds a fixed
number of days in the form of one extra month every three years, to ensure
that it does not slide backwards through the seasons, and hence has a fixed
beginning for the New Year.
The Vikrami calendar’s system of using solar transits within the lunar cycle
was incorporated by 'Umar Khayyam into the ancient Persian solar calendar
for its correction. He used the solar transits within the Persian solar months
instead, necessarily to recalculate the movement of the Sun through the signs of
the Zodiac. The result was his renowned Jalali calendar, which is acknowledged
to be more accurate than the Gregorian calendar. After a calendar reform in
60 Balfour 1871, p.502.
1925, the Jalali calendar was made the official calendar of modern Iran, and is
also followed in Afghanistan. The inhabitants of the Multan and Uch region
invariably used the Vikrami calendar when Shams appeared on the scene
from Iran, where the Jalali calendar with its Persian ceremonial based around
Nawruz was already followed, in addition to the Islamic calendar.61
Most devotees who visit Shams’s shrine for the celebration of Shi'a dates
with the local calendar hail from regions outside of Multan, and have been
following the practice for centuries, from generation to generation. They are
the ‘inherited’ congregation of the shrine so to speak. In the beginning of the
twentieth century, there existed a religious sect in the NWFP (now Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa province), which was deemed to have some connection with
the Khojas of Bombay. They revered the Bhagavad Gita, worshipped no idols
and were highly devoted to Pir Shams. They used to give alms in his name,
but did not call themselves Isma'ilis or Twelver Shi'a.62 These were probably
Shamsis (followers of Pir Shams), a lost group who adhered to the Satpanth.
Some of them were also found in the southern Punjab before Partition, and
had an undetermined belief structure. No known members of this sect survive
today; having probably converted to other Muslim denominations, but their
mention in the census report of 1911 has a bearing on the ceremonies emanating
from Shams’s shrine.
Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri

The most unique ceremony at Shams’s shrine, which holds the key to the
Satpanth, is known as the Chetir pilgrimage, Chetir being the first month of
the Vikrami Samwat (calendar), which begins on 14 March. The ceremony of
Chetir is centred on Shams, and connects him to an earlier Suhrawardi Sufi,
known as Sakhi Sarwar. The lineal caretaker of Shams’s shrine, Zahid Shamsi,
described the Chetir celebrations to this author in detail, as he is in charge of
their organisation. According to tradition, they were started by Shams himself.
The ceremony involves a visitation during which traditional pilgrims come to
the shrine on the first Wednesday of the month of Chetir. The pilgrims start
arriving on the night before the actual Wednesday, or rather on Wednesday
61 The Jalali calendar was endorsed on 15 March 1079 by the Seljuq king Jalal al-din
Malik Shah as the official calendar in his capital Isfahan, and has continued since then:
'Umar Khayyam’ in The Columbia Encyclopedia 2007 p.65. Also see Introduction, and
‘Nawruz and 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali calendar’ in Chapter 4.
62 Hollister, 1953 p.355: CIR, 1911, NWFP, XIII, p.74.
Shams 83
night according to the Islamic tradition, in which the night precedes the day
and the twenty four hour cycle starts with the sunset. In olden days, according
to traditional prescription, visitors would only camp in the open, make bonfires,
beat drums and celebrate.
After spending the whole of Wednesday and the following night at Shams’s
shrine, engaging in the above practices, the pilgrims then proceed to Sakhi
Sarwar’s shrine on Thursday morning, which is located in nearby Dera Ghazi
Khan. They spend Friday night there, or rather Thursday night according to
the western tradition. This night has special significance in Shi'a Islam, as it
is considered the night for performing the ziyara or visitation of 'Ashura.63 All
Isma'ili and Twelver weekly assemblies are arranged around Thursday night.
The visitors then come back to pay homage to Shams on the Friday, spend
another night there and return to their homes on the Saturday.
The Chetir pilgrims are overwhelmingly from outside Multan, with most
hailing from the Punjab region, while some also come from the (former)
NWFP. Being Shams’s inherited congregation, they were perhaps historically
connected to the eighty four lodges that he had set up in the region. The
syncretic nature of the pilgrimage indicates that many of these visitors were
originally Shamsis before they either became Twelver Shi'a, or were absorbed
into modern Isma'ilism during the time of the third Aga Khan (early twentieth
century). The significance and symbolism of the Chetir ceremony is not known
to the participants, who however, do perform it with great zeal.
Nawruz
The fixed month of Chetir (14 March-13 April) marks the beginning of
the Hindu year, but interestingly it also includes the passage of the Sun
into Aries (on 20 or 21 March), and hence coincides with the Persian New
Year (Nawruz). The month of Chetir begins with the new moon in March/
April. Even in the most unfavourable disposition, when the Vikrami lunar
calendar slips a few days (before the adding of the extra Hindu month every
three years), the Spring Equinox on either 20 or 21 March still falls within
the month of Chetir. In addition, as in the Zoroastrian tradition, where the
month related to Nawruz (Farvardin) is connected to the arrival of spring and
the creation of the universe, in Hinduism, Chetir is identified with spring.
Holi is celebrated on the eve of the Chetir moon, the birth anniversary of
63 For the third Shi'a Imam, al-Husayn.
the avatar Ram is celebrated on its ninth day, and the month is said to have
marked the beginning of the universe.
In the transcendental metaphysics of the Iranian Muslim tradition, Nawruz
was the day on which the universe was created and the wilayat or vice-regency
of the first Shi'a Imam, 'Ali ibn Abi Talib, was declared as its first act, after
the prophet hood of Muhammad. Subsequently all the other prophets, their
inheritors and executors (wasi) were awarded their seals and credentials.64 In
the earthly sense, the Nawruz and vice-regency connection is represented by
the event of Ghadir Khumm when, according to Shi'a Islam, the Prophet
nominated 'Ali as his successor in his last sermon. This temporal event is
known as the wilayat of 'Ali, because 'Ali was nominated as the wali or vice-
regent by Muhammad. The concept of the wilayat of 'Ali is the cornerstone
for all Shi'a metaphysics.
According to certain Shi'a hadith, which are used in sermons today, on
the day of Ghadir Khumm after the Prophet had nominated 'Ali as his
successor, Salman the companion (of Muhammad) came to him and 'Ali
and congratulated them. He stated that this was a day of great significance
for the Persian people as it coincided with the beginning of their New Year
celebrations.65 Working with this knowledge of Shi'a hadith, metaphysics and
the apparent astrological underpinnings of the Chetir pilgrimage from Shams’s
shrine, which starts on the first Wednesday of Chetir, the author generated
an astrological chart of Ghadir Khumm to research the matter further, after
a calendar conversion. The calendar conversion however was erroneous on
many available convertors, as they account for the orthodox Muslim practice
of sighting the new moon to mark the beginning of the new lunar month.
Nevertheless, the Hijri (Islamic) date for Ghadir Khumm, 18 Dhul Hijja (the
last month of the Muslim year), in Year 10, shows it to be 15 March 632, with
the reported probability of a 1 day-error (as cited in the result of the calendar
conversion).66
64 Majlisi 1845, p.557-558 ff.

65 Ibid, p.559.
66 ‘You entered (Hijri): 18/10/10, the conversion result is: Sunday 15 March 632 C.E. There
is the small probability of a 1 day error:’ http://www.rabiah.com/convert/convert.php3
. The calendar converter in question is 1 day off (cited). The day of the week shown for
the above calculation is Sunday, which is also erroneous. Calendar convertors usually
count backwards from the present day of the week to calculate the desired day for the
conversion date. In this, many do not take into account the cross-calendar corrections
responsible for the regularisation of a world week.
Shams 85
However, if the above date is readjusted according to the fixed (Isma'ili)

al-Hakim calendar, which always predates the moon sighting practice by 1 day
(as standard error-correction), the date for Ghadir Khumm would actually be
14 and not 15 March 632. This would make the date the first day of Chetir
on 14 March in the Gregorian system. The fixed Islamic calendar attributed
to the Isma'ili Caliph al-Hakim was invariably the calendar used by Shams
for calculating his own Islamic dates.
The actual astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm event, reported in
tradition to have taken place after midday prayers (approximately two o’clock),
on 14 March 632, shows the Sun to be exactly at 23 degrees Pisces on a
Wednesday (see 2.4, top left table). The software that was used for making
this calculation is preferred by professional astrologers.67
The event chart in Figure 2.4 shows that the Ghadir Khumm event took
place exactly one week before Nawruz (with 7 days spanning 7 degrees to
Aries), and hence coincides with the general events and festivities building
up to the Persian New Year. In olden days, as today, preparations for Nawruz
would have started before the Sun actually entered Aries on the Spring Equinox
(20 or 21 March). In addition the position of the Sun at 23 degrees Pisces in
the Ghadir chart (Figure 2.4), is identical to the one 'Umar Khayyam used
for the beginning of his Jalali calendar.68 According to Khayyam, in ancient
times Nawruz festivities would begin sometime before the Sun actually entered
Aries, and the majority of these would be reserved for the last week before
the actual Equinox,69 which would naturally include the Ghadir Wednesday.
Although the lesser rituals mentioned by Khayyam may have been lost with
large-scale conversion to Islam, the major ceremonies are still celebrated with
much fervour in Iran, and in areas of Persian cultural influence.
67 The Astrodienst software used here accounts for most corrections and regularisations
made within the Gregorian system; as such its day and date correlation for the
Wednesday cannot be wrong, unlike in the previous case.
68 See Appendix 2.
69 See Khayyam. O, Minovi. M 1933, p. 1-5 (of manuscript), 'Umar Khayyam describes
the festivals of Nawruz, its traditions, and the deeds that should be performed to
maximise spiritual benefit. These include certain Islamic practices that seem to have
a Shi'a connotation, e.g. the recitation of certain Quranic verses at the moment the
Sun enters Aries, a practice that continues to this day. Khayyam also describes the
greatness of Nawruz from Iranian mythical traditions, relating certain ‘astrological
events’ (i.e. planetary dispositions, and their related festivals), to the acts and deeds of
Iranian mythical kings, see p.7-11.
Figure 2.4. The astrological chart for 18 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri/14 March 632. The event
of Ghadir Khumm with the Sun at 23 degrees Pisces on a Wednesday70
Chaharshamba-yi Suri
As the Ghadir Wednesday, according to the astrological chart in Figure 2.4,
is the last Wednesday before Nawruz, this makes it the day for the festival of
fire, or Chaharshamba-yi Suri. In Iran this festival was traditionally celebrated
with greater fervour than Nawruz itself for its spiritual benefit, and is very
popular to this day. Hence, in the light of our astrological evidence, the
probability of Salman the Persian coming to Muhammad and 'Ali on Ghadir,
and congratulating them on a day blessed for his own people is very high. In
(explaining) the Satpanth, the day of Ghadir also happens to be 14 March,
making it firstly the beginning of the month of Chetir, along with being its
first Wednesday (see Figure 2.4). This interconnection is undoubtedly the
one that Shams used for his Satpanth model, to give the Chetir pilgrimage
meaning in terms of a Shi'a principle. Being the handiwork of the chief Isma'ili
da'i, it had to be achieved within the principle of the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir;
otherwise it would simply not make sense.
70 All charts are generated at www.astro.com .
Shams 87
In any (astrological) scenario, the first Wednesday of Chetir and the visit
to Shams’s shrine can only correspond with Chaharshamba-yi Suri as the
last Wednesday before Nawruz (20 /21 March), when the Sun enters Aries.
In the case of our Ghadir chart, when the first day of Chetir (14 March) is a
Wednesday (which is very rare), the next Wednesday would still be Nawruz,
with the Sun entering Aries at 0 degrees on that day, exactly 7 days after it
having been at 23 degrees Pisces. This is because there are exactly 7 days and
hence 7 degrees, between 14 and 21 March.71
Chaharshamba-yi Suri is the celebration of light (the good), winning
over darkness (the bad). The symbolism of its rituals is deeply rooted in
Zoroastrianism.72 According to tradition, this is when the living are visited by
the spirits of their dead, and Farvahars, or guardian spirits/angels, descend on
human beings on the last Wednesday of the year. Children wrap themselves
in shrouds, symbolically enacting the visits of the spirits. They also run
through the streets, banging on pots and pans with spoons, and knock on
doors asking for treats. The ritual is called qashogh-zani or spoon beating, and
the act symbolises the beating out of the last unlucky Wednesday of the year.
Bonfires are lit at night,73 which keep going until the morning, representing
a ‘non-setting Sun.’ It should be mentioned that Chaharshamba-yi Suri is
traditionally regarded as a part of Nawruz celebrations.
The Chetir ceremony, on the first Wednesday of this Indian month at
Shams’s shrine, and its obvious correspondence to Chaharshamba-yi Suri and
the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, is the first real proof that has emerged about the
Satpanth. In addition, the principle (of the Satpanth) here is directly associated
to Pir Shams, and not to his grandson Sadr al-din, as is argued by some
scholars. During the Chetir pilgrimage, the camping in the open, the burning
of bonfires and the beating of drums on the Wednesday night are practices
that can only recall Chaharshamba-yi Suri rituals. This author’s analysis of
the Chetir pilgrimage clearly identifies an astrological framework based on
Nawruz, one which was used for celebrating the Shi'a concept of the wilayat
of 'Ali in an Indian context. The discovery also sheds much needed light on
the connection of the Satpanth to (earlier) Fatimid Egypt, as co0ntended by
Daftary and Asani, a point which will be explored later in this book.
71 The Sun travels approximately 1 degree in one day within the Zodiac.
72 http://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/Celebrations/fire_festival.htm .
73 Ibid.
Another ceremony at Shams’s shrine which has a trans-calendar celebration,

and is probably a more basic interpretation of the Satpanth, is related to the
Indian month of Jeth (14 May to 13 June). Jeth follows Chetir and Vaisakh
(April-May) in the Vikrami calendar. At Shams’s shrine, (and a host of other
places in Pakistan), Jeth commemorates 'Ashura and is a big festival. However,
it is a more traditional ceremony than the Chetir pilgrimage. The date of 28
Jeth is regarded in the region as having been the actual date of 'Ashura in 680
according to the Vikrami calendar.74 As mentioned before, visitors from outside
Multan celebrate Shi'a dates with the Islamic calendar in their home towns,
and with the Vikrami calendar at Shams’s shrine. The 28 Jeth festival has been
absorbed into mainstream Twelver Shi'ism in the country on a large-scale, and
it is traditionally observed as 'Ashura even in far off places like Baltistan (in
the north). Its popularity in such remote areas demonstrates the impact that
Shams’s ideas have had on the spiritual landscape of greater India.
Sakhi Sarwar
The shrine of Sakhi Sarwar, to whom Sham’s Chetir pilgrimage is connected, is
located on the highway from Dear Ghazi Khan to Fort Munro in the southern
Punjab. It is perched near a hilltop in a bleak and desolate setting, at the foot
of the Sulaiman Mountains, some distance from the river Indus. Contrary to
popular belief it was not Zakiriyya, but Sakhi Sarwar, who was the f irst Suf i
from this region to have studied at the Suhrawardi khanqah in Iraq. Hence
Sakhi Sarwar, through the Chetir pilgrimage, is a direct link between Shams
and the Suhrawardi Order. The Chetir ceremony, emanating from Shams’s
shrine to Sakhi Sarwar, is also a geographical marker for greater Isma'ili
influence to the west of the Sitpur triangle in the past, as the area is cut off
from the settled region by large rivers (see Figure 2.2, previous). In fact, the
area where Sakhi Sarwar’s shrine is located is what Flood has described as ‘the
remote frontier areas of the Indus Valley and Sistan which were often seen as
the resort of heterodox Muslims.’ 75
74 It is related (in oral tradition) that certain Indians from this region were among the
followers of Imam Husayn. This is a report similar to that of Indian Jats having been
amongst 'Ali’s followers, see Maclean 1989, p.126. Tradition states that some of these
Indians, along with Shi'a refugees from Iraq (Kerbala), returned home to start mourning
rituals. However, in light of the Satpanth system, it is more likely that these Shi'a
celebrations with the local calendar were the result of Isma'ili efforts to popularise
Shi'ism amongst the local population.
75 See Flood 2011, p. 43.
Shams 89
The map of the region (Figure 2.2, previous), from Multan towards Sakhi
Sarwar, shows two large rivers that have to be traversed during the journey.
Historically, in this area towards the west near the mountains, the control of
the medieval Delhi Sultanate would naturally have been weak and Isma'ili
influence stronger. Further afield in the former NWFP, beyond the mountains
from Sakhi Sarwar, lies Dera Isma'il Khan. Here, a monument complex known
as Lal Mohra is located, which bears multi-faith iconography. The complex
may have been connected to Shams’s mission, and will be covered in the latter
half of this book. In fact, the Lal Mohra site may well be one of the seven Uchs
that are described both in Isma'ili ginans and in local folklore.76
The link between Sakhi Sarwar and Shams is the only remaining evidence
for the mostly lost connection that existed between the early Isma'ili da'wa
and the Suhrawardi Suf i Order in this region. Zahid Shamsi’s claim that the
Chetir pilgrimage was started by Shams himself carries obvious historical
weight. This is because in the period after Shams and Zakiriyya’s deaths, the
political situation in Multan would not have given an Isma'ili missionary or
a Suhrawardi Sufi a free hand to set up and implement such ceremonies; we
have already seen this in the hostility Zakiriyya’s descendants faced from the
Sultanate in Chapter 1. There is also little likelihood of the Multani ceremony
having been started by one of Shams’s own descendants, as they were based
in Uch after his death. Hence, f irstly, it is not possible that Zakiriyya was
not aware of the Chetir ceremony, especially as it is connected to another
Suhrawardi Sufi’s grave, and secondly, that he (atleast secretly) did not endorse
it. Sakhi Sarwar was murdered for his (Suhrawardi) beliefs, and is considered
a martyr for the order.
The biography of Sakhi Sarwar

Not much is known about Sakhi Sarwar’s life, except that he was a descendant
of the sixth Shi'a Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq. According to a recent Pakistani
publication based on new sources, his father moved to Multan with his family
from Baghdad, and settled in a small village located about twelve miles from
Multan, now known as Shahkot. The family had a literary background, and it
is probable that the land-holding which took the name ‘Shahkot’ was granted
76 For the seven Uchs see Shackle and Moir 2000, p.204. All seven Uchs were probably
related to Shams’s da'wa, today they are populated by remnants of the Suhrawardi
Order.
to the family as an endowment. This migration took place in 1126.77 Another

reference to Sakhi Sarwar is by Herklots in his often reprinted work Islam in
India.78 Herklots, relying on his local informer, states that Sakhi Sarwar settled
in Sialkot in the year 1220, and that his shrine is located at a place bearing
the same name in Dera Ghazi Khan District. This ‘Sialkot’ is in reality most
probably Shahkot, where the family reportedly settled.
The name of the village, Shahkot, suggests that it had something to do with
the settlement of Sayyids, or the descendants of the Prophet, in it. The word
‘Shah’ is a common title used for Sayyids in the sub-continent. The date of
1220 cited by Herklots is an approximation, and was based on evidence available
to him from his local sources.79 However, the famous British ethnographer
William Crooke states that some (in the Punjab) place Sakhi Sarwar in the
twelfth, while others in the thirteenth century.80
The problem with dating Sakhi Sarwar in the thirteenth century, i.e. if
his family settled in ‘Sialkot’ or ‘Shahkot’ in 1220, as reported by Herklots
and others, is that this makes him younger than Shams (lived 1165-1276).
Conversely, this would mean that Shams actually started the Chetir ceremony
to commemorate the shrine of a man much younger to himself, one of whom
there is no mention in the annals of Shams’s life, which does not make any
historical sense. Moreover, such an unorthodox ceremony was likely to have
been begun when the Suhrawardi Order overruled the state in Multan, which
would be in Zakiriyya’s time. Sakhi Sarwar should logically predate the Shams
and Zakiriyya era for our sequence of events to make sense, which gives
the timeline for his life, as argued in the new publication by Sindhi, greater
credibility than that suggested in older works.
Judging from the lineal plaque for Sakhi Sarwar affixed to his shrine, it
appears that the new information in Sindhi’s book about his family’s arrival in
Multan is correct. The plaque shows Sakhi Sarwar as the eleventh descendant
of the third Shi'a Imam, Husayn. If this is multiplied by an average of forty
years per generation, for the purpose of roughly estimating the date of his birth,
77 See Sindhi 2000, p.355.

78 Herklots 1834, p.143: Rose, vol. 1. 566 ff. Relying on Rose, Herklots says about Sakhi
Sarwar ‘that which is a resort of Hindu and Musalman mendicants. His devotees are
known as Sultani, Phirai or Pirahain, and his attendants (mujawir) (always) sleep on
the ground.’
79 Herklots's main source was Ja'far Sharif, a native of the Deccan, whose knowledge of
the Punjab and Frontier regions in the early 1800s could be inaccurate.
80 Crooke 1896, vol.1, p. 209. Crooke, unlike Herklots, actually served in the Punjab.
Shams 91
it would yield to us 440 years after the event of Husayn’s death in Kerbala in
680. Sakhi Sarwar’s date of birth would hence be sometime in the 1120s. In
light of this, Sindhi’s work stating that Sakhi Sarwar’s family moved to Shahkot
in 1126, or 520 Hijri, can be assumed to be correct. This makes Sakhi Sarwar
the f irst Suhrawardi Suf i in the region, preceding Zakiriyya. He was probably
born a little before or after the family’s migration from Iraq to Multan. There
is no popular mention of Sakhi Sarwar among the latter Suhrawardis; he is
a relatively indistinct figure in the history of the saints of the region, both in
terms of his personality, and that of his physically inaccessible tomb, which has
a very select congregation. However, like many Suhrawardi centres, his shrine
is today (mostly) Twelver Shi'a, and serves as a big centre for Shi'a religious
activity in the Dera Ghazi Khan area.
Sakhi Sarwar’s real name was Sayyid Ahmad Sultan. He received his
initial education from his father, after which he went to Iraq. Here, he first
obtained spiritual instruction from 'Abdul Qadir Gilani (d. 1166), and then
turned to his principal shaykh, Shihab al-din Suhrawardi.81 After completing
his initiation with al-Suhrawardi in Iraq, he spent some time with the Chishti
Shaykh Khwaja Mawdud in Chisht, located in present-day Afghanistan, before
returning to Multan.82 Sindhi gives Mawdud’s date of death as 1133 or 527
Hijri, which may be inaccurate, as it implies that a very young Sakhi Sarwar had
met Mawdud.83 If any of the above reports are accurate, this would be added
proof for Sakhi Sarwar’s earlier birth as suggested by Sindhi, because Gilani
and Mawdud clearly predate the Shams and Zakiriyya era. The correct timeline
for Sakhi Sarwar’s life (here) makes the Chetir ceremony commemorating him
a distinct connection between Shams and the Suhrawardi Order, during the
period when Zakiriyya led the order from Multan.
A while after returning home, Sakhi Sarwar first moved to Lahore. He
later settled in Wazirabad on the Grand Trunk Road, located between Lahore
and Islamabad, and preached there.84 It is possible that he left Lahore for
Wazirabad to escape state authority in that city, as Lahore at the time served as
81 Sindhi 2000, p.355 ff. The actual name of this Shihab al-din in Iraq is not specified
in the text, it could be either Zakiriyya’s mentor Abu Hafs Shihab al-din Suhrawardi,
or perhaps his uncle Abu Najib.
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid, p.221. However, according to some Chishti traditions, Maudud actually died in
the Islamic month of Rajab, at the age of 97, in March 1139. http://www.chishti.ru/
order_of_sufis.htm.
84 Sindhi 2000, p.355 ff.
the capital of the latter-day Ghaznawids in India.85 In Wazirabad, thousands

of people reportedly became Sakhi Sarwar’s devotees.86 This probably aroused
the displeasure of the Ghaznawids, who were in the last erratic stages of their
rule. Sindhi states that Sakhi Sarwar moved again with his close followers,
from Wazirabad, to a desolate place located at a distance of sixty miles from
Multan, in the neighbourhood of Dera Ghazi Khan, where his tomb is now
located.87 It should be mentioned that during the transition period between the
Ghaznawids and Ghorids, there are reports that Multan and its surroundings
had become semi-independent (again), under the proxy rule of the (allegedly
Isma'ili) Sumrah dynasty based in lower Sind.88
When Sakhi Sarwar moved to the Dera Ghazi Khan region from Wazirabad,
he apparently suffered at the hands of jealous family members living in nearby
Multan (or Shahkot to be more specific), who were obviously in some position
of power. At their behest (in an act possibly involving the authorities), Sakhi
Sarwar was put to death along with his close followers in a massacre, at the
place where his tomb now stands. He was reportedly killed in 1174 or 570
Hijri at roughly fifty three years of age,89 some ten years after Shams was
born in eastern Iran. Judging from the dates of his birth and death, Sakhi
Sarwar could not have been initiated by Zakiriyya’s mentor Abu Hafs, who
was born in 1145. Sakhi Sarwar’s mentor was probably Abu Najib (b. 1097),
the progenitor of the Suhrawardi Order and its first shaykh.90
A section of Sakhi Sarwar’s shrine today, adjoining the main sarcophagus
chamber, contains his retreat room, where he used to perform his various
spiritual exercises. Most of those who live in the town permanently belong to
a clan called mujawir, or literally ‘caretakers,’ who oversee the shrine’s everyday
functions. According to their own narrative, they are the descendants of Sakhi
Sarwar’s close attendants, who had accompanied him to the site of his murder,
and that of his wife, child and followers, but had themselves survived the
massacre. They have been living in the town since then and perform the day
to day duties of the shrine’s upkeep and running.
85 For Ghaznawid Lahore see Introduction, ‘The Ghorids.’

86 Sindhi 2000, p.355 ff.
87 Ibid.
88 This is suggested privately by some modern-day Sindhi nationalist historians. The
Sumrah dynasty ruled Sind from 1024-1351, see Dani, 2007, p.218.
89 See Sindhi 2000, p. 355.
90 See Chapter 1, ‘An historic overview.’
Shams 93
Conclusion
Shams’s background as the son of the chief Isma'ili hujjat or representative in
the Indus Valley and Balkh, who was ordained from the Isma'ili headquarters
at Alamut, and his own subsequent designation as the chief da'i, are invariably
representative of his Isma'ili beliefs.91 His arrival in Multan and his missionary
work there was obviously conducted in that capacity. However, the Suhrawardi
Order’s public or secret Isma'ili connections, in either Iraq or Multan, do not
necessarily imply the order’s direct control from Alamut. As already seen, this
connection was implicit in Iraq, based mostly on a metaphysical commonality.
Due to its own pragmatism, medieval Isma'ilism tolerated different kinds of
Isma'ili or pan-Shi'a ideas, and supported their dissemination.92 The groups
upholding such ideas sustained themselves through their connections to
Isma'ilism in differing ways, without being directly tied to Isma'ili headquarters
at Alamut. Such a setting best accounts for the tolerance shown to Shams’s
missionary activity in a Multan dominated by Zakiriyya. This analysis gains
further credence by Mu'izz al-din Sam’s assassination in 1206 by an Isma'ili
da'i, who was most probably carrying out orders from Alamut. The assassination
took place in the backdrop of resurgent Isma'ili activity in the middle Indus
region, which was then under Zakiriyya’s control. The status of the new
governor, Zakiriyya’s disciple Qabacha, who was the immediate benef iciary
of Mu'izz al-din’s murder, by becoming the ruler of Uch, further strengthens
the argument. Although the plot thickens, the reality of the intrigue within
remains un-quantified because of a lack of evidence. However, the political
situation speaks for itself in this seemingly enduring triangle between Shams,
Zakiriyya and Qabacha. 93
The defeat of the last Khwarazm Shah Jalal al-din Minkburni (in Iran), by
Chengiz Khan on the banks of the river Indus in 1221,94 his subsequent retreat
to Multan, and Qabacha’s efforts to expel him with Zakiriyya’s help, def ine
new geopolitics in the southern Punjab.95 Conversely, with the disappearance
of the Khwarazm Shahis in Iran, Alamut was faced directly with the Mongol
onslaught. As a result, Alamut’s communications with the Isma'ili communities
91 For Shams and his father’s designations as da'is from Alamut see Daftary 2007, p.385.
92 This is evident even in the earlier Fatimid era, see Introduction.
93 See Chapter 1, ‘The role of Baha-al-din Zakiriyya in politics.’
94 Daftary 2007, p.386.
95 See Chapter 1, ‘The role of Baha al-din Zakiriyya in Politics.’
in the region were ruptured, and they experienced disarray and localisation.96
After a few decades of resistance, Alamut was finally destroyed by Chengiz’s
grandson Hulegu in 1256,97 at a time when Shams (d.1276) and Zakiriyya
(d.1262) were both alive, and at the peak of their power in Multan. In these
years of bad communication with Alamut, leading up to its destruction, distant
Isma'ili communities were most probably advised to preserve themselves in
every way possible, including intermingling with host communities. The
destruction of Alamut also granted local Isma'ili da'is greater economic
freedom, since they no longer needed to send religious tithes back to Iran.
The Mongol conquests in Iran and their destruction of Alamut actually
changed the nature of Nizari Isma'ilism forever, since it no longer had a centre
to turn to. Most Isma'ilis (in Iran) either emigrated, or went underground in
order to survive. Similarly, the Suhrawardi Order in Iraq became completely
defunct. There were large-scale migrations of people from every conceivable
stratum of society, from the Middle East into India, to escape the destruction
wrought by the Mongols. It would not be wrong to assume that due to these
events, Isma'ilis and their sympathisers in far off lands like Multan and
Uch, which had not suffered a Mongol takeover, became closer than they
had previously been. The scenario helps to explain the next generation of
collaboration, between Shams’s descendants and the Suhrawardi Order in
Uch, which will be explored in the following chapter.
Pir Shams’s religious personality stands out above all in the region, because
of his connections to the Suhrawardi Order through Zakiriyya and Sakhi
Sarwar, and his weaving of Iranian Isma'ili beliefs into the Indian calendar
system. Shams definitely took the first real steps in defining a coherent Isma'ili
multi-faith belief system for the region, and for it designed a kind of syncretism
that simply did not have a precedent prior to its advent. It is obvious from
our evidence that many Satpanth ideas, especially those ascribed to Shams’s
grandson Sadr al-din in the post-Mongol era, were actually authored by Shams
himself, who should be considered as the real founder of the Satpanth in light
of this chapter’s findings. Sakhi Sarwar’s Suhrawardi credentials, and his tie
to Shams through the Chetir ceremony, which signifies the wilayat of 'Ali at
Ghadir through Chaharshamba-yi Suri and the Vikrami calendar, should put
to rest any doubts about early Isma'ili connections to the Suhrawardi Order
in the southern Punjab. At that time, the religious signature attached to such
96 Daftary 2007, p.386.

97 Ibid, p.395.
Shams 95
an Indo-Iranian cross-signification of a wholly Shi'a event, (i.e. 'Ali’s wilayat),

could only be the hallmark of the medieval Isma'ili da'wa. Zakiriyya’s covert
involvement with the Chetir ceremony is the most obvious inference that can
be drawn here, since Sakhi Sarwar is treated as the first Suhrawardi martyr
of this region.
After the fall of Alamut, the Nizari Isma'ili line disappeared into oblivion
for nearly two centuries. A split was reported between two factions of the
(Imam’s) family, each claiming the Nizari Isma'ili Imamate. From among
them, the Qasim Shahi line re-emerged in the sixteenth century under
favourable conditions, after Twelver Shi'ism had been adopted as the state
religion under the Safawids.98 In their period of seclusion, the Qasim Shahi
line of Imams lived in dissimulation as Sufis and dervishes in Iran, with the
local community following suit.99 And thus the initial Isma'ili connection to
Sufism in the Alamut period culminated, with the Isma'ili Imams adopting
the Sufi guise for protection themselves once Alamut was gone, starting with
Shams al-din Muhammad (born late 1240s). In the middle Indus region, this
period coincided with political turmoil after Zakiriyya’s death, and continued
Isma'ili missionary activity by Shams’s descendants in Uch, who were connected
to the Suhrawardi Order in that city through the descendants of Zakiriyya’s
initiate, Jalal al-din Surkhposh.
98 Ibid, p.405.
99 Ibid, p.419. The current Aga Khan is descended from the Qasim Shahi line.
CHAPTER
Three
The Suhrawardi Order in Uch
Jalal al-din Surkhposh

After difficult times had fallen on Alamut, and in the wake of Shams’s
successful missionary work in the relative freedom of Multan, the Indus region
became home to a large number of foreign Isma'ilis seeking refuge in India
from the Mongols. In fact, medieval India in this era probably saw the largest
influx of Muslim refugees from Central Asia, Iran and the Middle East, in
proportion to its population, ever in its history.1 In one instance, it is reported
that thousands of Iranian refugees had gathered around Jalal al-din Khwarazm
Shah’s army in 1221 waiting to cross the Indus;2 when they were cut down
by the Mongols in the ensuing battle. This single incident demonstrates the
numbers involved in the Mongol era immigration into India.
Jalal al-din Surkhposh was born in 1198 in Bukhara, and migrated to Multan
in 1237 with his two brothers, because of the Mongol onslaught on his native
Central Asia.3 This is much after the ground work for the Suhrawardi Order
and the Isma'ili da'wa had been completed by Shams and Zakiriyya. After his
1 In this author’s conversation with renowned historian Andre Wink on the subject, he on
the basis of his research suggested that nearly one third of the population of the middle
Indus region may have been, at that point, émigrés escaping the Mongol invasions, so
high was the level of immigration to India due to the Mongols.
2 Boyle 1991, p.320. This is the same Jalal al-din (Minkburni) who Qabacha was trying
to expel with Zakiriyya’s help; only f ive thousand of his men survived the Battle of the
Indus against Chengiz Khan, while all the refugees were slaughtered.
3 Sindhi 2000, p.410.
The Suhrawardi Order in Uch 97
arrival in Multan from Bukhara, Surkhposh was initiated into the Suhrawardi
Order by Zakiriyya, who made him his khalifa or deputy.4 He was then sent to
Bhakkar in upper Sind as Zakiriyya’s khalifa, where he settled and preached
for a while, marrying the daughter of an eminent local Sufi, Sayyid Badr al-
din. At some point in time, due to a sudden antagonism between him and his
brothers, he left Bhakkar and migrated to Uch under Zakiriyya’s guidance,
to preach and practise Suhrawardi doctrines there.5
Before Surkhposh’s arrival, both Bhakkar and Uch were ruled by their
Ghorid governor and later regent, Nasir al-din Qabacha, until his boat capsized
in the final battle with the Delhi Sultan Iltutmish, on 30 May 1228. After this,
Uch was absorbed into the Sultanate and was governed directly from Delhi,6
while Zakiriyya became the empire’s Shaykh al-Islam. Hence, Surkhposh’s
appointment as Zakiriyya’s khalifa, and his move to Bhakkar and later to Uch,
took place under the imperial governor’s mandate. It is important to emphasise
here the pre-existing Muslim context in Uch, and Zakiriyya’s connection to
it. When it comes to Pakistan’s Islamic heritage, tradition tends to look down
upon the local religion. It always ascribes a non-Muslim context to the sites
connected with the arrival of famous Sufis, whose arrival it is said, vanquished
falsehood and established the superiority of Muslim beliefs. In Uch, the story of
Surkhposh’s arrival revolves around the conversion of the local ruler to Islam.7
Surkhposh in Uch’s folkore: Myths and reality

As explained in the last chapter, many descriptions from the Sufi era in Uch
about Surkhposh are inaccurate. Popular folklore in Uch refers to the conversion
of the native Buddhist princess, Ucha Rani, to Islam by Surkhposh, from whom
Uch is also said to derive its name. However, according to historians, this place
has been called Uch since pre-Islamic times, literally meaning ‘high place’ in
Sanskrit.8 Although there may be some truth to conversions to Islam in the
larger Uch environs, their significance in terms of Surkhposh’s arrival seems to
4 See al-Huda 2003, p.117, map of Suhrawardi shaykhs.

5 See Sindhi 2000, p.411. Bhakkar is an island in the Indus situated next to the town
of Sukkar in upper Sind. The shrine of the only other Suhrawardi Sufi in the region
(af ter Sakhi Sarwar) who preceded Zakiriyya, Nuh Bhakkari, is located on this island.
In oral narratives, Zakiriyya is said to have met Nuh on his arrival back from Iraq.
6 Khan 1983, p.53: Juzjani, vol. 1, p.421.
7 For the ‘traditional’ Pakistani view on such conversions by Sufis, see Qureshi 1967,
vol. 2, p.13ff.
8 For Uch’s Sanskrit origins see Rehman 1997, p.108.
be overstated. As seen previously, the local overloads, i.e. the Ghorid governors
of Uch, were already Muslim before the arrival of Surkhposh. There is a grave
on the mound next to the Surkhposh khanqah that allegedly belongs to Ucha
Rani. The story mentions two princesses from the royal family of Uch, Ucha
Rani and Sita Rani, who were well versed in magic. Between them they ruled
the two interconnected principalities of Uch and Sitpur.9 Both first became
Surkhposh’s devotees, and eventually his wives, after engaging him in spiritual
contests that they lost.
Contrary to the Surkhposh and Ucha Rani story, the history of the region
from the last two chapters suggests that large-scale conversions to Islam were
instead more likely to have taken place in the time of Shams and Zakiriyya.
In addition, the era also involved massive Muslim migration into the region,
of those fleeing the Mongols. Shams’s missionary activity in Uch involved the
conversion of local nobles, including certain women, who became his deputies
and ran the lodges that he had set up.10 According to another ginan attributed
to Shams, a ‘few’ women also became his guptis or secret followers.11 In light
of the evidence from Isma'ili ginans, Shams’s own movements, the geography
of the Sitpur triangle, and the monument dedicated to Sita Rani that recently
collapsed, her ruling over the city of Sitpur is a historical possibility, one that
can be argued for. However in contrast, the possibility of Ucha Rani similarly
ruling over the city of Uch, either in the time of Surkhposh, or earlier during
the Shams and Zakiriyya period, is highly unlikely. This is because in the
Ghorid era, Uch was the provincial capital under 'Ali Karmakh, who would
not let an Isma'ili live in peace in the city, let alone a Buddhist rule over it.
After Karmakh, Qabacha’s attitude would have been no different, especially in
regards to Buddhist queens ruling over his dominions, while after 1228, the city
of Uch was ruled directly from Delhi. It is possible that a historical personality
called Ucha Rani did exist. But instead of her name being etymologically
connected to the city of Uch, she was perhaps just a prominent figure in it,
who is remembered in folklore due to her connection to the Suhrawardi Order
or the Isma'ili da'wa.
9 As mentioned in the last chapter, Sitpur is located on the opposite bank of the Panjnad
from Uch (see plate 2.2, previous chapter). A flood-ravaged monument celebrating Sita
Rani as a saint was extant until recently in Sitpur; its last turret collapsed a few years ago.
10 Satvarani Vadi, p.132 ff.
11 The entire story, including the names of some of the women, is contained in the ginan
Man Samjhani, courtesy Zawahir Moir, who is translating it with Christopher Shackle.
Samaiya and the Buddhist queen

The ginan Satvarani Vadi explored in the last chapter refers to the queen of a
city called Samaiya, who had become Shams’s devotee against the wishes of
her husband the king,12 and who may also have become his wife. The place
is referred to as a Buddhist enclave in the ginan. Samaiya may well have been
another name for a city around Uch, most probably Sitpur, which remained a
Buddhist centre until its complete Islamisation.13 In addition, the outskirts of
the city of Uch probably had a substantial Buddhist population living as vassals
under Ghorid rule, at the time of Shams’s arrival there in the late 1190s. By
comparison, during the time of Surkhposh in the late 1230s, the local Buddhist
population must have significantly decreased, mainly due to the very large
number of Muslim refugees fleeing the Mongols, who according to estimates
amounted to one third of the entire population of the middle Indus region
(at that point). But local folklore in Pakistan has the predictable tendency of
ascribing the hagiography of one saint to another. 14 As mentioned in Chapter
2, our facts suggest that the Ucha Rani and Surkhposh story is actually the
one mentioned about Shams and the Buddhist queen in Isma'ili ginans. It
probably became associated with Surkhposh later, just like (the symbolism
behind) Shams’s boat ta'ziya, when he came to prominence in Uch. To give the
reader an idea of the region’s size, the distance between Multan and Uch is a
hundred miles or so; with only one main road having connected the two cities
in olden times. This did not grant Shams a very large area for his missionary
activity involving the local Buddhist queen to take place in, except for the
surroundings of Uch – which verifies the ginan’s account of Shams and the
queen a being the precursors to Surkhposh’s association with the same tale.
Surkhposh’s Twelver background and a change in personality

On his arrival in Uch as Zakiriyya’s khalifa, Surkhposh must have come
across Shams’s da'wa and his followers in the city. The family members who
had accompanied Surkhposh to Multan, including his two brothers, migrated
back to Bukhara never to return, in a series of events which marked a change
12 Satvarani Vadi, p.132 ff. The ginan is attributed to Nur Muhammad Shah, one of
Shams’s descendants.
13 Samaiya has already been identified with Sitpur in the last chapter.
14 The milk bowl story involving Shams and Zakiriyya is often applied to Shahbaz
Qalandar in Sind, as is Shams’s boat miracle, see last chapter.
in Surkhposh’s life.15 The nature of this change can be in part attributed to

his association with Zakiriyya and the Suhrawardi Order. What can be stated
with some certainty about Surkhposh, unlike the other personalities in the
Isma'ili-Suhrawardi nexus, is his Twelver Shi'a background. The shajrah-
e-nasb or genealogical family tree of Surkhposh’s descendants in Uch today
traces their Sayyid lineage to the tenth Twelver Shi'a Imam 'Ali al-Naqi, and
in addition, they are all Twelver by creed. Unlike the other Sayyid clans in
the country, like the Ja' faris and the Kazimis,16 who can be both Shi'a and
Sunni Muslims; the Naqwis or descendants of the tenth Imam 'Ali al-Naqi
in Pakistan are predominantly Twelver Shi'a, with only a few Sunni Naqwi
families to be found. However, the Bokhari Naqwis descended from Surkhposh
living in Uch and its surroundings are exclusively Shi'a.17 It is possible that
Surkhposh’s family was offended by his new Suhrawardi associations, as tariqa
Sufism is sometimes discouraged by the more orthodox of the Twelver Shi'a.
After settling in Uch, Surkhposh would often visit Multan to meet
Zakiriyya, staying with him for extended periods of time. Even after Zakiriyya’s
death, he regularly visited his sons and successors, Sadr al-din 'Arif and Shah
Rukn-e-'Alam.18 He is known to have travelled extensively in the region and
abroad, and was allegedly responsible for propagating Suhrawardi doctrines
and setting up many khanqahs, but in history he is a secretive and shadowy
figure, with hardly any details surviving about his personal life. No malfuzat
or other texts written by him have survived. Surkhposh died in 1291, leaving
behind three sons, Baha al-din (named after Zakiriyya), Sayyid Muhammad,
and his third son, Ahmad Kabir.19 His youngest son was his spiritual successor
to the mantle of the Suhrawardi Order in Uch.20
Confusion with his grandson’s personality

Apart from the above cited, nothing concrete has been uncovered about
Surkhposh’s life. Unlike Zakiriyya’s prescriptive textbook for his khanqah,
none of the works written by Surkhposh have survived either; hence not
much is ascertainable with certitude about his personal religious leanings as a
Suhrawardi. In contrast to his family tree, some anecdotes refer to him as being
15 Sindhi 2000, p.411.

16 Descendants of the sixth and seventh Twelver Imams, Ja'far and Kazim.
17 In Uch city they number about 5000 people.
18 See Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.277.
19 Ibid.
20 Sindhi 2000, p.412.
a Sunni, as they usually do for most 'Alid Sufis in Pakistan, which is contestable.
A reason for this could be the confusion that exists between his personality
and that of his grandson, Jahaniyan Jahangasht of Uch, also known as Jalal
al-din II, who is the subject of Amina Steinfels’ book Knowledge before Action
(2012).21 Jahangasht lived in the strictly orthodox reign of Sultan Muhammad
Tughluq and practised an outward orthodoxy. He was the contemporary and
disciple of Rukn-e-'Alam, and lived nearly a hundred years after Surkhposh.
Considering Surkhposh’s lineal descent from the tenth Imam, close
attachment to Zakiriyya, along with the multi-faith, necessarily Satpanth
related iconography found on his khanqah in Uch, it would not be wrong to
regard him in a (heterodox) Shi'a light.22 In fact, three of the four medieval
Sufi friends (Chahar Yar) of the Indus region, celebrated in folklore, had strong
Shi'a linkages. 23 Of them, Shahbaz Qalandar was Shams’s cousin; Surkhposh
hailed from a Twelver background, while Zakiriyya’s own Isma'ili connections
and hidden Shi'a leanings have been discussed in Chapter 1. This would leave
Baba Farid as the odd one out. But that too is only seemingly so, as a major
tribe of the Punjab that Baba Farid converted to Islam, known as the Sial, are
today roughly forty percent Twelver Shi'a. The Shi'a Sial still pay homage to
Farid’s shrine, and claim that their creed was determined by Farid himself.
Shams was a league apart from the four, but the motifs of his Satpanth kept
reappearing within the heritage of the Suhrawardi Sufi Order, both during
his lifetime, and much afterwards.
Surkhposh’s connections to the Chetir ceremony

A book, Tarikh-e-Uch, which this author discovered during his research in Uch,
highlights a direct connection between Surkhposh and the Isma'ili da'wa. This
was a rare discovery as there is little documented evidence on Surkhposh’s life.
Due to its territorial isolation from the rest of the region, mainly because of it
being part of the princely state of Bahawalpur (1690-1955), Uch preserved its
independence from the Sikhs, and later British rule. As a result, certain oral
traditions and ceremonies survived here, which lasted until Partition. Tarikh-e-
21 See Introduction.
22 For the iconography on Surkhposh’s khanqah, see Chapters 4 and 6.
23 These were Shahbaz Qalandar, Surkhposh, Zakiriyya and Baba Farid of Pakpattan
(near Multan). New evidence shows that Shahbag and Sukhposh appear in the spiritual
lineages of the Ahl-i Haqq of Iran. This was during their travels, and a matter for
future research. Courtesy Prof. Michel Boivin, and Dr. Amjad Ali Shah Naqavi (Shi'ah
Institute).
Uch, based on these traditions, was written in 1931 about the history and saints
of Uch. It mentions Surkhposh’s annual 'urs or death anniversary celebrations
as (always) having taken place in the month of Chetir.24 This mention of the
celebration of Surkhposh’s 'urs in Chetir in a document which purports to have
collected all its evidence from the lineal custodians of the khanqahs and shrines
of Uch is of historical importance. Today, Surkhposh’s yearly 'urs begins on
the 17th of the Islamic month of Rabi' al-Awwal, and continues for 3 days,
which suggests that its celebration in Chetir died out after the absorption of
the Bahawalpur state into Pakistan. Firstly, the celebration of the 'urs on both
Indian and Islamic dates means that the method of celebration was twofold,
just like the commemoration of Shi'a dates at Shams’s shrine. Secondly, the
obvious connection in our context of Chetir to Nawruz, to Chaharshamba-yi
Suri, and to the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, should be noted.
In metaphysical terms, Surkhposh’s 'urs celebrations in Chetir constitute
an important connection to the Satpanth, even as the real circumstances of
Surkhposh’s death are not known. Surely the date of his death, which is well
recorded according to the Islamic calendar, should have been celebrated with
only that, and not also with the Hindu calendar. It cannot be that the only
two Sufis, i.e. Sakhi Sarwar and Surkhposh, to whom Chetir ceremonies are
ascribable happen to be Suhrawardis, without a strong link to Shams’s da'wa
having existed for them as well. Whether Surkhposh’s 'urs celebrations were
originally held on the first Wednesday of the month of Chetir, hence resonating
with Ghadir and Nawruz; or conversely took place with some other cross-
calendar symbolism, is a matter for future scholarship. But if one considers
Surkhposh’s 'urs celebrations in Chetir in light of the Nawruz symbolism
discovered on the Suhrawardi monuments of Uch, which were built by his
descendants, his 'urs ceremony is definitely related to the wilayat of 'Ali. It
is most probably connected to the Chetir festival and to Shams himself, the
idea of which in the case of Uch was emulated for Surkhposh’s 'urs.25 After
24 See Hafiz 1931, p.99.

25 Today during Chetir in Uch, there are instead of Surkhposh’s 'urs commemorations,
four melas or festivals on four consecutive Fridays, starting on the first Friday of the
month, for the Chahar Yar mentioned in the previous section. The first mela is for the
Bukharis, i.e. Surkhposh, the second for Zakiriyya, the third for Baba Farid, and the last
one for Shahbaz Qalandar. It is possible that these four melas were originally heralded
in by the Chetir 'urs celebration for Surkhposh, on the first Wednesday of the Indian
month. This is the author’s hypothesis and is yet to be verified. The information here is
courtesy of Tahir Maqbool Baluch, programme manager in Uch for the Conservation
and Rehabilitation Centre (CRC) – until the dissolution of the programme in 2009.
all, there is also the case of the boat ta'ziya in Uch, which recalls Shams, but
which is attributed instead to Surkhposh.
Ahmad Kabir
Surkhposh died in 1291 and was succeeded by his son, Ahmad Kabir. The exact
birth or death date for Ahmad Kabir is not known, nor is much known about
his life, except that he was initiated into Suhrawardi doctrines by his father
Surkhposh in Uch. Later, Zakiriyya’s son (and Rukn-e-'Alam’s father), Sadr
al-din 'Arif, became Ahmad Kabir’s mentor. This is the same Sadr al-din 'Arif
who had the many qalandar connections and problems with the authorities,
including the incident with the governor of Multan, who was emperor Balban’s
son.26 Ahmad Kabir’s personality tilted towards a severe asceticism, like that
of his mentor, Sadr al-din 'Arif. Ahmad Kabir’s grave is located next to that
of his father inside the Surkhposh khanqah.27 However, Surkhposh’s body
was interred in two other places before being re-buried inside this khanqah.
This means that Ahmad Kabir was the first Suhrawardi shaykh to be buried
inside Surkhposh’s khanqah in Uch. Ahmad Kabir is famous for his spiritual
feats, and a special bangle attributed to his grave was given to those haunted
by evil spirits and those prone to snakebite.28 Until recently, when people in
Uch were afflicted by such troubles or by an incurable sickness, they were tied
to his grave with chains until they were healed.
Jahaniyan Jahangasht
Surkhposh’s grandson, Jahaniyan Jahangasht, was born in Uch on 9 February
1308, to Ahmad Kabir.29 It is reported that Shah Rukn-e-'Alam initiated
Jahangasht into the Suhrawardi Order. 30 This seems odd because, as
Surkhposh’s grandson, he should already have been an initiate. But considering
the problems that Ahmad Kabir’s mentor, Sadr al-din 'Arif, had with the
imperial government (through the governor of Multan and heir-apparent
Prince Muhammad), it is possible that an ex-communication of prominent
26 See Chapter 1, ‘Shaykh Sadr al-din 'Arif.’

27 Hafiz 1931, p.141.
28 Ibid. The bangle was ‘tied’ to his sarcophagus for a certain number of days, after which
the wearer became free of his/her affliction.
29 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.277, & also Hussain (Jahangasht) 1983, p.4.
30 Ibid.
Suhrawardi individuals had taken place, which necessitated Rukn-e-'Alam to

reinitiate Jahangasht into the Suhrawardi Order.31 After Rukn-e-'Alam’s death,
and the subsequent execution of his nephew Hud in Multan on the orders of
Muhammad Tughluq, 32 the young Jahangasht was pressurised by Tughluq
to take up the office of Shaykh al-Islam in Hud’s place, a position that he
refused. After some sort of a compromise, Jahangasht was appointed the head
of forty khanqahs in Siwistan (Sehwan, in Sind) by imperial decree, which
he accepted only for a brief period.33 Sometime after Hud’s execution, which
happened within a short time of Rukn-e-'Alam’s death in 1335, Jahangasht
left the administration of the Sind khanqahs. He claimed that he had been
told to go on pilgrimage to Mecca by the Prophet in a vision, a pretence which
could not be challenged by Muhammad Tughluq.
Jahangasht’s conflict with the Tughluq dynasty

According to Riazul Islam’s Sufism in South Asia, which reconstructs a stage in
Jahangasht’s life from the excerpts of works attributed to him, he was nominated
as the Shaykh al-Islam by Muhammad Tughluq in 1340, which he refused; he
went to Mecca the same year. Islam cites the reason as Rukn-e-'Alam, and not
the Prophet, having appeared to Jahangasht in a dream, warning that if he did
not leave immediately he would be ruined. Jahangasht subsequently returned
only after Muhammad Tughluq’s death in 1351.34 This means that Jahangasht
actually stayed in Sehwan for less than a year. When he was leaving, he is said
to have remarked, ‘If I were to remain at these (Sehwan) khanqahs, I would
surely have become arrogant.’35 The situation demonstrates the antagonism that
existed between Jahangasht and the Tughluq dynasty, one which recalls the
earlier problems between Jahangasht’s mentor Rukn-e-'Alam, and Muhammad
Tughluq. Hence, it is very possible that Jahangasht’s Sunni orthodox visage
was simply a means to keep the 'Ulama from passing religious edicts against
him. This was after all a legal mechanism that could easily become a tool for
state persecution, as is evident from the case of Shaykh Hud.
31 Sadr al-din 'Arif 's name is not included in the list of imperially endorsed Suhrawardi
shaykhs at Multan, see Chapter 1, ‘Shaykh Sadr al-din 'Arif.’
32 On trumped up charges: al-Huda 2003, p.128; Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p. 214: Ibn Battuta
Rihlah, vol. 3, pp.303-307.
33 Sindhi 2000, p.413.
34 Islam 2002, p.284.
35 Al-Huda 2004, p.129; also see Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.277.
It is not known exactly when Jahangasht took over the Surkhposh khanqah
in Uch from his father Ahmad Kabir, as the exact date of Ahmad Kabir’s death
is not known. However, it must have been his first act as shaykh after succeeding
his father, and it lasted only for a brief period, since he was reappointed to the
Sehwan khanqahs in Sind. Jahangasht’s succession to Ahmad Kabir either
preceded or was very close to the earlier part of Muhammad Tughluq’s rule
(1325-1351), when Jahangasht was very young; he travelled abroad for most
of Tughluq’s reign. In Jahangasht’s absence, his younger brother Sadr al-din
(nicknamed Sayyid Raju) administered the khanqah at Uch.36 Sayyid Raju was
probably in his late teens at the time. A high level of antagonism thus emerges
between the Suhrawardi Order in Uch and the Sultan, in the likeness of the
situation in Multan and Muhammad Tughluq’s erstwhile efforts to crush the
order entirely in that city.
After returning to the country, Jahangasht made a rapprochement with
Muhammad Tughluq’s successor Firuz Shah (1351-1388), and earned some
favour at the court, but he was still in continuous conflict with the state
apparatus, which he successfully circumvented through the influence that he
wielded.37 Once in power, Firuz Shah for his part tried to pacify the many
communities and groups that had been aggrieved by Muhammad Tughluq’s
aggressive policies, hence Jahangasht’s better relations with his court are in no
way an exception.38 Jahangasht stayed mostly in Uch after his return, and never
went to Delhi except on a couple of occasions.39 This is untoward considering
36 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.277.

37 For details of his conflict with Firuz Shah’s Prime Minister, Khan-e-Jahan Maqbul,
see al-Huda 2003, p.129: Siyar al-'Arifin, p.212.
38 Firuz Shah reportedly had Muhammad Tughlaq buried in Sehwan, for the atonement
of his excesses. Muhammad died in Sind, after he suppressed a major rebellion in
1351, and had an eminent Sufi killed in Thatta. Firuz Shah had a grand mausoleum
commissioned over Shahbaz Qalandar’s grave, and it is suggested that this was due to
Muhammad Tughlaq’s burial there. Pakistani archaeologist Kalimullah Lashari has
identified an historic cupola that lay outside the main shrine in Sehwan, which according
to him was erected over Muhammad Tughlaq’s grave. The findings put forward by
Lashari are based on new evidence, mainly archaeological. They are not attested to
by established discourses on the subject, but they nevertheless answer many questions
and corroborate the rapprochement policy adopted by Firuz Shah towards groups in
the Indus region that were antagonised by his predecessor: Lecture by Kalimullah
Lashari, ‘An epigraphy of Sehwan,’ in ‘The Sehwan Lecture Series 2012,’ held at the
Indus Valley School of Art and Architecture, Karachi, on Wednesday, 9 May 2012.
39 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.278.
that on his return home Jahangasht had officially been endorsed as the shaykh
of the Suhrawardi Order by Firuz Shah. When Jahangasht did travel to the
imperial capital, he did so with his entourage and scribes, who compiled his
sayings and discourses in a number of books, some of which have survived.
The shared title with Surkhposh and early life

Jahangasht was given his grandfather Surkhposh’s title, Jalal al-din, as a mark
of respect, and came to be known as Jalal al-din II. In folklore, this shared title
has become a cause for confusion between the two, especially with regard to
the Sunnism attributed to Surkhposh, whose life is unrecorded. As pointed out
above, Jahangasht’s own Sunnism was probably professed as protection from
state persecution; on account of the difficult times he had faced during the reign
of Muhammad Tughluq. In contrast, all of Surkhposh’s descendants in Uch, the
Bukhari Naqvi Sayyids, including those claiming descent through Jahangasht,
are today Twelver Shi'a by creed. Among them however, Jahangasht’s direct
descendants declared their Shi'ism openly much later in history (in the early
1700s), citing dissimulation as a reason for their previous beliefs.
Jahangasht’s initial education took place in Uch at the Surkhposh khanqah,
which was at the time run by his father Ahmad Kabir, and was completed
under Qadi Zakiriyya, who was especially appointed for this purpose.40 Due
to his reputation as a scholar of both exoteric and esoteric sciences, and his
success with Jahangasht, the title of Baha al-Halim was bestowed upon Qadi
Zakiriyya. His monument is a part of the Bibi Jaiwandi tomb complex located
adjacent to the Surkhposh khanqah, and is dealt with in Chapter 6. After Baha
al-Halim’s death, Jahangasht was sent to the khanqah of Rukn-e-'Alam in
Multan for further education. Rukn-e-'Alam apparently became very attached
to Jahangasht, and personally initiated him into the higher doctrines of the
Suhrawardi Order. He also appointed two teachers for the completion of
Jahangasht’s training. Jahangasht stayed at the khanqah in Multan for many
years, after which he went to the Hijaz.41 In the folklore of Uch, there are
many reports about the time Jahangasht spent in the Hijaz, and his performing
spiritual feats there.
These events approximately took place in the late 1320s, as Jahangasht was
to return to Uch from the Hijaz to take control of the Surkhposh khanqah,
40 Sindhi 2000, p. 412, & also Hussain 1983, p.4.

41 Ibid.
before Rukn-e-'Alam died in 1335. Due to his advancing age, Rukn-e-'Alam,

as Shaykh al-Islam of the Suhrawardi Order, may actually have summoned
Jahangasht back – for the purpose of taking over the Uch khanqah, although
this is not mentioned in recorded history. In this period of Jahangasht’s life,
the Rukn-e-'Alam connection proves central to the theme of this book,
as he (Rukn-e-'Alam) is the orthodox Shaykh al-Islam whose monument,
like Jahangasht’s personality, carries hidden Shi'a motifs.42 An analysis of
Jahangasht’s Shi'a tendencies is outlined below.
Jahangasht’s Shi'a tendencies

Jahangasht authored many books, most of which have now been lost. In addition
to the primary source Malfuzat-e-Hussain used in this chapter,43 Jami' al-'Ulum
(Collection of Sciences) figures prominently among the works ascribed to
Jahangasht, and still survives in unpublished form.44 But unlike Zakiriyya’s
Al-Awrad that was explored in Chapter 1, Jami' al-'Ulum shows Jahangasht to be
an orthodox Sunni, one who is opposed to Shi'ism.45 However, considering that
Jami' al-'Ulum was compiled at the court in Delhi, during one of Jahangasht’s
two visits to the imperial capital, this should come as no surprise. Its writing
was open to the scrutiny of the court nobles and scholars, and since the book
is obviously based on the discourses which took place between them and
Jahangasht, it would in no way echo his Shi'a leanings. Jahangasht’s scribes
must have ensured that Firuz Shah’s court was not offended by the book.
In contrast, Athar 'Abbas Rizvi quoting from another manuscript writes
that in spite of Jahangasht’s (outward) orthodoxy, he marshalled evidence from
the Quran to prove that the Family of the Prophet included only 'Ali, Fatima
and her sons. He asserted that the Mubahila (3:59) and Tathir (33:33) verses
in the Quran reiterated that love and respect for the Prophet’s family should
be regarded as the same as were due to the Prophet himself. Similarly, hate
and enmity towards them should be treated as hatred for the Prophet, and
that these sentiments became a distinctive feature of Jahangasht’s khanqah in
42 For Rukn-e-'Alam’s monument and its Shi'a iconography see Chapter 5.

43 This is a compilation of Jahangasht’s life and sayings, as recorded by his scribes.
44 Jami' al-'Ulum are his letters and discourses, as collected by his scribes, on the occasion
of his extended visit to Delhi to the court of Firuz Shah, in which he tries to give a
Sunni interpretation of Sufism: Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.279.
45 Rizvi 1986b (Shi'ism), vol. 1, p.154.
Uch.46 The interpretation of these two verses of the Quran in favour of the
Prophet’s family by Jahangasht will prevent his being painted in a Sunni light
by any scholar of Shi'a Islam. In Shi'ism, the two verses are used to accord the
Prophet’s family a status of equality with him.
In addition, Jahangasht is also reported to have written a book on obscure
Shi'a sects in another manuscript.47 The contents of this book have a special
bearing on the sub-order of Sufis that Jahangasht was to found within the
Suhrawardi Order at Uch, known as the Jalali Dervishes. At some point, the
Jalali Dervishes actually went on to emulate the extreme beliefs of the obscure
Shi'a sects that Jahangasht had written about. Moreover, such a subject would
never have attracted a real Sunni puritan, unless the book was written as a
warning of what to stay away from. But then, why obscure Shi'a sects and not
predominant Shi'a denominations, which have many more adherents and are
traditionally considered the greater ‘threat’ to orthodoxy? In fact, if Jahangasht
were a true puritan, he would have instinctively rejected the detailed study
of obscure Shi'a sects as a matter of faith – since they literally equate 'Ali
with God; instead of delving into the subject. To add to the discrepancy, in
the medieval era such a book would have been of no interest to an orthodox
Sunni readership, whether Sufi or otherwise, as traditionally this readership
has always held very rigid views on Shi'ism.
Sadr al-din Rajjan Qattal (Sayyid Raju)

Jahangasht’s younger brother was named Sadr al-din, and it is he who
administered the Surkhposh khanqah in Jahangasht’s eleven year absence from
the country, during Muhammad Tughluq’s reign. Not much detail is available
on the early life of Sadr al-din, or Sayyid Raju as he is popularly known, except
that his personality was in stark contrast to that of Jahangasht. Sayyid Raju was
withdrawn and ascetic-minded by nature. The exact date of birth for Sayyid
46 Ibid: Khazana-e-Fawa’id-e-Jalaliyya, British Museum MS., ff 152b-155a. The use of

these two verses in favour of the Prophet’s family is exclusively a Shi'a or a Shi'a-Sufi
phenomenon. They are used to assert the infallibility of the Prophet’s family, and
for admonishing the enmity and hatred shown towards them immediately after the
Prophet’s death. For the Shi'a reading of the Mubahila and Tathir verses and its similarity
to Jahangasht’s exegesis, see http://www.al-islam.org/history/history/mubahila.html
& http://www.al-islam.org/short/arabic/tathir .
47 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1 p.157: Sirajiyya, held in the Raza Library, Rampur, India.
Raju is not known either, but according to local tradition, he was more than
a decade younger than Jahangasht (b.1308), and very young when his father
Ahmad Kabir died. Hence, his date of birth can be approximated to the 1320s,
and that of the death of his father to roughly the same period. Jahangasht is
said to have remarked that if God had chosen that he (Jahangasht) should be
concerned with the people’s welfare, it was so that Sayyid Raju should lead
the life of a recluse, constantly engrossed in prayer and meditation.48 In spite
of their obvious temperamental difference, the two became inseparable when
Jahangasht returned to Uch after Muhammad Tughluq’s death (in 1351). They
propagated the Suhrawardi cause together in the city. When Jahangasht came
back, a separate khanqah was set up in his name in Uch. It is inferable from
this that Sayyid Raju did not completely give up control of the Surkhposh
khanqah to the returning Jahangasht; or perhaps jointly administered it with
him thereafter. During Jahangasht’s prolonged absence, the foundation stones
for future Suhrawardi plans in Uch must have been laid by the young Sayyid
Raju, who also has a khanqah to his own name. The Sayyid Raju khanqah is
physically much larger than the Jahangasht khanqah, but probably dates from
the era after Jahangasht’s death.
Sayyid Raju’s prominence started with his taking over the administration
of the Surkhposh khanqah, after Jahangasht had left the country to escape
Muhammad Tughluq’s offer of appointment as Shaykh al-Islam (in 1340).
This era of Sayyid Raju’s life is mostly uncharted. It is said that he initiated
and supervised many disciples, although he must have been very young at the
time. Sayyid Raju was initiated into Suhrawardi doctrines by his father Ahmad
Kabir, but his brother Jahangasht also imparted spiritual training to him.49
Due to his asceticism, Sayyid Raju is more easily associable with Shi'ism and
heterodoxy than his brother, and is known to have been very temperamental.
However, after Jahangasht’s return in 1351, the two brothers are always
mentioned together in historical references to their activities in Uch, where they
rose to great eminence.50 In these references, the Sunni orthodoxy ascribed to
Jahangasht is sometimes extended to Sayyid Raju, which has prompted some
historians to paint him in a proto-Salafi light.51
48 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.281.

49 Ibid. Rizvi’s first statement makes lesser sense here, as Ahmad Kabir died when Sayyid
Raju was very young, and children are usually not initiated into Sufi orders.
51 A very militant Sunni evangelism is at times ascribed to Sayyid Raju, see Rizvi 1986,
vol. 1, p.281.
Jahangasht died in 1384, and subsequently Sayyid Raju re-assumed full

control of the Surkhposh khanqah, administering it until his own death,
and never left Uch again except on one occasion.52 Soon after Jahangasht’s
passing, an incident involving Sayyid Raju and Sultan Firuz Shah took place,
due to which Sayyid Raju went to Delhi for the first and only time. His
purpose was to bring back a criminal who had escaped and sought refuge at
Firuz Shah’s court. The escapee was a prominent Hindu state official from
Uch and a favourite of the Sultan. It is reported that Firuz Shah had devised
a plan, at the behest of three imperial religious authorities in Delhi, to trap
Sayyid Raju on his arrival.53 The report suggests that some discord existed
between Sayyid Raju and the 'Ulama. However, Firuz Shah and the 'Ulama
were outmanoeuvred by Raju because of his prior knowledge of the scheme,
and his skill in retorting to their queries in debate. He succeeded in returning
back to Uch unharmed with the criminal.54
The above event demonstrates both the hostility of the imperial court,
and Sayyid Raju’s power in Uch as a dispenser of justice, since he was able to
circumvent the Sultan’s authority by not making an exception for his favourite.
The situation recalls in Uch the independence of the Zakiriyya era in Multan.
The scenario of ‘trapping’ Sayyid Raju in a religious debate however, points
towards the 'Ulama’s intention of trying to discredit and arrest him on heresy
charges. After Jahangasht’s death, Sayyid Raju’s administration in Uch heralded
increased isolation from the outside world.55
The Jalali Dervishes: Connections to Isma'ilism

An ascetic sub-order known as the Jalali Dervishes was formed within the
Suhrawardi Sufi Order by the two brothers. Although they are usually
associated with Jahangasht on account of his fame, it is more likely that
52 Ibid: Jamali Akhbar al-Akhyar, p.154.

53 By involving him in a religious debate.
54 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.280. This incident is reported in detail in the following historical
texts: Jamali, Akhbar al-Akhyar, pp.159-160; Gulshan-e-Ibrahimi, pp.417-418.
55 Sayyid Raju’s isolationist policy was assisted by the death of Firuz Shah in 1388, after
which all successive Tughluq Sultans were incompetent rulers, until the attack of Timur
decimated the Tughluq dynasty completely in 1398. Sayyid Raju’s re-administration
of the Surkhposh khanqah in 1384 corresponds with the da'wa of Shams’s descendant
Hasan Kabir al-din, who headed the Isma'ili mission in Uch. The personalities of the
two are very similar, with strong leanings towards asceticism.
Sayyid Raju, due to his ascetic personality, and the time that he initially spent
administering the Surkhposh khanqah, laid the foundations for the formation
of the dervishes. It is even possible that the founding of the sub-order was a
partial reason for Jahangasht’s prolonged absence from the country, so as to give
Sayyid Raju a freer hand in Uch, and to distract attention from Suhrawardi
activities in the city. The kind of heterodox asceticism that the Jalali Dervishes
professed defines the secret connections that the Suhrawardi Order maintained
with Isma'ilism in the city, and is a far cry from the outward orthodoxy practised
by either Jahangasht or Sayyid Raju. Their formation appears to have been a
long thought out plan of the Suhrawardi Order in Uch.
Many incidents in the Sufi text Mahbubiya, relate that three generations
of Suhrawardi Sufis in Uch, Jahangasht, Sayyid Raju and their immediate
descendants and followers, were in continuous conflict with Hindu yogis. They
challenged yogis to intellectual debates and spiritual contests until the yogis
either lost and submitted, or made peace with them. Many yogis subsequently
joined the order and presumably brought to it their esoteric knowledge and
practices.56 The approach of engaging Hindu ascetics in spiritual contests is
reminiscent of early Isma'ili da'wa tactics dating back to Shams himself, and
to Satgur Nur in the Gujarat, both of whom made great strides in winning
local converts in this manner.57 In addition, it is reported in the Mahbubiya
that Jahangasht was in the habit (like Zakiriyya) of making large gifts to
qalandars and travelling dervishes,58 something which contradicts reports
about his being a puritanical Sunni.
It should be pointed out that after the death of Ahmad Kabir, and especially
during Jahangasht’s travels abroad, there are no reports of any Suhrawardi
masters in Uch supervising the young Sayyid Raju, who was at the time said
to have been administrating the Surkhposh khanqah. The last such shaykh
in Multan, Shaykh Hud, had already been executed. Jahangasht’s mentor,
Rukn-e-'Alam, had died before Hud in 1335, when Jahangasht was only
twenty seven years old. Jahangasht’s famed teacher from Uch, Baha al-Halim,
had died even earlier, due to which Jahangasht went to learn at the Rukn-e-
56 This spiritual amalgamation is still visible to those who know of the esoteric practices
of the Jalali Dervishes. They are both Muslim and Hindu, and combine jafr or Islamic
cabbala, with yogic energy meditation techniques.
57 The ginan Man Samjhani which Zawahir Moir is translating with Christopher Shackle
mentions Shams’s metaphysical debates and engagements with Buddhist monks. Also
see Chapter 2, ‘The river and the arrival from Uch.’
58 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.278: Yusufi, Mahbubiya ff. 9b-11b.
'Alam khanqah in Multan (in his late teens). In short, for the time he was in
the country, until he left in 1340, without the help of other Sufi masters to
aid him, Jahangasht was simply too young to be imparting detailed spiritual
guidance to his younger brother. In addition, even after Jahangasht’s departure,
Uch remained a renowned Suhrawardi centre with a very young Sayyid Raju
in charge. As Jahangasht was thirty two years old in 1340 when he left the
country, this would make Sayyid Raju literally a teenager then, when he is
reported to have initiated and supervised disciples, and presumably laid the
foundations for the Jalali Dervishes. Such tasks would have been impossible
for a teenager to accomplish on his own, without help and support from others.
Therefore, the question that begs to be asked is: in the absence of any known
Suhrawardi masters, who was guiding and mentoring Sayyid Raju in Uch?
Shams’s descendants in Uch

The only real religious organisation that existed in Uch during Jahangasht’s
decade-long absence, one which could have guided the young Sayyid Raju,
and which maintained older connections with the Suhrawardi Sufi Order
(going back more than a century to Iraq), was the Isma'ili da'wa headed by
the descendants of Pir Shams. These were, Shams’s son Nasir al-din (d.1362),
who lived the life of an ascetic; Shams’s grandson Sadr al-din (d.1416), who
was responsible for the re-organisation and expansion of the da'wa in Uch; and
finally Shams’s great grandson, Hasan Kabir al-din (d.1449).59 Uch’s isolation
from the outside world has already been mentioned for the time of Jahangasht,
and especially that of Sayyid Raju; when secret cooperation between the two
religious entities proceeded unchecked. This cooperation also had a precedent
in the previous century, through the Shams-Zakiriyya link in Multan, and
the Chetir ceremony.
Shams’s descendants were responsible for large-scale conversions to
Isma'ilism in the region of Uch, after the city had (once more) become the
centre of the da'wa, subsequent to Shams’s death.60 Like Shams, Nasir al-din
59 For Shams’s descendants in Uch as da'is, see Chapter 6. For details of the accurate
chronology of Shams’s descendants in Uch from new evidence, starting with Nasir
al-din, as opposed to some exaggerated Isma'ili accounts, see this author’s doctoral
thesis, in Khan 2009, 217ff.
60 According to Zawahir Moir, Shams was murdered in 1276 in Multan, and did not die
a natural death; which is fourteen years after Zakiriyya had died (1262). This suggests
that after Zakiriyya’s death, orthodox forces in Multan may have been responsible for
and Sadr al-din cannot yet be identified as Suhrawardi Sufis, if only for lack
of textual evidence; although Sadr al-din’s tomb certainly demonstrates the
connection, while some oral narratives also refer to him as being a Suhrawardi
Sufi. However, Hasan Kabir al-din is well known to have been a Suhrawardi
Sufi,61 and was also a contemporary of Sayyid Raju (after Jahangasht’s death).
It is more than probable that Nasir al-din and Sadr al-din played some part in
Sayyid Raju’s early development, after Jahangasht had left the country (1340-
1351), and that they contributed to the formation of the Jalali Dervishes in Uch.
This is especially considering the kind of religiosity that the dervishes adhered
to, who like Isma'ili ascetics, actively engaged other religious traditions, and
rejected the Islamic shari'a altogether (see next section). There are no historical
reports of any conflict existing between Shams’s descendants and Jahangasht
and Sayyid Raju, or conversely any reports of friendship between them. In
fact, curiously enough, there are no reports of any connection having existed
between them at all, which in a small city like Uch raises questions.
The cryptic connection proposed here between the Isma'ili da'wa and the
Suhrawardi Order in Uch was obviously kept secret as a matter of strategy.
The hypothesis is strengthened by the general secrecy maintained by the two
brothers at the khanqahs, in addition to the physical isolation of Uch itself.
It is reported that even after Jahangasht’s return in 1351, no imperial official
or general outsider was allowed inside the Suhrawardi khanqahs. Hence,
any covert religious activity involving Isma'ili da'is would be untraceable,
and remains hidden to this day. In one of his own statements, Jahangasht
discouraged outside visitors to the khanqahs and exhibited both dissimulation
and secrecy in terms of religious affairs. He said that it was acceptable for
Sufis to visit rulers, noblemen and the rich to elicit the interests and welfare
of the common folk, but a dervish should never allow such people to visit him
at the khanqah, and if it were unavoidable, then the visit should be devoted to
preaching the significance of the shari'a.62
The Isma'ili Imam Islam Shah (lived 1370-1423), during the Imamate of
whom Hasan Kabir al-din was openly a Suhrawardi Sufi in Uch, lived the life
of a wandering dervish in Azerbaijan. His identity was kept hidden from all
except his inner followers. He visited his mission centres in Iran in absolute
secrecy, meeting his followers in disguise, and was fond of isolation, spending
Shams’s murder, or at least for exerting pressure on the Isma'ili da'wa, forcing it to be
shifted back to the comparative safety of Uch.
61 Hafiz 1931, pp.151-152.
62 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.280: Siraj al-Hadiya, f.62a.
months on end in the wild.63 It is evident that the secrecy and asceticism
practised in Uch under Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju were in consonance with
contemporary Isma'ili religious attitudes then, where the agenda, as stated
by Daftary, ‘was not the propagation of a certain Shi'a sect, but rather the
‘Shi'itization’ of (a dominant) Sunnism.’64
Metaphysical tendencies and the Satpanth

Judging from their ascetic practices and metaphysical tendencies, the Jalali
Dervishes can be best explained as a crossover between Isma'ili and Twelver
concepts, and Suhrawardi beliefs, something that will become clearer in
Chapter 4, from the analysis of the iconography found on the Suhrawardi
monuments of Uch. These are the buildings from where Jahangasht and
Sayyid Raju preached, where the dervishes were formed , and which are
systematically embellished with the symbolism of many religions – something
that is originally a hallmark of the Isma'ili Satpanth. For the moment, the
manner of the dervishes’ engagement of Hindu ascetics, as reported in the
Mahbubiya, serves as evidence on their religious characteristics. Such historical
reports are complemented by present-day Jalali Dervish ascetic exercises
that this author encountered during field research, which are both Muslim
and Hindu, and combine jafr or cabbala with yogic energy techniques. The
spiritual exercises of the group suggest that it was formed to further the
advancement of batini or esoteric sciences, by engaging the Hindu tradition,
and to provide a bastion for countering the influence of yogic orders in the
region. Uch was one of the oldest centres for Shakta or Tantric practices in
India. The strength of the yogis, in terms of the control they exercised over the
local population, must have been of epic proportions, hindering proselytism
and efficient administration.
Shi'ism
In his book Shi'a of India Hollister, writing around the time of Partition, says
that no step has been taken to study the intertwined relationship between
Shi'ism and Sufism. He goes on to state that this intimacy may be judged
63 http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history707.html . Most citations on this

website of Isma'ili history are regarded as being academically trustworthy, except where
cited on the webpage.
64 See Daftary 2007, p.419.
through the Jalali Order found in the Punjab, which is an offshoot of the
Suhrawardi, by which of course he means the Jalali Dervishes. According to
him this order has the status of a sect, and is somehow connected to the Bektashi
Order in Turkey and Albania.65 About the Bektashis he states that they are
extreme Shi'as, who reject the first three caliphs, and place 'Ali in a trinity
with Allah and Muhammad. They believe that the Twelve Imams and the
Fourteen Infallibles (which comprise the Twelve Imams and Muhammad and
his daughter Fatima) of Twelver Shi'ism are special manifestations of God.66
Although Hollister’s descriptions are accurate about the general affinity, in
terms of religious ideas, between the Bektashis and the Jalali Dervishes, his
description of the Shi'ism of the Bektashis is more applicable instead to the
Twelver Alevis of Turkey.67
Hollister’s statements find resonance with Rizvi’s work, which cites visible
organisational similarity between the Suhrawardi Order in Uch, and the
Akhi and Futuwwa dervish brotherhoods in Khurasan and Anatolia.68 Rivzi
attributes this similarity to Jahangasht, but in light of the connections already
established in this book, it is probable that the order only took this shape later,
when it broke from its Suhrawardi origins. Unlike Hollister’s observation, there
are no historical reports on the formation of the dervishes as a separate sect, or
on their working outside or being an offshoot of the Suhrawardi Order within
which they were contained, either in the time of Jahangasht, or of Sayyid Raju.
This was obviously a later development.
The best available descriptions of the Jalali Dervishes are found in early
British accounts of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, from
which one can roughly deduce the shape and direction the group took away from
its Suhrawardi roots. Herklots, in his Islam in India, states that the Jalaliyya
take their name from Sayyid Jalal al-din Bukhari (Jahangasht) of Uch. They
have a scar on their right arm that is made at initiation. In their headquarters
65 Hollister 1953, p. 186: Rose, Glossary, pp. 553-556. Hollister did his fieldwork in the
pre-Partition era, when the Jalali dervishes were widespread in the Punjab; hence his
observation carries a lot of weight. The order has now become very secretive and its
members are nominal in number by comparison; they are not visible publicly, nor are
their doctrines and beliefs ascertainable by the outsider.
66 Ibid, pp.186-187; Birge 1994, pp.145 ff.
67 The Bektashis are actually less extreme than the Alevis, and in late Ottoman times
the Janissaries belonged to this order; hence it could not have been very anti-Sunni if
the Ottoman state tolerated it. However, they do have an overall Shi'a feel to them.
68 Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.281.
in the Punjab, they give little heed to prayer, smoke quantities of hemp and
eat snakes and scorpions.69 They shave their heads, leaving a scalp lock on
one side. They are vagabonds with no fixed dwelling place, and are feared and
despised, and considered a general nuisance to society.70 Elsewhere Herklots
says that the Jalaliyya are renowned for their publicly performed spiritual
feats; the band of dervishes carries a hideous female doll, and they engage in
extreme forms of penance.71
Such descriptions of the dervishes show that they were similar to a group
akin to the early medieval qalandars of the Middle East, known as the Haydari
faqirs,72 rather than the Bektashis of Anatolia as mentioned by Hollister, or
the Akhi and Futuwwa dervish brotherhoods as stated by Rizvi. The reason
is, as Herklots has remarked, that they (the dervishes) have no fixed dwelling
place. This is not a characteristic of established dervish brotherhoods, whose
members live in lodges. The Haydaris used to undergo extreme penance and
pierced their bodies, much like the Jalali Dervishes are reported to have done
in British accounts. However, retaining the scalp lock is a feature of Indian
asceticism. Although the Haydaris may have been influenced by the pre-Jamal
al-din Sawi era qalandars at some level, who did not dwell in khanqahs and
have been surmised in Chapter 1, the probability that the Jalali Dervishes
were (initially) conceived to exist in such a manner is low. It was only with
the passage of time and the slow demise of the Suhrawardi Sufi Order that
the dervishes were influenced by religious trends from the nearby shrine of
Shahbaz Qalandar in Sehwan, to transform into their nineteenth century
appearance at the time of Herklots’ writing.73
69 Eating snakes and scorpions is a widespread practice amongst the jogi (snake charmer)
caste in the Indus region to this day, who claim a connection to the older yogic orders
in Sind and the southern Punjab, although today jogis are considered low caste and
feared. Jogis believe that eating snakes and scorpions enhances their spiritual insight
and the ability to control spirits. This was probably a common Tantric practice amongst
the Shakta yogic orders of the past, from where it was inherited by the dervishes.
70 Herklots 1834, pp.201-202: Census Report Punjab 1891, p. 195 ff; Rose Dabistan, p.226,
amongst other citations.
71 Ibid, p.175. Here Herklots implies witchcraft.
72 For the Haydari faqirs see Humphreys 1977, p.209 ff. The Haydariyya was founded
near contemporaneously with Sawi's Qalandariyya by Qutbal-din Haydar (d.1221) in
Khurasan. Incidently, Haji Bektash, linked to the origins of both the Bektashi Order
and the Turkish Alevis, was associated to the Haydariyya.
73 The initiated dervishes of the Qalandariyya in Sehwan live in their khanqahs, but
among them those who shave their heads retain the practice of leaving a scalp lock.
It appears that metaphysical experimentation in Uch, which initially led to

its glory and fame, eventually became the reason for its downfall. The process
of admitting Tantric yogis (and their beliefs) into the order must have led to a
marked change in the Jalali Dervishes themselves over a course of time, with
nobody to regulate their religious activity after Sayyid Raju. In all probability,
religious experimentation at the khanqahs in Uch simply got out of hand once
the local Suhrawardi shaykhs and Isma'ili da'is with any real spiritual authority
had died, leaving their descendants and followers to run amok. Of course, the
dissimulative Sunni profiles of Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju do not figure in
the context of this religious experimentation, but Jahangasht’s engagement
of yogis and his book on obscure and extreme Shi'a sub-sects does, as that is
what his order of dervishes eventually became.
The fact that some extreme beliefs in Uch were responsible for a change in
the nature of the dervishes is complemented by what happened to the Isma'ili
da'wa in the city. After Hasan Kabir al-din’s death in 1449, his quarrelling sons
refused to acknowledge the new Isma'ili deputy in Uch, 74 with some claiming
the mantle of pir for themselves. A secondary factor that played a part in this
change, due to which the dervishes may have come to deify the Fourteen
Infallibles as described by Hollister, is large-scale conversion to (orthodox)
Twelver Shi'ism. Such conversions also took place amongst the descendants
of Hasan Kabir al-din, and are explored below.
Breakdown
The two most prominent personalities in Uch at the time of the Jalali
Dervishes, when the Isma'ili da'wa was at its zenith in the Punjab, and a weak
imperial government existed in Delhi, were Hasan Kabir al-din, who died in
1449, and Sayyid Raju who died slightly earlier in 1444;75 both having lived
to advanced ages. The situation for the da'wa, and it is presumed for the Jalali
Dervishes, changed with their deaths. Both personalities were far too powerful
However, individual parties of faqirs or qalandars, mainly from the Punjab, with no
fixed dwelling place still visit Sehwan; it was probably the latter trend that influenced
the Jalali Dervishes in the modern era.
74 See Daftary 2007, p.445. Zawahir Moir states that historical accounts mention a plague
in Uch at the time of the dispute, along with general anarchy prevailing in the Isma'ili
community of the city on Hasan Kabir al-din’s death (d.1449), mainly due to his sons’
attitude.
not to have been controlling events in Uch. After them however, things changed
so rapidly that within a short period of time the Qadiri (Sunni) Order made
inroads into the city.
On the death of Hasan Kabir al-din, some of his sons who had rejected his
younger brother Taj al-din as the new da'i were excommunicated, and (hence)
may have started becoming Twelver Shi'a.76 Similarly, extreme (Twelver)
beliefs started creeping into the Jalali Dervishes at the same time, perhaps
with the death of Sayyid Raju, and they may have started to deify the Fourteen
Infallibles as a result. The general situation in Uch deteriorated to such an
extent that the arrival of the Qadiri Order in the city, in the person of Abu
'Abd Allah Mahbub Subhani, was welcomed with open arms by many in the
local populace. He was born in 1430 in Aleppo, and died in Uch in 1517,
and is buried there.77 The exact date of his arrival in Uch is not known, but
considering his birth in 1430, it was surely after the deaths of Sayyid Raju and
Hasan Kabir al-din. He filled the spiritual vacuum left behind by them, and
attracted many in Uch to the Sunni Sufi way, after two centuries of Twelver
Shi'a and Isma'ili domination.
A conclusive piece of evidence on the secret Shi'ism of the Suhrawardi
Order in Uch is a report which states that Sayyid Raju had converted some
Sunnis of Multan to Shi'ism,78 and that he also pioneered a movement against
taqiyya in the region. According to Sayyid Raju (in this report), taqiyya was
responsible for the conversion of the sons and daughters of Shi'a parents to
Sunnism.79 These incidents are reported in Majalis al-Muminin, a voluminous
text that is regarded as the first comprehensive work on the history, doctrines
and personalities of Shi'ism in India through Shi'a eyes. It was written in
the Mughal emperor Akbar’s time, by a certain Qadi Nur Allah Shustari, an
Iranian scholar who was attached to the court. The book consists of twelve
volumes, compiled between 1582 and 1602.80 Although Shustari was a Twelver
Shi'a himself, in Majalis al-Muminin, his definition of a Shi'a is anyone who
76 Some of Hasan Kabir-al-din’s eighteen sons also became Sunni in the dispute that
surrounded his death: Virani 2007, p.125. ‘The Khojas of Uch were predominantly
Isma'ili, but are now mostly Twelver Shi'a, and regard the (Sufi) elders in Hasan Kabir
al-din’s line as belonging to the Suhrawardi Order’: Hafiz 1931, p.151.
77 Sindhi 2000, pp. 84-85.
78 Presumably late in his life, after Firuz Shah’s death.
79 See Rizvi 1986b (Shi'ism), vol. 1, p.199: Majalis al-Muminin, p. 64.
80 Ibid, p.351.
believes in the Imamate of 'Ali over the first three caliphs, and is therefore
inclusive of all the Shi'a sects. After Akbar’s son Jehangir came to the throne,
Shustari was executed, having being flogged to death in the middle of the
night of 7 September 1610.81 He is regarded as a martyr by the Shi'a of India.
It should be pointed out that, in addition to conversion to Twelver Shi'ism,
the biggest loss of adherents to Isma'ilism in the late medieval era was due to
taqiyya. In the Indus region, whenever under pressure, many Isma'ilis escaped
persecution by either calling themselves Hindu, or by reverting back to their
previous Hindu denominations; this is a pattern that continued until Partition.
The change of religion in Hasan Kabir al-din’s sons, and the disarray in
the ranks of the Jalali Dervishes, does not mean that the Suhrawardi Order
in Uch stopped existing entirely. Uch recuperated and remained a Suhrawardi
centre in spite of the deaths of Sayyid Raju and Hasan Kabir al-din, and
the incursions of the Qadiri Suf i Order. For some time, Jahangasht’s son
Mahmud succeeded Sayyid Raju and headed the Suhrawardi Order in Uch.82
Mahmud was succeeded by his son, Sayyid Hamid Kabir. Another grandson
of Jahangasht’s, Burhan al-din, moved to the Gujarat and became very famous
as Qutb-e-'Alam. 83 In Uch, Sayyid Hamid Kabir was succeeded by his own
grandson Rukn al-din, who was named after Rukn-e-'Alam.84
In spite of this continuity and the expansion into the Gujarat, with renewed
connections to Isma'ilism, the Suhrawardi Order in Uch did eventually start
fading into oblivion, mainly because its Isma'ili component faced a conversion
trend towards Twelver Shi'ism. This process of conversion seems to have
begun with the descendants of Hasan Kabir al-din. Today, all of Hasan Kabir
al-din’s descendants, and those of Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju in Uch, are
orthodox Twelver Shi'a. The Suhrawardi Order is the only major Sufi order
in Pakistan, which has not retained any khanqah or institution attached to its
original identity, nor has the identity of the order survived as a whole. Most
Suhrawardi centres (and followers) have been absorbed into mainstream
81 Ibid, p.377.
82 The daughter of Mahmud’s brother Muhammad, i.e. Jahangasht’s grandniece, married
the Isma'ili da'i Imam Shah in the Gujarat. It is inferable from this that she converted
to Isma'ilism on marriage, having married a da'i. The Bukharis in the Gujarat come
to the 'urs celebrations of Imam Shah to this day (courtesy Zawahir Moir).
83 According to Zawahir Moir, it is actually Qutb-e-'Alam’s descendants who visit the
Imam Shah shrine (fn. above), and are also Jalali Dervishes.
84 See Rizvi 1986, vol. 1, p.282.
Twelver Shi'ism; whilst the Chishti, Qadiri and Naqshbandi Orders still run
their lodges all over the country.85
Rizvi states that the organisers and adherents of the Jahangasht khanqah
proclaimed Twelver Shi'ism openly by the early eighteenth century, asserting
that Jahangasht was actually a Twelver Shi'a who had practised taqiyya for
political reasons.86 To this day, Jahangasht’s and Sayyid Raju’s descendants who
look after the Uch shrines claim to be Jalali Dervishes by tariqat or ‘order,’ and
Twelver Shi'a by creed. The word Suhrawardi has more or less disappeared. In
addition, they are members of a secret brotherhood of Jalali Dervishes spread
all over the middle Indus region of Pakistan, which is connected to the seven
Uchs located in the country. As seen in the last chapter, the existence of the
seven Uchs is (ironically) reported in an Isma'ili ginan,87 which gives the
whole milieu a strong Twelver-Isma'ili colouring. Present-day Jalali Dervishes
participate in secret ceremonies and initiatory rites as an integral part of their
religious life. When a new pir is installed in Uch, as Zamarrud Husayn Shah
was in 2003, a congregation of the Bukhari Jalali Dervish brotherhood takes
place, to hold the initiatory rite of passage for the new pir in a secret ceremony.
Conclusion
The pendulum that swung between Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism in the
religiosity of the Suhrawardi Order in Uch raises many questions, but also
yields insights into intra-Shi'a connections, and pan-Shi'a agendas, which have
had other precedents in history, as seen in the Introduction. In the medieval
Sufi context of this book, these multiple identities may be viewed as, a) an
outward Sunni Sufism that was used for the purpose of dissimulation and, b)
a simultaneous belief structure based on Isma'ili metaphysics, coupled with
Twelver Shi'ism, which secretly worked under the cover of a Shi'a umbrella. In
principle, the scenario is not too different from the pan-Shi'a politics practised
by the Buwayhids and the Fatimids in the tenth century. At the highest
levels, the Isma'ili-Twelver difference would have been meaningless, because
of the Shi'a framework on which the religious model professed by the order
was based; this will become clearer in the following chapter. In addition, as
85 Only the Suhrawardi shrines of Multan, under the control of the Qureshi family are
‘Sunni;’ while those in Uch and other areas of the southern Punjab are today all Twelver
Shi'a.
86 Rizvi 1986b (Shi'ism), vol.1 p.154.
87 See Shackle and Moir 2000, p.204.
seen in the Conclusion to Chapter 2, medieval Isma'ilism tolerated different

kinds of Isma'ili, and pan-Shi'a ideas due to its own pragmatism, and helped
to disseminate them. This meant that the Suhrawardi Order could exist and
continue without being directly tied to Isma'ili headquarters, and was free to
concentrate more on the Shi'a metaphysical ideas that united the two entities,
instead of paying homage to the Isma'ili Imam of the time.
Uch is the final piece of the jigsaw puzzle that existed between Isma'ili
missionaries and Suhrawardi Sufis in the middle Indus region, which began
with Zakiriyya and Shams in Multan. In Uch, Shams’s descendants became
Suhrawardi Sufis openly, starting with the person of Hasan Kabir al-din.
Annemarie Schimmel has briefly argued that Jalal al-din Surkhposh was
plausibly an Isma'ili da'i himself.88 Although this would go against the general
analysis of this book, which benefits from the freedom of an ‘open’ Isma'ili
connection argued for the Suhrawardi Order, in principle Surkhposh’s descent
from the tenth Twelver Imam, or his Twelver Shi'a origins and beliefs, would
not have been hindrances to his propagating Isma'ili ideas. Many well-known
Twelvers in history have kept close ties with, assisted, propagated and even
professed Isma'ilism. One such example was Hasan bin Sabbah (al-Himyari),
who was born to a Twelver family and studied at the Twelver madrasa in Qum
before becoming Isma'ili; he subsequently set up Alamut (in 1090).89 Another
Twelver Shi'a, who retained his faith whilst assisting Isma'ilism, was Nasir
al-din Tusi (b.1201). Although born a Twelver, Tusi authored the exegesis for
the Isma'ili doctrine of occultation at Alamut, while spending many years in
the Iranian Isma'ili enclave to escape persecution. He was considered to be
an Isma'ili for a long period of time,90 but is buried in the shrine compound
of the seventh Twelver Shi'a Imam, Musa al-Kazim. An older example still is
the close companion and agent in Najaf of the eleventh Twelver Shi'a Imam
Hasan al-'Askari (d.874), known as Abu al-Qasim bin Farah bin Haushab.
When the tenth Isma'ili Imam, Husayn al-Mastur, visited 'Ali’s tomb in Najaf
in 879 (266 Hirji), Haushab became attached to him. Haushab subsequently
went to the Yemen as an Isma'ili da'i, and won over the whole country to the
Isma'ili cause for Husayn al-Mastur.91
88 Schimmel 2000, p.72.

89 Hollister 1953, p.243 & pp.306-309, also see Daftary 2007, p.311.
90 See Daftary 2007, pp.340 &378.
91 Yet another Isma'ili da'i who was previously Twelver Shi'a and trained under Haushab
was 'Abdullah al-Shi'i. After his training, he was sent to Tunisia and the Maghreb
In light of the evidence from this chapter, the celebration of Surkhposh’s

annual 'urs in the month of Chetir ties him directly to the metaphysics of
Shams’s Satpanth. The connection deepens further through the Nawruz
symbolism discovered on the Suhrawardi monuments of Uch. Similar cryptic
Isma'ili ties are arguable for the Twelver Sufi Jahangasht, Sayyid Raju and their
Jalali Dervishes in Uch, who were contemporaries of Shams’s descendants in
that city, working at full capacity as da'is from Iran. This was during the time
when the Nizari Isma'ili Imams also chose to live in dissimulation as dervishes.
The antagonism of Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju with Muhammad and Firuz
Shah Tughluq is reminiscent of the problems faced by Zakiriyya’s descendants
in Multan with the same two rulers. However, in the isolated environment of
Uch, which is off the beaten track so to speak, the Suhrawardi Order and the
Isma'ili da'wa probably managed, undercover, to preserve their organisations
from Tughluqid persecution, by working together more than ever before. The
question of how this secret connection, which began in Multan, rose to a higher
level of religious collaboration, will become apparent from the analysis of the
Suhrawardi monuments of Uch in Chapter 6.
One can fairly conclude from the evidence in this book until now, that the
basis for the collaboration between medieval Twelver Shi'ism and Isma'ilism
was not simply temporal support for each other against orthodox Sunni rule.
The scenario had a metaphysical dimension; one delineated by the larger nexus
of Isma'ili missionaries, certain Sufi orders, high-level Shi'a scholars, and even
some of the Twelve Imams’ followers, working under a pan-Shi'a agenda. In
short, there was a much less stringent divide between the two major Shi'a
denominations in this period when compared with the modern era.
from the Yemen by Haushab, where he had phenomenal success in converting the local
Berber tribes: Hollister 1953, pp.209-210: 'Uyun al-Akhbar, Rise of the Fatimids, p.37.
Al-Shi'i’s missionary work in North Africa was responsible for the setting up of the
Fatimid state in 909.
The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism 123
CHAPTER
Four
The Wilayat of 'Ali in Twelver Shi'ism, Sufism
and the Religion of the Medieval Isma'ilis
Introduction
The muddled relationship between Shi'ism and Sufism is as unresearched in
scholarship today as it was unexplained in medieval times. Already demonstrated
in this book, the primary reason behind this historical incomprehension was
the traditional Shi'a practice of taqiyya or dissimulation. The general lack
of progress in understanding Shi'a-Sufi relations stems from the difficulty
experienced by modern scholars in engaging with certain spiritual concepts
and esoteric sciences common both to Shi'a Islam and Sufism. Known only to
the initiated few, these concepts were used to express Shi'ism through Sufism.
These concepts and their practice, which historically provided the metaphysical
basis for accommodating Sufism within Shi'ism, are still far from understood
by most modern scholars of religion.
In the context of this book, an explanation of these common concepts, and
the direct correlation through them of Sufism to the idea of the Shi'a Imamate,
will clarify our ‘lost’ medieval Shi'a-Sufi relationship. This correlation, at
least for the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch, was expressed through
the astrological reckoning of the event of Ghadir Khumm, when the Prophet
appointed 'Ali as his successor. Like in the Chetir ceremony at Shams’s
shrine (explored in Chapter 2), the Ghadir Khumm principle has also been
found represented through symbols on Suhrawardi buildings in the middle
Indus region. These symbols, however, revolve around the direct connection
of Ghadir to the Persian New Year, Nawruz, instead of it being established
through Chaharshamba-yi Suri, as is the case in the Chetir ceremony.1 In

addition, in the Suhrawardi buildings contained in this book, the use of
the astrological disposition of Ghadir actually goes a step further, since it is
employed as a template for accommodating religions like Hinduism within
Islam.
The link between the event of Ghadir Khumm, when according to Shi'a
Islam the Prophet openly announced his cousin 'Ali as his spiritual and temporal
successor, 2 and the Persian New Year Nawruz, has long been acknowledged
in Shi'a hadith. But until now, this event has never been fully explored for its
conceptual implications on Shi'a religious transcendentalism, mainly due to
a dearth of material. For similar reasons, it has not been used to explore 'Alid
Sufism either, or more specifically, for understanding our Isma'ili-Suhrawardi
connection. Shams’s ingenious use of the Ghadir Khumm Nawruz connection
as an astrological template for representing the Shi'a concept of the Imamate
in a religious ceremony celebrated according to the local Indian calendar is
the first such example available in history. Further evidence in the form of the
'urs celebration of Jalal al-din Surkhposh during the month of Chetir ties the
Suhrawardi Order in Uch to Shams himself.3 In formulating the Satpanth,
Shams obviously served as the progenitor for the dissemination of these ideas
from Khurasan into what is now Pakistan, but the question arises, whether
and if there existed less elaborate examples of the same principle beforehand,
especially considering the syncretism that was found in Fatimid Multan in
the tenth century.4
A general explanation of the Ghadir Khumm event, for better understanding
Sufism within a Shi'a context, will be undertaken in this chapter. This process
serves a twofold purpose. Firstly, it demonstrates the metaphysical link that
existed between the Isma'ili da'wa and the Suhrawardi Order by showing
1 The Prophet nominated 'Ali as his absolute successor in his last sermon. The date as
calculated for this book was 18 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri, or Wednesday 14 March 632.
Nawruz is the point when the Sun enters the sign of Aries; see Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and
Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’
2 The event of Ghadir Khumm is celebrated in the Shi'a world as a festival, when the
Prophet said about 'Ali ‘Whosever’s master (mawla) I am, 'Ali is also his master,’ S.
H. Nasr, S. V. Nasr, and H Dabashi 1988, p.160. Ghadir is regarded as having divine
ordinance by being in obedience to the revelation in Sura or chapter 5:71, and in addition
by being complemented by the revelation of the last verse of the Quran on the occasion.
See Hollister 1953, p.13.
3 Hafiz 1931, p.99.
4 See Chapter 1.
how a secretly Shi'a Sufi order could have been an auxiliary of Isma'ilism,
without being fully Isma'ili itself. This is achieved by thoroughly explaining
to the reader the idea behind Ghadir Khumm, and the sub-events involved
in its astrological representation. It is of note that this process of astrological
representation, as is encountered in our context, is also an acknowledged
characteristic of the earlier Fatimid period. The use of the Ghadir Khumm
Nawruz connection as a multi-faith template in a variety of ways, either as
achieved by Shams for adapting Shi'a ceremonial to local contexts, or as discreet
architectural symbols by the Suhrawardi Order, who needed to express their
real beliefs in dissimulation, does not diminish the basic Shi'a nature of the idea.
Secondly, the demonstration of the actual working concepts behind the
Ghadir Khumm Nawruz template will reveal the hidden connections that
existed between medieval Shi'ism and Sufism. The exegesis of these concepts
shows how Sufism could become a convenient and practical tool for the
expression of Shi'ism, in times of duress and dissimulation, which it invariably
did in the shape of the Suhrawardi Sufi Order. However, this book’s medieval
context actively excludes Sufi ideas and aesthetics that were simultaneously
absorbed into Sunni circles throughout the Muslim world, which in most cases
also enjoyed imperial patronage.
The concept of wilayat in Shi'ism and Sufism

The event of Ghadir Khumm forms the foundation stone for the metaphysical
superiority that Shi'a Islam claims over the Sunni caliphate system. It is
recognised by all the Shi'a sub-sects as their point of departure from Sunnism,
each drawing upon it in some way to legitimise its respective claim to the
Imamate, which is always through lineal descent from 'Ali. The nomination
of 'Ali by the Prophet as his absolute successor in affairs divine and temporal
at Ghadir is called the wilayat or vice-regency of 'Ali.5 The word wilayat is
derived from the Arabic root wila, which means power, authority or a right
of a certain kind. In Shi'a theology, wilayat is the authority invested in the
Prophet and then the Ahl al-Bayt (or Panjatan in Persian-Urdu), comprised of
his original family, which after him includes 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn,
5 Amongst existing Shi'a sects, Nizari Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism uphold the concept
of the Imamate, or patriarchal lineal descent from 'Ali, more than most others, which
starts with the event of Ghadir and the declaration of 'Ali’s wilayat. Sects like the
Yemeni Zaidis have lessened the status of the Imamate, while others like the 'Alawi of
Syria exalt it to extreme beliefs.
as representatives of God on earth.6 In the Ja'fari fiqh or school of Shi'ism

(which includes both Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism), wilayat has four different
dimensions of expression, but the primordial dimension is that of the universal
wilayat of the Imam of the time, which is derived from 'Ali.7 When this holistic
notion of wilayat is passed on to a descendant of 'Ali after him, it takes place
through a process called nass.8 This occurs when an infallible Imam ('Ali or
one of his descendants) nominates his successor publicly, and imbues him with
divine credentials and secrets in private. In (Ja'fari) Shi'ism whenever the word
Imamate or Imam is used, it necessarily encompasses all the four dimensions
of wilayat.9 The concept of wilayat and nass is intertwined with that of the
Holy Spirit, which descended on Muhammad on the Night of Power, as
mentioned in Sura 97 of the Quran. Necessarily, the new Imam gets imbued
with the Holy Spirit itself, and the principle is a major departure from Sunni
Islam, which regards Muhammad alone as having received the Spirit (or as
being holy). In Shi'ism, the Spirit is carried by all the Imams, and the nass in
essence entails the complete transfer of the wilayat of 'Ali, from Muhammad
at Ghadir Khumm, to his descendants, who are chosen directly by God.
The one concept which is central to all Sufism is that of the spiritual guide
who, either dead or alive, initiates the disciple. He, in addition, transfers secret
knowledge to him, and imparts esoteric and exoteric etiquette on how to live
between God and nature. In Sufism, a highly accomplished spiritual guide is
6 In the book Shi' ism: Imamate and Wilayat see Chapter 6, ‘Wilayat and its Scope,’ at
http://www.al-islam.org/wilayat . This book by Sayyid Muhammad Rizvi explicitly
deals with the notion of wilayat and its indispensability to the concept of the Imamate
in Ja'fari Shi'ism. The Family of the Prophet is regarded as being infallible by all the
Shi'a sects, and the divergence comes only with their later descendants. Hence, the
idea of wilayat, which starts with the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, is likewise regarded
equally by all the sects.
7 The first dimension of wilayat is love for the Ahl al-Bayt, regarded as being stated in
Sura 42:23 of the Quran. The second dimension is that of 'Ali’s spiritual guidance,
which is a commonly held belief among the Shi'a and the majority of the Sufi orders.
The third is the socio-political authority of the Ahl al-Bayt, or simply their temporal
authority over all others. The fourth dimension is called the universal wilayat, whereby
the wali or holder of the wilayat exercises power over all that exists. In the words of
a recent clerical ruler of Iran, ‘it is the vice-regency which pertains to the whole of
creation.’ The last two dimensions are exclusively Shi'a concepts: Ibid.
8 Nass is the designation that makes one an Imam on the death of his predecessor:
Hollister 1953, p.415.
9 See Chapter 6 in Shi' ism: Imamate and Wilayat, ‘Wilayat and its Scope’ at http://www.
al-islam.org/wilayat.
usually given the title of wali (wali Allah or friend of God), and sanctity itself
is called wilayah. Hence, the Sufi concept of the wali Allah is in principle
synonymous with that of the wilayat (of 'Ali) in Shi'ism, especially considering
that the root for both the words is the same (wila in Arabic). Some scholars
even identify the two as being identical.10 In contrast, an acclaimed Sufi
master’s primary representative is called a khalifa or caliph. This is a hierarchy
through which the subservience of the idea of the caliphate to the wilayah can
be discreetly read in Sufi beliefs, and the system extends some Shi'a sensibilities
to the Sufi perception of Islam. Hossein Nasr states that the Twelver scholar
Murtada al-Radi, who lived in Buwayhid Baghdad before the Seljuqs, called
the (early) Sufis ‘the real Shi'ites.’11
The orally transmitted traditions of most Sufi orders relate that certain
chosen individuals from the early era of Islam were taught esoteric knowledge
of Scripture by 'Ali, along with its application to the natural environment
and to the forces of nature. These individuals subsequently instructed other
disciples in this knowledge, who were to become the early Sufi masters in
the spiritual chains of the orders, in the pre-tariqa stage of Sufism. The early
masters were initiated into this secret knowledge with a pledge to transfer it only
to deserving individuals. This near universal spiritual designation from 'Ali,
which is accepted by all the Sufi orders except the Naqshbandiyya, embellishes
Sufism with a very 'Alid motif. However, the Naqshbandi Order stands out, as
it derives its spiritual lineage from the Prophet through the first Sunni Caliph
Abu Bakr, instead of 'Ali.12 It sprang up in fourteenth century Uzbekistan
in a Sunni Turkic environment. The Naqshbandi Order was favoured by the
Ottoman Empire and the latter-day Mughals in India. It became a political
tool used for countering the influence of Shi'a-Sufi orders like the Bektashi
by imperial circles in Turkey.
In his book Shi'ism: Imamate and Wilayat, Sayyid Muhammad Rizvi explores
the degree to which the four dimensions of wilayat, which are integral to
Shi'ism, are also adhered to in Sufi beliefs, for the purpose of ascertaining how
far Sunni Sufis can be identified with Shi'a Islam (Figure 4.1).13 In this, Rizvi
places Sufis between the Shi'a and orthodox Sunnis. However, according to
10 Nasr 1991, pp.107-108.

11 For Murtada al-Radi see ‘The Shi'a Century’ in the Introduction, and ‘An historic
overview’ in Chapter 1.
12 See Chapter 6 in the book Shi' ism: Imamate and Wilayat, ‘Wilayat and its Scope’ at
http://www.al-islam.org/wilayat.
13 Ibid.
him, the adherence of Sufis to the second dimension of 'Ali’s wilayat, that of
spiritual guidance, makes all Sufis signatories to the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir.
This of course excludes orders like the Naqshbandiyya, which derive their
spiritual chains through individuals other than 'Ali.
The Status of Ahlul Bayt Among Muslims

Sunnis Sufis Shi’as
Love of Ahlul Bayt
Spiritual Guidance of the Ahlul Bayt
Political Leadership of the Ahlul Bayt
Universal Authority of the Ahlul Bayt
Figure 4.1. The four different dimensions of wilayat as adhered

to by Sunnis, (Sunni) Sufis, and the Shi'a
In the context of this book, where Shi'ism uses Sufism for dissimulation,
Sufi belief in the various dimensions of 'Ali’s wilayat, and its connection to the
secret knowledge of Scripture, can be explored within a Shi'a setting to expand
the hypothesis further. This method is especially suited to the analysis of the
earlier Sufi orders that came out of Iran and Iraq in the eleventh century, which
had direct connections to Isma'ilism or Twelver Shi'ism, as these were the orders
used by Shi'a sects for cover in times of persecution. Some would argue, from
the chart in Figure 4.1, that Sufi adherence to the spiritual dimension of 'Ali’s
wilayat is consistent with moderate Sunni belief in 'Ali’s spiritual Imamate,
and that this does not lower the temporal status of the first three caliphs (in
Sufi belief). However, the argument only holds true if the adherence to 'Ali’s
wilayat by any given Sufi order is without its connection to the Persian New
Year. As will be seen in this chapter, the Nawruz connection to 'Ali’s wilayat
in Sufism automatically enhances its status to that of his universal wilayat, i.e.,
encapsulating all the four dimensions, and gives it an exclusive Shi'a twist-one
which cannot have any Sunni overtones. The prime example of such a Sufi
order in history is the Suhrawardi Sufi Order.
Ghadir Khumm, Nawruz, wilayat and Majlisi

The declaration of the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir still reverberates within Shi'ism
today, as the religious system bases both the embryonic definition of its beliefs
and its spiritual designation down to the current Imam on the basis of the
event. In addition, the Indo-Iranian Shi'a world also celebrates the spiritual
station of Ghadir through Nawruz.14 Unlike Shi'ism in the contemporary
Arab world, both Nizari Isma'ilism and Twelver Shi'ism in Iran and India
attach equal significance to Ghadir and to its connection to Nawruz. The two
inter-related events are frequently mentioned in Twelver Shi'a hadith, which
have survived and are well-preserved in Iran. These reports are equally valid
for Iranian Nizari Isma'ilism, which was prevalent in that country until the
Mongol era, even though most Nizari literature has been lost to the ravages of
time. Incidentally, all the chains of narrators for extant Twelver Shi'a hadith
on the connection of Nawruz to the wilayat of 'Ali go back to the sixth Imam,
Ja'far al-Sadiq, who was also an Isma'ili Imam, which makes them equally
relevant for the Isma'ili traditions.
For Nizari Isma'ilism, the biggest problem hampering academic research
on the Nawruz-wilayat connection is the loss of the tradition’s medieval
metaphysical treatises due to the destruction of its libraries at Alamut and other
centres. In our context, the comprehensive loss of the beliefs of the Satpanth,
a system which most certainly derived from the Iranian tradition, adds to the
dearth of knowledge in this regard. Decoding the Chetir ceremony at Shams’s
shrine resolves this issue to an extent. But there is the larger problem of the
complete loss of the practice of Shi'a esoteric sciences, namely the 'Ilm al-Jafr
or cabbala, which purportedly goes back to 'Ali, his early descendants, and his
disciples, and which was used profusely by both the Shi'a tradition and 'Alid
Sufism. Jafr was employed to read and represent the concept of 'Ali’s wilayat
in Scripture. The demonstration of the Nawruz-wilayat connection through
Shams’s Chetir ceremony, coupled with the reading of Twelver hadith on
the subject with their common Twelver-Isma'ili chains of narration, and the
decoding of jafr inscriptions on Suhrawardi buildings that subscribe to 'Ali’s
wilayat, will show just how far the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch
subscribed to Shi'a beliefs.
Twelver texts
Among the Twelver texts that discuss the importance of Nawruz in Shi'a
Islam, the book Zaad al-Ma'ad figures prominently. The book also serves as
a standard manual for Twelver religious obligations, based on the tradition’s
14 Even in Arab Iraq, clerics like Ayatollah Sistani have permitted Nawruz to be celebrated
due its connection to 'Ali.
hadith narrations. Since the Ja'fari School used in Twelver Shi'ism was also
historically followed by Isma'ilism, Zaad al-Ma'ad is relevant for analysing
Isma'ilism within the context of the Ja'fari School of jurisprudence, even though
the two traditions have distanced themselves from each other in the modern era.
Zaad al-Ma'ad was written by the famous Twelver theologian and hadith
narrator Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi (d. 1678), who was the principal figure
in establishing the legitimacy of the Safawid state in Iran. He was a prolific
writer and the author of more than a hundred books. Majlisi’s book Bihar al-
Anwar (110 volumes) serves as one of the foundational texts on which modern
Iranian clerical structure is based. He was the Shaykh al-Islam of the Safawid
Empire, and is generally known to have been an orthodox Twelver Shi'a. But
during the early years of his religious training, Majlisi was a student of the
acclaimed Sufi theosophist and philosopher Mulla Sadra (d.1640).15 Mulla
Sadra was heavily influenced by the illuminationist ideas and theories of Yahya
bin Habash Suhrawardi, who has been briefly described in Chapter 1. It has
been surmised by some scholars that Yahya bin Habash had secret Shi'a beliefs,
which led to his execution by Salah al-din.16 For his part, Mulla Sadra spent
prolonged periods in a town called Kahak, located near Qom, while writing
his philosophic treatises. Kahak was incidentally the seat of the Nizari Isma'ili
Imams at the time.17
Considering that some of Majlisi’s initial training took place under Mulla
Sadra, his personal religious leanings could not have been as theologically
stringent as his works, which were commissioned by the Safawids and used
by the clergy in Qum. Majlisi’s public view on religion was nevertheless
conservative. Zaad- al Ma'ad is one of his later works, and its contents
deal primarily with extolling the spiritual benefits of the obligatory and
supererogatory practices of the Ja'fari fiqh, which are described systematically
in the book for the twelve Islamic lunar months. At the end of the book,
Majlisi has dedicated a section to events and festivals that are not traditionally
observed in the Muslim calendar, and has included the relevant practices and
rituals that need to be performed on them. The section mainly deals with the
religious validity of Iranian festivals within Shi'a Islam. Majlisi authenticates
the celebration of these festivals through hadith narrations, after verifying the
15 Mulla Sadra’s beliefs were considered heretical and he was persecuted for them by the
Twelver Shi'a clergy in Iran.
16 In Chapter 1, see ‘An historic overview.’
17 Some Iranian scholars believe that Mulla Sadra went to Kahak on the invitation of
‘some Isma'ilis,’ see Kamal 2006, p.117.
chain of narrators, and through the process successfully lends Twelver Shi'a
credentials to pre-Islamic Iranian beliefs inside a very bland theological setting.
This version of Iranianised Twelver Shi'ism was also the desired objective of
his Safawid patrons. Majlisi’s training under Mulla Sadra and the influence
of Suhrawardi’s illuminationist theosophy must have played a part in his
work, for we have already seen that the conceptual basis for the astrological
reckoning of Ghadir with Nawruz was first manifested much earlier. The
title Zaad al-Ma'ad can be translated as ‘Provisions for the Hereafter,’ and the
book’s Nawruz content can be viewed as an exoteric template for the religious
transcendentalism that was all Shi'a Islam in its heterodox form.
In section seven of Zaad al-Ma'ad, Majlisi deals with Nawruz as a separate
category, describing its lofty place within the divine plan. He also mentions
Nawruz fleetingly in earlier sections that deal with the Islamic lunar months,
commenting on it in small text on the sides of the manuscript pages, whenever
it complements dates in the Islamic calendar. The section on Nawruz, in terms
of its hadith narrations, is solely dependent on reports going back to the sixth
Imam, Ja'far al-Sadiq. On al-Sadiq’s authority, in addition to the wilayat of
'Ali at Ghadir, Majlisi describes many significant events in world history as
having tallied with Nawruz. The section also relates other important occasions
in the life of the first Shi'a Imam 'Ali, as correlating with the day of Nawruz.
In this book, such a dualistic process of reckoning Islamic events by tallying
them with Nawruz, as explained in a primary text (Majlisi’s work), has another
aspect of interpretation. This is namely the principle of regarding Nawruz as
an auspicious date, and hence the perfect time to start a new deed, an act or
a building. More light will be shed upon the topic in the next section of this
chapter, through al-Biruni’s work.
In the Nawruz section, Majlisi narrates on page 559 that at Ghadir, when the
Prophet announced 'Ali as his successor to the Muslims,18 Salman the Persian
and some other followers came to the Prophet and exclaimed that it was a day
of great celebration for the Persian people, since it heralded the coming of
their New Year.19 On hearing this, the Prophet said that they should celebrate
Ghadir as the greatest 'Eid (festival), as it was indeed the most auspicious of
dates. Considering that the religious ceremonial of Nawruz is arranged around
18 Ghadir, also known as the Prophet’s Last Sermon, took place in front of 125,000
Muslims on 18 Dhul Hijja 10 Hijri, after the afternoon prayers (roughly two o’clock)
at the pool of Ghadir Khumm, which is located midway between Mecca and Medina.
19 Majlisi 1845, p.559, on the authority of Ja'far al-Sadiq.
the entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries, its astrological implications for the
Arab and Persian traditions should be noted here, as both traditions actively
used astrology for religious purposes in the medieval era.
According to all the ancient systems of astrology, the exaltation of the Sun
takes place in the first house, or rather the sign of Aries. The actual point of
exaltation is 19 degrees Aries, which is literally some 19 days after the Sun
enters that sign.20 The Sun travels approximately a single degree every day (in
24 hours), and as a result remains for 30-31 days in each sign of the Zodiac (a
sign is measured as spanning 30 degrees in the heavens).21 This time period
constitutes one month in the solar calendar followed in ancient Iran, which
began at Nawruz, and also roughly makes up one of our months in length.
In actual astrological practice, the moment the Sun enters Aries, the Sun’s
exaltation starts and Nawruz begins; the exaltation mark at 19 degrees of Aries
only signifies the focal point for the maximum release of the Sun’s energy.22 In
pre-Islamic Iran many festivals were earmarked for the entire period, starting
from the time just preceding the Sun’s entry into Aries, and up until its point
of exaltation at 19 degrees. These were festivals of course in addition to the
actual event of Nawruz, the Spring Equinox, when the Sun entered the sign
(at 0 degrees Aries).
Aries is ruled by the planet Mars.23 Therefore, in astrological terms, the
idea behind the celebration of Nawruz is based on the entry and exaltation of
the Sun in the sphere of influence of Mars, while the event itself is represented
by a Sun and Mars nexus in the heavens. This confluence between the Sun
and Mars at Nawruz was used to represent Shams’s spiritual ideal, namely the
wilayat of 'Ali, through iconography, on the Suhrawardi buildings of Multan
and Uch.
20 Al-Biruni 1029, p.258. For the Islamic tradition some of the earliest (surviving) points
of exaltation available for the seven major planets, and the astrological traits of the
twelve signs of the Zodiac, are found in al-Biruni’s book.
21 Ibid, p.100.
22 Ibid, p.258. According to al-Biruni, a planet is in exaltation from the time it enters the
sign of its exaltation, and remains so until it leaves that sign. For a simpler explanation
of the principle, and the astrological characteristics of the seven planets in the different
signs, see Appendix 1.
23 Ibid, pp.69 & 268. The ruling planets for other signs are also given in the book, along
with their friendship and enmity (pp.260-261). The planets ruling over the days of the
week are given on p.165. There are special references to Indian astrology by al-Biruni
on many pages, which was obviously important to him for ascertaining the authenticity
of other traditions.
It is to better explain this process of representation, that the effort to deduce

the Ghadir Khumm and Nawruz connection through Shi'a hadith narrations
has been made in this section. The Gregorian conversion of the (Islamic) Hijri
date reported by Majlisi for Ghadir Khumm, 18 Dhul Hijja in Year 10, was
used in Chapter 2 after its correction through the al-Hakim calendar. The
conversion shows the day of Ghadir to have been Wednesday 14 March 632,
and as outlined in Chapter 2, the date corresponds with the Nawruz-related
festival of Chaharshamba-yi Suri.24 However actual Nawruz then (as now)
would occur a week later, with the entry of the Sun into the sign of Aries (at
0 degrees); the Spring Equinox on either March 20 or 21. An examination of
the dispositions of the planets, especially the Sun and Mars, on the Spring
Equinox in March 632, would yield to us the astrological information required
for understanding the exact use of the Sun and Mars nexus in the Suhrawardi
architecture of Multan and Uch.
Nawruz and 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali calendar

In order to understand how the date of Ghadir, or Chaharshamba-yi Suri on
Wednesday 14 March 632, was historically regarded as Nawruz, and why this
differs from the common understanding of Nawruz today, one must examine
the change in the nature of Nawruz celebrations after the arrival of Islam.
In the aftermath of the Arab invasions and the subsequent disappearance of
Persian high culture, Nawruz ceremonies in Iran survived only locally, and
sometimes secretly, for a few centuries. However, they made a subsequent
comeback after the Ghaznawids and later the Seljuqs took over the country. The
popular Nawruz celebrations practised today were reinvigorated at the courtly
level for the first time by the famous poet and astronomer 'Umar Khayyam,
after a long period of discontinuity. Khayyam achieved this revival through his
Jalali calendar, which began on 15 March 1079, and took its name from that of
Khayyam’s patron, the Seljuq monarch Jalal al-din Malik Shah.25 Under the
24 See Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’

25 The Jalali calendar was endorsed on 15 March 1079 by Malik Shah as the official
calendar of the Seljuq Empire in his capital Isfahan, and has continued since then. See
'Umar Khayyam in The Columbia Encyclopedia 2007, p.65; also see Selin 1997, pp.479
ff. The astrological chart of the Jalali calendar’s start date shows it to be a Saturday, or
Shamba, which is the first day of the week in Persian. However, in the chart the Sun is
located at exactly 23 degrees Pisces, which is the same disposition as found in the Ghadir
Khumm Chaharshamba-yi Suri chart of 14 March 632. For details see Appendix 2.
Seljuqs, the calendar was responsible for the re-introduction of Persian cultural
values and celebrations, mostly based around Nawruz, after their prolonged
suppression by the Umayyads and the 'Abbasids. But in spite of the calendar’s
Iranian colouring, 'Umar Khayyam named its solar months after the Arabic
names for the twelve signs of the Zodiac, starting with Hamal (Aries). In
Iran, these Arabic names continued until they were replaced by Iranian names
under the Pahlawi dynasty in 1925, which are retained today. In Afghanistan,
the Arabic Zodiac names are still in use and date back to 'Umar Khayyam.26
Al-Biruni, who wrote a generation before 'Umar Khayyam, mentions the
traditional Persian language names for the solar months in the same format
as those adopted by the Iranian Parliament in 1925, and comments on their
widespread use among the native Persians (Zoroastrians).27 Khayyam’s naming
of the months after Arabic Zodiac signs suggests an effort on his part to
regularise New Year celebrations with his Jalali calendar, while doing away with
the lesser motifs and ceremonies connected thereto. The latter would have had
no place in court ceremonial, especially considering that the Jalali calendar had
to be ‘sold’ to the orthodox 'Ulama, who ran Malik Shah’s court. In short, the
process points towards a limited incorporation of Iranian religious ceremonial
into the Seljuq imperial motif, for asserting their own ‘Iranian’ identity as
foreigners, rather than actually ‘reviving’ Iranian culture and religion. The
idea may have had the secondary objective of winning over the hearts of the
native population, as the Seljuqs faced much resistance in Iran. The most
prominent face of this resistance was the nationalistic Nizari Isma'ilism of
Hasan bin Sabbah, which has been briefly explored in the introductory chapter.
In addition, Khayyam probably named the solar months of his calendar with
the signs of the Zodiac in Arabic, to balance the relationship of the Seljuqs
with the 'Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad, from whom they derived their religious
and political mandate.
However, before the Jalali calendar changed their popular nature, indigenous
Nawruz festivities (as narrated by 'Umar Khayyam in his Nawruz Namah)
actually began with the passing of the Sun through the middle of Pisces, 15
days or degrees before the Spring Equinox, while the major festivals would be
reserved for the last week before Nawruz.28 This arrangement accords a special
26 www.taghvim.com
27 Al-Biruni 1029, p.167.
28 Khayyam and Minovi. M 1933, pp. 1-5 (manuscript reprint). 'Umar Khayyam describes
the festivals of Nawruz, their traditions and the deeds that should be performed on
place to Chaharshamba-yi Suri, which is the last Wednesday before Nawruz.

As seen in Chapter 2, the celebration of Chaharshamba-yi Suri has greater
spiritual value in comparison to Nawruz, as its celebration is related to the
casting out of bad resonances before the Sun enters Aries.29 In Zoroastrianism,
Chaharshamba-yi Suri was traditionally celebrated with greater fervour than
Nawruz itself, by a religion which venerates the forces of nature more than
the Abrahamic traditions.
In spite of the limited objectives of the Jalali calendar, it became an icon of
Iranian cultural renaissance with time. Its structure however, withheld open
regard for the other festivals which mark up to the entry of the Sun into Aries.
The plausible reason for this, especially in the case of Chaharshamba-yi Suri,
could be its direct connection to the Shi'a interpretation of Nawruz through
Ghadir and the wilayat of 'Ali. One of the main political agendas of the Seljuqs
was to counter Shi'ism, which is evident from their creation of the Nizamiyyas
as centres of Sunni learning in Iraq, after its century-long domination by the
Shi'a Buwayhids.30
It is improbable that an astrologer of 'Umar Khayyam’s calibre was ignorant
of the Shi'a connection to Chaharshamba-yi Suri, especially considering the
anti-Seljuq Isma'ili milieu that existed in Iran at the time, and his own personal
association with Hasan bin Sabbah. The reprinted version of Khayyam’s
Nawruz Namah comments on most aspects and festivals of Nawruz, but
strangely, it shows no entries for Chaharshamba-yi Suri in its index. It is
unlikely that an early twentieth century editor like Minovi would have omitted
these details. It is quite possible however, that Chaharshamba-yi Suri was
consciously left out by Khayyam himself, due to the religious nature of the
patronage given to him, and the limited objectives of his work. Shi'ism was
rife in the region, a threat to the Seljuq state, and 'Umar Khayyam belonged in
the Seljuq camp. Even if he was not specifically told to omit certain festivals,
he would certainly have suppressed those with ‘troubling’ connections in order
to save his own head.
them to maximise spiritual benefit. These include some Islamic practices which are
popular in Twelver Shi'ism today and may have Shi'a origins, like the recitation of certain
Quranic verses and supplications a certain number of times when the Sun enters Aries.
29 See Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’ Nawruz has a higher ceremonial
importance.
30 See ‘An historic overview’ in Chapter 1.
The astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm event, reported by Majlisi to

have occurred after midday prayers at approximately two o’clock, on 14 March
632, shows the Sun to be at 23 degrees Pisces on a Wednesday, one week
before Nawruz.31 It cannot be a coincidence that exactly the same disposition
of the Sun (i.e. 23 degrees Pisces), is also found at the start date of the Jalali
calendar, which nevertheless began on a Saturday.32
Prior to the advent of Khayyam’s Jalali calendar in 1079, the only precedent
for the celebration of Nawruz in Islam was through the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir,
a Shi'a principle. Hence Khayyam, a faithful Seljuq subject, who outwardly
suppressed Chaharshamba-yi Suri in his writing, probably due to its Shi'a
connection, still represented it in his Jalali calendar through the disposition of
the Sun that was to be found at Ghadir, namely 23 degrees Pisces. Within the
Nawruz context in Islam, there is little chance of the beginning of Khayyam’s
calendar at 23 degrees Pisces representing anything else other than 'Ali’s
wilayat. In addition, the astrological configuration of the calendar ensured that
neither Malik Shah nor any of his courtiers would ever realise what its start
date at 23 degrees Pisces really meant. This observation is complemented by
the fact that Khayyam describes some Nawruz festivals through poetic allegory
without citing their actual names,33 which is probably a part of his effort to
state the hidden without losing his head in the process.
It can be deduced from Khayyam’s commentary in his book that prior to the
advent of his Jalali calendar, Nawruz celebrations continued for a considerably
longer period of time and included the whole month of Farvardin, with which
the Persian New Year begins. Hence, general references to Nawruz, especially
in a seventh century Arabian context like that of Ghadir, could mean any of
the festivals celebrated within this period, starting from the middle of Pisces,
to the end of Farvardin (or the exit of the Sun from Aries).
The rest of the picture is comparatively easier to grasp in the context of
a larger Nawruz and wilayat of 'Ali astrological framework. More than one
planet, depending on its status in the Ghadir chart, could be used to represent
the wilayat of 'Ali. From this, one can understand how the different planetary
dispositions found at Ghadir were manipulated by Isma'ili missionaries, and
by Suhrawardi Sufis, to represent 'Ali’s wilayat in the Indian sub-continent,
just a few generations after 'Umar Khayyam.
31 See Figure 2.4, in Chapter 2.

32 For the Jalali calendar’s event chart see Appendix 2.
33 Khayyam and Minovi. M 1933, p.7-11.
As mentioned earlier, the most obvious planetary characteristic of Nawruz,

which is the exaltation of the Sun in the sign of Aries, is the confluence of
Mars and the Sun. If one looks closely at the Ghadir chart in Figure 2.4
(Chapter 2), one would see that Mars, the ruler of Aries, is placed at 20 degrees
Capricorn, which is the sign of its exaltation. Hence, in that certain year of
632, both Mars and the Sun were in the respective signs of their exaltations on
the actual Spring Equinox, 34 one week after the event of Ghadir on 14 March
632. In fact, Mars was nearly at the point of its complete exaltation, at 28
degrees Capricorn, (see Figure 4.2, below). This would have made Nawruz in
632 a very auspicious and rare astrological event, which is reflected in Salman
the Persian’s congratulations to the Prophet and 'Ali, as reported by Majlisi.
According to Muslim tradition, Salman was a Zoroastrian magi or priest, who
had converted to monastic Christianity, before coming to Arabia and becoming
Muslim. He must have therefore possessed in-depth knowledge of astrology
due to his training as a Zoroastrian priest.
Figure 4.2. The astrological chart of the Ghadir Khumm related Nawruz on 25 Dhul
Hijja 10 Hijri/20 March 632 at 9.45 p.m., when the Sun enters Aries. Mars is placed at
24 degrees Capricorn and both the planets are in the signs of their exaltations
34 See Figure 4.3 in the following section ‘Jafr,’ and Appendix 1, for details of planetary
exaltations.
The above analysis demonstrates that the incident of Salman congratulating

'Ali on the declaration of his wilayat at Ghadir does indeed have a basis for the
creation of metaphysical discourses in Shi'a Islam, by relating it to the Persian
New Year. Furthermore, it is easy to see how such a method of astrological
reckoning could be translated into a religious doctrine through the use of
planetary exaltations. The natural Sun and Mars nexus of Nawruz, which is
amplified further at Ghadir, with both the planets being in exaltation in 10
Hijri or 632, forms the basis of the astrological template that was used by the
Suhrawardi Order to apply Shi'a religious iconography to its architecture.
Ghadir Khumm, the concept of wilayat in Sufism, and

Islamic Scripture
In order to explain how the Nawruz template mentioned above is used to
represent the wilayat of 'Ali in various ways, a demonstration of the actual
process of this representation through Scripture is first needed, before the
analysis of its application to architecture. The attainment of wilayat in
Sufism, except in the case of the Naqshbandi Order, is traditionally defined
as the crossing of a certain spiritual threshold by the aspirant, directly or
indirectly, through 'Ali’s guidance. Generally, wilayat in Sufism is achieved
through the performance of certain spiritual exercises (under a Sufi master),
which were originally disseminated by 'Ali to his various disciples in secret,
after his appointment as spiritual successor to the Prophet at Ghadir. The
dissemination of this secret knowledge, from 'Ali to the current master, forms
a chain of spiritual transmission. This chain is known as the spiritual lineage
of any particular ('Alid) Sufi order, and serves as the pivot for the derivation
of spiritual power for that order. In principle, the spiritual lineage of any order
can include dead personalities, whose souls form one or more links within the
chain. In fact, direct interaction with the souls of dead shaykhs in any one
chain, and rarely with 'Ali himself, for guidance, is a widespread belief among
most 'Alid Sufi orders. Notwithstanding that contemporary Sufism is usually
understood to be Sunni, the connection with 'Ali demonstrates how historically
many Sufis could actually have been Shi'as, pursuing their agenda under the
cover of popular Islamic asceticism in hostile environments.
In such a context, the most important aspect of researching a covertly
Shi'a Sufi order (such as the Suhrawardi) is to ascertain how it attained and
celebrated wilayat under dissimulation, which was taught at the khanqahs
in secrecy. In essence, if the attainment of wilayat was based on the wilayat
of 'Ali through its Nawruz connection, complete Shi'a credentials would be

established for that order. Due to the secret nature of Sufi initiation, the process
of attaining wilayat is mostly unknown except to an insider. For those who are
superficially aware of the process, wilayat in Sufism is acquired after a long
process of asceticism, which includes dietary regulation, meditation, and most
importantly dhikr or continuous recitation (remembrance). Dhikr is of the
Names of God, Scripture or supplications, performed with secret formulae,
which are handed down by the Sufi master to the initiate.35 Dhikr carries the
greatest weight amongst the various practices of any order for attaining wilayat,
and emphasis on continuous dhikr is usually the norm for all Sufi orders. To
the trained eye, a close examination of any Sufi dhikr performed for attaining
wilayat will reveal whether or not it is Shi'a in nature.
In Shi'ism, the only divinely revealed text which mentions the wilayat of
'Ali by name is a certain supplication known as the Nad-e-'Ali, or the Call to
'Ali. According to both the Isma'ili and Twelver traditions, it was brought
down to the Prophet by the Archangel Gabriel before the battle of Khaybar
in which 'Ali did not participate. After the Prophet recited the supplication,
'Ali appeared and won the battle for the Muslims which they were sure of
losing.36 Nad-e-'Ali is supposed to have miraculous powers of healing and
spiritual strength.37 In addition to Shi'as of all denominations, it is also recited
by 'Alid Sufis for spiritual benefit.
The verses of the Quran which most comprehensively mention the concept
of wilayat and hence complement the Nad-e-'Ali, are the last three verses of the
second chapter al-Baqara. These are collectively known as the Ayat al-Kursi
(2:255-257), or the Verse of the Throne (of God). It is important to note that
Sunni Muslims consider only verse 255 of al-Baqara as the Ayat al-Kursi,
35 In the event of the success of the prescribed dhikr retreat, wilayat is handed down by
'Ali himself.
36 See http://www.ismaili.net/html/modules.php?file=viewtopic&name=phpBB2&op=
modload&t=837 .
37 During the development of the Safawid state noted Iranian theologians, including
Majlisi, stopped short of endorsing the Nad-e-'Ali as a divinely revealed supplication,
and excluded it from prescribed text books. This was done for the general purpose
of appeasing the Sunni world, as the Nad-e-'Ali is not included in the Quran. The
supplication was also systematically excluded from Mafatih al-Jinan (by Qummi, consult
bibliography), which is the commonly used textbook in Twelver Shi'ism after Majilsi’s
Bihar al-Anwar.
while in Shi'ism, the three verses together (2:255-257) are considered as the
(complete) Ayat al-Kursi.38 The second verse (2:256) starts with, ‘La ikraha fi
al-din,’ or ‘There is no compulsion in religion.’ The wording of verse 2:256
is seen by some as being the main reason for the omission of the last two
verses from the shorter (Sunni) version of the Ayat al-Kursi, so as to legitimise
orthodoxy by force. Wilayat itself is mentioned only in the third verse (2:257),
which begins with, ‘Allahu wali allidhina aminu ukhrijuhum min al-Zhulmati ila
al-Nur,’ or, ‘And Allah, (He) takes out who is His vice-regent (wali) from the
Darkness into the Light.’ In Shi'ism, this verse (2:257) of the Ayat al-Kursi is
considered to be the Quranic corroboration of the complete principle of wilayat,
and the Shi'a schools regard it as an allegorical reference in the Quran to the
wilayat of 'Ali itself (the two being inseparable). Shi'a Sufis regard the longer
version of the Ayat al-Kursi as the one dhikr through the continuous recitation
of which they would gain wilayat and become a wali Allah.
For the initiated, the longer version of the Ayat al-Kursi is reckoned to have
the same miraculous powers as the Nad-e-'Ali. However, both Shi'as and Sufis
also use the abridged shorter version, i.e. only verse 2:255, for other purposes
in their dhikr formulae. This is because the beginning of verse 2:255, ‘Allahu la
ilaha illa Hu, al-Hayyu al-Qayyumu..,’ or ‘Allah there is no God but Him, the
Living, the all Powerful..,’ is supposed to be a secret Ism al-'Azham , or Divine
Name, one which was used by many prophets (including Jesus) to raise the
dead. It is connected to the exaltation of the Sun, and hence in our context
also to Nawruz.39
Within Islamic Scripture, there is no comprehensive Quranic reference to
the concept of wilayat, other than in the Shi'a version of the Ayat al-Kursi, or
any direct mention of the wilayat of 'Ali, except in the Nad-e-'Ali.40 The two
texts are readily used as primary references for the explanation of the concept of
wilayat in Shi'a Islam today. The case would have been no different a thousand
38 This is the basic difference between the Shi'a and Sunni interpretation and use of the
Ayat al-Kursi verses.
39 For this certain Divine Name and its ruler ship under the Sun see, ‘The Seven Names’, by
Agha Hasnain Ahmad, p.65 in Imamia Jantari, (2006), Lahore: Iftikhar Book Depot.
40 These facts are well known to those who have a practitioners’ knowledge of Islamic
Scripture and its use in Shi'ism and Sufism. Hitherto, no academic publication has
dealt with the process of attaining wilayat through the wilayat of 'Ali, Shi'a-Sufi studies
being a very young field. However, the significance of the concept as explained here
would not be lost on Western scholars of 'Alid Sufism.
years ago, either in the Shi'a religious schools of Iraq, or in the khanqahs of
Sufi orders with strong Shi'a leanings like the Suhrawardi.
For the purpose of identifying how these two separate texts that refer to
wilayat complement each other, and are connected to Ghadir through Nawruz,
an investigation into their respective dhikr formulae will be made here. This
will in turn demonstrate how an astrological template based on Nawruz is
used to represent the wilayat of 'Ali through Scripture. The process involves
the conversion of Scripture into numbers to determine the desired number
of recitations for its dhikr, and its subsequent reduction to pre-established
planetary consonants, to deduce its corresponding planet. It is important to
emphasise that this procedure of reducing Scripture to numerical sums, and
to astrological entities or planets, is an across the board practice for the ‘secret’
dhikr formulae indispensable to Sufism, which are handed down on initiation.
The entire process is derived from the science of jafr, or Islamic cabbala,
attributed to 'Ali by the Shi'a and Sufi traditions of Islam.
Jafr
Two lost works on magic are ascribed to the famous Islamic scholar al-Biruni,
which in all probability focused on jafr. However, al-Biruni also mentions
most of the individual components of this science in his book Kitab al-Tafhim,
which is frequently used in this chapter. The maximum spiritual benefit of
the Nad-e-'Ali, or the Ayat al-Kursi, as a Sufi dhikr, is gained by obtaining
their gematric sum from the Arabic abjad, and reciting them that many times
within a given period of days, usually the lunar month.41 This recitation
41 Gematric is derived from gematria, the Hebrew system of writing alphabets with
numbers. Jafr has its roots in the Jewish cabbala, where each alphabet is ascribed a
certain number, the addition of which gives the numerical equivalent of a word, or a
verse of Scripture. In Islam, 'Ali is attributed with having regularised the sounds of
the ancient Hebrew system and its twenty two letters to fit in with the new Arabic
(Yemeni) script, its twenty eight letters and the Quran. Each of these twenty eight
Arabic letters also has a number assigned to it, and the system is known as the Arabic
abjad. Jafr constitutes the esoteric component of this adaptation, and also constitutes
the major part of the secret teaching, which 'Ali is supposed to have passed on to his
disciples. Even Sunni historians of the Arabic language ascribe the first writing and
regularisation of Arabic grammar to 'Ali. The cabbala is said to work better in Arabic
as each one of its twenty eight letters corresponds directly to one of the twenty eight
stages of the moon within the lunar month.
is performed in the designated hour, and in the elemental direction of the

planet with which it tallies, to obtain full effect. In Arabic, the gematric sum
is literally the simple addition of all the corresponding numbers in a certain
text, except for the Arabic prefix (Al 1), which is not counted at all, and
the repeated or emphasised letters, marked by or the shadda on top-which
are counted as a single letter instead. The result gives the desired number of
recitations for the dhikr.
The numerological reduction of the gematric sum of any given dhikr down
to the single digit gives its planetary consonant. Thus through the single
digit, the dhikr is associated with one of the seven major planets and is ideally
performed in the hour(s) of that planet each day, with the consideration of its
element and direction, among other details. The entire process is described in
detail in an unpublished article by the late Seth Carney.42 Aside from Carney’s
article, the process is also explained to some extent in the Colonial era book
Qanun-e-Islami or ‘Islam in India’ [sic],43 first published in 1834, which is a
study of Islamic practices in the princely state of Hyderabad in India.
Al-Biruni’s Kitab al-Tafhim/Elements of Astrology describes the practice
of obtaining the gematric sum of any Arabic text through the abjad for its
use in astrology thoroughly enough for the reader to conclude that this was
standard practice in many Islamic sciences, not just in jafr or magic.44 In
another interesting use of the abjad, al-Biruni ascribes numbers, as is done
for the seven planets in jafr, to the twelve signs of the Zodiac, for their use in
astrology and astronomy.45
42 Seth Carney was a lecturer in Islamic Studies at the University of Michigan, and a PhD
candidate at SOAS; his doctoral thesis was submitted in 2007, but remains unexamined
due to his death on 8 July 2007. While he describes the process accurately, Carney’s
article lacks primary source references, and gives wrong pre-established planetary
consonants for the seven planets, to which the recitation is to be reduced. Carney may
have done this on purpose, so as to limit the dissemination of the procedure. However,
the correct procedure is present in al-Biruni’s book, which also establishes an historical
precedent for the practice.
43 The original translation of the book’s title is erroneous; its correct title would be The
Law of Islam.
44 Al-Biruni 1029: pp.40-42. See section 116, ‘Arabic letters for numerals,’ section
117 (p.41) describes the ease of writing astrological and astronomical tables through
numbers. Section 118 (p.42) gives some rules about combining letters from the abjad
to represent big numbers in order to avoid mistakes, which is an inverse process of the
dhikr formula.
45 Ibid, in section 119, p.43, see ‘Further use for letters.’
Figure 4.3. Top left, the Arabic abjad according to al-Biruni,46 and right, planetary
exaltations according to al-Biruni.47 Bottom, the hours of the day and the night as ruled
by the seven planets according to al-Biruni48
In his book, in addition to the details of the Arabic abjad, and its dual use
for representing text as numbers, and for marginalising error while writing very
big numbers, al-Biruni also describes the method of calculating the hours of the
day and the night, as ruled by the seven planets in succession. The calculation
of planetary hours carries great significance in maximising the strength of a
dhikr, as it has to be ideally performed within the hour (of the day) that is
ruled by the planet with which it is associated.
Essentially, all the details for calculating and performing a planetary dhikr
retreat are present in al-Biruni’s book. The only missing component are the
pre-established planetary consonants. These are the single digit numbers (from
one to ten), associated with each planet, to which the abjad sum of a dhikr
corresponds after numerological reduction. One version of these consonants is
found, with flaws, in Carney’s article. However, the most acceptable planetary
consonants this author has found to date are in a book published by an Indian
Sufi shaykh in 1907, who headed his own order. In The Mysteries of Sound and
Number, each one of the seven major planets, which governs one of the seven
46 Ibid, p.41.
47 Ibid, p. 258.
48 Ibid, p.237. The process of calculating the exact length of the planetary hours for each
day and night is mentioned in the accompanying text.
days of the week, is ascribed a number through clear conceptual reasoning.

In the book, every number from one to ten, necessarily every number after
reduction to a single digit, has a tallying planet. According to the book’s author,
his sources were old Islamic manuscripts, researched by him in the different
libraries of the world. The book was translated and published in English.
Saturn 8
Jupiter 3
Mars 9
The Sun 4 and 1
Venus 6
Mercury 5
The Moon 7 and 2
Figure 4.4. Planetary consonants49
It should be mentioned that the consonants in Figure 4.4 are the same as
those passed on by practitioners of jafr, and are also present in jafr manuals
deemed trustworthy. However, as opposed to contemporary literature of this
kind the credibility of which would be suspect, the jafr-based dhikr formula
pieced together here from older sources gives the reader the necessary tools
to understand the analysis contained in the following sections. These sections
explain how the wilayat of 'Ali can be represented as Scripture or architecture,
via its astrological connection to Ghadir and Nawruz. The lesser details of the
framework are considerably easier to understand, since the gematric sum for
any one Name of God, a verse of the Quran, or a supplication, would always
be the same, whenever it is calculated through the abjad.
49 Ahmad, 1907, pp.26-27. Ahmad mentions the origins and sources of these planetary
consonants on pp. 23-25. The process of the numerical reduction of any number to a
single digit (or planet) is described on p. 24. The reasons for how and why dual numbers
are ascribed to the Sun and the Moon are given on p. 2 and p.32. The primary reason
is because the two play a greater role in determining human affairs than the other
planets, as they rule the day and the night respectively (an example of this ruler ship
is the solar and lunar nature of the Arabic alphabet). The method for calculating the
planetary hours for each day (in the same format as given by al-Biruni) is found on
p. 29.
Application of the dhikr formula to the Nad-e-'Ali and

the Ayat al-Kursi
Returning to the subject of wilayat in Sufism, and its connection to the wilayat
of 'Ali through Nawruz, the application of our dhikr formula to the Nad-e-
'Ali and the Ayat al-Kursi will yield a common astro-numerological point of
reference for their metaphysical equivalence, in terms of 'Ali’s wilayat. This
in turn clarifies why the two texts are regarded as the same in Shi'ism and by
some 'Alid Sufi orders, as both groups actively encourage their adherents to seek
hidden meanings in Scripture. The explanation offers a deeper understanding
into how 'Alid Sufism was used for dissimulation by Shi'a sects, and how Shi'a
concepts were concealed from the public eye by an outward profession of Sufi
orthodoxy, while being taught in secrecy at the khanqahs at the same time. In
short, the analysis of the wilayat of 'Ali in this section will define for the reader
the way the historic relationship between Sufism and Shi'ism is misunderstood,
as simply a ‘third way’ in Islam juxtaposed between the Shi'a and the Sunni.
Figure 4.5. A hexagram talisman of the abjad sum of the Nad-e-'Ali50
The abjad sums for both the Nad-e-'Ali and the Ayat al-Kursi are readily
available from texts published by the Twelver Shi'a and Sufi communities, and
can also be calculated manually. Figure 4.5 (above) shows a hexagram talisman
of the Nad-e-'Ali from one such publication, it is probably a reprint from an older
work. It is meant to be written after the dhikr equalling the numerical sum of
50 See ‘Luh-e-Nad-e-'Ali,’ by S. Nadeem Haidar Zaidi, pp.21-22 in Imamia Jantari (2005)

Lahore: Iftikhar Book Depot.
the Nad-e-'Ali has been completed within the lunar month, in the hours and the
elemental direction of the tallying planet. To obtain the hexagram talisman for
an abjad sum, the grand total is divided by three. In this, the sum in question
has to be divisible by three in order to fit inside a hexagram.51 In the case of
the Nad-e-'Ali, after division the remainder (14,184, see Figure 4.5, above) is
written in the centre of the hexagram. Numbers receding (the remainder) by
one are written on the three left flanks of the hexagram, until the top-most
tip is reached. Similarly, numbers successively increasing by one are written on
the three right flanks, until the bottom-most tip of the hexagram is reached
and filled. The talisman is written immediately after the last day’s recitation
of the dhikr, usually the last day of the lunar month, which completes the total
number of recitations for its abjad sum. Such a talisman can easily be checked
for errors by the simple addition of any three numbers in a straight line on
the hexagram (see lines in Figure 4.5). The sum of these additions in all cases
gives the same value if the talisman is correct, which is the original abjad sum
of the dhikr, in this case the Nad-e-'Ali.
Hence, for the Nad-e-'Ali hexagram in Figure 4.5, the addition from
top to bottom is 14181+14184+14187=42552, from top left to bottom
right is 14182+14184+14186=42552, and from top right to bottom left is
14185+14184+14183 = 42552. The grand total for both the diagonals and the
vertical direction comes to 42552, which is the abjad sum of the Nad-e-'Ali. To
establish the ruling planet for the dhikr, the abjad sum is reduced to a single
digit before beginning its recitation. In the case of 42552, the reduction would
be to the order of 4+2+5+5+2 = 6+12 = 6+3 = 9. This shows that the Nad-e-'Ali
supplication corresponds to Mars, as can be seen from Figure 4.4, and hence
its dhikr should ideally be performed in the hour and elemental direction of
that planet. In addition, its astrological connection to the wilayat of 'Ali is
through the planet Mars itself, which we know was in exaltation at both the
event of Ghadir in 632, and on the Spring Equinox (i.e. actual Nawruz) that
followed it (see Figures 2.4 and 4.2). Moreover, Mars is a part of the Sun and
Mars nexus that defines Nawruz.
If the planetary ruler for the Ayat al-Kursi, which is the alleged reference
to 'Ali’s wilayat in the Quran, were also Mars, the metaphysical equivalence
argued for the two texts will hold true. The abjad sum for the Ayat al-Kursi
can be calculated manually, or be referenced from an existing publication. The
51 In jafr, only multiples of three, six and nine, or rather sums that reduce to these three
single digits can be written as hexagram talismans.
sum of the longer version of the Ayat al-Kursi (verses 255-257 of al-Baqara)
through the abjad is 14067.52 When reduced to a single digit this gives us
1+4+0+6+7 = 5+13 = 5+4 = 9, which also makes it a Mars dhikr. It should be
noted that the reduction of the abjad sum to a single digit to determine its
ruling planet is an across the board practice in jafr, and needs to be envisaged
in the same manner in which plants and metals are ascribed planetary ruler
ships in medical astrology and in alchemy.
It is not known if the Shi'a 'Urafa or Gnostics consciously chose to prescribe
the longer version of the Ayat al-Kursi, which is ruled by Mars, in their
teachings, so as to Quranically complement their perception of 'Ali’s wilayat at
Ghadir, or if the prescription actually goes back to 'Ali himself. In either case,
the idea behind the principle became a part of Shi'a metaphysical thought, and
over a period of time, of Shi'a theology. Within Shi'a 'Irfan or Gnosis, both the
Nad-e-'Ali and the Ayat al-Kursi are mentioned as being equally representative
of the wilayat of 'Ali, with the former being so directly, and the latter through
Quranic allegory. It is probably through connections to Shi'a 'Irfan that the
idea of the metaphysical equivalence of these two texts was disseminated to
certain 'Alid Sufi orders, among which the Suhrawardi figures prominently.
In light of the above analysis, it is easy to see how the Ayat al-Kursi verses
were actually used for the Shi'a representation of ('Ali’s) wilayat under
dissimulation. Baha al-din Zakiriyya, the progenitor of the Suhrawardi Order
in Multan, prescribed the Ayat al-Kursi dhikr above all others to the followers
of his khanqah, in his prayer textbook, Al-Awrad. This text has already been
explored for its hidden Shi'a leanings.53 According to Zakiriyya, continuous
recitation of the Ayat al-Kursi between prescribed prayers is the best way to
attain the highest level of spiritual proficiency (i.e. wilayat).54 The Suhrawardi
expression of the secret knot between the Ayat al-Kursi and the wilayat of
'Ali is also found in the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, where it is represented
architecturally.
The wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, along with its astrological superstructure,
whether represented through Quranic verses in a Suf i dhikr, or applied to
architecture and iconography, remains conceptually a Shi'a principle. Another
ingenious manner of its use was achieved by Pir Shams, who arranged religious
52 ‘Luh-e-Ayat al-Kursi,’ S. Mumtaz Hussain Bukhari, pp. 17-18 in Imamia Jantari (2005)
Lahore: Iftikhar Book Depot.
53 See Chapter 1, ‘Zakiriyya’s theological connection to the Ja'fari f iqh.’
54 Zakiriyya 1262, p.88ff.
ceremonies that celebrated 'Ali’s wilayat at Ghadir through Chaharshamba-

yi Suri and the local calendar. In essence, the wilayat of 'Ali can be seen as
the centre-piece of the Shi'a model of the universe. Its first recorded use
in architecture was in the construction of Fatimid Cairo, something that
subsequently reoccurred throughout the Suhrawardi monuments of this book.
Ghadir Khumm and architecture: The representation of the

wilayat of 'Ali through Mars in Fatimid Cairo
While the previous section explained how the wilayat of 'Ali is represented
in Islamic Scripture through its ruler ship under Mars, the following sections
will examine its representation in architecture, something which involves the
actual construction of monuments according to the principle. The creation of
buildings through 'Ali’s wilayat gives a much greater insight into the extended
use of the concept, especially since it is represented in architecture secretly for
the most part, as achieved by the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch. The
first identifiable use of the idea however, is to be found in the construction
of Fatimid Cairo.
In section seven of Zaad al-Ma'ad, Majlisi reports on the authority of the
sixth Imam al-Sadiq, that the foundations of the first Ka'aba built by Adam
were laid on Nawruz.55 Essentially, what Majlisi refers to is the beginning of
the Ka'aba’s ritual construction. In our context, such an act of construction
could have been started under any auspicious ruler ship in the Nawruz period,
but in practice it would (preferably) have taken place under either the Sun or
Mars, the nexus that actually defines Nawruz. Nevertheless, the entire period
of the Sun’s exaltation (in the Persian month of Farvardin, known as Hamal
or Aries in the Jalali calendar) was traditionally considered to have been very
auspicious for starting new deeds, including the construction of buildings.
The principle of ritually beginning the construction of a monument
through astrology, as is reported for the Ka'aba on Nawruz by Majlisi, finds
implementation in recorded history. The construction of the Fatimid city of
Cairo, which was also known as ‘the city of Mars,’ began during the exaltation
of Mars. The architecture historian Creswell, in his book The Muslim
Architecture of Egypt A.D. 939-1711, comments on the preparations that were
made for laying the foundations of the city. He relates from primary sources
55 Majlisi, 1845, pp.557-559.
that (foundation) trenches were pre-excavated for the beginning of ritual

construction. The moment Mars was in exaltation (presumably somewhere
near 28 degrees Capricorn), the mortar was to be thrown in by the workmen
and construction was to begin.56
Creswell’s report carries great weight in Western scholarship, as perhaps
being the only one that accurately describes the process of creating divine
architecture in Islam through planetary exaltations. It also complements the
method used in this book for decoding the Suhrawardi buildings of Multan
and Uch. Creswell analyses his sources objectively, while attempting his own
Orientalist critique of the chain of events. He criticises Maqrizi, the main
authority who has dealt with the subject, as being inconsistent in his reports
about the original name of the city. According to Creswell, Maqrizi first claims
that the city took the name al-Qahira four years after the beginning of ritual
construction, when the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu'izz finally settled in the city,
and that it was called al-Mansuriya before that. Seven lines later, Maqrizi gives
the impression that the city was called al-Qahira from its inception, when
discussing the astrologers who had calculated the auspicious moment for the
beginning of construction during the exaltation of Mars.57
Isma'ili tradition asserts that the name al-Qahira derives from the Divine
Name al-Qahhar or the Vanquisher, which is one of the ninety-nine Names of
God in Arabic, and that al-Qahira is connected through the name al-Qahhar
to the planet Mars and to ‘Isma'ili beliefs,’ due to which Cairo came to be
known as the city of Mars.58 To verify this, one can simply calculate the abjad
sum for al-Qahhar, and then reduce it to a single digit to ascertain its planetary
ruler ship. If the ruler of the name al-Qahhar turns out to be Mars, then the
connection of Cairo to ‘Isma'ili beliefs,’ or rather to the wilayat of 'Ali can be
upheld, in addition to a further connection to Nawruz (through Mars). The
deduction will also lend credence to the work of a great architecture historian
like Creswell, and will open up the possibility of decoding similar monuments/
cities beyond the scope of this book.
The abjad sum for al-Qahhar, after omitting the Arabic prefix ‘al,’ and
counting the repeated letters as singular (according to the rules of jafr), is
56 Creswell 1978, vol. 1, p.23. This reference by Creswell is taken from Maqrizi, p.377,
vol. 2 (MS), 19ff.
57 Creswell describes another historian, Ibn Dumaq, as being clearer about the name al-
Qahira being associated with Cairo’s ritual construction: Creswell 1978, vol. 1, p.23.
58 The author thanks Zawahir Moir for this information.
+ + + or 100+5+1+200, which equals 306. The reduction of 306 yields 9,

which is the planetary consonant for Mars. It is evident, therefore, that Cairo
does indeed take its name from al-Qahhar, or for that matter from the planet
Mars, and that the name could only have been given to the city when its
ritual construction began during the exaltation of Mars. Hence, it would be
correct to assert that this method of construction does have clear antecedents
in Isma'ilism, for relating a monument, in this case an entire city, to Scripture,
and to (secret) Shi'a beliefs through planetary exaltation. In a similar manner,
other Names of God, or verses of the Quran, can also be used for the same
purpose. In the next section, we will see how the Ayat al-Kursi is used to relate
an entire building to the wilayat of 'Ali.
In Kitab al-Tafhim/Elements of Astrology, al-Biruni gives a scientific
explanation for the process of auspiciously beginning a new deed according
to its ruling planet, related to the construction of buildings. His book also
describes the general purpose attributed to each planet, which can be used for
maximising the physical strength of a monument built under its ruler ship.
According to al-Biruni’s description, in the case of Cairo this purpose would
have been the destruction of enemies that the expanding Fatimid Empire
must have sought to achieve, with the construction of that city during the
exaltation of the war planet Mars, in addition to the basic Fatimid belief in
the wilayat of 'Ali.
Al-Biruni ascribes planetary ruler ships to different kinds of buildings after
studying the various astrological traditions of the ancient world. According to
him, temples in general, and Zoroastrian f ire temples specif ically, are ruled by
Mars.59 He also implies that the ritual construction of buildings envisaged in
this manner is best started when the ruling planet is in exaltation, which we
have already seen in the case of Cairo. Al-Biruni states that the Lord of the
Hour (ruling planet) for a place or a building cannot be correctly deduced,
unless the accurate time for the beginning of ritual construction is known.
Even a religious ceremony associated with the foundation of a city suffices for
the purpose in his opinion, in which case the astrological chart of the event
will yield the ruling planet. However, he goes on to assert that this method
of deduction is not scientifically applicable to natural phenomena like rivers
and streams, since no concrete evidence for the beginning of the flow of water
in them is available.60
59 Al-Biruni 1029, p.242.

60 Ibid., p.239.
The wilayat of 'Ali as a building: The case of Shah Rukn-e-'Alam

From the exegesis contained in this chapter so far, which is reinforced by the
work of both Creswell and al-Biruni, it appears that if certain buildings were
envisaged as divine events and constructed according to the exaltations of their
ruling planets, the architects would have left behind (astrological) clues for
the beginning of ritual construction. In the context of dissimulation, as was
the case with the Suhrawardi Order in Multan, these clues would be symbols
representing what a certain monument really meant. The one Suhrawardi
monument in Multan that has most of its symbols intact is the shrine of
Zakiriyya’s grandson Shah Rukn-e-'Alam. Its mihrab or Mecca direction
marker, embellished with ornate astrological symbols, is the object that would
most likely yield evidence signifying the beginning of ritual construction,
similar to that reported for Cairo.
Figure 4.6. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab hexagram with its recreated numbers (left),
and the seven symbols of the Seal of Solomon, representing the seven planets and
the days of the week (right). The original seal has been flipped here from the Arabic,
to start instead from the left hand side (for English readers). In either case, the seal
begins with the encircled pentagram symbol for the Sunday. The symbol for Saturn
or the Saturday is on the far right61
Some of the symbols on the Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab wore off naturally due to
its sheer age, while others were removed after the building’s restoration in 1977.
However, the right flanking hexagram of the mihrab still had the number 9
clearly inscribed in its middle until recently (see Figure 4.6, left). If the rest of
the numerical configuration of the hexagram is recreated from the surviving
number 9, with the method used for writing the Nad-e-'Ali inscription in
61 From Wali Ullah Khan 1983, p.14 (left), and Savage-Smith 2005, p.170 (right).
Figure 4.5, it would yield the numbers that we see on the hexagram in Figure
4.6. In essence, all the numbers in any one straight line should add up to the
original sum of the inscription, which here is 6+9+12 = 27, or 7+9+11 = 27, or
8+9+10 = 27. The single digit reduction of the number 27 is 9, suggesting that
the Rukn-e-'Alam monument was constructed during the exaltation of Mars
and under its ruler ship.
In Figure 4.6, one can clearly see the symbol ‘∂’ carved in the six outer houses
formed between the outer sides of the hexagram and its inscribing circle. The
Seal of Solomon in the same image shows this to be the talismanic symbol for
Saturn, with ‘∂’ being the last or the seventh planet, i.e. Saturn, in the seal.
The reduced number 9 or literally Mars, and the planetary symbol ‘∂’ for
Saturn from the mihrab hexagram, collectively show that the Rukn-e-'Alam
mihrab inscription is a Mars and Saturn inscription. In the context of Saturn,
the sum of the hexagram, 27, is best interpreted as 27 degrees of Saturn, or
rather as 27 degrees of Capricorn (which is the first sign ruled by Saturn). It
is well established that Capricorn is the sign for the exaltation of Mars. The
configuration of the inscription shows that the Rukn-e-'Alam monument’s
construction was ritually begun when the planet Mars was in exaltation, at
27 degrees Capricorn.62
In addition, the mihrab also has the Ayat al-Kursi inscribed around it, which
frames the mihrab niche and the area that carries the hexagram inscriptions
(see Figure 4.7). It has already been demonstrated earlier in the chapter that
according to Shi'a 'Irfan or Gnosis, the Ayat al-Kursi represents the wilayat
of 'Ali under the ruler ship of Mars. The use of the Ayat al-Kursi here, in a
Suhrawardi monument built during the exaltation of Mars, one which also
carries concealed Shi'a iconography on its upper storeys, gives concrete evidence
on the secret Shi'a beliefs of the Suhrawardi Order. 63
The astrological symbolism of the Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab shows that the
building was constructed in a manner similar to Fatimid Cairo, albeit under
dissimulation, during the exaltation of Mars; which in either of these two cases
62 According to al-Biruni, the exaltation of Mars is at 28 degrees Capricorn, and it is in

exaltation for the whole of that sign, see al-Biruni 1029, p.258. One reason why the
Rukn-e-'Alam monument may have been started slightly earlier at 27 degrees, could
be to make the beginning of construction correspond to a Tuesday, or the day of Mars.
Another reason could simply be to ensure that the exalting planet was still rising, as
the exaltation strength would fall once Mars passed the 28 degree mark.
63 For details of the hidden Shi'a symbols on the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, see Chapter
5.
can only be possible when Mars was in the sign of Capricorn. However, unlike
Fatimid Cairo which was openly Isma'ili, the combination of the Ayat al-Kursi
and hidden Shi'a iconography make Rukn-e-'Alam the first dissimulative
expression of the wilayat of 'Ali as a building that has been decoded to
date. Additionally, the covert use of Shi'a iconography in the Rukn-e-'Alam
monument reveals a technique of representation that can be used for decoding
other Twelver and Isma'ili monuments in the future, especially those from
Fatimid Cairo.64
Figure 4.7. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab framed by the Ayat al-Kursi

band running around it65
The process of the construction of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument confirms

a few interesting permutations of the use of the wilayat of 'Ali in the creation
of buildings. The first is that it can be represented through Scripture on
monuments, which in the case of Rukn-e-'Alam was done during the exaltation
period of Mars, and was achieved through the Ayat al-Kursi. The second
scenario is the beginning of ritual construction on Nawruz itself, or rather
during the exaltation period of the Sun, which falls within the Persian month
of Farvardin. Essentially, the exaltation of either the Sun or Mars, the two
64 The al-Hakim mosque in Cairo has long been suspected by archaeologists of having
a secret code, one which has still not been broken.
65 Wali Ullah Khan 1983, p.48.
planets that define Nawruz, can be used to represent the wilayat of 'Ali at
Ghadir, since both planets were in exaltation on that certain Spring Equinox
in 632, considered to be a very rare astrological event. The second method is
also visible in Majlisi’s report on the foundations of the original Ka'aba having
been laid on Nawruz. However as we will see, the technique involving the
exaltation of the Sun is purely astrological for the example we have, and does
not necessitate the application of Scripture to monument. The same result
is achieved instead by the use of astrological symbols that signify the Sun’s
exaltation in the sphere of Mars, as will be demonstrated in the next section.
The second method was employed in the construction of the Suhrawardi
monuments of Uch.
Nawruz and the Bibi Jaiwandi monument complex

The Bibi Jaiwandi complex is an integral part of the Suhrawardi monuments
of Uch, and is connected to the khanqah of Jalal al-din Surkhposh. It will be
explored in detail in Chapter 6. This section will only analyse the astrological
and talismanic symbols discovered at the site, which showcase the use of the
second method of monumental construction outlined above. The symbols
collectively represent a Sun and Mars nexus in the complex, necessarily
Nawruz, which of course mean the wilayat of 'Ali.
Figure 4.8. Top left, the complex site plan as a pentagram, which is the symbol for the
Sun in the Seal of Solomon, and right, an old tile from the Bibi Jaiwandi monument with
the symbol for Mars.66 Bottom, the seven talismanic symbols for the seven planets from
the Seal of Solomon, with those for the Sun and Mars encircled67
66 The tile photograph is courtesy of architect Yasmin Cheema.

67 Savage-Smith 2005, p.170.
Figure 4.8 shows the main symbols from Bibi Jaiwandi which clearly
represent Nawruz on comparison, with the pentagram site plan and the symbol
for Mars signifying the Sun’s exaltation. In addition, as will become apparent
in Chapter 6, all the other symbols found in the complex are also connected
to either the Sun or Mars. Due to its connections to Shi'ism, the only possible
metaphysical basis for such a representation of Nawruz by the Suhrawardi
Order is the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir.68
The astrological configuration at Bibi Jaiwandi, which unlike Rukn-e-
'Alam lacks a (surviving) numerical inscription denoting the beginning of
construction, still suggests that the complex was started somewhere in the
Nawruz period, which is the norm for such buildings. The exact moment
of construction in Uch is of course more difficult to deduce, albeit this may
have been easier before the loss of other iconography.69 Technically, ritual
construction on Nawruz can begin at any auspicious moment while the Sun
remains in the sign of Aries, prior to its exaltation at 19 degrees, after which
the exaltation strength starts falling.70 For reasons of practicality however, the
best interpretation of the Bibi Jaiwandi symbols would be that the construction
of the complex was begun at either the exact onset of the Spring Equinox,
when the Sun enters Aries at 0 degrees, or conversely, at the exaltation of the
Sun, at 19 degrees Aries.
The chart in Figure 4.9 systematically cites the astrological attributes of the
days of the week for use in alchemy, including the ruling planets, associated
Names of God, prophets, angels, and metals. The first such (surviving) charts
in Islam can be traced to the Ikhwan al-Safa (Brotherhood of Purity) who
were mentioned in the Introduction. Some matter in their epistles deals with
subjects such as jafr and alchemy.71 The epistles are attributed to a secret
68 The pentagram site plan at Bibi Jaiwandi also represents the Panjatan or the Family
of the Prophet. In Chapter 6, see ‘Similarity between hidden Shi'a symbolism at the
Bibi Jaiwandi complex and Rukn-e-'Alam.’
69 The Bibi Jaiwandi monuments were half destroyed by floods in 1817, see Chapter 6.
70 For planetary exaltations and strengths see al-Biruni 1029, p.258.
71 Of the fifty-two rasail or epistles, the fifty-second deals with magic and talismans. For
details see Ikhwan al-Safa (1957) Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa, 4 volumes, Bayrut. According
to Ian Netton, who has written on the Ikhwan, the epistles divide into four major
sections, yet the Ikhwan’s understanding and use of these sections is much broader
and paradoxical than what would appear to the normal reader. For example, the last
major section, comprised of the final eleven epistles, is titled ‘theological sciences,’
but deals instead with magic and related subjects, see, http://www.muslimphilosophy.
com/ip/rep/H051.
organisation of scholars from Basra in tenth century Iraq. It has been argued
that the Brotherhood had Isma'ili connections, which makes sense to some,
since the epistles were produced in Buwayhid Iraq.72 The most important
astrological attribute in the chart in Figure 4.9 is that of the associated
prophets. Each prophet is associated with a planet and a day, and the entries
show one of the Abrahamic traditions ruling over each day of the week. This
information plays an important part in decoding the multi-layered symbolism
of the Suhrawardi monuments of Uch, which also represent different religions.
As mentioned, all the religious symbols represented in Uch are related to
either the Sun or Mars, that is, they correspond to the astrological framework
of Nawruz and the wilayat of 'Ali. In the Suhrawardi context of the middle
Indus region, this kind of multi-faith symbolism could not derive from a source
other than the Isma'ili Satpanth, which of course began with Pir Shams.
Figure 4.9. An Islamic astrological chart used for maximising planetary benefit in alchemy73
72 Netton actually argues against the Brotherhood being Isma'ili, but considering that
the Ikhwan lived and wrote in Buwayhid Iraq, and were contemporaries of people like
Murtada al-Radi, the historical evidence of the time, coupled with their own metaphysical
tendencies, which included the veneration of Nawruz (see the section after next), suggests
that the Ikhwan hailed from some Shi'a background, even if they were not Isma'ilis.
73 Savage-Smith 2004, p.171.
Representation of multiple religious identities in Uch:

Connections with the Isma'ili Satpanth
While the architectural implications of the religious symbolism of Uch’s
Suhrawardi monuments is reserved for the next chapter, this section explains
the system behind the astro-religious representation that is found at Bibi
Jaiwandi, in light of the information in Figure 4.9. The section demonstrates
how religious icons, in the absence of numerical iconography, can signify the
beginning of ritual construction in a building. The Bibi Jaiwandi complex,
which adjoins the Surkhposh khanqah, has three surviving buildings, namely
Baha al-Halim, Bibi Jaiwandi and Nuriyya, all of which carry religious symbols.
Figure 4.10. The Bibi Jaiwandi symbols: left, a) Baha al-Halim cross niche,
b) Surkhposh cross niche, c) Bibi Jaiwandi Star of David, d) (bottom right) Baha
al-Halim Star of David
The symbols in Figure 4.10 (above), from the three Bibi Jaiwandi
monuments and the adjoining Surkhposh khanqah are easily recognisable.
The Star of David or the hexagram, and the Latin cross, are found in repeated
succession on each monument. They are always arranged in an order where the
hexagram is represented on the exterior, and the cross mostly on the interior.
In addition, the crosses usually have a depressed niche area, probably meant
for lighting ceremonial candles. In the context of the Suhrawardi Order, the
two symbols can only represent Judaism and Christianity. If one tallies the
associated prophets of these two Abrahamic faiths, namely Solomon and Jesus,
with the entries found in the chart in Figure 4.9, one would get the Sun and
Mars as planets, or necessarily Nawruz.74
During research for this book, seven different sites called Uch were
identified in modern-day Pakistan, which can be traced to the Nizari Isma'ili
da'wa.75 Some of these sites still have surviving monuments. One such site
is the Lal Mohra complex, which is covered in Chapter 6.76 At Lal Mohra,
the ordering of religious symbols is the same as found in the Bibi Jaiwandi
complex, with hexagrams used on the exterior (entrances), and ceremonial
cross niches in the interior, and in one case on the actual mihrab itself.77 This
commonality in the use of certain Jewish and Christian symbols, namely the
cross and the hexagram, which represent the Sun and Mars demonstrates
a homogenous process of ritual construction, based on Nawruz, for all the
monuments belonging to the seven Uchs. The Bibi Jaiwandi complex and
Lal Mohra exemplify the use of the second method for the construction of
buildings at Nawruz, mentioned by Majlisi for the Ka'aba. Only here, ritual
construction is discreetly represented on the monuments through religious
symbols, as opposed to magical ones.
It is much easier to identify the exact date for an historic event associated
to a prophet or a religion when it is represented with its characteristic religious
icon, like the cross, than it is for a magical symbol, like those from the Seal of
Solomon. But, in the absence of a supporting numerical inscription, a religious
icon magical would not yield anything except the ruling planet. The second
method show-cased in this section is a simpler execution through Nawruz, of
the wilayat of 'Ali’s representation as a building. In terms of representing Shi'a
74 In the chart, Monday is associated with the Prophet David who is also Jewish, but the
Jewish symbolism at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex is more associable to Solomon, due to
the hexagram and its connection to Mars, and the visible temple configuration that the
architects sought to give the complex. In the Islamic tradition, and especially in jafr,
the Star of David or the hexagram is associated with Solomon and Mars for its magical
properties rather than to David. It is called the Naqsh Sulaiman or the inscription of
Solomon, since multiples of the number 9, i.e. all abjad sums ruled by the planet Mars,
are best suited for writing it. Al-Biruni also ascribes a Mars ruler ship to temples. The
Uch monuments seem to be an attempt at creating a complex akin to the Temple of
Solomon, through the astrological framework of the wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz.
75 For the seven Uchs see Shackle and Moir 2000, p.204. They are probably related to
Shams’s da'wa, considering its spread and his personality cult.
76 In Chapter 6 see ‘One of the seven Uchs: Lal Mohra,’
77 For details see Chapter 6, plate 6.6.
concepts, the two methods are like two sides of the same coin. However, the
representational value of the second method is twofold, since it also directly
showcases the various religions that make-up the multi-faith structure of
Suhrawardi beliefs, something which cannot be found in Rukn-e-'Alam.
The method was obviously easier to execute in the religious freedom of Uch
as opposed to Multan, where icons from different religions could be freely
applied to building facades. The second method can also be described as being
more efficient, because if used properly, religious icons easily convey the idea
behind the beginning of ritual construction without the use of numerical
representation, although the exact start date is much harder to indicate.
The exaltation of the Soul of God in Suhrawardi doctrine:

The Crucifixion on Easter Sunday in Farvardin
If one is to attempt to decipher the date for the beginning of ritual construction
at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, using the religious symbols found on the
buildings, one would use the Latin crosses and not the hexagrams for the
purpose. The hexagrams signify the realm of Mars within the Nawruz context,
and also allude to the original Temple of Solomon in the process of creating
divine architecture. However, even if the exact construction date and time
for the Temple of Solomon were known to the Suhrawardi architects and
somehow represented here, it would be impossible to ascertain these with the
scant (surviving) details available.78 The only other religious icon available
for identifying a day in the Nawruz period for the beginning of construction
is the cross, which, through its planetary exaltation, can provide the accurate
date in the month of Farvardin, for the complex’s beginning. The details can
then simply be adjusted within the proposed year(s) of construction, usually
recorded for such monuments, giving us the exact point in time when ritual
construction actually started.
However, for this assertion to carry weight, we must first know the correct
dates for the Crucifixion and for Easter Sunday, their place in the exaltation
period of the Sun (in Aries), and in Isma'ili metaphysics and Suhrawardi
doctrine. In this regard, the work of 'Umar Khayyam, who played such an
important role in the revival of Nawruz ceremonies through his Jalali calendar,
is a good reference point. Khayyam has allegorically discussed the Crucifixion
78 For the loss of the inner mihrabs in floods a few centuries ago, see Chapter 6.
in the context of Nawruz in his work Nawruz Namah. But it must be noted that,
in Islam, such a belief is heterodox to begin with, and also paints Khayyam in
a heterodox light. In a strict reading, the Quran mentions Jesus as having been
neither murdered or crucified, and refers to the event as an ‘illusion’ from God
to the disbelievers.79 In Shi'a 'Irfan (Gnosis) and metaphysics, this would mean
that the issue of whether or not the Crucifixion actually took place is more a
matter of Quranic tafsir or interpretation, an area where the Shi'a traditions
generally incline towards looking for hidden meanings in Scripture. In short,
the entire idea behind the use of the cross as an icon in an Islamic building
has a Shi'a motif to it, irrespective of its connection to Nawruz.
Khayyam has two original ruba'yis or quatrains which allegorically relate
the Crucifixion to Nawruz in his text Nawruz Namah, the first of which, cited
below, was translated erroneously by Fitzgerald into his innovative English
quatrain. In reality, Fitzgerald’s English quatrain was probably derived from
both of Khayyam’s ruba'yis on Nawruz, possibly to complement the artwork
which accompanied his publication The Ruba'iyat of 'Umar Khayyam.80
Khayyam’s first Nawruz ruba'yi, 81 and its correct translation in English, reads
as follows,
79 See the Quran (4:157-158).

80 The author wishes to thank his doctoral examiners Francis Robinson and Ian Netton
for this correction.
81 See Khayyam. O, Minovi. M. 1933, p.1.
Now that there is a possibility of happiness for you in this world,

Every living heart has yearnings towards the desert,
Upon every bough is the appearance of Moses’ hand,
In every breeze is the exhalation of Jesus’ breath82
The last line is a reference to the Rising of Christ, the most important event
related to him, which obviously occurred on Easter Sunday. Our objective is to
ascertain how Easter Sunday fits inside the idea of Nawruz. As Sunday is the
day associated with Jesus, the calculation of the correct date for Easter Sunday
would yield the exact disposition of the Sun that was used for the beginning
of ritual construction at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex.
It should be noted in addition, that the third stanza of Khayyam’s quatrain
(above), which refers to Moses, complements Shi'a hadith on events in
Moses’ life as having corresponded with Nawruz. Majlisi, on the authority
of Ja'far al-Sadiq, states that the parting of the Red Sea by Moses took place
on Nawruz.83 Judging from his Nawruz quatrains, and the beginning of the
Jalali calendar at 23 degrees Pisces, which astrologically replicates Ghadir,
it is evident that Khayyam had a good grasp of Shi'a metaphysics, which is
after all the basis for the celebration of Nawruz in Islam. He must also have
known of its connection to the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir, which he obviously
suppressed in his work.
Surprisingly, not much work has been done in academia to establish the exact
date of the Crucifixion through astrology. Of the dates suggested, the two most
commonly accepted ones are Friday 7 April 30 CE, and Friday 3 April 33 CE.
However, both these dates are disputed by astrologers for having cited the wrong
year. Sir Isaac Newton (d.1733), was the first to put forward another date for the
Crucifixion. His method involved the calculation of the new crescent moon for
the Jewish month of Nisan, on the fourteenth of which the Crucifixion was said
to have occurred. He adjusted the results within the Julian calendar. Newton
came up with the date of Friday, 23 April 34 CE, which he preferred to the
previous two, but his reasons have apparently been forgotten.84
82 For the correct English translation, and other discrepancies in Fitzgerald’s work, see
Heron-Allen, Edward (1899) Edward Fitzgerald’s Ruba'iyat of 'Umar Khayyam, London:
Bernard Quaritch (et al).
83 See Majlisi 1845, p.557.
84 See ‘Newton’s date for the Crucifixion,’ by John Pratt, pp.301-304 in Quarterly Journal
of Royal Astronomical Society (Sept. 1991), London: Blackwell Publishing Limited.
In this author’s opinion, Newton’s preferred year seems to be correct, since

he tallied it with Scripture to ascertain its authenticity. But the suggested day
of April 23 is far removed from the exaltation of the Sun (at 19 degrees Aries),
or from actual Nawruz (at 0 degrees), both of which fall within the Persian
month of Farvardin (approx. 20 March-20 April). In short, Newton’s date
simply lies outside Farvardin and cannot complement Majlisi and Khayyam’s
accounts on Jesus and Nawruz. Newton’s calculation probably contains an
unavoidable error due to a faulty report on the original Jewish date; even a 1
day error can result in great inaccuracy in calendar conversions. In addition,
Newton calculated the new Nisan moon for 34 CE manually, for an event that
occurred roughly seventeen hundred years prior to his time, which increases
the possibility of error. In the different permutations calculable with Newton’s
preferred year of 34 CE, using the day of Friday in early April as reported in
the other two dates, this author obtained 9 April 34 CE as the most likely
date for Easter Sunday.85
Figure 4.11. The astrological chart of Easter Sunday, 9 April 34 CE
85 The author had the benefit of using advanced astrological software which Newton
did not have access to. The software has shown the 3 April 33 CE date to be entirely
faulty, as this was a Sunday, and not a Friday.
The preference here for 9 April 34 CE is because the astrological disposition

of the Sun on this date is exactly 19 degrees Aries (see Figure 4.11), the point
of the Sun’s exaltation that falls well within the month of Farvardin.86 The
data from the new date demonstrates that in the era of its construction, a large
segment of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, if not all of it, was begun at 19 degrees
Aries. The scenario also explains why the cross symbols in the complex are
more pronounced than all other icons.87 Obviously, owing to Jesus’ status as
the Soul of God in Islam, and considering the disposition of the Sun on the
Easter Sunday in Figure 4.11, he would have enjoyed a very special place in
Suhrawardi doctrines.88 The principle of interlacing at work here is the same
as 'Ali’s wilayat at Ghadir having corresponded with Chaharshamba-yi Suri
at 23 degrees Pisces, something we have already seen represented in so many
different ways in this book.
This section gives the reader an understanding of how various religious
events in world history are regarded as being auspicious in Shi'a 'Irfan
and metaphysics, a process that relies on clear astrological reasoning for
incorporating them, and the creeds to which they belong, into Shi'a religious
transcendentalism. It is necessarily a process that relates divine events to earthly
ones. Early Isma'ili metaphysics, which influenced Pir Shams’s Satpanth, refers
to an ethereal event known as the ‘Cross of Light,’ which encompassed many
divine secrets.89 It was said to have occurred in the heavens, echoing Jesus’
earthly Crucifixion. Since Jesus is associated with the Sun, Christ’s Rising (to
86 The date is given credence by the fact that the proposed time for the Crucifixion on it,
when the Sun is at 19 degrees Aries, is 2.50 pm; nearly the same as 3 pm in the afternoon,
which is the universally accepted time for the Crucifixion by most Christians (I thank
Donna Fernandes for this information). In addition, the chart in Figure 4.11 also shows
Venus and Jupiter to be in auspicious houses. The two planets are called Sa'adain or
the blessed planets by al-Biruni for their noble traits. Jupiter is in Cancer, the sign of
its exaltation, while Venus is in Taurus, the sign of its ruler ship (See Appendix 1 for
details).
87 The cross niches are the only icons in the complex with depressions, to be used for
lighting oil lamps.
88 This again is a matter of tafsir or interpretation, and although Jesus’ high status is verified
by the Quran, literalist Quranic interpretations abounding in modern puritanical Islam
will not accept Jesus as the actual ‘Soul’ of God.
89 For details of the Cross of Light see Corbin 1983 pp. 62 & 149. The concept of the
Cross of Light demonstrates that some kind of crucifixion was indeed envisaged for
Jesus in Isma'ilism. The concept also complements Khayyam’s reference to the event
in his Nawruz quatrains.
Heaven) should automatically have corresponded to the exaltation of the Sun at

19 degrees, in the month of Farvardin, which connects it to the wilayat of 'Ali.
For the Satpanth model or its Suhrawardi variant to work there should
be clear antecedents and planetary exaltations for every religious event and
prophet contained inside it, without which the super structure would simply
fail. The proponents of these doctrines naturally envisaged this to be the plan
of God himself, and would unequivocally assert that the planetary exaltations
were in no way accidental. Hence, it does not matter if the data from Figure
4.11 is unacceptable to scholars of Christianity, as in the Suhrawardi scheme
of things it is the only date that can be the authentic one for Easter Sunday.
It should be evident to the reader by now that the multi-layered astrological
and religious symbolism of Suhrawardi doctrines works like a tapestry, in which
things fall into a coherent ‘grand design’ at many different levels. One symbol,
icon or number can simultaneously represent many interrelated concepts and
events. Thus the exaltation of Jesus at 19 degrees Aries is associable with the
total number of alphabets in the Bismillah, which are 19 (in Arabic). In Shi'ism,
the Bismillah is associated with 'Ali. Furthermore, the names of the Family of
the Prophet (Panjatan), or Muhammad, 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan and Husayn, also
have 19 letters between them in the Arabic, equalling Bismillah. The number
19 after numerological reduction is 1+9=10=1. One is the primary number for
the Sun (see Figure 4.4), and the number for God and Divinity, and so on.
In short, this is a model of the universe where everything can be reduced to
certain Shi'a principles, the pivot of which is the wilayat of 'Ali at Ghadir and
Nawruz. All other divine religions and their metaphysics fit into this pivot
like a mosaic. It is more than evident from this chapter that the only source
into which the Suhrawardi Order in Multan and Uch could have delved for
this kind of religiosity was Pir Shams’s Satpanth.
Conclusion
The profession of all the four levels of the wilayat of 'Ali, as explained in the
beginning of this chapter, is a phenomenon common to Twelver Shi'ism,
Isma'ilism, and 'Alid Sufism with Shi'a leanings. In addition to being the
foundation of the Shi'a concept of the Imamate, it is also the basis for the
derivation and relegation of spiritual authority in the aforementioned creeds.
Some extant Twelver literature used in Shi'a 'Irfan today, albeit probably edited
over the centuries, mentions the reality of 'Ali’s wilayat, as disseminated by him
to his two closest disciples, Abu Dharr Ghaffari and Salman the Persian. In
this private sermon known as the Ma'arifat al-Nurraniyat, or ‘the Recognition of

Light,’ 'Ali relates his ethereal reality and that of his wilayat to his two disciples.
He states that it is primordial over all creation (i.e. Universal), and through it
also explains his equality with Muhammad, as being his exoteric other half.
In addition, 'Ali touches upon the different levels of his own wilayat in the
text,90 which have been explored in detail in the earlier sections of this chapter.
'Ali’s companions, Abu Dharr and Salman (especially the latter), in turn
figure in the spiritual chains of many 'Alid Sufi orders. Both figures were
Muhammad’s companions before they became the companions of 'Ali. In
Ja'fari Shi'ism, or its Twelver and Isma'ili branches, Abu Dharr and Salman
are considered near infallible and the two of only four Muslims who, after
Muhammad’s death, did not lose faith in real Islam, which is the wilayat of
'Ali. In fact, certain Shi'a hadith mention clearly Salman as being a part of
the Ahl al-Bayt, or the Prophet’s family.91 In Isma'ilism, this high regard for
Salman is connected to the concept of the Resurrection built around Nawruz,
which of course is indelibly linked to the wilayat of 'Ali.92
With the clarification of the shared belief in the wilayat of 'Ali between
Ja'fari Shi'ism and 'Alid Sufism, it would be reasonable to argue that all
'Alid Sufi orders are somehow Shi'a in nature, and most probably had Shi'a
beginnings, and certainly influences. Many orders turned towards Sunni fiqh
or theology after extended periods of dissimulation, or under Sunni patronage
when they were favoured at the courts. Others, like the Suhrawardi, simply
continued to exercise dissimulation, until they died out, most of its own
adherents having been absorbed into orthodox Twelver Shi'ism in the Indus
region. The evidence analysed in this chapter clearly demonstrates that the
Ja'fari concept of the universal wilayat of 'Ali, and its connection to Nawruz,
is the cornerstone of the Satpanth, and of Suhrawardi beliefs. The Satpanth
therefore should not be envisaged as a multi-faith system that stops being
90 For the complete sermon see http://www.hubeali.com/khutbat/The%20Sermon%20

of%20Recognition%20of%20Noor.pdf . Another version of the sermon is contained
in the Nahj al-Balagha.
91 The hadith in concern are common to both Twelver Shi'ism and Isma'ilism, while
Salman’s infallibility is also a theme in the metaphysics of the Ikhwan al-Safa. For
Salman’s place in this hierarchy, and the related hadith, see Corbin 1986, p.176. One
specific hadith states (Prophet) ‘Salman proceeds from me and I from Salman.’
92 For Salman’s connection to Nawruz and the wilayat of 'Ali, as mentioned in the Ikhwan
al-Safa epistles, see Ibid. (Corbin) pp.165 & 176-180.
Shi'a due to its religious transcendentalism. By its own definition it is, in

fact, the original Divine Religion which is indelibly Shi'a. It is the Satpanth’s
Shi'a superstructure that defines how all other religions fit inside it. Similarly,
because of the Suhrawardi Order’s adaptation of the Satpanth system, i.e. the
celebration of the universal wilayat of 'Ali through Nawruz, without which its
own religious transcendentalism could not work, the order can undoubtedly
be identified as having been secretly Shi'a. However, the general use of the
wilayat concept by other 'Alid Sufi orders, except for those like the Suhrawardi
(or the Qalandariyya), does not have to be in terms of 'Ali’s universal wilayat.
Prior to this book, the Satpanth was not understood for any practicality
of belief. It was generally regarded as a hotchpotch religion concocted by
Isma'ili da'is from Iran for religious convenience in India. The previous most
comprehensive description of the Satpanth was given by the Russian scholar of
Isma'ilism, Wladimir Ivanow, in his often quoted monograph titled ‘Satpanth.’
He describes it as ‘The True Path (to Salvation), the name of a sect of Islam,
forming a kind of transition from ordinary Islamic doctrine of the Shi'ite
type, to Hinduism.’ According to him, its Shi'a component was represented
by the Nizari Khoja followers of the Aga Khan, and its Hindu component
by the Satpanthis. The Satpanthis are remnants of the original belief system
in present day Gujarat, who adhere more to its Hindu elements.93 Ivanow’s
modern era study of the Satpanth in the Gujarat demonstrates the polarity that
existed between the two sections of the Indian Isma'ili population at the time.
One section became attached to the Aga Khan line on its migration to India
in the nineteenth century. This section subsequently became more Muslim;
however, those who remained steadfast to the old traditions delved deeper into
its Hindu components. The evidence contained in this book clearly shows that
the original Satpanth, started by Pir Shams, was far more elaborate than what
survived in Ivanow’s time. In essence, as the Isma'ili da'wa fell apart in Uch,
with the death of Shams’s great grandson Hasan Kabir al-din in 1449, so did
the Satpanth. The remainder that reached the first Aga Khan on his arrival in
India must have seemed incoherently Hindu to him, and later to Ivanow as well.
It remains to be seen to what level the metaphysical concepts of early
Isma'ilism, determined the structure of the Satpanth, and how much of it
was Pir Shams’s own spiritual genius. This is because the full extent of the
93 http://www.Ismaili.net/Source/0723/07231a.html. For differences in Ivanow’s description

of the Satpanth from what is outlined in this book see ‘Satpanth,’ by Ivanow in Collectanea,
Vol. 1, (Leiden 1948), p.31 ff.
development of multi-faith doctrines in early Isma'ilism is not yet established,

albeit a basic level of the idea did emerge in the Fatimid era. Although some
scholars argue that the Ikhwan al-Safa have yet to be proven in an Isma'ili
light, the Ikhwan’s treatise on Salman in the context of Nawruz, and their
having lived in Buwayhid Iraq, firmly establish their connections to Shi'ism.94
Hence, at least in this work, in the likeness of the Suhrawardi Order, the
Ikhwan’s metaphysical link to Isma'ilism can be clearly observed. In addition,
other Nawruz symbolism is also present in the religious motif of the Ikhwan,
who used to ritually arrange their (yearly) meetings to start at the onset of the
Spring Equinox, when the Sun entered the sign of the Ram (Aries).95
An Ikhwan al-Safa quote reads, ‘To shun no science, scorn no book, nor
cling fanatically to one single creed, for its own creed encompasses all the others
and comprehends all the sciences generally. This creed is the consideration
of all things existing, both sensible and intelligible, from beginning to end,
whether hidden or overt, manifest or obscure. In so far as they all derive from
a single principle, a single cause, a single world, and a single Soul.’96 The above
statement does not openly state that this ‘single principle’ was the (universal)
wilayat of 'Ali, but within a heterodox medieval Shi'a context it could mean
little else. However, professing the universal wilayat of 'Ali aloud would be
considered heresy in any Muslim context, even in Buwayhid Iraq, since it is
interpretable as equating 'Ali to God. Hence the Ikhwan, like the Suhrawardi
Order, were a secret organisation, one that expressed its real beliefs through
secret symbolism.
A conscious effort was made in the Fatimid era to give conceptual
importance to other monotheistic religions in the Fatimid version of Shi'a
Islam. The Fatimids, in line with their cyclical view of the sacred history of
mankind, made intentional attempts to accommodate major (world) religions
like Judaism, Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and Manichaeism in their Gnostic
system of thought.97 There are no available reports of multi-faith ceremony in
Fatimid times, but Fatimid efforts to accommodate other religions inside their
system must surely have been made through the wilayat of 'Ali, something
which has not yet been identified. In contrast, the middle Indus region, in
the form of the Satpanth, saw a coherent multi-faith doctrine enacted for the
94 For Isma'ili connections to the Ikhwan al-Safa, see Netton (1980) pp.95 ff.
95 Nasr 1964, p.34.
96 Rasail Ikhwan al-Safa 1957 (reprint), Risala IV, p. 52.
97 Daftary 1996, p.14.
first time during the Mongol era. At the sublime level, the Satpanth aimed
to rediscover the lost primordial Divine Religion based on the wilayat of 'Ali.
The Suhrawardi Order subsequently raised it to new heights in the process
of professing it secretly, and also used its concepts for ritual construction
and burial. A unique building archetype, common to the shrines of Isma'ili
missionaries and Suhrawardi Sufis, was discovered during the research for
this book, and will be explored in the following chapters.
Multan 169
CHAPTER
Five
Multan
Entrance and axiality in orthodox Islamic burial:

The qibla (Mecca) direction
This chapter and the one after it deal specifically with Suhrawardi architecture,
which ref lects the order’s secret belief system. The two cover the major
monuments left behind by the order in Multan and Uch, in the backdrop of
a brief introduction to the order’s notable Isma'ili contemporaries (in chapter
6). The common shrine archetype discovered for Pir Shams, his descendants,
and their Suhrawardi contemporaries, exhibits certain architectural traits that
contrast starkly with traditional Islamic monuments from the same era. For
the greater part, this difference is in terms of the axial arrangement of the
building plans and the various entrances, which are highly unorthodox. To
explain the difference with reference to the conventional Islamic model, this
chapter will briefly delve into established theses on orthodox Islamic burial.
The subject of axiality in (traditional) Islamic burial was researched by the late
Delbert Highlands, who was this author’s professor when he was a student
of architecture.1
Highlands’ research deduces the conscious incorporation of the orthodox
Islamic burial axis, which is based on the Mecca direction, into the orthodox
Muslim mindset, which subsequently makes its way into monument (mosque)
design. Highlands observes this phenomenon in orthodox Islamic buildings as,
1 Axiality is an architectural term that was employed by Highlands, which refers to the
axial arrangement of a monument according to a (distant) point of reference, usually a
divine one.
a) always facing Mecca upon entrance to a burial chamber or a mosque, which

represents the centrality of Mecca in Islam, and b) facing the exact opposite
direction of Mecca while leaving the monument, which signifies the expansion
of Islam as emanating from Mecca and the mosque itself, to eventually take
over the whole world. In Saudi Arabia, this emphasis has recently reached new
heights of literalism, where Muslims always enter the mosque from an entrance
located on the right hand side of the Mecca facing facade, and leave from an
exit located on the left hand side of the same facade. Even if there are secondary
entrances, as is the case in large modern mosques designed to accommodate
multitudes of people, the central emphasis is always on the Mecca direction.
To substantiate his thesis Highlands compared the Mecca axiality of Islamic
buildings with the inverse signification of Jewish synagogues and with the
Jewish mindset in general. The comparison demonstrates that the notion of
axiality is not unique to (orthodox) Islam, and the phenomenon itself is firstly
a delineation of mental space, before it becomes architectural reality. Hence in
Judaism, when one enters a synagogue, one always faces away from Jerusalem,
in contrast to the Islamic model where one faces Mecca. The entrance of the
synagogue here signifies the Diaspora. However, to be seated in a synagogue,
one has to actually turn around after entering and face Jerusalem. After prayer,
the congregation leaves through an exit in the same direction, facing Jerusalem.
The prayer and exit axis thus signifies the final place of return for all Jews, as
represented in a building.2 Highland’s thesis, when used for the analysis of the
Suhrawardi monuments of Multan and Uch, that have multiple entrances, the
main ones of which never face Mecca, makes for a very interesting reading in
terms of the Suhrawardi Order’s secret beliefs.
Origins of the archetypical monument

The first time this author noticed the Suhrawardi archetypical monument on
the ground was at the shrines of Pirs Shams and Sakhi Sarwar, while observing
the Chetir ceremony connecting the two monuments. Both buildings exhibited
a main southern axis of approach, which in turn aligned with a main southern
entrance, leading into the entombment chamber. There were in addition lesser
2 The late Delbert Highlands was Emeritus Professor of Architecture at Carnegie Mellon
University. He was a member of ‘Historians for Islamic Art,’ and visiting professor at
the Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey. Highland’s thesis on the use of
axiality in Islamic monuments was taught as part of his ‘Islamic Architecture’ (elective)
course.
Multan 171
entrances on the northern and eastern facades, and a west-facing mihrab.3 In

contrast, in this region, only the eastern approach and entrance to a monument
are highlighted in the construction of orthodox Islamic buildings, since Mecca
lies duly west of here. The shared axial arrangement between the shrines of
Shams and Sakhi Sarwar, which flouts the use of the Mecca axis in orthodox
Islamic buildings, is a great support to the arguments made in this book;
especially since the link between the two monuments is what yielded the first
clues to the Satpanth. Their shared architectural heritage represents the secret
dissemination of the Satpanth’s concepts, and in the early era in Multan, the
architectural connection therein simply demonstrates the extent of Isma'ili
influence on the Suhrawardi Order.
The original archetype arrangement was first deduced through historical
photographs, in Pir Shams’s shrine, by comparison with the structure’s
realignment in later days. The case of Shams’s shrine, who was openly
an Isma'ili missionary, exhibiting the characteristics of the Suhrawardi
archetypical monument carries special weight in the context of this book, since
Shams, unlike Sakhi Sarwar, was not a Suhrawardi. Considering the evidence
until now, which points to Shams’s authorship of the Satpanth, the question that
naturally comes to mind is, was Shams also responsible for the multi-entranced
monument archetype that eventually flowered into the Suhrawardi khanqah?
The metaphysical and ceremonial evidence examined certainly suggests the
need for a building type, where different religions could ritually come together
inside a single space. This is especially so considering Shams’s Chetir ceremony
and his mass following amongst the locals. In principle, such a building could
easily be realised through the use of separate entrances, arranged according
to the prescribed directionality of the different faiths involved, so as not to
disturb the divine axes of others.
The exact date of the first monument over Sakhi Sarwar’s grave is not
known, but it is more than likely that as the father of the Chetir ceremony,
Shams must have been responsible for the erection of a structure for pilgrims
over the grave. Moreover, in the specific case of Shams and Sakhi Sarwar, a
common shrine archetype could only have been used to accommodate multi-
faith ceremonies, for their various considerations of ritual purity.
Outside of the Satpanth, there is no religious doctrine in the Muslim world
that can justify the existence of a building archetype such as the Suhrawardi
khanqah. In light of the various religious symbols discovered on our buildings, it
3 The northern and southern entrances have been sealed off at Shams’s shrine.
is only through the Suhrawardi adaptation of the Satpanth, that one can ascribe
coherent function to these buildings. The use of the monuments may have
differed slightly in the case of the Zakiriyya clan in Multan, which professed
these beliefs secretly, but the general idea surely originated with Shams.
The hypothesis is strengthened by the religious nature of Pir Shams’s own
shrine, which historically had the biggest non-Muslim following among the
(Muslim) shrines of the middle Indus region. Shams’s religious clout amongst
all faiths is a recurring theme in Isma'ili ginans and in local oral tradition.
Dominique Sila-Khan writes about Shams’s fame in Rajasthani folklore, and
of the Indian state being rife with stories about his spiritual feats.4 The subject
has also been commented upon by Pakistani historians, who while adhering
to the state’s view on Sufism (as being orthodox), credit him with fame that
spread like wildfire in the region, irrespective of creed.5 The view of older
British historians, unwittingly endorsed by their Pakistani counterparts, is
that Pir Shams became very popular on account of his mingling with the local
people and adopting their customs, traditions and religious practices.6 Such
reports on the reasons for Shams’s popularity must be understood within the
constraints of traditional scholarship, which simply did not understand the
true nature of his Satpanth.
Pir Shams’s lodges: The beginning of the Suhrawardi

khanqah archetype
Isma'ili literature refers to Pir Shams’s successful establishment of eighty four
lodges from Kashmir to the lower Multan region, with the appointment of
deputies who conducted religious ceremonies and collected tithes.7 In its latter
half, the ginan Satvarani Vadi mentions secret lodges in an area that resembles
Sitpur in its description, which has already been analysed in Chapter 2.8 The
fact that Shams’s lodges were secret suggests that their existence was offensive
4 Khan (Sila) 1997, pp.71-74. Also see Chapter 2, ‘The river and the arrival from Uch,’
for Shams’s non-Muslim followers.
5 See Khan 1983, p.204.
6 Ibid, p.205: Sir Edward Maclagon, vide, The Census Report of India: Punjab, 1891, p.
77.
7 Zawahir Noorally, op.cit 84 ff: W. Ivanow, Collections, I; idem, Isma' ili Literature: The
Rise of the Fatimids.
8 See Satvarani Vadi (private MS), p.132 ff, and also Chapter 2, ‘The river and the arrival
from Uch.’
Multan 173
to the state. In light of the evidence presented, it would not be wrong to assume
that some of the ceremonies performed in Shams’s lodges were similar to the
Chetir ceremony.
The simultaneous use of a building by Muslims and other religions is
hypothetically achievable through the use, in ritual, of different entrances.
Each denomination would ideally enter and leave the building from the same
entrance, which is necessarily the entrance that corresponds to that faith’s
characteristic religious direction, for example, north for Hinduism. In this
manner, the different participants would enter the temple in a state of ritual
purity, and converge at the central altar, without physically having to mix with
other groups, hence maintaining the overall purity of the space.9 The axiality
of each of these religion-specific entrances would be defined by their burial
direction, just like the Mecca direction is in the case of Islam. In such a scenario,
the arrangement automatically corresponds to Highlands’s thesis on the burial
axes of (certain) religions, in his case Islam and Judaism, defining monument
orientation. An example of this will be seen in Chapter 6, in the analysis of the
burial directions of five different religions, which define the various entrances
of the Suhrawardi archetype in the Bibi Jaiwandi monuments of Uch. The Uch
monuments still preserve their original axial characteristics, as they are in a
relatively undisturbed state.
The evidence from the early Multan era suggests that the original
Suhrawardi archetype was actually begun by Pir Shams, especially considering
that his eighty four lodges would have required a regularised arrangement for
the holding of multi-faith ceremonies. The use of the same archetype at Sakhi
Sarwar lends further credence to the argument.
Sakhi Sarwar
Not much is known about the original edifice that existed over Sakhi Sarwar’s
grave, but the Chetir ceremony would have necessitated some kind of a lodge
at the site for visiting pilgrims. In addition, the construction of a structure
at Sakhi Sarwar must have had Zakiriyya’s tacit support, who as the order’s
Shaykh al-Islam, would naturally have been involved in Sakhi Sarwar’s
glorification-regarded the first Suhrawardi martyr of the region. According
to local historians, the first tomb over Sakhi Sarwar dates to the thirteenth
9 The use of the northern entrance in a Muslim monument (only) by Hindus has been
observed by Zawahir Moir in the Isma'ili shrines of the Gujarat.
century, to which the Mughal emperor Babur made additions. As is the case
with Pir Shams’s shrine, it is almost certain that at Sakhi Sarwar the original
entrance axiality and building archetype remained unchanged in all future
additions, until of course the late modern era.
The famous British ethnographer William Crooke wrote about the religious
conditions at Sakhi Sarwar’s shrine in the late nineteenth century. He describes
them as ‘a curious instance of the combination of the two rival faiths (Islam
and Hinduism), constantly observable in this place of popular worship.’ He
calls the tomb itself ‘a curious mix of Hindu and Muslim architecture, to which
two rubies were presented by the Persian king Nadir Shah Afshar (after his
conquest of the region).’10
The suggestion that Sakhi Sarwar’s tomb preserved its original archetypical
arrangement into the modern era is strengthened by reports by Crooke and
others, on its multi-faith nature. Colonial era author Herklots says that the
place ‘is a resort of Hindu and Musalman mendicants, and his attendants
(mujawir) (always) sleep on the ground.’11 Herklots’ report can imply the use
of different entrances by different religious denominations during ritual and
spiritual retreats. It is also important to note that Crooke’s statement about the
shrine being a mix of Hindu and Muslim architecture could be a reference to
its northern and southern entrances, since Muslim buildings are traditionally
entered from the west in this part of the world.
The orthodox in the southern Punjab sometimes refer to Sakhi Sarwar as
the kafir or the infidel Sufi. It is because of their heterodoxy that Pir Shams
and Sakhi Sarwar’s shrines have been subjected to extreme realignment by the
state. Like Pir Shams’s shrine the monument of Sakhi Sarwar has lost many
of its original features, due to a renovation, but in spite of this, the building
still preserves its original southern axis and approach.
Although Sakhi Sarwar’s shrine is today an overtly embellished and
gaudy looking structure, its relevance to the Suhrawardi khanqah archetype
cannot be underscored enough, because it is a monument that has retained
its original archetypical plan. The chamber that houses the grave is a simple
rectangle, which has three entrances on the eastern, northern and southern
facades, along with a west-facing mihrab. Of the entrances, the main one into
10 Crooke 1896, vol.1, p. 209.

11 Herklots 1834, p.143: Rose, vol. 1. 566 ff. Mujawir is actually the name of a clan amongst
the inhabitants of Sakhi Sarwar. They claim descent from three of his attendants, who
had survived his murder in 1174. The clan today numbers 40000 people, and comprises
the bulk of the population living around the shrine.
Multan 175
the shrine is the southern one, which is accessed through a southern gate to
the compound. This is in essence what Shams’s own original khanqah-tomb
must have resembled, before his grandson Sadr al-din enlarged the building
in 1329.12 Shams’s original lodge would have been a simple cube with its three
archetypical entrances, or rather a medieval Buddhist monastery compound
from the Indus region inverted into a building.13
Most of the permanent devotees of Sakhi Sarwar, who live in small
settlements around the shrine, are local Baluch tribesmen and Pashtuns, in
addition to the Mujawir clan that populates the town. The non-local visitors
make it a point to visit Sakhi Sarwar’s tomb after visiting Shams (in Multan),
even when the Chetir festival is not being observed; such is the connection
that is omnipresent between Sakhi Sarwar and Shams in the minds of the
devotees.14 According to folklore, the site was previously known as Nigaha or
Moqam, which is allegedly a place connected to the birth of Shiva. The town
12 Khan 1983, p.206. Using an eighteenth century source Khan suggests that Sadr al-din
contributed a new monument over Shams’s grave, but our evidence shows that Shams’s
lodge, which eventually became his tomb, must have pre-existed on the site.
13 The Buddhist monastery referred to here is the South-west or Central Asian model,
and not the Indo-Tibetan one. Such buildings were located on Shams’s route to Multan
from Khurasan. Isma'ili ginans mention Shams’s detailed debates with Buddhist
monks during his travels in the region. A prominent example of the South-west Asian
Buddhist monastery is the Takht-i Bahi complex in Mardan, north Pakistan, which
was originally a Zoroastrian religious complex built by the Parthians in the f irst century
CE. This type of monastery has a central altar (stupa), situated in the middle of a large
open courtyard with compound walls around it, into which four entrances open. The
influence of this kind of Buddhist monastery, coupled with that of the Chahar Taqi,
or Sassanid fire temples, is reckoned by some architecture historians to have been the
inspiration for another kind of Islamic building in this region, the four iwan mosque
type. However, other historians regard only the fire temple as the four iwan mosque’s
progenitor. The four iwan model became a hallmark of the Ghaznawid and Seljuq eras,
and was (initially) only connected to Sunni Islam, when the two dynasties ruled. It later
found its way into Safawid buildings, in addition to Mughal and Ottoman structures.
In the four iwan model, the Mecca entrance and mihrab-bearing central chamber is
expanded upon by smaller side iwans or rooms, which give the building an enlarged
prayer area. For details on the four iwan mosque type, and its first emergence under
the Ghaznawids, see Netton, Bosworth & Hillenbrand (C) 2000, p.147.
14 In a write up on Sakhi Sarwar in 2006, a Pakistani newspaper reported on his 'urs
as beginning in the month of Chetir. The story was available until recently at http://
www.dawn.com/2006/03/17/nat8.htm , but has now been removed from the internet.
It can still be found in the newspaper’s archives for the date mentioned in the link.
was only named Sakhi Sarwar, after the saint, later. Crooke reports on the
town’s original name as being Nigaha as well.15
The basic Suhrawardi archetypical arrangement can be observed in both
the shrines of Pir Shams and Sakhi Sarwar, which are the two oldest examples
of this model. Their analysis will not be included in this book. The original
configuration of the two monuments however, is repeated in all the Suhrawardi
shrines that are to follow in this book.
Isma'ili and Suhrawardi monuments exhibiting the Suhrawardi

archetypical arrangement
All the buildings related to the Isma'ili da'wa in the middle Indus region,
starting with the shrine of Pir Shams, along with the shrines of his Suhrawardi
contemporaries and their descendants, are built on the Suhrawardi archetype
described above. Even in cases of historical reconstruction, or axial realignment
in recent times, wherein some buildings now face Mecca in an orthodox
manner, the original archetypical plan is still deducible on site. But, due to the
surfeit of images that their inclusion entails, the architectonic details of most
of these monuments are reserved for a later publication. It suffices to state that
since the monuments in question share the same archetypical plan for over
three centuries, one which clearly distinguishes them from orthodox Islamic
buildings from the same era, the rituals and ceremonies enacted within these
monuments were also the same, especially considering that Satpanth related
beliefs were involved in their creation. The only Suhrawardi monument that
will be covered in this chapter is the shrine of Shah Rukn-e-'Alam, for this is
the one building in Multan that demonstrates in the best possible manner the
evolution of the archetype that began with Pir Shams’s lodges. In addition,
due to its surviving iconography, it extols the spiritual ideals of the Suhrawardi
Order.
Shah Rukn-e-'Alam: History, construction and myths

The shrine of Shah Rukn-e-'Alam is the most important building of this
book. The last chapter explored the symbolism of its mihrab, which represents
the wilayat of 'Ali through the Ayat al-Kursi, and shows how the building’s
ritual construction was begun during the exaltation period of Mars. But its
uniqueness does not end there. In addition to being built as a Suhrawardi
15 Crooke 1896, vol.1, p. 209.
Multan 177
archetypical monument with its three characteristic entrances, the largest of

its kind, the building bears other secret symbolism. Furthermore, a myth is
connected to its construction that needs to be demystified. The analysis of
the monument starts with the history of its construction, to see how it came
to exist in the first place.
Rukn-e-'Alam died at the age of eighty six in 1335, and was buried inside
Zakiriyya’s mausoleum according to his will. Many years later, his coffin was
transferred to the present shrine.16 According to the view popular amongst
many archaeologists in Pakistan and abroad, Rukn-e-'Alam’s monument was
constructed by the first Tughluq king Ghiyath al-din (ruled 1320-1325), as a
mausoleum for himself. This was during his days as the governor of Dipalpur,
which is a principality bordering Multan, before he became emperor in Delhi.17
However, as Ghiyath al-din died after ruling for just five years, and was
buried in Delhi, his intended mausoleum in Multan lay empty. Finally, the
monument was handed over to the descendants of Shah Rukn-e-'Alam by the
third Tughluq ruler Firuz Shah (ruled 1351-1388), for the former’s re-burial
in it.18 The virtual architectural library archnet states of the building, ‘the
Mausoleum of the Suhrawardia saint Shaykh Rukn al-Din Abdul Fath is said
to have been first built by Ghiyath al-din Tughlaq (1320-1325) for himself, yet
later dedicated to the saint by Firuz Shah Tughlaq (reg. 1351-1388).19
The most eminent architectural historian to have written about Rukn-e-
'Alam is Robert Hillenbrand, in his book contribution titled, ‘Turco-Iranian
elements in the medieval architecture of Pakistan, the case of Shah Rukn-I
'Alam.’ At times, Hillenbrand seems torn between his desire to show the
building as being of Tughluqid derivation with Iranian decoration, while
grappling with its ‘native’ elements, which cannot be reconciled with its
proposed foreign origins. However, Hillenbrand has an obvious partiality
towards wanting to show the monument as being Tughluqid. For example,
he views the tomb’s buttresses as being a common feature of most Tughluqid
buildings, notably that of Ghiyath al-din’s own mausoleum in Delhi.20 In
contrast, probably referring to the Suhrawardi archetypical arrangement
which he is unable to classify, Hillenbrand states ‘if the plan and structure of
16 See Rizvi 1986 vol.1, p.214: Gardezi, Tadhkira-e-Multan, p. 32 ff.

17 For Ghiyath al-din, known as Ghazi Malik before his coronation, see Chapter 1, ‘Shah
Rukn-e-'Alam.’
18 Khan 1983, p. 215, Khan also states that this view is flawed.
19 : http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.jsp?site_id=8310 .
20 See Grabar 1992, p.158
the Rukn-e-'Alam tomb betray the influence of Turco-Iranian architecture

at every turn, the same is, if possible, even more true, of the decoration of the
building.21 He concludes that ‘it is precisely the kind of a monument to be
expected of a region dominated by the Tughluqid dynasty,’ expressing here his
empathy for the argument that the building is in fact a Tughluqid building.22
In this book, any Tughluqid connection to the monument can be readily
dismissed for a number of reasons, which are examined below. The analysis
also demonstrates that the building is in fact not an imperial project at all,
but a Suhrawardi one, for why else would it be built on the Suhrawardi
archetypical plan?
Firstly, the date suggested in the pro-Tughluqid narrative for the completion
of Rukn-e-'Alam’s shrine under Ghiyath al-din is 1320. In reality, this is the
date when Ghiyath al-din left Dipalpur and went off to Delhi to deal with a
revolt, and ended up ascending the throne in a rather violent fashion.23 Hence,
the possibility that he had such a large monument completed during his long
absence, is a weak one. In addition, Ghiyath al-din had been appointed the
governor of Dipalpur by Sultan 'Ala al-din Khalji.24 But it should be pointed
out that he was appointed the governor of Dipalpur, a principality bordering
Multan, and not of Multan itself, which was the capital city of the province
bearing the same name, and where the Rukn-e-'Alam shrine is actually located.
The argument that Ghiyath al-din built a monument in the most prized area
of the city of Multan, on the citadel mound, in his capacity as the governor of
a smaller neighbouring principality, is not a tenable one.
Secondly, the exact date of Ghiyath al-din’s appointment as the governor
of Dipalpur is not known, but it was obviously during 'Ala al-din’s rule (1296-
1316), and after his successful battle against the Mongols in 1310, in which
Ghiyath al-din commanded the Khalji army. This gives Ghiyath al-din ten
years to have completed the Rukn-e-'Alam monument by 1320. However, it is
quite clear from the scale of the building that the project must have required a
longer period of time and immense resources to complete. The Rukn-e-'Alam
monument is said to have the second largest free-floating hemispherical dome
in Asia and, according to some, it is the second largest such dome in the world.25
21 Ibid, p.164.
22 Ibid, p.169.
23 Khan 1983, p.215.
24 See Chapter 1, ‘Shah Rukn-e-'Alam.’
25 See http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.jsp?site_id=8310 .
Multan 179
In the medieval era, the typical construction time for such a building would
easily exceed ten years.
Thirdly, it is improbable that after becoming king of India, Ghiyath al-din
should have discarded his magnificent tomb in Multan for the comparatively
inferior edifice in Delhi where he is now buried, which incidentally he had
constructed for himself.26 Both Amir Khusraw and Ibn Battuta report that
Ghiyath al-din (as king) constructed a Friday mosque at Multan, but do not
attribute the imposing new monument, i.e. Rukn-e-'Alam, in that city to
him.27 In fact, they do not mention the building at all, either in its finished or
incomplete state. The scale of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument is so large that it
simply could not have escaped the attention of court historians and travellers,
especially Ibn Battuta, unless the building pre-existed in some other form,
and was reported differently.
Fourthly, the story of Firuz Shah giving away the monument of Ghiyath
al-din does not account for the deep enmity of the Tughluqs, especially
Muhammad Tughluq (ruled 1325-1351), towards Rukn-e-'Alam and the
Suhrawardi Order. Muhammad was instrumental in destroying the power
of the order. Firuz Shah continued his policy, snubbing every Suhrawardi
khanqah during his first Multan visit. He subsequently turned the axis of
imperial favour completely towards the Chishti Order.28 Hence, the likelihood
of Firuz Shah donating such a magnificent building, to glorify someone
whose spiritual legacy he was trying to stamp out, does not exist. In short, in
light of the antagonistic relationship that existed between Rukn-e-'Alam, the
Suhrawardi Order, and the Tughluqs, the narrative of Firuz Shah giving the
building away for Rukn-e-'Alam’s burial in it cannot be sustained by the facts.
Lastly, it must be remembered that Rukn-e-'Alam’s shrine is built on the
Suhrawardi archetypical plan, with its three characteristic entrances and a main
southern axis of approach-primarily, that it is not oriented towards Mecca for
monumental approach. It does not make religious sense for Ghiyath al-din,
or any other orthodox Sunni king, to have such a monument constructed for
their burial in it.
It is therefore safe to dismiss any Tughluqid connections to the construction
of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument. Just the building’s astrological symbolism,
26 Khan 1983, p.216: Nur Ahmad Faridi, Qutab-e-Aqtab, p.259. After coming to rule in
Delhi at a ripe age, Ghiyath al-din had his mausoleum erected in Tughluqabad, where
he was eventually buried in 1325.
27 457 Ibid: Ibn Battuta, Rihlah, vol.3, p.202.
28 See Chapter 1, ‘Shah Rukn-e-'Alam.’
seen in the last chapter, places its design and execution beyond Ghiyath al-
din’s capacity as the governor of Dipalpur, or even of imperial architects in
a provincial capital like Multan. Moreover, unless the architect in concern
was somehow versed in the esoteric doctrines of Shi'ism, so as to execute the
mihrab’s detailed magical symbolism signifying ritual construction through
the wilayat of 'Ali, or he was someone like 'Umar Khayyam or al-Biruni, for
whom we find no parallels in the Tughluqid era; the building could not have
been executed by the state.29
A new generation of Pakistani archaeologists, among them Kaleemullah
Lashari, contest the view that Ghiyath al-din had the monument constructed,
and argue instead that it was constructed by Rukn-e-'Alam himself, as his
future shrine.30 However, had the building been constructed by Rukn-e-'Alam
for his own burial, there would have been no reason for him to be buried inside
Zakiriyya’s shrine on his death. In addition, during Muhammad Tughluq’s rule,
much of Rukn-e-'Alam’s life as shaykh was spent under a literal house arrest.
He therefore, did not have the freedom to complete such a massive monument
from the ground up. In this author’s opinion, the monument predates Rukn-
e-'Alam, at least in part, to which he may have added some features during
his time as the Shaykh al-Islam.
Further proof of the building pre-dating Rukn-e-'Alam’s time as shaykh
comes from a report by his disciple Jahaniyan Jahangasht. In this, it must be
remembered that Jahangasht too had a problem with Muhammad Tughluq,
and had left the country during his rule, only to return when Tughluq had
died. In his malfuzat, Jami' al-'Ulum, Jahangasht speaks of a hazira built by
Muhammad Tughluq for Rukn-e-'Alam. This would imply a sarcophagus of
sorts, as a hazira is a place where an attendant watches over a grave. Jahangasht
goes on to state that he does not visit this hazira, to which Rukn-e-'Alam’s body
was transferred, as he sees it as being derogatory to the memory of his shaykh.
29 This is not to state that Ghiyath al-din was not influenced by the Suhrawardi archetype.
His monument in Delhi is one of the few non-Suhrawardi buildings in Muslim India
that have three entrances, in a mimicking copy of the Multan monuments. But the
entrances in this case are equal, and there is no obvious emphasis on the southern axis.
Ghiyath al-din was probably influenced by Suhrawardi building typology during his
time as governor of Dipalpur.
30 Lecture by Kalimullah Lashari, ‘An epigraphy of Sehwan,’ in ‘The Sehwan Lecture
Series 2012,’ held at the Indus Valley School of Art and Architecture, Karachi, on
Wednesday, 9 May 2012.
Multan 181
He would rather go and pray for Rukn-e-'Alam at the shrine of Zakiriyya

instead, where he was originally buried. 31
Jahangasht’s statement suggests that it was actually Muhammad Tughluq
and not Firuz Shah who was responsible for transferring Rukn-e-'Alam’s
remains to the current monument, which Jahangasht did not visit in protest.
How else could Muhammad Tughluq have constructed a hazira for Rukn-
e-'Alam in the building, without having placed his body in it first? In this
author’s assessment, what eventually became Rukn-e-'Alam’s shrine was
actually Zakiriyya’s madrasa complex, which is frequently mentioned in
historical sources. It is due to Rukn-e-'Alam’s reburial in it by the Tughluqs
that the building has been misconstrued as having Tughluqid origins. Had
the building really been given away for Rukn-e-'Alam’s reburial by a Tughluq
king, his disciple Jahangasht would surely have mentioned this in his report.
In short, the Rukn-e-'Alam monument simply cannot be explained unless
it somehow pre-existed, and served another function, for the Suhrawardi
Order. Its design and use also point in this direction, and will be examined
in the following sections.
As mentioned, it is most likely that the building was a part of Zakiriyya’s
famous khanqah complex, known as the Madrasa Bahaiya, where Suhrawardi
teaching and spiritual exercises were conducted.32 No record is available of its
destruction. The same monument may have been added to by Rukn-e-'Alam
during the earlier period of his stint as the Shaykh al-Islam, when he was
free of Muhammad Tughluq’s animosity, and hence lent his name to it. This
scenario complements the view that Pakistani archaeologists now put forward
on the building’s origins, in addition to corroborating the arguments made
above. A functioning Suhrawardi complex of such magnitude would have been
an obvious reason of concern for the authorities.
The plan and the Suhrawardi archetype

The Rukn-e-'Alam monument is located inside the Multan citadel, on the
ancient mound, and is adjacent to Zakiriyya’s shrine. It is the most prominent
building in the old city, being visible from many points around the centre. The
shrine is built like a fortress, and is encircled by battlements.
31 Islam 2002, p.285: Hussain (Jahangasht) Jami' al-'Ulum, pp.257 & 264.
32 See Khan 1983, p.216: Siyar al-'Arifin, p.233.
The building exhibits the Suhrawardi archetypical plan, with its three
characteristic entrances, a western mihrab and a main southern axis and
approach. These features are more pronounced in Rukn-e-'Alam as compared
to other Suhrawardi monuments, because the building has not undergone a
major reconstruction or axial re-alignment; although some re-alignment of the
entrances has taken place in recent times. In spite of this, the main entrance
into the shrine is still from the south, while the original axis of approach to
the monument, from the old city to the walled compound surrounding the
shrine, was also from the south. The two link up to define the monument’s
major southern axiality.
Other buildings that constituted the Madrasa Bahaiya complex would have
surrounded the central domed chamber of Rukn-e-'Alam, and were probably
destroyed in the British siege of Multan in 1848, during the last Anglo-Sikh
war. During the siege, the Sikhs had mounted their heaviest cannons on
Zakiriyya’s shrine, which is located adjacent to that of Rukn-e-'Alam’s, since it
was the highest vantage point in the city. Zakiriyya’s tomb and its surroundings
were completely ruined by incoming British fire.33 Before its renovation in
1977, the Rukn-e-'Alam monument was surrounded by innumerable graves,
and the remains of construction from eras past. These were removed during
the restoration, and the area was cleared completely, to convert it into a paved
plaza for the public. As a result, we may never learn of the real expanse and
configuration of the old madrasa complex, even if the area is excavated in the
future.
Figure 5.1 shows the Suhrawardi archetypical plan and the southern axiality
of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, from the restoration architect’s record, which
have surprisingly not been altered, nor have the entrances been lost. The main
access road runs parallel to the southern wall of the compound, through which
the southern gate into the complex must have historically opened, to link up
with the shrine’s own south entrance. However today, the compound is accessed
from the east, re-aligned in this manner by the Awqaf Department.
In the plan in Figure 5.1, the main southern entrance is now entered
through a large vestibule (see left, Figure 5.1). As mentioned, before the 1977
restoration, the vestibule and the area around the shrine contained many
graves which were flattened. The vestibule has two entrances, one from the
south and another from the east. The structure is historical and predates the
restoration, but it is not certain if it can be dated to the original thirteenth
33 See Khan 1983, p.191: Cunningham 1872, vol.5, p.119.
Multan 183
century monument. What is certain however is that the southern door of the
vestibule was surely the more prominent of its two openings, since it signifies
the (overall) southern axiality of the monument. A similar entrance vestibule
is also found at the southern entrance of Zakiriyya’s shrine.
Figure 5.1. Rukn-e-'Alam, the ground floor plan of the shrine with its three characteristic
entrances and the main southern entrance (facing left). Notice the entrance vestibule re-
aligning the main southern entrance to the east (by facing down), and the sealable secret
staircase to the upper stories from the outside (see bottom left).34 The lockable storage niches
in the interior can be seen as depressions on the four diagonal facades of the octagonal plan
Today, the Rukn-e-'Alam vestibule’s eastern entrance, and that of the shrine,
form a new axis of approach to the building, which lines up with the eastern gate
into the compound. This is an obvious effort to make the monument’s axiality
more orthodox along the Mecca facing direction. The eastern re-alignment
may predate the 1977 restoration, but the restoration certainly cemented the
changes with a permanence that is the state’s hallmark in redefining this kind
34 The drawing is courtesy of Wali Ullah Khan/Aga Khan Trust for Culture (see
Bibliography).
of monument in Pakistan. The overall southern axiality of the Rukn-e-'Alam

monument demonstrates that its southern entrance should originally have
joined up with to the approach road from the old city centre, as is the case in
Pir Shams’s shrine, located a mile down from it.
Unorthodox elements: Ground floor

The entrance vestibule
The southern entrance vestibule to Rukn-e-'Alam’s mausoleum, visible in
Figure 5.1 with its southern and eastern doors, is the most prominent exterior
feature on the ground floor. Archaeologist Ahmad Nabi Khan sees it as a later
addition to the monument.35 But, irrespective of the date of its construction, its
presence at the southern entrance, and the direct connection its southern door
creates with the southern axis, suggest that it was conceived to complement the
overall southern axiality of the building. The high quality shisham (a precious
wood) used in the vestibule’s interior is visibaly aged and of the same calibre
as that used inside the main tomb chamber, showing that its construction is
not recent. The use of such expensive material also demonstrates the affluence
of the Suhrawardi Order in times past. When compared with historical
photographs from Pir Shams’s shrine, which show dense construction along the
main southern axis, it is likely that the Rukn-e-'Alam monument bore similar
construction flanking what is now the southern vestibule. These would have
been the administrative and living quarters of the Madrasa Bahaiya, something
found in most medieval khanqahs, along with rooms for spiritual retreats,
which in the case of Suhrawardi buildings usually faced north in this region.36
The Rukn-e-'Alam entrance vestibule has a small west-facing mihrab, which
is the second mihrab in the building. It was probably meant as a marker for the
extended (vestibule) prayer area. The vestibule mihrab is queerly flanked by
lockable storage niches with doors. The provision of lockable storage around
a mihrab is not the norm in Islamic buildings, especially in shrines, which are
not mosques.37 However in a shrine, which is not a place for congregational
prayer, this kind of storage does immediately raises questions about its use.
35 Khan 1983, p.274.

36 See Chapter 6, ‘The Surkhposh Khanqah.’
37 In mosques such storage can be found occasionally, for keeping copies of the Quran
and prayer mats.
Multan 185
In Rukn-e-'Alam’s monument, storage does niches are present not only next
to the vestibule mihrab, but also surround the main mihrab inside, being
located on the alternating facades of the entombment chamber (see Figure
5.1). In addition, the main mihrab had doors on it that could be locked. The
lockable niches inside the building were most probably used for storing religious
paraphernalia belonging to the Suhrawardi Order.
The interior
The interior of the Rukn-e-'Alam shrine is a vast octagonal chamber with a
west-facing mihrab, into which the three characteristic entrances open. His
wooden sarcophagus is located in the centre of the chamber. The sarcophagus
now stands at the place where the original hazira built by Muhammad Tughluq
was probably located, when Rukn-e-'Alam’s body was first transferred to the
monument.
Pakistani archaeologist Ahmad Nabi Khan, who is an authority on the
restoration of Rukn-e- 'Alam’s monument, comments that all the interior
facades of the tomb chamber (outside of the three entrances and the mihrab)
had recessed arched niches that were closed with shisham wood doors, which
have now been removed.38 As mentioned above, these four niches are located
on the lesser facades of the interior, visible as depressions on the two diagonals
of the octagonal plan (see Figure 5.1). Rukn-e-'Alam’s inner storage niches
complement the two outside, which flank the smaller mihrab of the entrance
vestibule. In contrast, all the inner storage niches are topped by what seem
like medallions, but which are in reality magical inscriptions, similar to those
found on the main mihrab itself (see Figure 5.4, next). The interior niches
have now been filled up with brick and appear flat, but their original (recessed)
configuration can still be made out from the door frames that exist around
them. Of the inner niches, the two that flank the main mihrab are relatively
taller than the other two.
In mosques and shrines, mihrabs signify the direction of Mecca and the
Islamic burial axis associated with it. They are features visible to the public, not
areas that are locked up. The presence of doors on the main mihrab in Rukn-
e-'Alam’s shrine demonstrates the dissimulation of the Suhrawardi Order,
and particularly of this monument, as something that needed to be concealed
38 See Khan 1983, p.230.
from the public eye. If the wilayat of 'Ali, as represented on the mihrab with
magical inscriptions, was offensive to orthodox visitors, then the closing of the
mihrab doors would conveniently tuck it away. Similarly, the medallion-like
magical inscriptions above the four inner storage niches would also be hidden
from the public eye when the doors were shut over them. One can confidently
state from the above that the esoteric nature and use of the lockable niches was
connected to that of the mihrab. Since there are four storage niches in all in
the interior, located on the diagonals, excluding the east-west and north-south
directions, they were probably used as retreat areas. In addition, the niches
could also store sensitive religious material used in Suhrawardi ceremonies,
whene all the three entrances were utilised simultaneously in ritual. On other
days, the niches would be discreetly locked away from the prying eyes of the
general public.
Secondary qibla markers in the zone of transition

One other unorthodox feature of the interior is its two west-facing squinch
panels on the second storey, which are unique.39 Of all the squinch panels on
the second storey, which number eight in this case, only the two facing Mecca
are inscribed with the Ayat al-Kursi. In addition, they are located directly above
the mihrab. These Ayat al-Kursi panels could only have served as secondary
Mecca markers, when the mihrab and its inscriptions were locked up, since
they are present on the western facade of the interior that faces Mecca.
The Ayat al-Kursi inscription on the mihrab, in conjunction with those
on the two squinch panels, suggests to the author its presence on the face
of the mihrab doors, to serve as the main Mecca marker when the doors
were actually shut. When the mihrab was locked up, a simple Ayat al-Kursi
inscription on the doors would not have offended anyone.
The mihrab: From the exterior

The mihrab of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument has already been analysed for
its wilayat of 'Ali inscription in the last chapter. This section will examine
39 A squinch is a triangle-like load-bearing element found in medieval Islamic architecture

that transfers the load of the dome, through a zone of transition, to the walls of the
building.
Multan 187
its design characteristics and use. The lockable nature of the mihrab and its
secrecy is echoed in its treatment on the exterior of the building. Although
the mihrab is generally muted on the exterior in Suhrawardi buildings, in
the case of Rukn-e-'Alam it is exceptionally so, contrasting starkly with the
ornate nature of the shrine’s decoration, and with the scale of the monument.
In fact, the mihrab’s external execution appears to be a concerted effort to
conceal it.
The exterior of the shrine’s western (Mecca) facade has a simple, flat,
rectangular panel that marks the mihrab’s place in the wall. It seems that in
this particular building, the downplaying of the mihrab on the exterior stems
from a conscious effort by the architects to mute the controversy around it, by
minimising the mihrab’s exact location on the facade. The western facade’s
treatment reiterates that the mihrab was meant for only a few eyes. Since the
Rukn-e-'Alam monument dates to a period of complete dissimulation by the
order, such detailed execution of architecture makes doctrinal sense – in a
context where dissimulation was practised while enjoying imperial favour.
From the interior

The mihrab of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument is very large, in terms of its sheer
size; in fact, it might be one of the largest mihrabs in the world. Its real scale
is visible only from the interior. Photographs of the mihrab without a human
being inside do not relate its actual size in comparison to the surroundings.
In reality, the mihrab is nearly nine feet high, and can easily accommodate a
number of persons. The depth of the niche is about five feet.
The scale of the mihrab is visible from Figure 5.2, where people can be seen
sitting inside it. Praying inside the mihrab is a ritual practised in Multan by
visitors to Rukn-e-'Alam. Its closing doors and the inscriptions on it readily
suggest that it was a place for initiation and for the performance of chillah or
spiritual retreats. The presence of two hexagram inscriptions on the mihrab,
instead of one, endorses this further, and implies their use in ritual.
The collective magical characteristics of the mihrab, and the medallion-
topped storage niches around it, clearly demonstrate that the main chamber
was not designed as an entombment at all, but rather as a place dedicated to the
performance of ritual. In fact, the magical nature of the interior shows that its
use in ritual was envisaged as its primary function from the outset, as part of
the Madrasa Bahaiya. There can be no other explanation for the configuration.
Figure 5.2. Rukn-e-'Alam, the main mihrab after restoration, with its deeply
recessed niche. The true height of the mihrab is visible here
In terms of the basic argument of this book it should be noted that aside
from its limited use in Sufism, jafr is exclusively a Shi'a science. The beginning
and development of jafr is attributed to the early Shi'a Imams, with especially
'Ali and then the sixth Imam al-Sadiq regarded as its greatest exponents. The
use of jafr in construction, in a manner similar to Fatimid Cairo, coupled
with the other dissimulative elements of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, serve
as conclusive evidence on the hidden Shi'ism of the Suhrawardi Order in
Multan.40
The planetary symbols from the Seal of Solomon (see Figure 4.6, previous
chapter) were used in Chapter 4 to explain the ritual construction of the Rukn-
e-'Alam monument through the wilayat of 'Ali during the exaltation of Mars.
In jafr however, these seven symbols also have other ruler ships and aspects,
like the Names of God and angels, and include a specific planetary function
that can be used to analyse the Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab further. This is the
associated primary purpose of any one planet, which determines the nature
of the talisman written under its ruler ship.
40 In the case of the Suhrawardi Order, this could be either the Isma'ili or the Twelver
branch of Shi'ism, depending on the Sufi personality in question.
Multan 189
Figure 5.3. Top, details of the attributes of the symbols in the Seal of Solomon from
Shams al-Ma'arif.41 Bottom, the seven planets with their ruler ships over the days of the
week and their associated purposes42
The first chart in Figure 5.3 (see top) is taken from the medieval primary
text Shams al-Ma'arif, written by 'Ali al-Buni (d.1225).43 Similar to the chart
used in Chapter 4,44 it shows the Seal of Solomon, starting on the Sunday
41 el-Gawhary 1968, p.304: Shams al-Ma'arif, 1945 reprint.

42 Shah 1877, p.18. (Translated from Urdu).
43 Al-Buni reportedly studied under many famous Sufi masters of his time, see Bleeker
1971, p.156. The chain of transmitters from whom he obtained his magical techniques
and occult knowledge includes the founder of the Suhrawardi Order in Iraq, Abu Najib
Suhrawardi, and the famed Sufi master Ibn 'Arabi, amongst others, see http://www.
antiochgate.com/about_buni.htm .
44 See Figure 4.9.
represented by the five-pointed star, with the related Names of God, angels and
demons, in both Arabic and Syriac. Al-Buni’s work is not meant for beginners,
and its different jafr formulae will not make sense to, nor be effective for,
anyone who has not been trained in the basic precepts of the science of jafr.
However, the book contains an interesting section which is relevant to the
Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab. It is called the Huruf al-'Adhab or ‘The Letters of the
Curse.’ In the section al-Buni states that, in Islam, Saturdays and Tuesdays (or
rather the days of Saturn and Mars) have been set aside for 'adhab or cursing.
If the practitioner wishes to destroy his enemies, he must write a talisman
of the numerical sum of certain Arabic alphabets (which he identifies as the
huruf al-'adhab) added to the name of his enemy, in the first hour after sunrise
on either of the two days, which are ruled by Saturn (for Saturday) and Mars
(for Tuesday) respectively. As a result, the enemy would experience great pain
and destruction.45
The symbol ‘∂’ is inscribed in the six outer houses of the hexagram of the
Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab (see Figure 4.6 in Chapter 4), and is also present among
the planetary symbols in the original seal by al-Buni (see Figure 5.3, top). This
symbol has already been identified with Saturn in Chapter 4. The number for
Mars or ‘ ’ is also clearly inscribed in the centre of the mihrab hexagram, with
‘Allah’ written under it (see Figure 4.6, left). Thus in terms of its planetary
purpose, the Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab, and whatever retreats were made inside
it, were defined by Saturn and Mars. In light of al-Buni’s description of the
huruf al-'adhab, and the prescribed hours and days for writing them, the Saturn
and Mars combination makes the mihrab a place for waging spiritual warfare.
It is apparent from the analysis that the planetary purpose sought from the
construction of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument resonates with that of Fatimid
Cairo, i.e. the destruction of enemies.
Al-Buni’s prescription of Saturday and Tuesday as days for writing talismans
of enmity and destruction is corroborated by many jafr texts, both historical and
contemporary. The second chart in Figure 5.3 (see bottom) is from one such
45 See the section ‘Fasl Huruf al-'Adhab’ in Shams al-Ma'arif al-Kubra, 1945. The page
numbers in the manuscript consulted were undecipherable because the edges of most
pages were moth-eaten. The same section is found on differing pages in the different
editions of this often reprinted book. Amongst the huruf al-'adhab identified by al-Buni,
the Arabic letter or shin figures prominently, which can be seen as corresponding
to Mars and Tuesday in Figure 5.3 (see top, right most column, third line), and also
Figure 4.9 (see previous chapter).
Multan 191
text from the modern era, which cites the same function for the two planets.
A Saturn and Mars combination can only represent a situation of war and
conflict, and the mihrab’s nature and that of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument
itself, further demonstrates the conflict that existed between the empire and
the Suhrawardi Order.
The ten magical inscriptions on the interior

The magical inscriptions in the Rukn-e-'Alam monument are not just limited
to the mihrab. The medallions located above each of the (four) inner storage
niches, and also above the three entrances and the mihrab, are on close
observation either (double) pentagrams, or hexagrams, that are inscribed by
circles (see Figure 5.4 for details). However, no writing has survived on any of
them. According to an official in the Department of Archaeology in Multan,
the (medallion) inscriptions originally carried symbols and writing similar to
those found on the mihrab itself. These were removed during and after the
1977 restoration, although this was before his time in office.46
Figure 5.4 shows the magical inscriptions around the inner periphery of the
monument. In all, there are ten such inscriptions on the interior of the tomb
chamber, when the mihrab hexagrams are included. As mentioned, they are
either hexagrams or double pentagrams, something that further suggests that
the building’s ritual construction is connected with Nawruz, in addition to the
exaltation of Mars. We already know that the hexagram is related to Mars.
Since the pentagram is the symbol for the Sun in the Seal of Solomon, a double
pentagram would represent here the perfect Nawruz, or rather Nawruz on a
Sunday. In the case of Rukn-e-'Alam, the exact Nawruz in question cannot
be easily deduced, simply due to the comprehensive loss of the numbers and
symbols on the medallion inscriptions. However, the connection with Nawruz
and the Sun makes numerological sense, as there are exactly four double
pentagram inscriptions present in the interior, with four being the second
number in jafr for the Sun (along with one).47
46 Interview with the SDO Archaeology, Malik Ghulam Mohammad, at his office
(Multan, 16 January 2006, 4 pm). The interview was followed by a detailed photography
session at Rukn-e-'Alam’s shrine. The archaeology office is located next to the shrine
compound.
47 See planetary consonants in Figure 4.4, Chapter 4.
Figure 5.4. Rukn-e-'Alam, the ten (interior) inscriptions as recorded on site, located above
the four inner storage niches, the three entrances, and the mihrab. These are superimposed
on the architect’s drawing of the plan. Notice the four double pentagrams in the drawing,
with one of them located directly above the western mihrab (left), and three opposite to it
In Shi'a metaphysics, the double pentagram represents the primordial

Nawruz, when the universe was created. Majlisi describes the primordial
Nawruz as ‘the day when the first winds blew, when the first life came forth,
when the Sun shone for the first time, when everything started for the first
time, and the day when the first testament to the wilayat of 'Ali began.48 In
the astrological component of jafr, which is essentially a secretly transmitted
science, the primordial Nawruz was the day when the signs of the Zodiac
started moving clockwise around the earth, while the twelve houses started
moving anti-clockwise. Contrary to popular belief, in jafr, the earth is
envisioned as being (astrologically) stationary in the cosmic wheel. It is the
signs of the Zodiac and the twelve houses that collectively represent the
48 See Majlisi 1845, p.558.
Multan 193
universe, and actually move around the earth, bringing the influences of the
seven planets, and those of the interconnected constellations beyond, to us.
Astrological motion, and the forces it exercises on human affairs, should not
therefore be confused with the natural astronomical movement of the planets
and the stars, which is in principle an entirely different phenomenon.
In jafr, the primordial Nawruz is said to have been a Sunday, when all the
planets were located in the signs and houses of their exaltations. Hence, the Sun
was located at 19 degrees Aries, when Aries was also the first house. Similarly,
the moon was found at 3 degrees Taurus, when Taurus corresponded to the
second house, and so on.49 In the cosmic wheel, with the subsequent movement
of the signs in a clockwise, and the houses in an anti-clockwise manner, the
process of life began, bringing the stations of the planets, the constellations,
and the Zodiac to their current positions. Before the primordial Nawruz, the
cosmic wheel was stationary. In short, in this (Shi'a) model, the creation of
the universe, the beginning of life, and the points of exaltation of the major
planets in the Zodiac, are directly connected to the (universal) wilayat of 'Ali
through Nawruz.
The evidence from extant iconography demonstrates that, in addition to
being representative of ritual construction on Nawruz on the Sunday, the four
double pentagrams of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument symbolise the universal
wilayat of 'Ali in its non-corporeal state, through the primordial Nawruz.
This grander representation is complemented by a more basic expression of
'Ali’s wilayat on the mihrab, through the exaltation of Mars. For a Shi'a Sufi
order, belief in 'Ali’s universal wilayat would be the foundation stone of its
spiritual beliefs, hence the mulit-layered expression of other idea here, are by
no means unfounded.
As a result of our discoveries, the iconography and the use of space in the
Rukn-e-'Alam monument are approachable in an entirely new light. In
addition to the building embodying the expression of the different levels of
'Ali’s wilayat, the beginning of ritual construction through it, and the desired
planetary purpose sought from its own construction, i.e. the destruction of
enemies, one should not forget the use of the Suhrawardi archetypal plan itself.
The three characteristic entrances and the main southern axis become even
more significant in light of the building’s secret symbolism. Why would these
exist in a monument which secretly elaborates Shi'a beliefs so well? This is a
question that will be answered in the next chapter.
49 For planetary exaltations, see Figure 4.3 in Chapter 4.
Unorthodox symbols on the second storey

A final piece of evidence on the covert Shi'a beliefs of the Suhrawardi Order,
as expressed in the Rukn-e-'Alam monument, is present on the parapet tiles
of the second storey exterior. The following photograph has been taken from
the ground level, at a short distance from the building, and clearly shows the
inconspicuousness of the tiles’ details.
Figure 5.5. Rukn-e-'Alam, view of the parapet tiles with a telescopic lens;
the details of the tiles are unclear from the ground level
The only place in the building from where the parapet tiles are decipherable
is the balcony on the first floor. The balcony however, can only be accessed
through the discreet sealable south-eastern entrance, which is visible in the
plan of the building (see Figure 5.1, bottom left).
Ahmad Nabi Khan, writing about the tiles says, ‘The merlons have a broad
border with a cable design. The inner recessed background is filled with cut
brick tiles, on which is carved the kalima or the Islamic testament of faith,
within a flat border. In effect, ten flat cut bricks of various sizes have been
arranged so as to complete the text of the kalima within the flat border.’50
However, the most profound detail of the tiles either escaped Khan’s attention
50 Khan 1983, p.228.
Multan 195
altogether, or was ignored by him. The kalima’s configuration (on the tiles)
would strike anyone familiar with the basic Islamic testament of faith (see
Figure 5.6, below). The tiles are in addition homogeneous, and run as a
continuous band around the entire circumference of the vast monument.
Figure 5.6. Left, Rukn-e-'Alam, the parapet tiles from the parapet above. Notice the
kalima or the Islamic profession of faith on them, followed at the bottom by the hardly
visible Arabic number . Right, Rukn-e-'Alam, the negative image of a parapet tile, with
the number clearly following the kalima. This number is representative of the Shi'a
profession of faith, known as the Panjatan, denoting the Family of the Prophet 51
The details of the tiles seen in Figure 5.6 clearly express the Shi'a profession
of faith in the form of the Arabic number or five, representing the Panjatan,
which is placed next to the normative profession of faith, the Islamic kalima.52
Moreover, the negative image in Figure 5.6 has been taken from Ahmad Nabi
Khan’s own book, and it seems somewhat strange that he chose to ignore it
in his analysis.
If the inscription of the number five on the tiles was merely whimsical, or
freestanding, its connotation could be questioned. But since the number is
specifically cited as a part of the Islamic profession of faith, and as there are
no five caliphs of symbolic importance in Sunnism, the combination can only
be an expression of the building’s Shi'ism. The meaning of the number five
51 See Ibid. p.226, for image.

52 The number is used to denote the first five Infallibles of Shi'a Islam. They are
Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, 'Ali, Hasan and Husayn.
as a part of the kalima would be clear to any scholar of Islam. Incidentally,

this manner of use of the number is more specific to Isma'ilism and Twelver
Shi'ism, and is less often used by the other Shi'a sects.
The placement of the Panjatan parapet tiles at a point where they would
be invisible to the general public, in the most prominent Suhrawardi building
in the region, demonstrates the degree to which Shi'a beliefs were secretly
adhered to by the Suhrawardi Order in Multan.
Even if all the secret symbols and jafr inscriptions of the Rukn-e-'Alam
monument are set aside, just this one sequence of tiles which covers the entire
second-storey parapet is evidence enough for asserting the hidden Shi'ism of
the Suhrawardi Order. The tiles also dispel the Tughluqid hypothesis about
the origins of the building altogether, as they are not decoration any orthodox
ruler would ever commission. Moreover, the tiles show that Shi'ism was secretly
adhered to by the highest spiritual authority of the Suhrawardi Order, the
Shaykh al-Islam, who had the monument constructed. This spiritual authority
was f irst Zakiriyya, and then Rukn-e-'Alam. The collective evidence of this
chapter shows that the Rukn-e-'Alam monument was indeed a part of the
Madrasa Bahaiya, and was not originally meant to be an entombment. The
next chapter will demonstrate that while Multan declined under Tughluqid
pressure, an alternate Suhrawardi complex, which was similar in configuration
to Rukn-e-'Alam, flourished in Uch and took its place.
Conclusion
This chapter brings out, through architectural and iconographic evidence, the
religious ethos shared between Pir Shams and the early Suhrawardi shaykhs
of Multan. The common Suhrawardi archetypical monument, with its three
characteristic entrances and the main southern entrance axis, ties them together
completely. Extant architectural evidence analysed in this chapter, through
Highlands’ thesis on the centrality of the Mecca direction in the creation
of orthodox Islamic buildings, ascertains the evolution of the Suhrawardi
archetype from Satpanth ideals. There can be no other precedent in Islamic
doctrine, for the existence and use of such an archetype in the medieval era,
especially in the middle Indus region. The plan of the monument archetype also
echoes the outward structure of Buddhist monasteries from the Indus region,
namely, the four entranced courtyard complex that first opens into the inner
sanctum, and then into the stupa. Instead, in the Suhrawardi archetype, the
monastery arrangement has simply been inverted (or collapsed on its axes), to
Multan 197
create the khanqah or lodge around the central altar. However, this does not
suggest that the Suhrawardi archetype was solely influenced by Buddhism.
A similar process of adaptation is traceable in the development of the four
iwan mosque from Sassanid fire temples, under the Ghaznawids and the
Seljuqs. In this case, the fire temple’s arched openings were simply expanded
upon, by adding side iwans or chambers, to enlarge the prayer area. Historically,
the emergence of the Suhrawardi archetype nearly parallels the development
of its orthodox counterpart, the four iwan mosque. The two distinct building
types were developed at the opposite ends of Islam, by orthodox Sunnism and
heterodox Shi'ism, in their bids to assert themselves. Hence, it would not be
wrong to define the two as being competing models.
What can be said with accuracy about the Suhrawardi archetypical
monument is that it evolved heterogeneously from its beginning as Pir
Shams's khanqah, into the Suhrawardi fold. As the system and congregation
of Suhrawardi doctrine grew and diversified, the archetype took into
consideration the different characteristics of the religious denominations
attached to its use. Whether converted Hindus, Suhrawardi Sufis or others,
they all brought in a bit of their own colour and style, to embellish the basic
archetype. However, judging from the historical and ceremonial evidence
involved, the original inspiration for the Suhrawardi archetype has to come
from the eighty four lodges set up by Pir Shams. The argument is strengthened
by the fact that the Satpanth was continued by Shams’s descendants in Uch,
whose own khanqahs, which subsequently became their shrines, are built on
the same arrangement. Due to the Suhrawardi Order’s higher status in society,
the zenith of the archetype was of course reached under it, in the shape of the
Rukn-e-'Alam monument.
In addition, the astrological evidence connected to Pir Shams’s religious
fusion shows that his shrine, originally his lodge, served as the progenitor for
the dissemination of multi-faith beliefs based on the wilayat of 'Ali. To be more
precise, it is Shams who was responsible for the adaptation of the Satpanth
framework by the Suhrawardi Order, and not vice versa. The model of the
universe that is the wilayat of 'Ali, envisaged either as a ceremony, a building,
or an entire belief system, was first developed and applied to the Indus context
by Pir Shams. It is his model that keeps resurfacing at the sites associated with
him in Multan, Uch and elsewhere.
The ceremonies at Shams’s shrine must predate his death, and were in all
probability started at the physical location of his lodge in Multan, with an
architectural provision for their ritual performance. The Multan lodge was the
centre of his da'wa for many decades. Contrary to popular belief, it is unlikely
that Shams’s grandson Sadr al-din, who was based in Uch and financed the
current monument over Shams’s grave, was responsible for the development
of Satpanth ceremonies, or by extension the archetype.53
The use of jafr in the construction of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument adds a
new dimension to the Suhrawardi archetype. Jafr can be employed to express,
signify or prove what is otherwise hidden. Decoding the jafr inscriptions and
their use has been fundamental in demonstrating that the Rukn-e-'Alam
monument was actually a part of the Madrasa Bahaiya. A normal entombment
can and should not contain ‘special’ areas with magical symbolism, like
the building’s secret mihrab and lockable niches, which clearly cater to the
performance of spiritual retreats. The Shi'ism of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument
cannot be questioned in light of the Panjatan tiles on its second storey. The
evidence clearly points to a heterodox Shi'a religiosity at work in the early
Suhrawardi period in Multan, one which was never openly declared. The
Suhrawardi Order in Multan can therefore be called an elite secret organisation
of Shi'a Sufis influenced by Isma'ili metaphysics, whilst Pir Shams’s Isma'ili
Satpanth was a populist multi-faith religious doctrine, based on the universal
wilayat of 'Ali. The remainder of this book will address these themes further,
in order to elicit the hidden truth about the Suhrawardi Order and its spiritual
legacy in Pakistan.
53 Isma'ilis usually credit Sadr al-din with the Satpanth.
The Da'wa and Suhrawardi Monuments at Uch 199
CHAPTER
Six
The Da'wa and Suhrawardi Monuments at Uch
Prelude
After Shams’s death in 1276, fourteen years after Zakiriyya died (d.1262),
there is little evidence of Isma'ili activity under Shams’s descendants. Isma'ili
sources are quiet on missionary work in Multan after Shams’s passing.
According to Zawahir Moir, Shams was actually murdered, and did not die a
natural death.1 The narrative makes sense in light of the problems Zakiriyya’s
own descendants, starting with Sadr al-din 'Arif (d.1285), experienced with
the state.2 The authorities in Multan may have been responsible for Shams’s
murder, or at least for creating the situation which led to it, as they moved to
restrict heterodox groups after Zakiriyya’s death. The passing of Shams and
Zakiriyya, the two most powerful spiritual personalities in Multan, must have
been a great relief to the authorities, especially the 'Ulama, as they reasserted
their (religious) control over the city. The general situation forced the Isma'ili
da'wa back to the comparative safety of Uch, which is the place from where
reports of Isma'ili activity emerge after Pir Shams’s death.
This chapter will first establish the presence of Shams’s descendants in Uch,
who shared the city with the Suhrawardi Order headed by the Bukhari clan,
to give the reader an idea of the extent of Isma'ili activity there. Unlike the
Suhrawardi Order, the creed of Shams’s descendants is neither in question nor
hidden. The Isma'ili da'wa in Uch is well researched by scholars, and needs no
elaboration. The religious implications of the da'wa in Uch on the activities of
Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju have already been explored in Chapter 3. These will
1 See Chapter 3, ‘The Jalali Dervishes: Connections to Isma'ilism.’

2 See Chapter 1, ‘Shaykh Sadr al-din 'Arif.’
become clearer still in this chapter, especially in relevance to the transmission

of multi-faith beliefs to the Suhrawardi Order, which are eulogised in the
Suhrawardi architecture of Uch.
However, there is a discrepancy in the line of reported Isma'ili pirs in Uch,
one that needs to be rectified. The discrepancy is an extra person, alleged to
be one of Shams’s immediate descendants. The error arose due to a mistake in
(the copying of) Isma'ili ginans. Shams’s extra descendant, who disturbs both
the chronology and the timeline of Isma'ili religious activity in Uch, needs to
be explained, to make better sense of the da'wa with respect to the Suhrawardi
Order in the city. This issue of the misplaced da'i has, in fact, been responsible
for errors by scholars of Isma'ilism.
Although the monuments of Shams’s descendants in Uch are built on the
Suhrawardi archetype, they will not be analysed in this chapter, since their
adherence to the archetype raises no questions about the Isma'ilism already
professed and preached in them. It must be mentioned that the Isma'ili
shrines of Uch today, notably the monument of Hasan Kabir al-din, who was
also a Suhrawardi Sufi, have been changed beyond recognition by the Awqaf
Department; the changes include axial realignment.
This chapter will primarily examine the Suhrawardi monuments of Uch, all
of which are built on the Suhrawardi archetype, with its three characteristic
entrances and a main southern axis. Of these, the Sufi khanqahs of Surkhposh
and Jahangasht exhibit a design that appears to be the closest to Pir Shams’s
original lodges. Of the other monuments, the Bibi Jaiwandi complex is the most
prominent, and is the site of the Madrasa Bahaiya in Uch. It was constructed
astrologically on a template similar to Rukn-e-'Alam’s monument. In its
isolation, Uch represents the next level of collaboration between the Isma'ili
da'wa and the Suhrawardi Order, away from the prying eyes of official circles,
while its architecture serves as proof for the arguments made in Chapter 3.
The last section of this chapter deals with a monument from the sixteenth
century, which is built on the Suhrawardi archetype and carries strong Hindu
symbolism representative of the Satpanth – nearly four centuries after its
inception by Pir Shams. The brief section will demonstrate the continuation
of Satpanth beliefs and the archetype itself into this latter era, and their
incorporation into popular religion and architecture in the Indus region, from
where they influenced other belief systems before eventually dying out.
Nasir al-din
According to the Isma'ili tradition, Shams’s son Nasir al-din was born in
Sabzwar (Iran, lived 1228-1362), succeeded him to the da'wa, and died in Uch.
Nothing is known of the personality and burial place of Nasir al-din, except
that he continued the da'wa with full force in Uch, and lived as an ascetic. 3
Until this point, Isma'ili tradition is historically accurate. But afterwards, it
introduces the extra person of Shihab al-din, who was allegedly Nasir al-din’s
son. Shihab al-din is then mentioned as having seven sons, i.e. Shams’s great
grandsons, of whom one went on to become the most prominent Isma'ili
figure after Shams, and headed the da'wa in Uch. This was Pir Sadr al-din,
who Isma'ili tradition also credits with beginning the Satpanth.4 Disregarding
the confusion caused by Shihab al-din’s extra person in the da'wa chain, it is
obvious from Isma'ili reports that after Shams’s death in 1276, his successors
clearly moved their headquarters to Uch. The shifting of headquarters from
Multan to Uch also took place in the case of the Suhrawardi Order, albeit a
few decades later, when Rukn-e-'Alam died in 1335.5 Hence in Uch, Nasir
al-din would have been a contemporary of Surkhposh, who died in 1291.6
In the oral traditions of Uch, and in historical documents produced in the
city, the person of Shihab al-din does not exist altogether, and can be discounted
to a number of reasons. Firstly, the shajrah-e-nasb or genealogical family tree
for Hasan Kabir al-din, in possession of his descendants in Uch, shows Sadr
al-din as Nasir al-din’s son.7 Secondly, oral traditions in the city also cite the
same chronology for Shams’s descendants, excluding Shihab al-din, as opposed
to the Isma'ili version.8
Thirdly, the book Tarikh-e-Uch referenced in Chapter 3, which has been
pivotal in connecting Surkhposh’s death commemorations to the Chetir
ceremony, also gives the same genealogy for Shams’s descendants as found in
the shajrah-e-nasb of the Shamsi clan, excluding the person of Shihab al-din.9
3 http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history706.html . Most references for the

Ismaili.net history website are academically reliable, except where cited on the webpage.
They are dependent on research by Ivanow, and on private papers.
4 The statement reads as follows, ‘He (Nasir al-din, 1228-1362) was followed by his son
Shihab al-din, who lived in the garb of a Hindu saint, and made a large proselytism. He
had seven sons, Pir Sadr al-din, Syed Rukn al-din, Syed Badr al-din, Syed Shams al-din
II, Syed Nasir al-din, Syed Ghias al-din and Syed Nasir al-din Qalandar Shah:’ Ibid.
5 Due to Tughluqid pressure, see Chapter 1, ‘Shah Rukn-e-'Alam.’
6 For Surkhposh’s death see Sindhi 2000, p.412.
7 This is the Shamsi Sayyid clan’s family tree, which like its Multani counterpart, also
mentions Shahbaz Qalandar as being Shams’s cousin.
8 See http://www.uchsharif.com/site/index.php?option=com_content&view=category
&layout=blog&id=18&Itemid=37 .
9 See Hasan Kabir al-din’s lineage from Shams, in Hafiz 1931, p.152.
The book was published in 1931 in Bahawalpur. Its author, Hafiz, was a local
nobleman attached to the court of the princely state of Bahawalpur. Hafiz had
collected his information from the descendants of Hasan Kabir al-din, who
were (then) the custodians of his shrine, with whom he had cordial relations.
In the text, Hafiz mentions the names of the custodians through whom he
reconstructed the family tree of Shams’s descendants in Uch.10 Since the semi-
independent state of Bahawalpur was not connected to the Sikh kingdom or
to British India, it escaped the upheaval brought about by the Anglo-Sikh
wars. Hence, as opposed to Multan, the custodians of Hasan Kabir al-din’s
shrine in Uch were relatively undisturbed in terms of their succession, and the
information given by them is more trustworthy.
Finally, the primary source Tawarikh-e-Zila-e-Multan mentions Sadr al-din
as being Pir Shams’s grandson and Nasir al-din’s son, who had commissioned
a large monument over Shams’s grave.11
In contrast, the extra person of Shihab al-din, included in the Isma'ili
chain, is attributable to two factors. One was the mistake made by Ivanow, on
account of wrong information made available to him, which he subsequently
used for reconstructing the da'wa – as emanating from Pir Shams.12 The
second factor is that aside from Isma'ili ginans, only two main sources are
referenced as evidence (in Isma'ilism) for Shams’s descendants. One is the book
Nur al-Mubin, an Isma'ili history.13 The other source is a lineal plaque carved
on the monument of 'Ali Akbar in Multan, who is one of Shams’s latter day
descendants. In fact, Nur al-Mubin indirectly relies on the 'Ali Akbar plaque
for corroborating its list of Shams’s descendants, since the plaque played an
important part in Ivanow’s own work on the da'wa chain.14
10 Ibid, p.151. The full name of the author is Muhammad Hafiz al-Rahman. During
his lifetime, the names of three generations of the shrine’s custodians that he knew
personally were Sayyid Turab Shah, followed by his son Sayyid 'Abdul Qadir Shah,
followed by his descendants.
11 See Khan 1983, p.190: Mukham Chand, Tawarikh-e-Zila-e-Multan. Mukham Chand
was a Hindu noble who compiled a history of Multan for the (Afghan) Saddozai rulers
in the eighteenth century (in 1749).
12 Ivanow is the renowned scholar of Isma'ilism responsible for reconstructing the chain
of hereditary Isma'ili Pirs in India.
13 This is a book about Isma'ili saints and Imams, and also contains the genealogy of
Shams’s clan. It is a hundred and eighty pages long and was first published in 1936.
14 Ivanow was permanently employed in 1931 by the third Aga Khan, Sultan Muhammad
Shah, for scholarly research on Isma'ilism, see http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/
ivanow-vladimir-alekseevich . His work most probably influenced the writing of Nur
al-Mubin, which was also commissioned by the same Aga Khan (five years later).
Ivanow comments on the weakness of ginanic narratives about Pir Shams’s

descendants, and also questions Shihab al-din, who is pronounced as ‘Sahebdin’
in the ginans. His frustration with the subject makes him lament and question
the need for Shams to actually have physical descendants as all, as opposed to
just spiritual ones. He discredits the shajrah-e-nasbs that he found as being
inaccurate for the most part, his major complaint with both the ginans and
the shajrahs being that ‘the learned authors did not restrain their fantasy in
favour of historical sense.’15
To the best of this author’s knowledge, no other source other than the
plaque has been used for verifying the Isma'ili version of Shams’s descendants
– who populate the list of da'is appointed in India from Iran. Due to the
faulty information, other scholars, mainly Hollister, make further inaccurate
assessments. In his Shi'a of India, Hollister suggests erroneous dates for the
Isma'ili da'wa after Shams, by placing Shihab al-din between Nasir al-din and
Sadr al-din.16 His book dates the life and da'wa of Sadr al-din inaccurately
by more than a century, to the fifteenth century, and in the process pushes
the date for the whole da'wa period forward. Hollister cites Ivanow for his
inclusion of Shihab al-din into the chain, but also notes that Ivanow had
commented on the lack of clarity in the information. Since even Ivanow was
unsure of the details made available to him, one can safely assume that faulty
information was responsible for the verification of the extra person of Shihab
al-din in the da'wa chain.
Archaeologist Ahmad Nabi Khan, who has written in detail on the 'Ali
Akbar monument (including its lineal plaque), is usually reliable in terms of
his technical analysis. He describes the inscriptions on 'Ali Akbar’s lineal
plaque as being unreliable and executed by illiterate craftsmen, with most
being later additions, in very bad Arabic and Persian.17 For whatever reasons,
the inscriptions seem to be a misrepresentation of an earlier genealogy, and
date to when repairs were made by devotees.18 A print of the 'Ali Akbar lineal
15 See ‘Notes on the history of the Satpanth’ in ‘Satpanth,’ by Wladimir Ivanow, in Collectanea,
Vol. 1, (Leiden 1948).
16 See Hollister 1953, pp.355-358.
17 See Khan 1983, pp.238, 248-249, footnotes 69-71.
18 Ibid. Khan states that the interior bears many latter day writings in Persian and Gujarati
(Khojki), which are yet to be deciphered. They cite dates like 1779, 1780 and 1807,
which refer to repairs. The foundation stone of the 'Ali Akbar monument dates from
1585, the time of the emperor Akbar’s reign, with a difference of two centuries between
it and the Khojki inscriptions.
plaque, which cites the erroneous genealogy of Shams’s descendants, referred

to by Ivanow in his work, is also found in Khan’s book. It includes Shihab
al-din’s name as Nasir al-din’s son. 19
Hence, it is reasonable to conclude on the basis of our evidence, that Shihab
al-din is a fictitious and anecdotal character. After all, Ivanow's ‘Sahebdin’ or
‘owner of the faith’ could literally be an honorific title for any Isma'ili pir of the
time. More than anything, it seems that Shihab al-din was simply a title for
Nasir al-din, about whom nothing is known due to his ascetic lifestyle. It was
misconstrued as a separate person due to mistakes in (oral) ginanic transmission,
and later found its way on the 'Ali Akbar plaque. The dates suggested for Nasir
al-din and Shihab al-din in the Isma'ili tradition are near contemporaneous,
and strengthen the argument further.20 In all of this, a logical explanation
for Ivanow’s own ‘mistake’ could be that, although the correct version of the
da'wa chain was provided to him, he instinctively rejected it suspecting its
credibility, since the Shamsi clan of Uch who gave him this information were
Twelver Shi'a (by his time).
Sadr al-din
Nasir al-din’s son and successor, Pir Sadr al-din, is one of the best known and
revered da'is in the Indian Isma'ili tradition. Daftary states that Nasir al-din
and Shihab al-din were twenty first and twenty second in the list of hereditary
Isma'ili pirs in India, and that Shihab al-din was succeeded by his son Sadr
al-din.21 It appears that even latter day scholars like Daftary are prone to
repeating the mistake that was made due to the erroneous da'wa chronology
in Ivanow’s time. The same is true for Virani’s recent book The Isma'ilis in the
Middle Ages.22
Nevertheless, Sadr al-din’s impact on the Isma'ili da'wa cannot be overstated.
The largest number of ginans are attributed to him. He was responsible for
the reorganisation of the Isma'ilis in India into a regular community, and
the conversion to Isma'ilism of the largest number of Hindus of the Lohana
19 See Ibid, p.247, note 69. Khan notes that Ivanow consulted the plaque for his work, to
verify the da'wa chain.
20 http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history706.html. Notice in the link that at
times Shihab al-din is allegedly born before his father, Nasir al-din.
21 Daftary 2007, p.443.
22 See Virani 2007, p.41.
caste, 23 who today form the backbone of the community as the Khojas. Most
scholars uphold the traditional Isma'ili view, which credits Saral al-din with
beginning the Satpanth. According to Hollister, he related Shiva to Adam in
this regard.24 However in the context of this book, while it can be conceded that
Sadr al-din developed the Satpanth (further), to make it more comprehensible
to the common Isma'ili convert, in reality the system could only have been
begun by Pir Shams.
According to Isma'ili tradition, Sadr al-din was born in Sabzwar in Iran,
probably in 1300.25 He was based in Uch and conducted his da'wa in relative
freedom. He died sometime between 1369 and 1416. 26 According to the
shajrah-e-nasb, presumably from Uch, consulted by Ivanow which he also
states to be completely unreliable, Sadr al-din was born in 1290 and died in
1380.27 Both reports for his life make him an older contemporary of Jahangasht
(1308-1384). 28 As stated in Chapter 3, Sadr al-din probably collaborated
with Jahangasht in the creation of the Jalali Dervishes, or at least in the
dissemination of the metaphysical ideas that led to their formation. These ideas
form the basis for the kind of spirituality professed by the Jalali Dervishes.29
It must be noted that in Uch, there was no open collaboration between the
Isma'ilis and the Suhrawardi Order until the time of Sadr al-din’s son, Hasan
Kabir al-din, and a general air of secrecy surrounds the matter. However, in
a small city where Shi'a ideas were so prevalent in Isma'ili religious doctrine
on the one hand, and present as iconography on Suhrawardi buildings on the
other, the scenario speaks for itself.
Sadr al-din’s shrine, built in classical Suhrawardi style, is located in a small
settlement known as Jethpur.30 Ivanow calls the village ‘Jetur.’ The name of the
town, Jethpur, which grew up around Sadr al-din’s tomb, suggests that the site
was originally associated with the popularisation of Shi'a ceremonies according
to the local calendar, as has been explained in Chapter 2. Jethpur literally means
‘the city of Jeth,’ with Jeth being the Indian month on the twenty eighth of
23 Daftary 2007, p.443.

24 Hollister 1953, p.357.
25 http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history711.html .
26 See Daftary 2007, p.443.
27 See ‘Notes on the history of the Satpanth’ in ‘Satpanth,’ by Wladimir Ivanow, in Collectanea,
28 For Jahangasht see Rizvi 1986, vol.1, p.277.
29 See Chapter 2, ‘The Jalali Dervishes.’
30 Hollister 1953, p.357.
which the Shi'a festival of 'Ashura is celebrated at Shams’s shrine, according

to the Vikrami calendar.31 In Pakistan today, the celebration of 'Ashura on
28 Jeth is a widely observed phenomenon, one which is representative of the
historical spread of the Isma'ili da'wa, and of its contribution to regional culture
in popularising Shi'a festivals with local dates.
According to Isma'ili sources, the process of Sadr al-din’s religious initiation
was Sufi in nature, with strong Isma'ili overtones. His disciples were imparted
ethical and moral teachings through a simple understanding of the Satpanth.32
The teachings would be based on Shi'a themes, imparted by Sadr al-din as
a basic level of the Satpanth to his newly (re)organised Khoja community.
Hence rather than creating the Satpanth, Sadr al-din must have simplified
and expanded it, to make it more coherent and accessible to the common
Indian Isma'ili. After all, he had reorganised the Isma'ili community from not
just Shams’s devotees, but new converts. One good example of Sadr al-din’s
rendering is the popular observation of Shi'a dates with the local calendar,
as reflected in the Jethpur and 'Ashura connection. A second is the simple
ceremonial celebration of Nawruz as the wilayat of 'Ali. The Khoja community
celebrates Nawruz fervently to this day, and its significance is that it represents
the wilayat of 'Ali. In addition, by correlating Adam with Shiva, Sadr al-din
created a softer spot for Isma'ili beliefs in the hearts of his Hindu converts
than had existed before. Most of them were tradesmen of the Lohana caste,
and would have been at great pains to understand the astrological symbolism
behind rituals like Pir Shams’s Chetir ceremony.
From this author’s personal knowledge of certain Isma'ili ceremonies that are
Shi'a in nature, and are conducted in secrecy, a certain ceremony is performed
to make a person a mumin or a believer (i.e. Isma'ili). Such ceremonies were
probably the most important contribution of Sadr al-din to Khoja religious
culture, as they personified Isma'ilism for the common man. In an example of
such a conversion ceremony, in early twentieth century Yemen, a half-Isma'ili
and half-Twelver Khoja trading family, living in Aden, had a Twelver member
who wanted to revert to Isma'ilism. For the completion of the conversion,
after testifying to the wilayat of 'Ali and the Imam of the time (Aga Khan
III), the convert underwent a ritual in which he was made to drink a special
mixture of water and the clay of Kerbala. He was then prescribed a certain
dhikr which pertained to the glorification of the Imamate (or wilayat), and
31 See Chapter 2, ‘Chetir and Chaharshamba-yi Suri.’

32 http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history712.html .
thus became a mumin. In all likelihood, it was Sadr al-din who first instituted
such rituals amongst the Khojas during his reorganisation of the community
in the Indus region.
Hasan Kabir al-din

Sadr al-din was succeeded by his son Hasan Kabir al-din. According to Isma'ili
tradition, Hasan Kabir al-din was born in Uch in 1341. He was the first Isma'ili
pir to be born in India, and reportedly died in 1449.33 Ivanow does not cite the
actual date of his birth, but gives the most probable date of his death as being
1471, from a shajrah that he consulted, which he also states to be somewhat
‘correct.’ Ivanow asserts that the date of Hasan Kabir al-din’s death in 1449,
which is a date from an ‘unreliable Isma'ili document’ Satweni-ji wel, is simply
too early;34 although he is not clear on why this is the case. Sources from Uch
state that Hasan Kabir al-din was born in 1316 and died in 1490, having lived
for almost a 180 years.35 The Isma'ili version seems to be the most accurate one
here, considering that his father Sadr al-din was reportedly born around 1300.
His life span of a 180 years certainly appears exaggerated.
The most noted contemporary scholar of Isma'ili history Farhad Daftary,
like Ivanow, does not give a date for the birth of Hasan Kabir al-din, but has
suggested two dates for his death, 1449 and 1490 (the second is the version
from Uch). According to Daftary, the most likely date for Kabir al-din’s death is
actually 1470, referenced from an unpublished manuscript Manazil al-Aqtab.36
The date of 1449 however, which is the Isma'ili version for his death, seems
the most acceptable in light of Hasan Kabir al-din’s contemporaneity with
Suhrawardi personalities in Uch. This is something that is also the subject
of many narratives in the city.37 Irrespective of scholars agreeing upon which
date of passing is the most accurate, Hasan Kabir al-din was, like his father, a
(younger) contemporary of Jahangasht (lived 1308-1384) and of Sayyid Raju,
33 http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history713.html.
34 Notes on the history of the Satpanth in ‘Satpanth,’ by Wladimir Ivanow, in Collectanea,
35 Hafiz 1931, p.151.
36 Daftary 1990, p. 480. Ivanow too has cited this date from Manazil al-Aqtab in his work
titled ‘Satpanth.’
37 See http://www.uchsharif.com/site/index.php?option=com_content&view=category
&layout=blog&id=18&Itemid=37 .
the main Suhrawardi shaykhs in Uch at the time.38 During his lifetime, Hasan
Kabir al-din travelled widely before settling down permanently in Uch, and
converted a large number of Hindus to Isma'ilism.39
Hasan Kabir al-din and the Suhrawardi Order

Hasan Kabir al-din is regarded as being the first Isma'ili da'i who was openly
known as a Suhrawardi Sufi in Uch. According to Daftary, his name appears
in the list of the shaykhs of Suhrawardi Order.40 Qamar al-Huda, who has
explored the association of the Suhrawardi Order (at its inception) with
Isma'ilism in Iraq, in his book Striving for Divine Union, upholds Daftary’s
comments. Writing about Hasan Kabir al-din he states, ‘the fact that Isma'ili
Imams (here he means pirs) are recorded in both Suhrawardiyya records and
Isma'ili genealogy (ginans) is indicative of a substantial exchange of Isma'ili-
Suhrawardi religious beliefs.’41
In the case of Hasan Kabir al-din, his association with the Suhrawardi Order
in Uch could only have been through Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju, who headed
the order in the city. However, since the real nature of the Isma'ili-Suhrawardi
collaboration in the Indus region is covert, it cannot be commented upon via
textual evidence by ‘classical’ historians, as none exists. Secondly, and more
importantly, it has been vastly underestimated. Its real extent only comes to
the fore through the archaeological evidence of this book, i.e. the material
history of the Suhrawardi Order, which reveals the hidden liaison between
the two organisations.
A clear bit of evidence linking the two entities is that today, all the Isma'ili
and Suhrawardi shrines in Uch are Twelver Shi'a. Many Isma'ilis converted to
Twelver Shi'ism when the da'wa broke down after Hasan Kabir al-din, while
adherents of the Suhrawardi Order in Uch proclaimed that all its shaykhs
were in retrospect Twelver Shi'a practising dissimulation, in times of duress
and oppression.
According to the book Tarikh-e-Uch, which was instrumental in resolving the
Shibab al-din/Nasir al-din controversy, Hasan Kabir al-din was a Suhrawardi
Sufi, and spent his life preaching its doctrines. But then the author of the book,
Hafiz, makes a profound statement in the context of pre-Partition Uch of the
38 Sayyid Raju was probably born sometime in the 1320s, see in Chapter 3, ‘Sadr al-din
Rajjan Qattal.’
39 See Daftary 1990, p. 480.
40 Ibid.
41 Al-Huda 2003, p. 38.
1930s. He writes that although most Isma'ili Khojas of Uch have converted
to the Twelver faith, the elders of the Isma'ili community have always been
associated with the Suhrawardi Sufi Order for reasons of dissimulation.42 In
his book, The Isma'ilis in the Middle Ages, Virani challenges the assertion that
Isma'ilis (generally) took cover as Sufis to avoid persecution, except in certain
cases. He is more sympathetic to the ‘symbiotic relationship thesis’ between
Sufism and Isma'ilism, for which he cites Hasan Kabir al-din as evidence.43 In
simpler terms, he is saying that only certain Sufi orders, i.e. Shi'a ones, were
used by Isma'ilis for cover, amongst these of course the Suhrawardi stands out.
It is noteworthy that the Archaeological Survey of India, whose records
in the British Library hold the details and photographs of the shrines of Pir
Shams and Zakiriyya in Multan, has no records for Uch at all. This is because
Uch was located within the princely State of Bahawalpur, where the Colonial
government did not exercise control, and which had maintained centuries of
continuity.44 Because of its protected setting, Uch retained some of its religious
characteristics and trends that were otherwise lost in the surrounding regions.
That is why some credence can be given to Hafiz’s statement on the Isma'ili-
Suhrawardi association in Uch having survived until the (near) contemporary
era. Hafiz adds that Hasan Kabir al-din’s present-day descendants are all
Twelver Shi'a, known as the Shamsi Sayyids of Uch.45 In 1955 the Bahawalpur
state was dissolved and absorbed into Pakistan.
A note on the shrine of Hasan Kabir al-din

The monument of Hasan Kabir al-din, who has now been correctly identified
as the great-grandson of Pir Shams, is located to the east of Uch, outside the
city walls and east of the Gilani quarter. It is locally known as the shrine of
Hasan Darya.46 One has to cross a canal located behind the Gilani quarter
to reach the monument. His monument was wrongly described by Ivanow
as belonging to Pir Shams himself.47 According to Ahmad Nabi Khan, the
confusion arose from the misreading of a ginan, which records Shams’s place
42 See Hafiz 1931, pp.151-152.

43 See Virani, 2007, p.147.
44 The Bahawalpur state was set up in 1690.
45 Hafiz 1931, pp.151-152.
46 Also mentioned by Daftary as the same, see Daftary 1990, p.480.
47 See ‘The Sect of the Imam Shah in Gujarat,’ by Ivanow in JBBRAS, XII, (1936),
p.33. Ivanow attributes the monument in Uch (belonging to Hasan Kabir al-din) to
Pir Shams.
of burial as Uch-Multan (instead of just Uch).48 The error adds to the general
confusion caused by the dates put forward by Ivanow about Sadr al-din and
the Isma'ili da'wa in Uch, which are incorrect by a hundred years or so.49
In short, Hasan Kabir al-din’s life seems to be juxtaposed with that of Pir
Shams’s, and many of the exaggerations that Ivanow describes find their way
into actual scholarship.50
Like Sadr al-din’s shrine, Hasan Kabir al-din’s shrine is built on the
Suhrawardi archetype, with its three characteristic entrances and main
southern axis. Due to reconstruction by the state, its southern approach and
axiality have been completely lost. The access road to the shrine is now from
the east, giving the impression that the monument was always oriented in
an orthodox manner. However, historical photographs from the nineteenth
century show that the monument was originally accessed from the south, with
its mihrab visibly located to the left (i.e. west) of the old approach road. Of
the characteristic entrances, the northern and southern ones have been sealed
off, while the eastern entrance remains open, to ensure that movement in and
out of the building faces Mecca. But, just like in Sadr al-din’s monument, the
sealed entrances are still visible on the facades, and the entire archetypical
plan is clearly deducible on site. Among the Isma'ili monuments of Uch,
which obviously purport no dissimulation, Hasan Kabir al-din’s shrine shares
a decorative commonality with the Panjatan tiles of Rukn-e-'Alam. At the
ground level, a narrow rosewood panel runs around the whole interior of the
building, on which are carved periodic seals bearing a motif that is derived
from the number five ( ).
The da'wa after Hasan Kabir al-din

After Hasan Kabir al-din’s death, his brother Taj al-din was appointed as the
new da'i, superseding his sons, perhaps as a measure to weaken the office of
the hereditary pir in India.51 Taj al-din was born in 1394 in Uch, and received
his early education from his elder brothers. He was about thirty three years
48 See Khan 1983, p.246.

49 See Nasir al-din, previous.
50 Referencing Ivanow, Hollister gives the date of Pir Shams’s death as 1356, with the
confusion surrounding the Uch shrine presumably influencing the suggested date, see
Hollister 1953, p.335. As Hasan Kabir al-din was locally said to have lived a 180 years,
his exaggerated lifespan seems to have been extended to Shams’s own life.
51 Daftary 2007, p.445.
old when he assumed the office of the pir, and for some time made Lahore the
centre of his mission, due to opposition from the sons of Hasan Kabir al-din.52
When Taj al-din returned from a trip to Iran after meeting with the Isma'ili
Imam (Mustansir Billah), he was accused of embezzling some of the religious
tithes by his nephews, after which he reportedly died of grief. His tomb is
located in Jhun in Sind,53 not in Uch, suggesting that by then the environment
in Uch had become hostile to the Isma'ili Imamate.
Although Isma'ili scholars attribute the dispute between Hasan Kabir al-din’s
sons to the division of his fortune,54 it has the element of the conversion of some
of his sons to orthodox Twelver Shi'ism, as that is the religion his descendants
profess today.55 The conversions probably took place subsequent to the dispute,
perhaps as a protest against the Isma'ili Imam having appointed Taj al-din as
the new pir instead of one of the sons, but they nevertheless did take place.56
Virani also writes about the conversion of some of the sons of Hasan Kabir al-din
to Sunnism, and their being (historically) active in that community in Uch.57
However it should be noted that today no Shamsi Sayyids in Uch remain Sunni.
Due to the ensuing conflict after Taj al-din’s death, no further da'is were
appointed in Uch from Iran. Instead, the Isma'ili Imam Mustansir Billah
sent a book of guidance and conduct to the community, called the Pandiyat-i
Javanmardi, or the ‘Counsels of Chivalry,’ which was translated into local
languages.58 After Taj al-din, one of Hasan Kabir al-din’s sons, Imam Shah,
tried to secure the office of the pir for his family, and went to see the Isma'ili
Imam in Iran for this purpose; but was not designated to the position.
Subsequently, he returned and settled in the Gujarat and converted many locals
to Satpanth Isma'ilism. According to some unreliable reports, Imam Shah
seceded from the da'wa and founded his own sect known as the Imam Shahi.59
In reality, this was most likely done by one of his immediate descendants.
These events in Uch correspond with a general breakdown in the ranks of the
Suhrawardi Order and the Jalali Dervishes, so much so that the Sunni Qadiri
52 See http://www.Ismaili.net/histoire/history07/history715.html .
53 Daftary 1990, p.480.
54 Virani 2007, p.125.
55 See Chapter 3, ‘Breakdown,’
56 See Hafiz 1931, p.151.
57 See Virani 2007, p.125.
58 Daftary 2007, pp.445-446.
59 Ibid.
Order made inroads into the city.60 It is difficult to assess what became of the
inner circle of the Suhrawardis, and their spiritual equivalents, the akhas-i khas
or high elite of the Isma'ili mission in Uch. Professing a high level of initiation
into their respective creeds, it is likely that they continued their work to the
best of their capacities. More than two centuries after Hasan Kabir al-din’s
death, the Isma'ili da'wa re-emerged in Multan in the shape of Shams’s great
great grandson, Sultan 'Ali Akbar, in the time of the Mughal emperor Akbar.
The combined religious and architectural heritage of the Suhrawardi Order
and the Isma'ili da'wa resonate in his monument.
The Surkhposh khanqah and adjoining monuments:

Burial history and construction
The Surkhposh khanqah is the oldest building related to the Suhrawardi
Order in Uch. The khanqah was responsible for the initial fame of the
Suhrawardi Order, as it emanated from Uch, first under Surkhposh, and
then his son Ahmad Kabir. Ahmad Kabir was subsequently buried inside the
khanqah,61 probably in the first quarter of the fourteenth century. Hence,
the original khanqah structure is a monument that dates to Surkhposh’s
time. In contrast, some architecture historians have wrongly suggested
the seventeenth century (1617) as the date for its construction.62 The later
date is based on Colonial records, and was probably put forward due to
Surkhposh’s re-burial in the monument in the same year. The date of 1617
is not tenable, since sources report that the original khanqah was actually
renovated (and not constructed anew) by the first ruler of the Bahawalpur
state, in honour of Surkhposh’s re-burial (in it). However, as the state itself
was only founded in 1690, even the renovation cannot be dated to 1617-but
Surkhposh's reburial can be.63
60 See Chapter 3, ‘Breakdown.’

61 Hafiz 1931, pp.141-142. Ahmad Kabir probably died sometime in the 1320s, see Chapter
3, ‘Sadr al-din Rajjan Qattal.’
62 See http://un.org.pk/undp-29-mar-05/sgp/green-pioneers/chap-12.htm . This report
is by Holly Edwards and is based on a Colonial era gazetteer from the Punjab.
63 The rulers of Bahawalpur started moving into the southern Punjab region in the
late 1600s from Sind, claiming descent from the 'Abbasid Caliphs, and set up the
Bahawalpur state. The first ruler was Bahadur Khan II, who founded the state in
1690, and was responsible for the restoration of the Surkhposh khanqah, see http://
w w w.worldstatesmen.org/Pakistan_princes.html#Bahawalpur . According to
Barbara Ramusack, the 'Abbasids expanded their control in the 1730s, to conquer the
After his death in 1291, Surkhposh underwent three reburials before he was
finally laid to rest inside his own khanqah in Uch. His first burial was in a place
called Chenab Rasulpur, located near Uch. A few years later, due to flooding,
his remains were transferred to a site called Sonak-Bela, which is located at a
distance of sixty kilometres from Uch. Sonak-Bela is also referred to as ‘Uch’
due of its association with Surkhposh. After a few generations, in Sayyid Raju’s
era in Uch (post 1400), with reports of flooding again, Surkhposh’s remains
were transferred to Uch city and buried inside the khanqah of Sayyid Raju.
Finally, two centuries further down the line, in 1617, Surkhposh was reburied
inside his own khanqah. The final reburial inspired the khanqah’s renovation
by the first ruler of Bahawalpur, at the end of the same century. 64
Political conflict with authority at the time of death is the most likely
reason for Surkhposh’s first burial outside the city of Uch. The event is not
too dissimilar to what happened in the case of Rukn-e-'Alam, who was
initially buried inside the mausoleum of his grandfather Zakiriyya on his
death in 1335, probably for protection. Surkhposh’s third reburial in Sayyid
Raju’s khanqah should be seen as an act of Raju asserting his authority in
Uch, especially when considered in light of his success in bringing back an
absconding criminal from Firuz Shah Tughluq’s court.65 Surkhposh’s last
reburial (1617) inside his khanqah, in the period preceding the establishment
of the Bahawalpur state, signifies changing political and religious attitudes
in Uch. It was followed by the renovation of the Surkhposh khanqah by the
first Nawab of Bahawalpur, who held Surkhposh and his descendants in great
esteem. The open declaration of Twelver Shi'ism by Surkhposh’s descendants
followed within a few decades of the renovation, and can be evidenced as proof
for the new religious environment.66
The Bukhari Sayyids of Uch are buried inside tabuts or wooden coffins
untill today, in the likeness of the burial reported for Surkhposh, which is not
traditional Islamic practice in this region. Orthodox Muslim burial takes place
in a simple shroud. From this one can infer that other Suhrawardi shaykhs were
also buried in the same manner, especially as multiple burials are difficult to
surrounding areas, see Ramusack 2004, p.40. This was the conquest of Dera Ghazi
Khan, where Sakhi Sarwar’s shrine is located.
64 His remains, rather tabut or wooden coffin, were transferred in 1617 by Makhdum
Naubahar, the caretaker of the Surkhposh khanqah, to the khanqah: Hafiz 1931, p.140.
65 See Chapter 3, ‘Sadr al-din Rajjan Qattal.’
66 The adherents of the Jahangasht khanqah proclaimed Twelver Shi'ism openly by the
early eighteenth century, see Rizvi 1986b (Shi'ism), vol.1 p.154.
achieve without coffins. In addition, there can be other, more practical reasons
associated with the practice, like the burial of the spiritual paraphernalia of a
certain shaykh with him.
The Surkhposh khanqah

Due to the standardisation of the Suhrawardi archetype, it is safe to conclude
that the Surkhposh khanqah’s reconstruction in the 1690s was an upgrade
along original lines. The Surkhposh khanqah is a rectangular building, as
opposed to the octagonal Rukn-e-'Alam monument. A monumental staircase
of a hundred stairs leads up to the exterior courtyard of the khanqah from
the main road. The khanqah still retains the three characteristic entrances
of the Suhrawardi archetypical monument – of which the southern one is
dominant, along with the west-facing mihrab. The eastern entrance has an
entrance vestibule covering it, while in contrast the northern one is bare. Both
entrances are today locked and remain out of use, but have not been altered or
tampered with by the state. Surprisingly, the main southern entrance is still
used for access in and out of the khanqah, while the main axis of approach
to the building itself, via its monumental staircase, is also from the south. In
addition, the khanqah serves as a node for the derivation of sacred geometry
in the adjoining Bibi Jaiwandi complex, in which some buildings derive their
central axes from it.
The Surkhposh khanqah is located on the Uch mound, the highest point in
the city, and the site probably contains older temples that date from the pre-
Islamic era, at the lower levels of excavation. In this, the Surkhposh khanqah
benefits from a central location, one that the Rukn-e-'Alam monument also
enjoys on the Multan citadel mound, which was formerly the site of the ancient
Balaram or Sun Temple, that lay between it and Zakiriyya’s shrine.
The interior of the Surkhposh khanqah is replete with Christian iconography,
wherein Latin cross niches appear to serve as grave markers (see Figure 6.1,
next). The cross niches face north, where the head of the body is placed in
Islamic burial in this region. In addition, the niches are recessed, and were
probably used in ceremony in past times, as they are today (see Figure 6.1).
The ceremonial importance of the crosses as religious symbols is accentuated
by their being built in a manner reminiscent of candle-holding niches that
can still be found on graves in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Traditionally, each
grave niche bore a depressed cavity for oil lamps and candles, which were lit on
commemorative occasions, and for the fulfilment of desires (if the deceased was
a saint). The crosses in the Surkhposh khanqah’s interior are complemented by

similar ones found in the adjoining monument of Baha al-Halim. The workmen
involved in the preservation of the Surkhposh khanqah said that when their
work commenced, most of the crosses were initially not visible at all. They
were literally ‘dug out’ from the inner northern facade during the conservation
effort led by architect Yasmin Cheema, when she was documenting the Uch
monuments in the early 2000s. This is also apparent in Figure 6.1, where one
cross can still be seen half filled with masonry. It serves as evidence of their
being an original motif of the khanqah’s decoration. Aside from the crosses,
there is no other extant religious symbolism inside the Surkhposh khanqah.
The khanqah’s mihrab is low and deep, and does not carry any iconography.
However, this may not be the original mihrab, considering that the monument
was renovated in 1617.
The Surkhposh mosque and the chillah rooms

The Surkhposh mosque adjoins the khanqah and is physically connected
to its mihrab wall. Judging from its decorative style, the age of the tiles and
the brick masonry, the mosque is obviously a later structure. It dates to the
khanqah’s renovation in the 1690s, and was probably added as a new feature
during the reconstruction by the first Nawab of Bahawalpur, in honour of
Surkhposh’s reburial.
Although unremarkable itself, an important feature of the Surkhposh
mosque is a row of small cubicles that are found in its interior at two levels.
The cubicles are located on the northern facade and number eight in all, with
south-facing entrances accessed from inside the mosque (see Figure 6.1). They
have panelled doors which are locked, and recall the mihrab and the lockable
storage niches of the Rukn-e-'Alam monument. These cubicles were originally
chillah or retreat rooms, the likes of which are found in most medieval Sufi
khanqahs, where initiates performed their spiritual exercises. The north-facing
facades of the rooms are completely blank, with no openings looking out, and
confirm that the rooms were envisaged as places for solitary retreats. Judging
from the age of the mosque, and the existence of the chillah rooms in a part of
the mosque which physically adjoins the khanqah, it is evident that the rooms
pre date the mosque’s construction. The argument pertinent considering that a
medieval khanqah would require retreat rooms as one of its primary functions.
It is probable that the area currently occupied by the mosque structure was
originally covered with clusters of such retreat rooms, which fell into disuse.
The rooms were eventually replaced by the mosque on its construction in the
1690s, with the surviving cubicles incorporated into the design.
Figure 6.1. Left, Latin cross niches inside the Surkhposh khanqah. Notice the oil residue
that has dripped down from the lighting of ceremonial lamps. Right, the Surkhposh
mosque interior, with the north-facing chillah rooms and their entrances (panelled doors)
A special feature of the Surkhposh chillah rooms is their orientation to

the north, as opposed to the Mecca direction (west), in which orthodox Sufi
meditation and ritual are performed. This means that in addition to their
orientation complementing the major southern axis of the Suhrawardi archetype
(by opening to the south), the initiates actually using the rooms practiced
Hindu meditation techniques. Hindu meditation, based on temple axiality, is
performed facing the north, wherein the mendicant empowers himself with
spiritual forces flowing south from the north.67 The observation also certifies
that the southern entrance in the archetype was reserved specifically for use
by high-level initiates and by the shaykhs themselves. Furthermore, a more
classical use of the other two entrances emerges, with the east reserved for
Islamic ceremonies and practices, where one faces Mecca on entrance. The
67 The concept is based on the harnessing of magnetic forces flowing south from the
North Pole. The idea was (conceptually) used by yogis to levitate in the air, i.e. on a
magnetic field; and is also used in Indian astral magic.
northern entrance was used by Hindu devotees, as pointed out by Zawahir

Moir, and perhaps by adherents of related faiths, such as Buddhism.
The Surkhposh khanqah as a node for the derivation of sacred geometry

The importance of the khanqah can be gauged from the fact that the northern
chillah room facade of the Surkhposh mosque serves as a point for the
derivation of an axis, which defines the centres of two buildings in the adjoining
Bibi Jaiwandi complex. The axis is noticeable from the roof of the mosque,
and is located at its north-western corner. A line drawn from this corner, as
seen in Figure 6.3 (top, next), goes through the centres of the Nuriyya and
Baha al-Halim monuments.68
Since the monuments of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex pre date the construction
of the Surkhposh mosque by a few centuries, the derivation of a major axis in
their design from the chillah room facade shows that the rooms were a very
prominent feature of the Surkhposh khanqah, like the mihrab in the case of
the Rukn-e-'Alam monument. Moreover, the configuration demonstrates that
the khanqah served as the central axial point for the creation of the pentagram
site plan found in the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, in a process which must have
spanned a few generations (see site plan in Figure 6.3). All the monuments
in the Bibi Jaiwandi complex are built on the Suhrawardi archetype, and
have a major southern axis. Hence, the entrance to the complex would have
been through the Uch mound, via the monumental staircase that leads up to
Surkhposh’s khanqah.
The Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju khanqahs

The khanqahs of Jahaniyan Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju post-date the
Surkhposh (d.1291) khanqah by roughly one century, and were constructed in
the period after Muhammad Tughluq’s death (d. 1351), when Jahangasht had
returned to Uch. As discussed in Chapter 3, in Jahangasht’s absence, Sayyid
Raju administered the Surkhposh khanqah. There are no reports of any other
Suhrawardi khanqahs in Uch at that time. The existence of the Jahangasht and
Sayyid Raju khanqahs as institutions of Suhrawardi learning can be dated to
the lifetime of the two brothers, from whom they derive their names. In spite
68 Due to a limit on image count, many pictures depicting the finer details of these
buildings could not be included in this book. Hopefully a more illustrated work will
follow.
of their simplicity, the two khanqahs exemplify the Suhrawardi archetype

with its distinguishing entrances in their design. However, due to latter day
changes, the Sayyid Raju khanqah has lost many of its original characteristics.
The Jahangasht khanqah is located in the north-eastern corner of Uch.69
It is much smaller than the khanqah of his brother, which is roughly four
times its size. But the Jahangasht khanqah is located closer to the mound,
and hence to the khanqah of Surkhposh and the Bibi Jaiwandi complex. The
three characteristic entrances and the west-facing mihrab of the Suhrawardi
archetype are clearly visible in it. The monument has undergone some historical
changes, and at some point in time its main entrance was realigned from the
east, according to orthodox Muslim principles. In the process, it may also have
lost much of its religious symbolism. The realignment appears to pre date the
contemporary era, and hence the Pakistani state’s interventions. The southern
entrance still retains some elaborate tile work, signifying its importance,
although it is now locked, as is the northern entrance. The Mecca facing eastern
entrance functions as the only means of access in and out of the building.
The most important decorative feature of the Jahangasht khanqah is
located in the interior and is Hindu in nature. It is also the monument’s only
surviving religious icon. This is the silhouette of a snake on the mihrab, which
according to tradition was used by Jahangasht to perform miracles (see Figure
6.2, above rectangle). The snake has been on the mihrab since the monument
was constructed.70
In light of the multi-faith iconography found on Uch’s other Suhrawardi
monuments; Jahangasht’s snake is interpretable in more ways than one ways.
Firstly, it serves as evidence for the close connection with Hindu yogis that
Jahangasht and his brother were famous for. Secondly, it is proof for the
assimilation of Hindu beliefs, ascetic practices and meditation techniques by the
order in Uch; something further complemented by the Surkhposh khanqah’s
north-facing chillah rooms.
69 Hafiz 1931, pp. 141-142.

70 It should be mentioned that the mihrab niche over which the snake was originally
affixed, which the author saw and photographed in 2006, is now been filled up with
mansonry. Visitors today will see just the periphery of the mihrab on the Mecca facing
facade, along with a brick and plaster infill covering the area where the mihrab used
to exist. The Shaivite symbolism of the snake is complemented by a Shiva lingam that
is found just outside the Jahangasht khanqah, with its own enclosure. The lingam has
an 'Alid connotation here, and is described locally as being the ‘hand’ of 'Ali,’ wherein
the visitor can see the outline of a hand inside the depression that contains the lingam.
Figure 6.2. The Jahangasht khanqah, the mihrab facade with

Jahangasht’s snake marked between the tiles
The presence of a Hindu symbol on the khanqah’s actual mihrab, the Islamic
prayer niche, is unorthodox even by Suhrawardi standards, although Pir Shams
is reported to have worn a snake icon in local folklore. In the symbolism of Uch’s
Suhrawardi monuments, the Hindu tradition is the second non-Abrahamic
belief system that has been identified, with Jahangasht’s mihrab being the place
where its earliest icon is located. All the other motifs and symbols are either
related to the three Abrahamic faiths, or to Zoroastrianism. Unfortunately,
there are no other surviving religious symbols in either Jahangasht’s khanqah,
or in that of Sayyid Raju's, to give us greater insight into the matter.
Sayyid Raju’s khanqah has undergone many reconstructions over the
centuries, and one notable renovation in recent history under the Awqaf
Department, after it had nearly collapsed. The book Tarikh-e-Uch comments
on the khanqah’s substandard repairs when it was written in the 1920s.71 The
building has today completely lost its archetypical features, and its eastern and
71 See Hafiz 1931, p.142.
southern entrances are sealed with brickwork, making them indistinguishable

from the walls. The northern entrance functions as the only point of entry
into the building. This was probably done to regulate visitor access away
from the narrow inner lanes of the old quarter, into which the southern and
eastern entrances opened. The northern entrance, in comparison, faces the
main vehicular road leading out of the city. Despite the loss of its archetypical
entrances, the plan of the Sayyid Raju khanqah clearly resonates with the plans
of the Surkhposh and Jahangasht khanqahs. It is a single rectangle, which
bears the three characteristic entrances of the Suhrawardi archetype, and is
probably what resembled in the closet possible manner Pir Shams’s lodges.
All the religious symbolism on the building has been lost, except for large
undecorated Panjatan motifs derived from the number five ‘ ’, that were
present on some of the interior walls until 2006.72 Today, the motifs have
been replaced by flower patterns, presumably the handiwork of the Awqaf
Department. The Sayyid Raju khanqah is large, and its size suggests that it
must have played a very important role in the Suhrawardi hierarchy of Uch.
One must remember that Surkhposh’s own coffin was interred in this building
for nearly two centuries, which is demonstrative of its status in the city in times
past. According to Tarikh-e-Uch, Sayyid Raju’s khanqah was (still) used for
spiritual retreats by the locals (in the 1920s),73 a continued use in the modern
era which dates back to medieval times.
The most striking feature of the Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju khanqahs
is that they were purpose built as simple teaching lodges, which extol the
Suhrawardi archetype. Along with the Surkhposh khanqah, they are the only
surviving Suhrawardi monuments shaped as a simple rectangle that bears three
entrances, a major southern axis, and a west-facing mihrab. The three buildings
are synonymous with Pir Shams’s Satpanth lodges, and represent the first level
of adaptation of the lodges into Suhrawardi architecture. In this, the khanqahs
resonate with Sakhi Sarwar’s tomb as well, which too is based on a rectangular
plan. However the development of the octagonal plan, that is employed in the
near contemporaneous Rukn-e-'Alam and Bibi Jaiwandi monuments, probably
took place simultaneously, for use in the construction of larger buildings.
72 The Panjatan motifs could not be photographed in 2006 due to Muharram ceremonies.
73 Hafiz 1931, p.142. Hafiz specifically mentions the monument being used for the
performance of the abjad zakat, or the payment of the ‘spiritual tithes’ of the Arabic
alphabet, by locals in his time. The abjad zakat is the first level of initiation into jafr.
The Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram complex

The Bibi Jaiwandi complex, its pentagram site plan and its axial alignment
with the Surkhposh khanqah is shown in detail in Figure 6.3 (below). The
southern direction in the image points roughly to the right (at a slight incline).
As mentioned before, the main point of access into the complex was from the
monumental staircase that leads up to the southern courtyard of the Surkhposh
khanqah. The pentagram is seen as it was discovered on site in early 2006,
and is superimposed on an existing plan of the complex. The floods of 1817
that cut the monuments of Baha al-Halim (B), Bibi Jaiwandi (C), and Nuriyya
(D) in half, also destroyed monuments A and E in the pentagram entirely.
Retaining walls cutting through the middle of the site (see Figure 6.3, bottom)
demonstrate the site depreciation, and have been erected to literally stop the
surviving buildings from sliding off the mound, and in the case of Nuriyya
(D) and Baha al-Halim (B), from sliding into each other. The pentagram was
originally aligned with the chillah room facade of the Surkhposh khanqah,
from where the Nuriyya and Baha al-Halim monuments derive their axial
centres. This complex was probably the Madrasa Bahaiya, the famous school of
esoteric learning that existed in medieval Uch under Surkhposh’s descendants.74
The name of the madrasa comes from the original Madrasa Bahaiya in Multan,
which is attributed to Zakiriyya.
The Bibi Jaiwandi complex: Construction history and myths

All the personalities buried inside the surviving pentagram monuments date
from the post-Surkhposh era. Since monuments A and E have been lost, there
is no record of who is interred in them. Monument B belongs to Jahangasht’s
famed teacher Baha al-Qadi, also known as Baha al-Halim.75 His monument
is reported to have been completed in 1370,76 but as Baha al-Halim died in the
1320s, in Jahangasht’s youth, he may have been reburied inside the building
after its completion.
74 Local tradition reports the existence of an Egyptian Sufi manuscript from the fourteenth
century that mentions the madrasa, based on the reports of two eminent foreign Sufis
who had visited it. It states that no comparable place of learning had been seen in the
Muslim world, in terms of its esoteric teaching, since (the sixth Imam) Ja'far al-Sadiq’s
centre of learning in Medina. The Egyptian source has not yet been identified.
75 See Sindhi 2000, p. 412; Hussain 1983, p.vii.
76 The construction date is courtesy of CRC (previously headed by architect Yasmin
Cheema).
Monument C is the shrine of Bibi Jaiwandi. The proposed date for her
monument is 1494.77 She is said to have been Jahangasht’s great-granddaughter,
which seems inaccurate, since Jahangasht only died in 1384. Considering
the confusion between the personalities of Surkhposh and his grandson
Jahangasht, or rather Jalal al-din (II),78 Bibi Jaiwandi is more likely to have
been Surkhposh’s great-granddaughter instead. Such a timeline also makes
her life contemporaneous with the late Sayyid Raju era in Uch (d.1444), which
seems accurate, as traditions in Uch state that she was a Jalali Dervish.
Tomb D belongs to Nuriyya, who is remembered as a notable of Uch, an
architect by profession who had migrated to the city from Iranian Khurasan.
In local tradition, he is said to have supervised the actual construction of the
complex, including his own future tomb, in which he was eventually buried
in 1430.79
One cannot be certain about the exact dates proposed for the various
buildings in the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, except state that they are from the
latter Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju era. All the three surviving monuments are
built on the Suhrawardi archetype, with its three characteristic entrances and
the west-facing mihrab. The major entrances of the buildings are located on
the southern facades. It is difficult to imagine how any of these buildings were
envisaged as individual monuments, considering that the pentagram site plan
must have been conceived as a single astrological event, for the beginning of
ritual construction. The buildings may have followed separate construction
speeds and completion dates, but the pentagram had to be envisaged and
ritually started as a single unit at an astrologically auspicious moment, to lend
it the divine temple configuration that it exhibits. In this author’s opinion, the
Bibi Jaiwandi buildings, like Rukn-e-'Alam’s monument, were not originally
meant to be entombments, especially when one considers that they were a
part of the Madrasa Bahaiya in Uch. The hypothesis is strengthened by the
diverse nature of the people buried in the complex, of whom Nuriyya was an
architect and not a Sufi master at all.
The subsequent burial of people inside the complex is in keeping with
Suhrawardi tradition, and is something that has already been explained for
Rukn-e-'Alam and Surkhposh. The burial of people of stature, in buildings
77 Ibid.
78 See Chapter 3, ‘Jahaniyan Jahangasht.’
79 See http://w w w.uchsharif.com/site/index.php?option=com_content&view=
article&id=16:tomb-of-ustad-nurya&catid=14:tombs-a-shirines&Itemid=27 .
connected to their creed, takes place as a natural consequence after their

deaths. It is hence certain that like Rukn-e-'Alam’s monument, the Bibi
Jaiwandi complex was envisaged as a place of high initiation and spiritual
retreat for the Suhrawardi Order in Uch, and was first commisioned sometime
in the late Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju era. The same era saw the reburial of
Surkhposh’s coffin inside the Sayyid Raju khanqah. The complex was most
probably also connected to the Jalali Dervishes, of whom Bibi Jaiwandi is
said to have been a member, and only subsequently became a burial ground
for the famous personalities associated with it. Most importantly, it is the
astrological characteristics of the complex which demonstrate that the Bibi
Jaiwandi monuments comprised the Madrasa Bahaiya in Uch. In comparison
to the order’s lesser monuments, the idea behind the Madrasa Bahaiya is simply
a grander design based on the original archetype. In this, it is an obvious
attempt by the patrons to recreate the notion of the Divine Temple, through
the concepts of Shi'a religious transcendentalism.
Site measurements for the pentagram complex

The pentagram drawing in Figure 6.3, denoted by letters with dashes, shows
the original plan of the complex as it existed before deterioration, when it
fully aligned with the chillah room facade of the Surkhposh khanqah. It was
adjusted on a site plan drawing of the complex’s surviving monuments, after
measurements made on site confirmed the existence of a crooked pentagram.
This can be seen as the slightly misshapen configuration in the same image,
identified by the letters without dashes. Hence, point D` should be the actual
centre point of the Nuriyya monument (see Figure 6.3, bottom); but instead
that building has now slid back to point D. Of the three surviving buildings
in the complex, Nuriyya’s tomb has deteriorated the most. Its correction at
point D` from D, tilted slightly upwards, gives the original position (and shape)
of the pentagram, which is then found axially aligned with the Surkhposh
khanqah’s chillah room facade. Notice that points B and C have not changed
in spite of site depreciation.
The current distance between the centres of Nuriyya (D) and Bibi Jaiwandi
(C) was measured to be precisely 170 feet, which is roughly the diameter of
the circle inscribing the pentagram complex. Its half, or 85 feet, is thus the
radius of the inscribing circle. Even after site erosion and the backward slide
of the monuments, the circle still nearly passes through the centres of the
three surviving buildings, and the two lost monuments at points A and E
(see Figure 6.3, below).
Figure 6.3. Top, the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram complex with the Surkhposh khanqah on
its right (notice the line emanating from the khanqah’s corner that defines the centres
of the Nuriyya and Baha al-Halim monuments). Bottom, the pentagram site plan. The
monuments in the complex today are, A) lost monument, B) Baha al-Halim, C) Bibi
Jaiwandi, D) Nuriyya, and E) lost monument.80 The original site plan, as was aligned
with the khanqah, is denoted by letters with dashes, i.e. A`, B` and so on. The deformed
plan today, because of the sinking of the site and the monuments, is marked by straight
letters without dashes, i.e. A, B, etc
80 The site plan is courtesy of architect Arif Hasan, Member, Board of Governors, Centre
for Research and Conservation (CRC), Lahore.
Proof for the existence of the pentagram site plan, and the two lost
monuments A and E in it, comes from the measurements taken on site, in
terms of the radial distance between the surviving monuments and the centre.
The (radial) distance between the centre point of the pentagram (see vertical
line in Figure 6.4, next), and the individual monuments on the site was found
to be nearly the same, measuring roughly 85 feet in each case, even after site
depreciation. However, the distance between the centre of the pentagram and
that of the Baha al-Halim monument (B) was difficult to measure, mainly
due to the inconsistently thick wall of the monument. This certain span was
measured in three different sections. Nevertheless, after adding up the sections,
the final measurement still came to 83 feet, which almost equals the radius of
the pentagram, i.e. 85 feet.
For a perfect pentagram to exist geometrically, the distance between any two
adjacent points on it should equal the radius of the circle inscribing it. Hence,
a distance of 85 feet was measured between the centres of Bibi Jaiwandi (C)
and monument A. Due to site depreciation, the distance measured between the
actual centres of Bibi Jaiwandi (C) and monument E was 88 feet, something
that is attributable to the backward slide of the site at point E. In contrast, the
distance between Baha al-Halim (B) and Nuriyya (D) was roughly measured
as being 75 feet. This is also due to extreme site depreciation, which in this
case has caused Nuriyya to slide back towards Baha al-Halim, reducing the
distance between the two monuments. Taking into account the general sinking
of the site, the distance of nearly 85 feet in most cases-which equals the radius
– recorded between the various adjacent corners of the site plan, confirms the
existence of the pentagram.
When the author mentioned the discovery of the pentagram and the lost
monuments A and E to architect Yasmin Cheema, who headed the restoration
project in Uch at the time, she responded by saying that during her own
excavations, architectural debris (related to a building) was found at the rear
of the complex. She had originally thought that it belonged to a mosque
on the mound, which was lost in the 1817 floods. However, in light of the
discovery of the pentagram, it is most likely that the debris actually belonged
to monument E. In addition, Cheema mentioned that the remains of a wooden
coffin/skeleton were found in the same vicinity. Therefore, monument E must
have been a shrine, like the other buildings in the complex. No evidence has
yet been uncovered for monument A, but if monument E existed along with
the surviving buildings, then monument A surely did exist, to complete the
pentagram. Further evidence for monument A can only be unearthed through
a thorough archaeological excavation of the site.
Similarity between hidden Shi'a symbolism at the Bibi Jaiwandi

complex and Rukn-e-'Alam
The similarity between the two Madrasa Bahaiyas, namely Bibi Jaiwandi and
Rukn-e-'Alam, deepens when they are analysed for their hidden expression of
Shi'ism. The commonality emerges from the examination of the arrangement
of the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram. If one assumes that the lost monuments A and
E in the pentagram were (envisaged as) male figures, and follows the natural
path of drawing the pentagram (down) from point A, its five corners would
yield to us the arrangement of gender in the following order: A) male, B) male,
C) female, D) male, and E) male (see Figure 6.4, bottom left).
Figure 6.4. Top, the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram drawn in perspective, with its centre point
seen vertically. The complete configuration would have been visible from the north-west
corner of the Surkhposh khanqah’s chillah room facade. Bottom, a comparison between
Bibi Jaiwandi and Rukn-e-'Alam, with the pentagram representation of A) Muhammad,
B) 'Ali, C) Fatima, D) Hasan, E) Husayn on the left, and the Rukn-e-'Alam Panjatan tiles
depicting the same five personalities in a similar fashion (on the right) 81
81 Image from Khan 1983, p. 226 (right).
Hence, in a Shi'a context, on the basis of gender that can be attributed to the
complex tombs, the pentagram represents the Panjatan in the following order:
Muhammad, 'Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn. In the absence of iconography,
the arrangement of the pentagram still manages to express its Shi'ism, or rather
in this case the wilayat of the Ahl al-Bayt (starting with 'Ali). Afterall, this is
a necessary ingredient for the construction of the complex at Nawruz.82 Even
today, the pentagram is frequently used in Shi'a symbolism to represent the
Prophet’s family. This technique of secretly expressing Shi'ism in the Bibi
Jaiwandi complex is very reminiscent of the second storey tiles found on the
Rukn-e-'Alam monument, which necessarily carry the same testament.83 In
short, there is an uncanny resemblance between the two sites in terms of their
clandestine Shi'ism. Bibi Jaiwandi and Rukn-e-'Alam are two examples of
Suhrawardi architecture that successfully express their Shi'ism even without
their mutli-faith iconography. In the process, the two say a lot about the
religious beliefs of the order itself.
Multi-faith symbolism on the Bibi Jaiwandi monuments

On the buildings of the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram are represented the symbols
of various religious traditions. These symbols are invariably from religions that
were regarded as being divinely revealed and uncorrupted in the Satpanth,
which were later absorbed by the Suhrawardi Order. The recessed Latin
crosses of the Surkhposh khanqah, and the snake on Jahangasht’s mihrab, have
already been explored in this chapter. In the complex itself, a row of crosses
marks the axis from the chillah room facade of the Surkhposh khanqah to the
Baha al-Halim monument, which, along with Nuriyya’s tomb, also derives its
centre from the khanqah. Lying between Baha al-Halim and the Surkhposh
khanqah, Nuriyya is the most dilapidated monument on the site, and today
has only a few surviving crosses on it.
In contrast the Baha al-Halim monument, which is the oldest in the complex
according to conservationists, still has Latin crosses on its interior facades (see
Figure 6.5, bottom row, second from left). These crosses, as in the case of the
Surkhposh khanqah, must have had ceremonial and ritual functions, both
as grave markers and as niches for lighting oil lamps. The Baha al-Halim
82 For the actual construction of the complex on Nawruz see Chapter 4, ‘Nawruz and the
Bibi Jaiwandi monument complex.’
83 See Chapter 5, Figure 5.6.
monument’s Christian symbolism, combined with the smaller crosses on

Nuriyya and those in the Surkhposh khanqah itself, suggest that Christian
beliefs played an important role in the spirituality preached at the Madrasa
Bahaiya in Uch. The crosses lend a rather Christian feel to the southern half
of the pentagram complex.
Baha al-Halim, located at point B in the pentagram (see Figure 6.4), also
carries some Jewish symbolism, which subsequently continues in Bibi Jaiwandi
at point C, located next in the pentagram’s natural progression. There appears
to be, in a progressive manner, a system of applying religious symbols to the
complex’s monuments, which cannot be decoded here, since monuments
A and E have been lost entirely. However, the sum of the Christian and
Jewish symbols, and the pentagram itself when representing the Panjatan or
Shi'a Islam, account for the three Abrahamic faiths in the complex. As the
pentagram is the primary symbol for the Sun in jafr, it also represents Nawruz,
the exaltation of the Sun, and hence Zoroastrianism in the complex.84 Until
not too long ago, the Bibi Jaiwandi monument carried the talismanic symbol
for Mars as well, which is visible from a pre-restoration tile (see Figure 6.5,
bottom row, first on left).
The religious symbols described above collectively demonstrate that the Sun
and Mars framework, which is the basis for the expression of the universal
wilayat of 'Ali, is clearly at work in the Bibi Jaiwandi complex. Lastly, the
Bibi Jaiwandi monument carries Hindu symbols, with the swastika and
the dharmachakra present on its facades (see Figure 6.5, bottom row, first
from right). Both these symbols were representative of the Sun in India.85
The dharmachakra wheel on Bibi Jaiwandi has exactly twenty four spokes,
representing the twenty four solar cycles according to Indian astrological
principles.86 The presence of Indian solar symbolism for the first time in the
context of this work demonstrates the accommodation of Sun-based Hindu
denominations within Suhrawardi beliefs at Uch, via the universal wilayat of
'Ali and Nawruz. Nothing is known about the symbols on the lost monuments
A and E, but they were doubtlessly of a similar nature.
84 This is in addition to the Sun’s established connections to Christianity; see Chapter 4,

‘Representation of multiple religious identities in Uch.’
85 The swastika represents the Sun in its journey through the heavens in India: Sharma
1990, p.73.
86 Sinha 1983, p.163.
Figure 6.5. A comparison of the religious symbols at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex. Top row
from left, a) the Druze pentagram of al-Hakim, a.1) the symbol for the Sun (below it)
and, b) the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram representing the Panjatan, Nawruz and the wilayat
of 'Ali. Bottom row from left, a) a Bibi Jaiwandi tile with the symbol for Mars, b) a
Baha al-Halim cross niche, c) a Surkhposh khanqah cross niche, d) above: Bibi Jaiwandi
hexagrams, d.1) below: a Baha al-Halim hexagram, e) above: the twenty four spoke Bibi
Jaiwandi dharmachakra and, e.1) below: Bibi Jaiwandi swastikas
The composite image in Figure 6.5 examines the various religious symbols
found at the Bibi Jaiwandi complex in a chronological manner, in reference
to the Fatimid era (Druze) Seal of al-Hakim, and the pentagram in the Seal
of Solomon (see a and a.1, top row). The Druze star, which is used by that
community in its initiatory rites, represents their five divine principles (in
some cases religions), besides embodying other spiritual concepts.87 The
87 Only a small section of the Druze are actually initiated into the ‘secrets’ of the faith, in
which case the symbolism of the star may change; as opposed to what the star commonly
means to the uninitiated in the community.
Druze star is attributed to the Fatimid Imam al-Hakim (b.985-1021), who

played a part in the formation of that community. According to some, the real
meaning of the star has allegedly been kept a secret. However on the surface,
the symbolism behind the Druze star is similar to what has been discovered in
the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram, i.e., the representation of five different religions.
In the Suhrawardi context, these religions are the three Abrahamic faiths,
Zoroastrianism, and Hinduism.
The general idea represented by the Druze star suggests that the Suhrawardi
Order in Uch, perhaps with its Isma'ili contemporaries, developed the multi-
faith symbolism of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex from a simpler Fatimid model.
Fatimid efforts to accommodate subject religions into their system of Gnostic
thought have already been touched upon in previous chapters.88 It is not known
if and how the Druze star relates to the wilayat of 'Ali, but all the religious
symbols from the Bibi Jaiwandi complex are clearly related to the Sun, except
for the Mars symbol on certain tiles, and the hexagrams with their Mars ruler
ship (see Figure 6.5). In short, all the symbols in the complex fit inside the
wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz framework, which in the Indus region could only
have been inspired by Pir Shams.
Hinduism
The emergence of Hinduism as the fifth religion in the Bibi Jaiwandi
complex, with its solar symbolism, does not clarify the mystery of the Indian
Sun denomination connected to it. In pre-Islamic times, Multan was famous
for its Sun temple and the maga-Brahmins who administered it, with some
similarity to Zoroastrian ritual.89 In contrast, nearby Uch was mostly Buddhist,
and although religious commonality can be discerned between the two in the
medieval Indian context, this is not an explanation for the Indian religion
represented in Uch. Our clue here comes from the yogic orders that the area
was famed for, Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju’s involvement with them, and
through the snake symbol found on the mihrab of Jahangasht’s khanqah.
Tantric orders in Hinduism are mostly devoted to Shiva, coupled with goddess
or Devi worship. But in Hinduism today, the day reserved for Shiva is Monday,
with the moon as its ruler, which does not help the Nawruz model used in
our context.
88 See Chapter 4, ‘Conclusion.’

89 For Multan’s Sun temple and the maga-Brahmins, see MacLean 1989, p.19.
A medieval Arabic text on Indian astral magic, Ghayat al-Hakim,90 comes to

the aid of the Suhrawardi Order in Uch, by throwing new light on the subject
of Shaivism. It gives the names of the Hindu deities that preside over the major
planets, similar to the association of certain Abrahamic prophets with the
seven planets that we saw in Chapter 4. According to Ghayat al-Hakim, Shiva
is actually a solar deity, and is associated with fire and the Sun, and hence the
Sunday.91 The ruler ship of Shiva over the Sun can also be observed in charts
based on south Indian Hindu beliefs, some of which historically derive from
ascetic orders.92
In should be noted that the information given in Ghayat al-Hakim, on
Shiva being a solar deity, is pertinent to that book’s subject, i.e. magic, in the
ancient Indian practice of which a different planetary association was envisaged
for Shiva than it is today. Hence, in light of Shiva presiding over the Sun in
medieval Indian magic, and the Suhrawardi Order’s own connections with
tantric yogis in Uch, Shaivism can be the only Hindu denomination that is
represented in the Bibi Jaiwandi complex. This connection is corroborated by
the presence of the snake symbol on Jahangasht’s mihrab, which is after all a
Shaivite symbol. Furthermore, Shaivite symbolism re-emerges in Suhrawardi
architecture two centuries later in Multan, in the monument of Shams’s
descendant 'Ali Akbar.
The burial symbolism of five traditions

The existence of five religions in the Suhrawardi adaptation of the Satpanth,
as identified in the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram, is reinforced further by the
burial axialities present in the complex monuments. Analysis suggests the
actual incorporation of the burial techniques of these five religious traditions
within the complex. All the buildings in the complex are laid out on an exact
90 Ghayat al-Hakim was originally written in Arabic and was reportedly used by the
'Abbasid Caliph, al-Mahdi. It was translated into Latin in 1256 for the Castilian king,
Alfonso the Wise, see David Pingree, ‘Indian Planetary Images and the Tradition of
Astral Magic,’ in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, vol. 52 (1989), p.5 ff.
91 The text states, ‘The Asvalayanas also give a set of pratyadhidmatas or co-presiding
deities: Rudra (Shiva) for the Sun; Gauri, Shiva's wife, for the Moon; Skanda for
Mars;…and so on:’ Ibid.
92 See Indian deities and their associated planets at http://www.webonautics.com/mythology/
navagraha.html . This is a site which cites the south Indian version of the planets as ruled
by the Hindu deities, with Shiva presiding over the Sun, instead of the moon.
north-south axis. The terminology used in the report of the mapping of the
monuments by the Conservation and Rehabilitation Centre (CRC), previously
led by architect Yasmin Cheema, works on this assumption. In its documents,
all CRC references to the mihrab walls of the Bibi Jaiwandi monuments are as
west-facing, and not qibla-facing; the assumption here clearly being that the
west (somehow) directly faces Mecca in this region. However, Uch is located at
nearly 30 degrees north latitude, roughly the same as Jerusalem, while Mecca
is located at 21 one degrees. Ideally, the mihrabs in Uch should (technically)
be facing some 10 degrees south-west towards Mecca; instead of simply facing
west. No actual Mecca direction readings were taken by this author on site,
but the CRC readings are obviously based on technical data. Hence, if there
were a true incline towards the south-west in the mihrabs, to match the real
qibla (Mecca) angle in the region, it would have been duly noted by CRC.
Although it is religiously acceptable in Islam for the prayer direction of a
person or a building to lie within 45 degrees of the Mecca axis for the prayer
to be counted as valid, Islamic astrolabe sciences dating back to the eighth
century give a very precise direction for Mecca. The astrolabe would have
been readily available to the architects of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex in the
fourteenth century. Hence, the question arises, why did the architects of such
an advanced, astrologically designed complex, not orient it directly towards
Mecca? The second query would naturally be, is this the only exception, or do
other such examples exist? It will be seen in the following sections that a similar
orientation can also be observed in other Suhrawardi monuments, particularly
in the shrine of 'Ali Akbar and that of his mother in Multan. Nevertheless, it
is still important to confirm whether the mihrabs of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex
(lost in the 1817 floods) actually tilted towards Mecca, or simply faced west.
An exact east-west north-south alignment of the Bibi Jaiwandi monuments,
which seems to be the case, opens the door to a multitude of interpretations
on religious pluralism, through the analysis of burial axiality. The basic idea
at work in the complex entails the use of the burial axiality of a number of
religions, for the maximisation of spiritual benefit from an actual or symbolic
burial, and from religious ceremonies conducted in the buildings.
In Agni Sanskar, or Hindu burial with fire, the body is placed in the north-
south direction on the funeral pyre with its head facing south, so that the soul
is facilitated in its rise to the heavens by the magnetic waves travelling from the
North Pole to the South. The general principle has already been analysed for
Hindu meditation, and seen at work in the northern orientation of the chillah
rooms of the Surkhposh khanqah. However in a samadhi, or Hindu burial

with earth, which is performed for sages and ascetics, the direction is reversed,
and the head faces north; but the principle remains the same. In this author’s
work on Hindu beliefs in Tharparker, Sind, one of the sources involved in the
concerned research project pointed out that (in this part of the sub-continent),
the Hindu dead are actually placed in the north-south direction using the
magnetic North Pole, and not the terrestrial or true North. In addition, a
second source added that although the concept of using magnetism is valid
in post-burial metaphysics (i.e. for the facilitation of the soul’s rise), and in
meditation; the initial purpose of the north-south alignment in Hindu burial
is to ensure that the body corresponds to the directions related to the four
elements (which constituted it). These are east for fire, west for air, north for
water and south for earth, so that after the performance of funerary rites, the
released soul can then be (magnetically) ‘catapulted’ outwards into the fifth
element, namely space.93
Incidently, in the middle Indus region, a Hindu samadhi automatically
corresponds with Islamic burial, as it is well within the 45 degree mark of the
Mecca angle. Considering the major southern axis of the Suhrawardi archetype,
the correspondence of the samadhi to Muslim burial in Uch is not accidental,
but rather the idea seems to be the obvious ideal espoused in the funerary
architecture of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex. In the certain case of the Suhrawardi
Order in the city, there can be no other reason for the presence of such a
burial axiality – which is directly complemented by the archetype’s northern
and southern entrances – except to make Hindu burial a co-functionary of
Muslim burial. The same can be said about the accommodation of Jewish
burial within the complex, which exists simultaneously, since the west in Uch
directly faces Jerusalem.
The east-west direction and the Latin crosses, which serve as headstones
in the Surkhposh khanqah and at Baha al-Halim, suggest the representation
of the Christian burial axis. Although the earliest churches are reckoned
by architecture historians to have been oriented towards Jerusalem, Latin
Christianity specifically orients its churches to the east, which is also the burial
direction in Catholicism. The Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram, starting at point A,
duly points east (see Figure 6.3), something that has no value for Islamic or
Hindu burial. However, it does signify both the burial axis and the direction
93 See Khan 2011, p.39. Both sources are Hindu religious authorities in Tharparker, Sind.
for the apse in Catholic churches. In addition, the east was perhaps also the
burial direction for earlier versions of Zoroastrianism, since it is the direction
for f ire (in jafr), and the Sun. Zoroastrians today do not observe a specif ic axis
for the disposal of the body; however, the case may have differed for its sects,
and especially its ascetic orders, in the medieval era.
In short, the five burial axialities of the five religions discovered at the Bibi
Jaiwandi complex, directly complement the (use of the) three archetypical
entrances of our Suhrawardi monuments. If actual differences did exist to
the analysis, they would have been minimal. The explanation given here aims
to provide an insight into the working of the archetypical entrance system
through burial axiality. Only future research will determine the real extent of
what went on behind the scenes with Suhrawardi beliefs in Multan and Uch.
Conclusion: Suhrawardi pluralism as architecture

An important aspect to consider in the multi-faith religiosity of Uch, which
was invariably inspired by the Satpanth, is that there were originally seven
places called ‘Uch’ in what is now Pakistan. Both Isma'ili sources, and local
traditions in Uch (city), specifically state this. The existence of the seven
Uchs is mentioned in an Isma'ili ginan.94 However, the names and rough
geographical locations of the seven medieval Uchs are only available from the
oral traditions of the city of Uch.
The seven Uchs are identified as the following: 1) Uch Bukhari (the city),
formerly the centre of Pir Shams’s da'wa, 2) Uch Bela (Sonak Bela), where
Surkhposh was first buried, 3) Uch in Baluchistan, now known as the site of
the Uch power station, 4) a site called ‘Uch’ in the Salt Range (an area in the
upper Punjab), where a secretive clan of Bukharis is still lives as Jalali Dervishes,
5) Uch in Kashmir (near Muzaffarabad), where a monument dedicated to
Surkhposh is located, 6) Uch in the Swat Valley, where the Buddha is said to
have converted himself into a huge serpent to feed his starving devotees, and,
7) Uch Balot, probably located in Dera Isma'il Khan (in the former NWFP),
where the Lal Mohra complex is situated. It is worthy of note that the tombs
of the Lal Mohra complex appear to exhibit a geometric site plan similar to the
Bibi Jaiwandi complex. Further research pending, the Lal Mohra monuments
seem to be the missing link in the Suhrawardi-Isma'ili connection in the
middle Indus region.
94 For the seven Uchs see Shackle and Moir 2000, p.214.
One of the seven Uchs: Lal Mohra

The Lal Mohra monuments are located in the former North-West Frontier
Province, now known as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, in the district of Dera Isma'il
Khan. The site lies outside the town of the same name, in an arid plain beyond
the cultivated area.95 Little work exists on the monuments except for that
done by conservation architect Yasmin Cheema and by Holly Edwards. The
surviving monuments in the complex are arranged in two clusters, located at
a distance of half a mile from each other. It is not known if other clusters or
monuments, lost to the ravages of time, existed, as part of the complex, signifying
different points in a greater site plan. It is also not fully clear if the individual
monuments in the surviving clusters are arranged along geometric lines, this
being a matter for future research. However, considering the similarity of the
Lal Mohra buildings to the Suhrawardi archetype, it is suggested that some
kind of a larger geometric site arrangement did exist in the past.
The Lal Mohra monuments seem to exhibit the three characteristic
entrances and the west-facing mihrab of the Suhrawardi archetype; but the
major southern approach and axis cannot be ascertained for the buildings, due
to their state of abandonment and their location in a part of the country that
is now unsafe for research work. The tombs are unmarked, with no reference
available as to who is buried in them. The complex is reckoned to pre date the
Uch monuments by architecture historians, who classify their age according to
their building style, and give the early thirteenth century as their construction
date.96 This would date the Lal Mohra complex to Pir Shams’s era.
The multi-faith symbolism found at Lal Mohra is reminiscent of the Bibi
Jaiwandi complex. However, the iconography is only Jewish and Christian,
along with the Muslim shrine base, with no visible Hindu symbols. The
Zoroastrianism in the complex, which in our context is the basis for the
application of multi-faith iconography to monument, would naturally have been
represented via ritual construction, through the wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz. Lal
Mohra seems to be an earlier example of what evolved into the Bibi Jaiwandi
complex, when Hinduism had not been (fully) incorporated into the model.
95 The complex is located twenty four miles from the villages of Puroa and Mohra, in
a place called Andira, inside a vast graveyard filled with tombs from various Islamic
periods (information courtesy of architect Yasmin Cheema).
96 The building style is late Ghaznawid to early Sultanate era, See http://archnet.org/
library/sites/one-site.jsp?site_id=59 .
The four structurally extant buildings at Lal Mohra are designated as

Tombs A, B, C and D. Among them, Tomb B is the one most reminiscent
of the complete Suhrawardi archetype. In addition to the three characteristic
entrances, it exhibits a southern axiality through the presence of hexagrams
on the southern entrance (see Figure 6.6), which in turn suggests that all the
monuments may originally have carried a major southern axis. Tomb D has the
remarkable feature of having Latin cross niches, like those found in Surkhposh’s
khanqah, placed directly on its mihrab, the first such example in the context
of this book (see Figure 6.6). In this, Tomb D expresses a close metaphysical
affinity with Jahangasht’s khanqah, through its snake symbol, in terms of the
application of religious iconography to Mihrabs. Since Jerusalem is located duly
west of Lal Mohra, on exactly the same latitude in this certain case, it appears
that Tomb D was meant to be aligned to that location through the mihrab
crosses. The mihrab or prayer niche in Islam is said to be related to the Virgin
Mary, along with Fatima, and it is possible that this was the idea behind the
crosses. The hexagrams on Tomb B with their Mars ruler ship, and the Latin
crosses on the mihrab of Tomb D, with their connection to the Sun, point
towards the Sun and Mars nexus that is Nawruz in this type of construction.
Figure 6.6. Lal Mohra, left, Tomb B, the main southern entrance with its hexagrams;
right, Tomb D, the mihrab with its Latin crosses in glazed tile97
97 Photographs courtesy architect Yasmin Cheema.
The mystery surrounding who actually built the Lal Mohra complex is
the only impediment in connecting it directly to our context. Even though its
archetypical plans and multi-faith symbolism nearly duplicate those of Uch,
we cannot be sure of its Suhrawardi origins. In fact, if a renowned Suhrawardi
Sufi was responsible for Lal Mohra, it would have been popularised as such.
But the location of the complex does make it the probable site for one of the
seven Uchs, as do its architectural features, which show it to be an earlier
effort to create a temple configuration like the Bibi Jaiwandi pentagram. The
entrances and the multi-faith symbols at Lal Mohra suggest that its use was
similar to Suhrawardi buildings. Since the buildings are dated to Pir Shams’s
era, with reports of his (Shamsi) community living in the Frontier area, Lal
Mohra may simply have been a centre of Isma'ili activity that has faded into
the mists of time.
Reassessment of the da'wa and latter day contributions:

The monument of Sultan 'Ali Akbar
This section briefly describes the personality of Sultan 'Ali Akbar and the
architectural characteristics of his shrine. He was the great great grandson of
Pir Shams, who is known to have been both a Suhrawardi Sufi and an Isma'ili
da'i in Multan. 'Ali Akbar’s name does not appear in the list of da'is appointed
in India, as due to the conflict among Hasan Kabir al-din’s sons, no da'is were
‘officially’ appointed in Uch or Multan after Taj al-din.98 The genealogical
plaque on 'Ali Akbar’s monument, which was used by Ivanow, certifies his
descent as being from Hasan Kabir al-din through his son Islam al-din, and
grandson Musa al-din.99 This means that 'Ali Akbar was not a descendant of
Hasan Kabir al-din through his son Imam Shah, the son of whom was in turn
responsible for a spilt in the da'wa and the creation of the Imam Shahi sect.100
Hence, 'Ali Akbar had no reasons to be opposed to the Isma'ili Imamate.
According to traditions in Multan, 'Ali Akbar was an Isma'ili and a
Suhrawardi Sufi at the sometime. Ahmad Nabi Khan writes that he is a saint
of the ‘Isma'ili order.’101 With no ties to the ex-communicated Imam Shahi
sect, 'Ali Akbar could not have been an Isma'ili ‘saint’ or a da'i of some kind,
98 See ‘The da'wa after Hasan Kabir al-din.’

99 For the 'Ali Akbar plaque as found inscribed on the monument see Khan 1983, p.247,
note 69.
100 See ‘The da'wa after Hasan Kabir al-din.’
101 Khan 1983, p.236.
without having ties to the Isma'ili Imam in Iran. He can be described as an

Isma'ili Sayyid from Multan with likely connections to the Imamate, who like
Imam Shah before him in the Gujarat, preached Isma'ili ideas, once the direct
appointment of pirs from Iran had stopped. The scale of his monument, and
evidence of the involvement of royal architects in its construction, in addition
to his own reported personal wealth, means that he enjoyed a considerable
level of royal patronage.
The plaque on the foundation stone of 'Ali Akbar’s monument, that he is said
to have constructed himself, is dated 1585,102 which makes him a contemporary
of the Mughal emperor Akbar (lived 1542-1605). Important architectural
details are attached to his monument, which reasserts the Suhrawardi archetype
in this later period.
Due to a lack of space and a limit on illustrations, 'Ali Akbar’s monument
will not be analysed pictographically here; instead some of its striking features
will simply be described. Of the building, Ahmad Nabi Khan writes that it
is the first time every feature related to Rukn-e-'Alam was found re-invoked
in another monument, and also the first time that the name of an architect
was found inscribed on this type of funerary building.103 He states that the
names of the architects are ‘Ibrahim and Rajab, sons of Musa of Lahore,’ and
mentions that unusual attention was paid to the construction of the monument,
and the best talent utilised for it. Additionally, Khan cites parallels in the
execution of decoration between 'Ali Akbar, and the buildings of the Mughal
emperor Akbar’s capital, Fatehpur Sikri, classifying the execution as being early
Mughal.104 These facts point towards the existence of good relations between
'Ali Akbar and the imperial authorities, and indicate a level of royal patronage
for his monument. Naturally, a connection with the tolerant Mughal emperor
must have played its part in 'Ali Akbar’s openly professed Isma'ilism.
The complete Suhrawardi archetype

All the three characteristic entrances of the Suhrawardi archetype, along with
its southern axiality and approach, are present in 'Ali Akbar’s shrine. None
of the building’s entrances have been realigned or sealed off, but are merely
locked up. Today, only the southern entrance is used for access in and out of
the building.
102 Ibid, p.238.

103 Ibid, pp.237-8.
104 Ibid. This is not a similarity between the actual decorative styles of the buildings, just
the execution of the decoration.
The most striking feature of 'Ali Akbar, which seems to have evolved from
the second storey circumambulation balcony of Rukn-e-'Alam, are its inward
looking alcoves. The alcoves are four in number and are located on the second
storey, directly above the three entrances and the mihrab. They have full
length windows looking down into the interior, which could be opened when
desired, and also have a connecting covered passage running between them.
The existence of the alcoves points to an element of secrecy in the monument,
as is the case with Rukn-e-'Alam, in spite of the public Isma'ilism of 'Ali Akbar.
The alcoves were most probably used to observe the ceremonies and rituals
conducted by the akhas-i khas or the highly initiated in Isma'ili hierarchy. The
rooms are visible on the exterior as perforations on the second storey, showing
that they originally opened towards the outside as well. Since the alcoves are
connected to each other with a running (covered) balcony, they could not have
been retreat rooms. The entire passage connecting them is essentially like a
private viewing area, similar to the limited access balcony in Rukn-e-'Alam,
from where the Panjatan tiles are visible.105 In Rukn-e-'Alam however, the
balcony is open to the sky. Needless to state, the ceremonies that were viewed
or supervised from the alcoves of 'Ali Akbar’s monument were connected to
the Satpanth. Even in this later period, Indian Isma'ilism was still actively
based on the Satpanth and its practices. This is something which is obvious
from the proselytism attributed to Imam Shah in the Gujarat.106
Decorative parallels in 'Ali Akbar and Fatehpur Sikri

The mihrab of 'Ali Akbar is slightly larger than that of Rukn-e-'Alam’s, and a
few people can easily fit inside it. However, it carries no (extant) symbolism. A
moulding in the mihrab’s plaster shows space for a door frame, a feature which
was most probably present in the original design. The main difference between
the two mihrabs is that unlike Rukn-e-'Alam, the 'Ali Akbar mihrab’s interior
has been finished in carved stucco plaster, as opposed to wood and tile. This
is true for the general decoration of the building as well, and is what Ahmad
Nabi Khan really means when he refers to ‘decorative parallels’ between 'Ali
Akbar and the early Mughal building style. The difference is in the shrine’s
material, execution, and craftsmanship, as opposed to a change in the building
typology. The Mughals were the first to introduce large-scale stucco carved
105 See Chapter 5, Figure 5.1.

106 See Daftary 2007, pp.445-446. Imam Shah died in 1520, a few decades before 'Ali
Akbar is known to have preached.
finishes in India. Its use in 'Ali Akbar’s monument is further demonstrative of

the association of imperial craftsmen to the building’s construction. Prior to
the Mughal era, cut bricks, glazed tiles and stone carving were the preferred
decorative techniques used in Indian Islamic architecture.
Considering the stylistic commonality with Fatehpur Sikri, and the
involvement of royal architects in the shrine’s construction, it would be
worthwhile in the future to explore 'Ali Akbar’s connection to the court of the
Mughal emperor Akbar. The emperor’s famed 'Ibadat khana, or hall of prayer
in Fatehpur Sikri, was a centre for multi-faith ritual and debates.107 It could
be, considering the architectural connection, that there were also religious
associations between the two which have yet to be unearthed. A comparative
analysis of the 'Ibadat khana’s architectural features, and the Suhrawardi
archetype, may yield some results in this regard. The religious influences of the
Satpanth and that of its architecture on other belief systems remain completely
unexplored in the larger Indian context.
The trishul of 'Ali Akbar

The final piece of evidence on Hinduism being the fifth religion in Suhrawardi
doctrine is found in a symbol that existed on the shrine of 'Ali Akbar, until
its removal. A historical photograph from the Archaeological Survey of India
shows a Shaivite trishul topping 'Ali Akbar’s shrine.108 The photograph if
reproduced in this book would be indecipherable, mainly due to its quality, as
it was taken more than a hundred years ago. Today, the symbol is quite simply,
missing. However, even though the image cannot be reproduced here, the
trishul, as was found on 'Ali Akbar’s dome, is also present in the shrine of Pir
'Adil, which is a near contemporary monument covered in the next section.
As Shiva (in our context) is connected to the Sun, it is reasonable to conclude
that the construction of 'Ali Akbar’s monument, like the other buildings in
this book, probably had something to do with Nawruz.
107 For details of the debates and a description of the 'Ibadat khana, see p.200ff in ‘Religious
Disputation and Imperial Ideology: The Purpose and Location of Akbar's Ibadatkhana,’
by Syed 'Ali Nadeem Rezavi, in Studies in History 24, 2 (2008), pp. 195-209.
108 See ‘Photo 1007/10(1326) Multan, Maqbara Suraj Miyani, general view of the tomb
(from a print by Dadabhoy) in Archaeological Survey of India Collections: Northern Circle,

1905-07, British Library: India Office Select Materials. The author had obtained a print
of the image from the British Library; however the trishul could not be reproduced, as
its scale in comparison to the monument is so small that a reproduction automatically
makes it unintelligible.
Since 'Ali Akbar is remembered as both an Isma'ili da'i and a Suhrawardi

Sufi, the combined religious and architectural heritage of the two entities,
as represented in his shrine, three centuries after their collaboration began,
outlines an era in the Indus Valley’s religious history that was hitherto
unclassified. The analysis of Isma'ili beliefs and Suhrawardi traditions shows
that the adherents of both organisations believed that Hinduism somehow
contained elements of the first divinely revealed religion. It moreover suggests
that they came to India to seek esoteric knowledge. In this, both entities of
course envisaged this primordial religion as being derived from Shi'ism and the
universal wilayat of 'Ali, and hence easily absorbed Hinduism into their model.
When Pir Shams’s grandson Sadr al-din expanded the Satpanth further
to include Indian beliefs, he correlated Shiva with Adam,109 which means
that the former could easily fit inside Shi'a transcendentalism, being readily
complemented by metaphysical concepts and hadith narrations. There is a
popular hadith about Adam having descended into India when he was cast out
of heaven. A tafsir or exegesis of this hadith by Jahangasht in his malfuzat Siraj
al-Hadiya states, ‘The Prophet has (actually) said that the ancients first came
to India.’ Jahangasht clarifies further that not only did Adam first descend
in India, but that all the ancient hikma or wisdom of Adam is encompassed
in India.110
The Mecca orientation of the monument of 'Ali Akbar’s mother

and the monument of Pir 'Adil
An example of the use of multi-faith burial axiality, and the alignment of the
archetypical mihrabs directly to the west, instead of the real Mecca direction,
is found in the shrine of 'Ali Akbar’s mother. In addition, the stereotypical
prominence of the southern entrance and its axis in the Suhrawardi archetype,
which is envisaged as the centrepiece of these buildings, is also corroborated
by her shrine. Her mausoleum was constructed by 'Ali Akbar at the same time
as his own.111 The tomb is constructed in the shape of a pure cube, and its
form resonates with the rectangular khanqahs of Surkhposh, Jahangasht and
Sayyid Raju. In this case however, the only entrance into the building is from
the south, with windows replacing the entrances in the other two directions.
109 See Hollister 1953, p.357.

110 Hussain 1983, p.23.
111 See Khan 1983, p.238.
Figure 6.7. Top, the monument of 'Ali Akbar’s mother, the southern entrance with the
shrine of 'Ali Akbar in the background. Notice the graves with the white plaques (right
foreground), located next to the entrance. They tilt towards the actual Mecca direction,
which is 10 degrees to the south-west of the shrine here. Bottom, the Pir 'Adil dome and
its trishul, facing west (i.e. Mecca)
Decisive evidence on the southern axiality of the Suhrawardi archetype

being its major axis of orientation is found in the solitary entrance of the shrine
of ‘Ali Akbar’s mother, around which the building’s construction gravitates.

There is additionally a west-facing mihrab, visible on the exterior as a simple
protrusion. At first glance one would think, as one does with other Suhrawardi
buildings, that the mihrab points towards Mecca. However, the graves in
the foreground of the entrance show this not to be the case (see Figure 6.7).
The graves tilt towards the south-west, away from the other graves, and from
the monument itself. For once somebody actually thought of checking the
Mecca direction with a compass before burying their dead, instead of using
the monuments as a point of reference. In contrast, all the other graves in the
graveyard around 'Ali Akbar’s shrine and that of his mother, visible in Figure
6.7 (top), are arranged with reference to the west-facing mihrabs of the two
monuments.
The monuments of 'Ali Akbar and his mother demonstrate that the religious
ideas that started in Multan and culminated in Uch, persevered until the
late sixteenth century in this region, and probably influenced other religious
ideologies. However, we cannot be sure of how much Satpanth beliefs had
changed themselves by the time 'Ali Akbar’s monument came into existence.
The monument of Pir 'Adil

Pir 'Adil is a relatively unknown Sufi from the early sixteenth century, whose
monument is included in this book to demonstrate the popularity of the
Suhrawardi archetype in the post-Uch period. The building still carries a
trishul on its dome, like the one visible in 'Ali Akbar’s monument from its
historical photograph, mentioned in the previous section. Pir 'Adil’s shrine is
located near Dera Ghazi Khan, not very far from the shrine of Sakhi Sarwar.
All that is known for certain about 'Adil is referenced from the lineal plaque
affixed to his monument. Pir 'Adil was a descendant of the seventh Twelver
Imam, Musa al-Kazim. According to local tradition, he was the spiritual
mentor of a local Baluch ruler named Ghazi Khan. Ghazi Khan’s tomb is
located in Dera Ghazi Khan; a city named after him, and is dated to 1494.
Ghazi Khan reportedly financed the construction of Pir 'Adil’s monument.
Pir 'Adil is alleged by some to have belonged to the Chishti Order.112
However, the architectural characteristics of his shrine resonate with the
Suhrawardi archetype instead, and like the 'Ali Akbar monument, the building
carries Hindu symbolism. For reasons of the Chishti Order not having had
112 See http://archnet.org/library/sites/one-site.jsp?site_id=8204 .
any Isma'ili connections, nor ever having subscribed to multi-faith beliefs,

we can dissociate the building from its proposed origins. The religious and
architectural features of the shrine suggest that Pir 'Adil was a Suhrawardi
Sufi. In addition, like other Suhrawardi buildings in the region, the shrine
is today Twelver Shi'a, as is the village in which it is located. In any case,
the shrine of a relatively unknown Sufi built in the style of the Suhrawardi
archetype, with its three characteristic entrances, the major southern axis, and
multi-faith symbols, confirms just how popular the archetype had become.
The main entrance of this monument is from the south.
The building also carries the Shi'a Panjatan testament as the number five ,
on the first storey parapet tiles, nearly three centuries after their use in Rukn-
e-'Alam. This gives the monument’s Suhrawardi origins even greater credence.
The Shi'ism of this monument was obviously not meant to be concealed, since
the tiles are visible from the ground floor.
The Pir 'Adil shrine is topped by a large Hindu trishul, which survives
to this day (see Figure 6.7, bottom), while reports on 'Adil’s life place him
nearly seven to eight decades before 'Ali Akbar, on whose dome the trishul
reappears. Incidentally, the Pir 'Adil trishul faces Mecca, or rather duly west,
like the mihrab crosses on Tomb D of the Lal Mohra complex, and the snake
on Jahangasht’s mihrab. The fact that the trishul faces Mecca is evident from
the fading rays of the winter Sun setting behind the building in Figure 6.7
(see bottom). The trishul’s orientation shows that the same burial symbolism
and axiality are at work here, as were found in Bibi Jaiwandi and the rest of
our Suhrawardi monuments. Some locals argue that the trishul represents
‘Allah,’ which makes for an interesting reading when the symbol actually faces
Mecca direction. Everyday language in the Saraiki region of the Punjab is full
of multi-faith proverbial jargon, and Pir 'Adil’s mausoleum is an example that
demonstrates that some of it comes from the Satpanth.113 Since Pir 'Adil’s
persona predates 'Ali Akbar by roughly eighty years in the post-Uch period,
the architectural features and symbolism of his shrine demonstrate a continuity
of the beliefs of the Suhrawardi Order up until the time of 'Ali Akbar, with a
greater emphasis on Hinduism.
113 Saraiki is the local language spoken in Multan and Uch, similar to its variant Gujjari,
in which many of Pir Shams’s ginans are composed.
Conclusion 245
Conclusion
The historical evidence analysed in the introductory chapter examines the

dynamics behind pan-Shi'a political agendas, and relationships between
different Shi'a groups, in the medieval Muslim world. The rise of various
Shi'a states, for the most part through their collaboration and tacit support
for each other in the tenth century, resulted in the near extinction of Sunni
rule from north-western India to North Africa, with the exception of parts of
Khurasan (Afghanistan) and Central Asia. This collaboration was based on
the spiritual ideals of Shi'ism, and its claim to the wilayat or vice regency of
the first Imam, 'Ali, after Muhammad. Tacit support of the otherwise differing
medieval Shi'a sects for each other was also based on this claim. Among them
the Isma'ilis and groups related to Twelver Shi'ism collaborated the most, and
carved up the Middle East amongst themselves, in the form of the Fatimids
and the Buwayhids.
The major reason behind the rise of the various Shi'a factions to power was
not political but religious in nature. In spite of adherence to shari'a practices
for the most part at the upper echelons of society, the general religiosity that
was tolerated, patronised and sometimes even practised by the new rulers
was mostly heterodox, and very different from what Shi'ism has become
today. It was the infusion and consolidation of these heterodox religious
ideas, necessarily Shi'a ones, into popular belief and culture, in areas of Shi'a
dominance, which defined the spiritual legacy of medieval Shi'ism. One such
area was the middle Indus region with Multan as its capital, which had become
a jazira or province of Fatimid Egypt. Fatimid rule in Multan gave rise to
syncretic Isma'ili beliefs amongst the population, which included elements of
local religiosity and piety. This religiosity was at times crushed by the same
agency due to which it arose, in the case of Multan by the Fatimid state, but
was also tolerated to an extent, and often reasserted itself. Other examples of
such phenomena, which had elements of multi-faith beliefs, were the Druze
sect related to the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim (ruled 996-1021), the Ikhwan
al-Safa who f lourished in Buwayhid Iraq, and the Qarmati messiah of Persian
descent who abolished the shari'a completely at the conjunction of Jupiter and
Saturn, and ‘instituted practises which shocked Muslims.’1
The uprooting of medieval Shi'a rule, whether Twelver or Isma'ili, started
under the Ghaznawids and the Seljuqs in South-west Asia and the Middle
East, in the early eleventh century. This change however cannot explain
the sudden disappearance from the region of either Shi'ism, or of the
religious heterodoxy that it fostered, except through the practice of taqiyya
or dissimulation. After all, Shi'ism completely dominated the Muslim
world for more than a century. Incidentally, this outward ‘disappearance’ of
Shi'ism in areas where it was especially dominant, like Iraq and Iran, saw the
contemporaneous rise of tariqa or ‘order’ based Sufism. Some Sufi orders in
turn established and maintained connections with resurgent Shi'a groups that
were resisting Turkic rule, notably the Nizari Isma'ili tradition. Under Hasan
bin Sabbah, the Nizaris often used the Sufi guise as a cover for their activities.
Although Twelvers by Imamology, the non-shari'a ritual and piety of groups
like the Qalandariyya and the Haydari faqirs seem to have been inf luenced
by Nizari religiosity. The Suhrawardi Sufi Order’s metaphysical connection to
Isma'ilism has already been observed by scholars such as Landolt and Shackle,
as has the close friendship that existed between its head Abu Hafs, and the
Isma'ili Imam Hasan III. In spite of this, working on the assumption that
dissimulation was being exercised by the order in this relationship, the subject
needed new research to bring the connection out into the open, something
that has been achieved through this book.
The key to unlocking the hidden door between Shi'ism and Sufism is to
analyse the similarity between the traditional Shi'a concept of 'Irfan or Gnosis,
and Sufi tasawwuf (inner dimension), which are in principle one and the same
thing. While 'Irfan is based entirely on the Shi'a concept of 'Ali’s wilayat and
the Imams who follow him, even in the most Sunni of Sufi orders, tasawwuf
is partly Shi'a. A good example is that of the Naqshbandi Sufi Order, in which
1 See Introduction, ‘The Shi'a century.’
Conclusion 247
the Shi'a figure of Salman Farsi appears in the spiritual chain that traces the
order to Muhammad through Abu Bakr.2
The metaphysical link between the Suhrawardi Order and the Nizari
Isma'ili da'wa clearly took a deeper turn in the religious freedom of the sub-
continent. This connection was however initially cryptic, and only became
manifest over a period of time. India then was the only country in the region
that had not been conquered by the Mongols, but as it was often invaded by
them, the threat on its borders literally forced the ruling Turkic elites to tolerate
‘heterodox’ elements within their dominions. In addition, mass migration from
the countries destroyed by the Mongols, inclusive of necessarily Shi'a elements,
swelled support for an ‘alternate’ Islamic religiosity in the Indus region, there
by enriching a (religious) trait that it already possessed from the syncretism
of the Fatimid era. One scholar of the period reckons that about one in three
people living in the Indus region during the Mongol invasions were actually
foreigners, so great was the influx of outsiders.3
The two main personalities in the Isma'ili-Suhrawardi link in the
middle Indus region were Baha al-din Zakiriyya and Pir Shams. They were
contemporaries, and are at times remembered as rivals. However, their alleged
rivalry in both Isma'ili and local tradition has been shown to be minimal in
the first two chapters. It was simply not possible for Shams to have preached
Isma'ilism openly in Multan, at the time when Zakiriyya was its de facto ruler;
unless the two had reached some sort of a covert understanding. Zakiriyya’s
own Sunnism is questionable for a number of reasons. One is the protection that
he extended to qalandars and to heterodox elements in general. The second is
that many of his close initiates went on to become known Shi'a personalities,
notably Shams’s cousin, Shahbaz Qalandar. Lastly and importantly, the
theological tendencies contained in Zakiriyya’s khanqah textbook al-Award,
which discreetly prescribes prayer formulae belonging to the Ja'fari School
of jurisprudence to his disciples, simply could not have belonged to a person
unconnected to Shi'ism. In hindsight, the conflict between the state and
2 It should be noted in this context that Abu Bakr’s son, Muhammad, had been adopted
by 'Ali as his own son. Muhammad bin Abu Bakr subsequently fought on 'Ali’s side in
the various wars conducted during his ('Ali’s) Caliphate. In their efforts to own Sufism,
some Twelver Shi'a scholars comment that it was Muhammad bin Abu Bakr, and not
Abu Bakr himself, who figured in the (original) Naqshbandi spiritual chain, which
was later corrupted.
3 Author’s conversation with Andre Wink, 25 January 2013, Karachi.
Zakiriyya’s descendants in Multan, which began as soon as Zakiriyya died,

were most probably of an underlying sectarian nature. However, this sectarian
difference was likely to have been characterised by the state as ‘Suhrawardi-
ism’ instead of Shi'ism, simply due to the lack of clarity on what the order
actually believed.
The religious activities of Surkhposh’s descendants, Jahangasht and Sayyid
Raju, two generations later in Uch, as analysed in Chapter 3, cannot be duly
explained without their connections to Isma'ilism in that city. Their method
of engaging Hindu ascetics in debates and spiritual contests is a hallmark of
Isma'ili missionaries in India, and both Shams and Satgur Nur (in the Gujarat)
were known to have engaged in such activity before them. Moreover, in spite
of their Twelver Imamology, the formation of the Jalali Dervishes, as a non-
shari'a ascetic sub-order within the Suhrawardi, bears all the distinguishing
traits of Nizari Isma'ili asceticism. Shams’s descendants in Uch, Nasir al-din,
Sadr al-din and Hasan Kabir al-din lived side by side with Surkhposh, Ahmad
Kabir, Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju. Although there is no extant literary source
connecting them directly, the evidence contained in this book certainly proves
the collaboration. In light of this, the ‘conversion’ to Twelver Shi'ism, from
Sunnism, of the Bukhari clan was simply a belated announcement of their
hidden Shi'ism.
Pir Shams’s story has never been fully told, yet he is the central figure in
countless fables and miraculous deeds recounted in the larger Indus region.
He is literally the ‘missing link’ in the medieval religious history of this entire
region, especially with regards to the development and dissemination of multi-
faith doctrines, which long outlasted his worldly departure. The belief system
that he started as the Satpanth endured for many centuries, it changed shape
and diversified, as basic anatomy does from a simple chromosome. Shams’s
religious concepts may well have been the initial fuel that fired ideas and
systems like the Bhakti movement in Hinduism, the Mughal emperor Akbar’s
Din-I Ilahi or even Sikhism.
The syncretism between the Suhrawardi Order and the Isma'ili da'wa
reached a new zenith in Uch, mainly due to Pir Shams’s spiritual heritage,
where at a later stage Isma'ili da'is were openly Suhrawardi Sufis, and vice
versa. This transition is still visible at the Suhrawardi shrines of the city in
Muharram, in the iconic boat ta'ziyas celebrating Pir Shams’s miracle, which
are mainly fashioned by Surkhposh’s descendants. Surkhposh’s own death is
also celebrated in the month of Chetir. The personality of Pir Shams looms
large over the religious landscape of medieval Multan and Uch, and of north-
western India as a whole.
Conclusion 249
The Chetir ceremony and Pir Shams’s model of the universe

Pir Shams’s Chetir ceremony is the first available example in the Indian context,
of the celebration of Ghadir and the wilayat of 'Ali through Chaharshamba-yi
Suri, according to the local calendar. In fact, it is the first such example that
is found for the dissemination of Shi'a beliefs in this part of the world. The
model of the universe that is the wilayat of 'Ali, envisaged either as a ceremony
or a building, is necessarily Pir Shams’s model in the Indus region. Moreover,
the model having first been implemented in Multan is of added significance,
for the city already had a history of syncretic Isma'ili beliefs associated with
its old Sun temple. There is no evidence (yet) to suggest that Fatimid era
syncretism involving the Sun temple had any connection to the wilayat of 'Ali
and Nawruz. But, the similarity of the basic idea to Pir Shams’s model, due
to it being based around the Sun as well warrants its future research. The fact
that Pir Shams was descended from the sixth Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq, through
the Fatimid Imam and Caliph, al-Hakim, enriches the context further.4 The
Satpanth keeps resurfacing at the sites associated with Pir Shams, in Multan,
Uch and elsewhere. The commemoration of Surkhposh’s death in the month
of Chetir is one such example. Prior to this book, the Satpanth was not
understood in scholarship for its clarity of beliefs. It was generally believed to
be a hotchpotch religion manufactured by Isma'ili missionaries from Khurasan
for religious practicality in India.
The extent of the influence of the metaphysical concepts of early Isma'ilism
on Satpanth doctrines remains to be fully ascertained. This is because the
extent of the development of multi-faith doctrines in early Isma'ilism is not
well known, albeit a basic level is acknowledged to have begun in the Fatimid
era. However, a source identified to the author by Christopher Shackle suggests
that multi-faith doctrines were widespread in medieval Isma'ilism, and not
just in India. The Persian poem from the manuscript MS 14712, located in
the Institute of Isma'ili Studies’ library, beginning with dila zi manzil-i in tira
khakdan bar khez, quotes the Isma'ili version of the universe (from pages 175
onwards), and seems very much to resonate with the findings of this book.
The rest can only be deduced through future research on the subject, when
the different strands of Shi'a and Isma'ili thought-recorded in the various
4 Both the shajrah-e-nasb of the Shamsi clan and the lineal plaque on 'Ali Akbar’s
monument mention Shams’s descent through al-Hakim, additionally, see Khan 1983,
pp.238, 248-249, footnotes 69-71. Al-Hakim was well known for his interest in astrology
and magic.
languages of the region, are brought together coherently, to explain what really
went on behind the scenes.
The universal wilayat of 'Ali, 'Alid Sufism and architecture

The wilayat of 'Ali has many components and levels of profession, some
temporal and others non-corporeal. The temporal version, as seen in Chapter 4,
can also be professed by Sunni Muslims. However, the astrological correlation
of the event of Ghadir Khumm and the wilayat of 'Ali, to Chaharshamba-yi
Suri or Nawruz, through the exaltation of the Sun or Mars, is Shi'a; since it
exalts the concept to that of 'Ali’s universal wilayat. Hence any Sufi order,
which testifies to or represents the (universal) wilayat of 'Ali in a Nawruz-
related fashion, is necessarily Shi'a. It cannot be otherwise.
As seen through Majlisi’s hadith narrations in Chapter 5, (in 'Irfan) the
universal wilayat of 'Ali is related to the primordial Nawruz, or the creation
of the universe. This is when life began, the cosmic wheel started turning and
all the planets were located in the signs and houses of their exaltation. The
conceptual application of the universal wilayat of 'Ali to the shrine of Rukn-
e-'Alam, through Mars on its mihrab, and through the double pentagrams
(representing the Sun) in its interior, demonstrates the extent to which the
Suhrawardi Order delved in Shi'a metaphysics. Additionally, the order’s hidden
Shi'a beliefs are also evident from the Panjatan tiles on the monument. Due to
its connection with the universal wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz, without which
its religious transcendentalism could not work, the Suhrawardi Sufi Order
in Multan can be classified without doubt as having been secretly Shi'a. The
application of the wilayat idea to iconography on Suhrawardi monuments in
later times, in both Multan and Uch, necessarily emphasises the perpetuation of
the order’s beliefs further. The multi-faith decoration of the Uch monuments,
notably the Bibi Jaiwandi complex, can be seen as the next generation in the
development of multi-faith principles based on 'Ali’s universal wilayat, which
include Hinduism. However, the general use of the wilayat concept by 'Alid
Sufi orders, except those like the Suhrawardi, does not have to be in terms of
'Ali’s universal wilayat.
It should be noted that for the Isma'ili da'wa, the basic purpose of the
Satpanth was to define the local religious context, in this case Hinduism,
through 'Ali’s wilayat, for the benefit of the local Isma'ili community. However,
in the case of the Suhrawardi Order, the idea clearly appears to be to construct
and represent multi-faith beliefs in religious doctrine and architecture for the
chosen few. Why else would the order engage in the ritual construction of
Conclusion 251
such massive buildings, and leave behind hidden clues in the form of religious
symbolism on them? We can surmise to say that albeit adapted from the Isma'ili
Satpanth, the Suhrawardi Order took the idea of 'Ali’s universal wilayat a step
further, beyond the realm of defining a religious community, into the realm
of universal transcendentalism.
In simpler terms, the da'wa wished to connect Shi'ism through the Persian
tradition to Hinduism, whilst the Suhrawardi Order wanted to do the same
with all religions, starting with the Abrahamic traditions.
The Suhrawardi archetypical monument

Theses on notions of power in traditional Islamic architecture are well
established in academia, with reference to its orientation towards Mecca. In
the specific case of Highlands’ hypothesis, the axiality of a building is defined
through its Mecca facing facade. In contrast to the orthodox Islamic model,
the Suhrawardi archetype as analysed in this work, with its three characteristic
entrances and the major southern axis, clearly forms a separate category of
monument.
All the monuments contained in this book, belonging to either Isma'ili
da'is or Suhrawardi Sufis, are built on the Suhrawardi archetypical plan.
The plan is found in Shams’s monument and that of his descendants in
Multan and Uch. It is equally resonant in the shrines of Zakiriyya and
Rukn-e-'Alam in Multan, and in all the Suhrawardi monuments of Uch. The
distinguishing feature between them is that the Isma'ili version carries only
the basic archetypical configuration with occasional Shi'a symbolism, that
was used in ritual by members of that community. However, the Suhrawardi
version of the archetype is strewn with astrological and multi-faith symbols,
testifying to the secret beliefs of the order. The salient feature in both cases
is the common existence of the archetype itself, from where the journey of
multi-faith architecture begins. Judging from historical and architectural
evidence, the original inspiration for the Suhrawardi archetype had to come
from the eighty four lodges that Pir Shams had set up.
The two executions of the archetype started coming together in Uch under
the Suhrawardi Order for the first time, with the rectangular khanqahs of
Surkhposh, Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju recalling the original configuration,
as it must have existed in Pir Shams’s lodges. In addition Hindu elements,
which were a feature of Isma'ili Satpanth beliefs, started appearing in
Suhrawardi Uch, with the snake symbol on Jahangasht’s mihrab. This is
also the first time that a purely Hindu symbol is found on that very Islamic
of architectural elements, the mihrab niche. Subsequently, multiple Hindu
symbols were applied to the monuments of the Bibi Jaiwandi complex.
Jahangasht and Sayyid Raju’s religious experimentation, along with that of
their Jalali Dervishes, was responsible for this upscale application of Hindu
icons to the archetype.
Finally, the culmination of the archetype with its Suhrawardi embellishment
resurfaced two centuries later in the monument of Pir Shams’s descendant, 'Ali
Akbar, which is a replica of Rukn-e-'Alam. Until not too long ago 'Ali Akbar’s
tomb had a trishul topping its dome, while the trishul also appears on the near
contemporaneous monument of Pir 'Adil, demonstrating the perseverance of
the archetype, and the beliefs connected to it, well into the sixteenth century.
The use of the archetype

The evidence connected to Pir Shams’s shrine shows that it was the progenitor
for the ritual use of the three characteristic entrances found in the Suhrawardi
archetype. The rationale of the design seems to be to provide separate entrances
for various considerations of ritual purity, at the lower levels of initiation into
the Satpanth, to the many religious sub-denominations that made up Pir
Shams’s congregation. Zawahir Moir’s work on the Isma'ili shrines of the
Gujarat, which still reserve the northern entrance for exclusive use by Hindus,
is a contemporary example for the historical use of these buildings. For the
Suhrawardi Order, especially in Uch, the use of space would have been more
complex, considering the many religions represented by the buildings. But in
both cases, the various entrances correspond to the divine axes of the individual
belief systems.
The commonality of the archetype over a period of three centuries, to
Isma'ili da'is and Suhrawardi Sufis, shows that it can only be classified as a
distinct building type. Its proposed derivation from the South-west Asian
Buddhist monastery, a prominent example of which is the Takht-i Bahi complex
in Mardan in north-western Pakistan, makes sense, for such buildings were
readily located on Shams’s route from Khurasan to Multan. Isma'ili ginans
mention Shams’s detailed debates with Buddhist monks during his travels
in the region. In this, the archetype is a competing model for the four iwan
mosque type, which was fostered from Sassanid fire temples by the Ghaznawids
and Seljuqs nearly two centuries earlier, in their efforts to reassert Islamic
orthodoxy.
Conclusion 253
The role of the wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz in understanding 'Alid Sufism
and Shi'ism further
Most Sufi orders venerate 'Ali and Muhammad’s family in a metaphysical
commonality with Shi'ism, and regard the spiritual dimension of 'Ali’s
wilayat as being indispensable to achieving spiritual proficiency. It would
not be unreasonable to argue that somehow all 'Alid Sufi orders have Shi'a
influences and practices, and in cases Shi'a beginnings, albeit these are mostly
kept hidden from the general public. A good example of this phenomenon
is found in Virani’s book, The Isma'ilis in the Middle Ages, where he refers,
amongst others, to the medieval Muslim historian Ibn Khaldun. Ibn Khaldun
wrote that the bestowal of the traditional khirqa or Sufi cloak (given on
initiation into an order), is a practice that the Sufis had borrowed from the
Shi'a.5 More specifically, the level to which 'Ali’s wilayat and its connection
to Nawruz is professed, albeit secretly, as haqaiq or ‘truths’ by certain 'Alid
Sufi orders, determines the level of their ‘Shi'a-ness.’ In certain cases, the
‘Shi'a-ness’ of a given Sufi order is deducible from its official crest, while on
other occasions from its writings, or from the celebration of certain dates in
the Islamic calendar which are also venerated in Shi'a Islam. All of these of
course represent the varying degrees of ‘Shi''itization’ of different orders, to
use Daftary’s definition; a process which is never uniform for any two orders.
Writing discreetly on the subject, Virani comments on Ibn 'Arabi having
criticised Sufis for not attaining the highest levels of spirituality, and talks
about other Sufis who did not consider themselves Sufis at all, implying that
they were in reality something else.6
The crests in the plate below belong to the Rifa'i and Badawi Sufi Orders,
which are both 'Alid and Sunni. The Rifa'i tariqat dates to medieval Iraq,
while the Badawi is from Morocco. In both their crests, the Seal of Solomon is
represented with a profound emphasis on the Sun, through the pronouncement
of its talismanic symbol, the pentagram (see Figure C.1). In Chapter 5, the
same seal has been identified with the primordial Nawruz in Shi'a 'Irfan.
What this certain representation of the Sun actually means, in regards to the
belief in wilayat of the two orders, is a matter for further research. However,
the presence of the Seal, with an emphasis on the Sun, in the context of the
wilayat of 'Ali, as both orders are 'Alid, suggests that there is something more
to their upholding the concept than is expressed openly.
5 See Virani 2007, p. 147.

6 Ibid.
Figure C.1. The crests of the Rifa'i (left), and the Badawi Sufi Orders
with the Seal of Solomon7
Belief in the universal wilayat of 'Ali, and its connection to Nawruz, is one
of the foundation stones of all Shi'ism. It figures prominently in almost all of
the Shi'a groups, whether extant or extinct. In most Shi'a sects, there can be
only two interpretations for wilayat and Imamate. One is the equivalence of
'Ali, and the latter Imams, to Muhammad himself through his wilayat, which
is the belief of the Twelver and Isma'ili creeds. Another level of belief is that of
extreme veneration, like in the case of the Qalandariyya Order, in which the
basic principle is still the exaltation of the wilayat of 'Ali, but to the level of
God Himself. The concept of wilayat and its connection to Nawruz can play
a central role in understanding the religious and cultural traits of fringe Shi'a
groups, which some in academia still cannot fully explain. An ideal example
is that of the Arab 'Alawis of Syria and southern Turkey.
Many scholars have written on the peculiarity of 'Alawi religious
celebrations. The 'Alawites regard themselves theologically Twelver, and
believe in the wilayat of 'Ali. They celebrate Christmas, Easter, Nawruz and
regular Shi'a festivals.8 James Minahan writes that the roots of the 'Alawi
religion lie in the teachings of Muhammad bin Nusayr al-Namiri, who was
a contemporary of the tenth Twelver Shi'a Imam, al-Naqi, in Basra in the
ninth century. The 'Alawis observe certain Iranian traditions like Nawruz,
claim that their religion is a sect of Shi'a Islam, and after hundreds of years of
contact with the Isma'ili sect, have moved closer to traditional Islam.9 These
observations are just some of many, and demonstrate a similarity between
7 http://www.naksibendihakkani.com/?page_id=1838 .
8 See Singh 2000, p.22.
9 Minahan 2002, p.80
Conclusion 255
'Alawi religiosity and Suhrawardi beliefs, especially when considered in light

of the connections to Isma'ilism, and the celebration of both Nawruz and
Easter.10 Being culturally Arabs, the 'Alawis of Syria have no obvious reason
to celebrate Nawruz, unless it became a part of their beliefs through some kind
of religious transcendentalism, one which in their context can only be rooted
in the explanation of the wilayat of 'Ali through Nawruz.
Finally, we should note that the explanation of the word ‘Syncretism,’
which is often used to describe multi-faith phenomena like the Satpanth,
needs redefinition. ‘Syncretism’ implies an historical amalgamation of religious
beliefs, elements of which are unintended and/or subconscious, that exist as a
result of the cultural milieu in which they flourish. This is not a satisfactory
manner of describing religious systems like Pir Shams’s Satpanth, for which
new vocabulary is needed.
10 For the relevance of Easter in the wilayat of 'Ali and Nawruz framework, see Chapter
4, ‘The exaltation of the Soul of God in Suhrawardi doctrine.’
Glossary
'Alid, Related to or derived from 'Ali, the first Shi'a Imam

'Ashura, The tenth day of the month of Muharram, which saw the massacre
of the Prophet’s family
Awqaf, Ministry of Endowments of the Pakistani state, responsible for the
upkeep of shrines in the country
Batini, Those who seek hidden meanings in Scripture; an often derogatory
medieval Muslim reference to Isma'ilis
Chillah, 40 days of spiritual retreat in Sufism (in pre-modern Persian/Urdu),
modelled upon Moses’ 40 days on Mount Sinai
Da' i, Missionary, literally the one who invites
Da'wa, Mission, or literally invitation (to), necessarily Isma'ili missionary work
Dhikr, Continuous recitation of the Names of God and Scripture to maximise
spiritual benefit, a Sufi concept
Gematric (from Gematria), the Hebrew system of writing alphabets with
numbers
Ginan, (Persian) Mystical Isma'ili poetry
Hadith, A report of the sayings or doings of Muhammad, counted as
indisputable when reported by his family and their companions for the Shi'a
denominations; and just by his (Muhammad’s) companions for the Sunnis
Glossary 257
Imam, An infallible spiritual guide for the Shi'a with divine investiture, as
opposed to a simple prayer leader for Sunnis
Imami, Those who follow a clear line of Imams (usually Twelver, but equally
used for Isma'ilis)
'Irfan, Gnosis
Ithna 'A shari, Twelver Shi'a, their Twelfth Imam beginning his major
Occultation in 940 CE, to return and establish divine rule before the
apocalypse, and bring forth the resurrection
Ja' fari, Shi'a school of jurisprudence, followed by both Isma'ilis and Twelvers,
started by the sixth Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq
Jafr, Islamic equivalent to the cabbala, according to more accurate translations,
‘the science of the stars’
Khalifa, A temporal successor to Muhammad (as opposed to a Shi'a Imam)
for the Sunni traditions, a spiritual successor of a shaykh for the Sufis
Khojas, Isma'ili converts from the Indian trading classes converted mostly
by Shams’s descendent Sadr al-din, and given a concrete shape within the
Isma'ili community
Mahdi, The Messiah, awaited Shi'a personality common to both Isma'ilism
and Twelver Shi'ism
Mihrab, the prayer niche in mosques facing Mecca in Islam; a place attributed
Muhammad’s daughter Fatima, and the Virgin Mary, according to many traditions
Nass, Spiritual designation through which a Shi'a Imam takes over (in secret)
from his predecessor, entails a passing on of divine credentials
Nizari Isma' ili, Shi'a group following Isma'il, elder son of sixth Imam Ja'far,
as opposed to his younger brother Musa; the line continues to the Aga Khans
Panjatan, The five Infallibles in Shi'a Islam, Muhammad, 'Ali, Hasan,
Husayn and Fatima, credited in Shi'a metaphysics with being the first outward
manifestations of God, and the first entities in creation outside of their
corporeal states, starting with Muhammad.1 Their light transcends into the
1 N.B: Husayn is spelled in this manner, following EI 2nd edition, throughout this book.
However, in the titles of referenced books, and for authors whose names are spelled
either as ‘Husain,’ or ‘Hussain’ instead, the original spelling is retained.
258 Glossary
Imam of the time, Isma'ili or Twelver, from whence these derive their spiritual
mandate. In 'Alid Sufism, the higher Sufis or qutb i.e. the Pole (of God) of the
day, derive their authority in a similar fashion (as the Shi'a), from the same
source, through the wilayat of 'Ali.
Qibla, The Mecca direction, in which the mihrab is located
Shaykh, A wise old man or generally the head of a clan or tribe generally; an
accomplished Sufi master in a position to initiate others into secret knowledge
Shaykh al-Islam, Chief religious authority in an Islamic state
Shi'a, Used in a generic way in this work for all the Shi'a sects
Shi'a-Isma' ili, Aspects of Shi'ism which are common to all Imami branches,
necessarily to the Isma'ili and Twelver traditions, but in this book especially
to Isma'ilism
Ta'ziya, A refresher of the past, replicas of tombs, and passion plays mourning
the family of Muhammad on 'Ashura
'Ulama, The collective term used for the learned men of Islam, generally used
for orthodox Sunni scholars
'Urafa, Gnostics
'Urs, The yearly death commemoration of an accomplished Sufi in India and
Pakistan, derived from the Arabic 'Urusi, i.e. ‘marriage (to God)’
Wali, Modern colloquial Arabic for friend; yet etymologically vice-regent, a
Sufi master
Wilayat, Vice-regency (to God)
Zaydi, Followers of the fourth Imam Zayn al-'Abidin’s son Zayd, from a
woman from Sind
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Interviews and Fieldwork 271
Interviews and Fieldwork
• Interview with Professor Husain Jafri at his residence in Karachi on 28 December

2005 between 6.30-8.30 pm.
• Interview with the Chief Administrator (Provincial) Auqaf in Multan Mr. Faqir
Mohammad at his off ice next to the Zakariyya shrine on 16 January 2006,
between 1.30 pm to 3.30 pm; followed by a short running interview and detailed
photography session at Rukn-e-'Alam until dusk, with the Sub Divisional Officer
(SDO) Archaeology in Multan, Mr. Malik Ghulam Mohammad.
• Interview with the caretaker of the Shams shrine, Mr. Zahid Shamsi at Makhdum
House adjoining the shrine on 25 and 26 January 2006, followed by a detailed
photography session of the shrine and surrounding former waqf property.
• Interview with Mr. Zahid Gardezi, the family historian of the Gardezis on 8
Moharram 1427, at the Gardezi Imambargah in the Gardezi Quarter of Multan.
The interview in Multan with the Gardezi family historian led to the discovery
of the site of ‘Suraj Kund’ connected with Shams’s Sun miracle (on 14 Moharram
1427), where the village elders were spoken to about the site.
• Interview on 10-11 Moharram 1427 with Bukhari elders, the makers of the
boat ta'ziya, and locals, on the folklore of the city of Uch, followed by a detailed
photography and videotaping session of the Muharram ceremonies.
Appendices
Appendix 1: The Zodiacal Sign to House correlation, with related planetary

ruler ships (Lord), Exaltations and detriments according to Amir Khusraw1
1 Rizvi 1987, p. Apx-f.

Appendices 273
Appendix 2: Astrological chart of the beginning of 'Umar Khayyam’s Jalali

calendar on Shamba (Saturday) 15 of March 1079 at Isfahan, with the Sun at
23 degrees Pisces

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Hasan Ali Khan is Assistant Professor at Habib University, Karachi, Pakistan.

The Royal Asiatic Society

The Monograph Board

For a full list of publications by the Royal Asiatic Society

Hasan Ali Khan

Cambridge House, 4381/4 Ansari Road, Daryaganj, Delhi 110002, India

• Shah Rukn-e-'Alam: History, construction and myths 176

4.7. The Rukn-e-'Alam mihrab framed by the Ayat al-Kursi 153

from the religiously exclusive, indeed increasingly Sunni, practices of modern

This book is an adaptation of the author’s doctoral thesis, Shi'a-Isma' ili

Of Sufism and Islamic unorthodoxy

of Jahaniyan Jahangasht (d.1384) for the first time in modern scholarship.

Sufism and medieval Isma'ilism

2 Lewisohn and Shackle 2006, pp. 5-7.

The Ghaznawids in northern India

The Ghaznawids and latter day Muslim historiography

Syncretism: Isma'ili Multan and Sind

five years previously criticised an earlier missionary for ‘fostering heterodoxy

The Shi'a Century

The Shi'a milieu

The Buwayhids and Twelver Shi'ism

34 Donohue 2003, pp.332-333. Twelver sources mention the presence of an 80000-volume

Fatimid and Buwayhid relations

(ruled 983-998), 'Adud’s son.45 Having mentioned the multi-faith aspects of

The Hamdanids and Qarmatis

Buwayhids. The scenario demonstrates pragmatic patronage for any kind

48 Daftary 2007, p. 175.

Caliphate was unacceptable would ‘expose Mesopotamia to the double threat

51 Bikhazi 1981 p.456.

The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids

Shi'ism underground: The Seljuqs, Nizari Isma'ilism and Alamut

60 Farishta 1981, vol. 1, p.93.

territory. Hasan was himself born to a Twelver family in the mid-1050s, in

68 Daftary 1996, p.181.

Ghorid threat.72 Bahram’s grandson, Khusraw Malik (ruled 1160-1186) was

72 Bosworth 1977, p.122.

1 See Introduction, ‘The resurgence of Sunnism under the Ghaznawids.’

available at https:/www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107477636.004

part in the creation of Seljuq state institutions in conquered areas. It is their

Isma'ilism and the Suhrawardi Sufi Order

of actual evidence on Hasan III’s conversion to Sunnism due to Abu Hafs’s

10 Daftary 2007, pp.36-37. Since medieval Isma'ilism depended on fixed astrological

illumination by combining Greek, Zoroastrian and Muslim thought. Some

The Suhrawardi Order in Multan: An overview of religious and

17 Khan 1983, p.190: Tarikh-e-Farishta vol. 2, p.760.

and devastated the Alamut connected Isma'ili fortresses of Quhistan (eastern

The role of Baha al-din Zakiriyya in politics

21 Daftary 2007, p.374.

influence amongst Muslims of his spiritual mentor Abu Hafs, in addition to

Zakiriyya, the post Mu'izz al-din Ghorid principalities,

27 Khan 1983, p.51.

Nasir al-din Qabacha

Zakiriyya’s wealth and prestige

Statements about Zakiriyya’s wealth are also to be found in other Suf i

Plausible sources of wealth

44 Khan 1983, p.190: Siyar al-'Arifin, pp.151 & 164.

has to be (traditionally) paid out as tithes by adherents according to the (Twelver

Zakiriyya’s death and legacy

Shaykh Sadr al-din 'Arif

50 Al-Huda 2003, p.130: Tabaqat-e Akbari, vol. 3, p.788-789.

he opposed the state directly, by going against a decision of the governor of

Sadr al-din 'Arif ’s conflict with state authorities