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Before the midterm elections, CNN Opinion asked commentators to weigh in on
the races they were watching most closely. We have asked those commentators to
assess the outcome of those races -- and what they mean for the future of American
politics. The views expressed are solely their own.

Raul Reyes: Chances are, we have not heard the last from Beto
On Tuesday, just hours before the polls closed in Texas, Beyonce made a surprise
endorsement for Democrat Beto O'Rourke over Republican Ted Cruz in the race
for Texas senator. Maybe Queen Bey should have weighed in a little sooner.
Maybe O'Rourke should have run a more traditional campaign, instead of refusing
to run negative ads. Maybe O'Rourke should have worked harder at winning over
Republican voters, rather than focusing on identifying new voters.
The "what-if's" will no doubt linger around O'Rourke's candidacy for a long time,
as incumbent Cruz defeated him in the Lone Star State by single digits. Though
O'Rourke excited voters in a way reminiscent of Barack Obama, this was not
Beto's night. His narrow defeat was a heartbreaker for Democrats who have long
dreamed of turning this state blue.
Still, this has been an extraordinary campaign, one that O'Rourke can and should
be proud of. If he had run a conventional campaign, it likely would not have
captured national attention, inspired Texas Democrats and made "Beto" a
household name. O'Rourke should be pleased with the fact that he has awakened
the state's Democrats. Just the fact that, until around 10 p.m. Tuesday night, the
race was seen as a tossup is an accomplishment in itself.
O'Rourke has shown that a progressive Democrat can mount a serious challenge in
a red state. He has brought in thousands of first-time voters, among them many
Latinos and millennials. And he did this while refraining from personal attacks and
staying true to his inclusive values.
Ted Cruz likely benefitted from the structural electoral advantages that
Republicans enjoy in Texas -- as well as a healthy dose of political tribalism. But
thanks to his charisma and sharp political instincts, O'Rourke has made a
substantial impact on Texas politics. He is well-positioned to challenge Sen. John
Cornyn, or even consider a presidential run. Chances are, we have not heard the
last from Beto.
Raul A. Reyes is an attorney and member of the USA Today board of contributors.
Follow him on Twitter @RaulAReyes.

Jennifer L. Lawless: Three lessons from Texas 23

Republican incumbent Will Hurd's win over Gina Jones in Texas' 23rd
Congressional District race demonstrates three important lessons about the
midterms.
First, TX-23 is one of the 23 House districts that voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016,
but which sent a Republican to Congress. Both parties were laser-focused on this
year's race because it was prime real estate to flip. The fact that the GOP held it yet
the Democrats still found a path to control the House highlights the importance of
broadening the electoral map. A loss in TX-23 would have been devastating for
Democrats had fewer districts been in play.
Second, a compelling profile can only take a candidate so far. Gina Jones'
background was a progressive Democratic voter's dream come true. She's young.
She's gay. She's a woman of color. She's an Iraq War veteran. But even if she
motivated and energized Democrats, there weren't enough of them in the district.
Third, Hurd's win isn't synonymous with a Donald Trump victory. Hurd isn't a
Trump acolyte. He differs from the President on DACA and the border wall (not
surprising given that the district is 55% Hispanic). And as a former CIA official,
he's condemned the administration for how it handled Russian interference in the
2016 election. Hurd didn't embrace Trump and managed to eke out a win, probably
to the president's chagrin.
TX-23 reminds us that even in a nationalized election, some politics are still local.
Jennifer L. Lawless is the Commonwealth Professor of Politics at the University of
Virginia.

Julian Zelizer: Trumpism was victorious in Tennessee

Tennessee produced an important victory for Trumpism, a Republican agenda that
revolves around nativism, tariffs and nationalism -- as well as an unorthodox style
of governance. The state's Senate race was perceived by both parties as a good test
of what kind of impact Trump was having in territory that was friendly to him in
2016.
Democrats were hoping that the former governor, Phil Bredesen, a moderate and
beloved politician, could defeat the conservative Representative Marsha
Blackburn, a close ally of Trump.
And Bredesen put up a good fight. He stuck to whatever center still exists in
American politics -- supporting Judge Brett Kavanaugh and saying he wouldn't
vote for Sen. Chuck Schumer as the party leader. But the fact that he could not pull
this off will be deflating.
If the Senate remains in Republican hands, the administration and the Republican
leadership will certainly read into the results signs that the last month's aggressive
partisan strategy worked -- play to the base, be as rightward as possible and do not
cede anything to moderation.
The message from Tennessee will also have an effect on Democrats, as they start
sorting through what kind of candidates they want to run in 2020 -- with an
inevitable battle between those who favor centrists and those who want
progressives. Bredesen's inability to pull off a victory in Tennessee means there is
little hope that anyone else in the party can.
With Tennessee, even in an evening when Republicans suffered in swing House
districts, score one for Trumpism.
Julian Zelizer is a professor of history and public affairs at Princeton University
and author of "The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress and the
Battle for the Great Society."

Jeff Yang: Never underestimate a well-run Democratic campaign

In a night where the Democratic Party's hope for a blue tidal wave was tempered
by a redder-than-expected reality, Antonio Delgado's victory in New York's 19th
Congressional District was a sterling example of how the traditional combination
of an appealing candidate, methodical grassroots organizing, and, of course, an
ample war chest is still the formula for success in demographically challenging
areas.
Delgado, running as a pragmatic progressive in a rural, 84% white district that
Trump won, set incumbent John Faso back on his heels with his ability to fund-
raise and with competitive results in early polls.
Republicans tried to fight him by playing the racial fear card, running an ad
referring to Delgado as an ex-rapper whose profane lyrics and left-wing politics
showed him to be out of touch with the values of the community -- obscuring
Delgado's status as a Harvard-educated lawyer and Rhodes scholar.
The ads may have backfired; at the least, they led to articles shaming Faso's clumsy
attempt at race-baiting in the New York Times, Washington Post, New York
magazine and local papers like the Times-Union. This allowed Delgado to avoid
directly responding to the attacks, while focusing on more pertinent concerns for
the district, such as health care, a topic on which Faso, who had voted to kill
Obamacare, was already vulnerable. The victory polishes Delgado's status as a
potential rising star in the Democratic Party -- which the party needs, given its
lackluster bench going forward into 2020 and beyond.
Jeff Yang is a frequent contributor to CNN Opinion, a featured writer for Quartz
and other publications, and the co-host of the podcast "They Call Us Bruce."

Scott Jennings: Progressives cannot win in Kentucky

Republican incumbent Andy Barr in Kentucky's 6th Congressional District found
himself in a dogfight with Democratic challenger Amy McGrath, a former fighter
pilot who came home to storm her primary and give Democrats hope in a district
that covers Kentucky's beautiful bluegrass region.
But Barr brought in a wingman -- President Donald Trump -- and defeated
McGrath in one of the closest congressional races in recent Kentucky history.
Trump rallied for Barr in Madison County, where thousands packed an arena on
the campus of Eastern Kentucky University in Richmond. And when the votes
were tallied on election night Madison delivered for Barr, giving him 59% of the
vote and a nearly 7,000-vote margin.
Republican turnout in the district's rural counties overcame McGrath's strong
showing in Fayette County, the urban heart of the district. There was some
Republican handwringing over whether Barr should cleave so closely to Trump,
but the campaign made the correct call and used the President in just the right way,
giving Barr his happy landing.
This campaign showed the value of opposition research. Insiders say McGrath had
a double-digit polling lead during the summer, but crashed back to earth when the
Barr campaign unleashed tapes of her talking to liberal donors at out-of-state
fundraisers.
"I am further left, I am more progressive, than anyone in the state of Kentucky,"
McGrath told her donors in one speech, a clip of which appeared in numerous
sidewinders fired off by Barr and the Republicans in their ad barrage. Note to
future candidates: everything you say anywhere might follow you home.
McGrath's strong showing could make her a player for a future contest, perhaps a
state office in 2019 or a run for US Senate in 2020 or 2022 when senators Mitch
McConnell and Rand Paul next face the voters, respectively. But given the damage
the opposition research did to McGrath's image in a purplish district like
Kentucky's sixth, it's hard to imagine her words playing any better throughout the
redder portions of Kentucky.
Trump will be at the top of the ticket in 2020, and his alliance with McConnell will
make it hard for any self-professed progressive to overcome the President and
Senate majority leader in a state that's among the most receptive to the #MAGA
agenda.
Scott Jennings, a CNN contributor, is a former special assistant to President
George W. Bush and former campaign adviser to Sen. Mitch McConnell. He is a
partner at RunSwitch Public Relations in Louisville, Kentucky. Follow him on
Twitter @ScottJenningsKY.

Jen Psaki: Sometimes the national party gets it right

On a night when Texas sent Ted Cruz back to the Senate, his opponent still made a
significant contribution to a big democratic night. Beto O'Rourke's grassroots
turnout operation,and energizing message helped bring more Democrats to the
polls and helped Lizzie Fletcher defeat John Culberson in Texas' 7th Congressional
District.
Fletcher ran a smart race focused on health care and Culberson's votes to repeal the
Affordable Care Act. And she successfully appealed to the anger and frustration of
women in the Houston suburbs, including independent and Republican women,
who were eager to send a message to President Donald Trump.
This race also showed that, once again, Democrats can come together after a
bruising primary contest -- even one where the national party ham-handedly
weighed in with opposition research against the primary candidate they viewed as
weaker. Whether or not it was the right tactic, the Democrats ended up with the
nominee they wanted and a nominee who won a crucial southern seat.
Jen Psaki, a CNN political commentator, was the White House communications
director and State Department spokeswoman during the Obama administration.
She is vice president of communications and strategy at the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace. Follow her at @jrpsaki.

Robby Soave: It's tough out there for third-party candidates

Former Gov. Gary Johnson came up well short in his third-party bid for New
Mexico's Senate seat -- a familiar outcome for the Libertarian presidential aspirant.
Johnson, who previously earned 3% of the national popular vote in the 2016
presidential election, entered New Mexico's Senate race in early August. He took
an early lead over Republican candidate Mark Rich, but trailed incumbent
Democratic Sen. Martin Heinrich. An early Emerson College poll put Johnson at
21% vs. Rich's 11% and Heinrich's 39%. That turned out to be the high-water mark
for Johnson; his support collapsed in subsequent polls. News outlets called the race
on Tuesday night for Heinrich.
It's tough out there for third-party candidates. Dissatisfied voters who plan to spurn
the two major parties often come around and cast a lesser-of-two-evils vote for one
or the other. Johnson, for instance, was polling at 10% at various points in 2016,
but the final tally -- while still the strongest showing for a third-party candidate
since Ross Perot -- was just over 3%.
Johnson's loss is not unexpected, but it's still a pity. An independent senator willing
to challenge Trump and the Democratic Party would have been a welcome change
of pace. Alas, the two-party duopoly is tough to break, no matter how many
Americans would prefer a wider variety of choices.
Robby Soave writes for the libertarian magazine Reason. Follow him on Twitter
@robbysoave.

Haroon Moghul: Ojeda represented something unusual

I wanted Richard Ojeda to win, not just because he is a Democrat, but because he
represented something as important as it is unusual. A one-time Trump supporter,
the military veteran switched sides, not out of crass political calculation -- West
Virginia, whose 3rd Congressional District he ran in, is obviously not a blue state -
- but out of genuine conviction. He believed, and rightly, that the President was not
keeping his promises, that his fellow West Virginians were better represented by a
party that cared for and fought for them. Ojeda represented, in other words, the
possibility of partisan fluidity.
It may be that, in a district where he had little, if any, realistic chance of victory,
there is no larger lesson to be learned. It could be, though, that this speaks to a
disquieting obstacle; that, come 2020, Democrats will be doomed by a terrible
trinity: gerrymandering, an Electoral College that slights majorities and party
loyalty impossible to transcend.
But in the same state where Ojeda lost to Carol Miller, the state Trump won by a
whopping 42%, Democratic incumbent Sen. Joe Manchin held on. However,
Manchin voted to confirm Kavanaugh. That's another kind of partisan fluidity.
Be careful what you wish for.
Haroon Moghul is Fellow in Jewish-Muslim Relations at the Shalom Hartman
Institute of North America, and author of "How to be a Muslim: An American
Story."