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Harlem Renaissance

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Harlem Renaissance
UPDATED EDITION

NATHAN IRVIN HUGGIN S


With a new foreword by Arnold Rampersa d

OXJORD
UNIVERSITY PRES S
OXTORD
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Copyright © 1971, 200 7 by Oxford Universit y Press, Inc .
First published b y Oxford Universit y Press, Inc. , 197 1
First issued a s an Oxford University Pres s paperback, 197 3
Updated edition published b y Oxford Universit y Press, Inc., 2007
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a
Huggins, Nathan Irvin , 1927 -
Harlem Renaissanc e / Nathan Irvi n Huggins ; with a new foreword by
Arnold Rampersad. — Updated ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical reference s and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-506336-3 (pbk. )
1. Harlem Renaissance. 2 . African Americans—Intellectual life —
20th century. 3. African American arts—20th century. 4. African Americans—
New York (State)—New York—Intellectual life—20th century . 5. African
American arts—New York (State)—New York—20th century. 6. Harlem (New
York, N.Y.)—Intellectual life—20th century . 7. New York (N.Y.)—Intellectual
life—20th century . 8. American literature—African American authors—History
and criticism. I . Title.
E185.6.H858 2007
305.5'520899607307471—dc22
2007004019

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed i n the Unite d States of America
This page constitutes a n extension of the copyrigh t page .

POEMS B Y CLAUDE McKAY


"Africa," "Afte r th e Winter, " "America," Baptism," "If We Must Die, " and "T o the
White Fiends," from Selected Poems of Claude McKay (copyrigh t ©1953 by Bookman
Associates, Inc.) are reprinte d b y permission of Twayne Publishers, Inc.
POEMS B Y LANGSTON HUGHE S
"Advice," printed in Montage of a Dream Deferred, Henr y Holt, Co. (copyright ©
1951 b y Langston Hughes) ; and "Advertisemen t fo r the Openin g of the Waldorf
Astoria," first printed in New Masses, January 1935 (copyright © 1935 by Langston
Hughes) are reprinte d by permission of Harold Obe r Associates. "Drea m Varia-
tions," "Mother to Son," and "Th e Negro Speaks o f Rivers" (copyright © 1926 by
Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., and renewe d 1954 by Langston Hughes); "Song for a Dark
Girl" (copyright © 1927 by Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., and renewe d 195 5 b y Langston
Hughes); "Black Maria" and "Hope " (copyright 1942 an d renewe d 197 0 by Arna
Bontemps and George Houston Bass); and "Afro-American Fragment" (copyright
© 195 9 b y Langsto n Hughes ) ar e reprinte d fro m Selected Poems o f Langston
Hughes b y permission o f Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.
POEMS B Y COUNTEE CULLEN
"For John Keats, Apostle of Beauty," "Harsh Worl d that Lashest Me," "Heritage,"
"If You Should Go," "Shroud of Color," "Simon the Cyrenia n Speaks," and "Ye t Do
I Marvel " (copyright © 1925 b y Harpe r & Row, Publishers, Inc. , an d renewe d
1953 by Ida M . Cullen) are reprinte d fro m Color b y Countee Cullen b y permis-
sion of Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc .
POEMS B Y STERLING BROWN
Lines from "Memphi s Blues" published i n Southern Road (copyrigh t © 1932 by
Harcourt Brac e & World) are reprinted by permission of the author .
POEMS B Y JEAN TOOMER
"Song o f the Son " and "Reapers " fro m Cane by Jean Toome r (copyright (R) re-
newed 1951 by Jean Toomer) are reprinted b y permission o f Liveright Publishers
Corp., New York.
Photographs of Billy Kersands' poster; Bob Cole, James Weldon and J. Rosamund
Johnson; and Fletcher Henderson which appeared in Langston Hughes and Milton
Meltzer, Black Magic, A Pictorial History o f th e Negro in American Entertain-
ment, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. , Prentice-Hall , 1967 , ar e reproduce d here b y per-
mission o f Milton Meltzer.
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For Sue Bailey Thurman
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Acknowledgments

I wa s helped i n thi s book, in on e way or another, b y many


people. I cannot thank them all on these pages, but I shall list
a few with the briefest explanatio n o f their assistance to me.
Henry F. May taught me a lot about the 1920 s an d Ameri-
can intellectual history. Kenneth M. Stampp first inspired me
to do work in what is now called Afro-American history. Oscar
Handlin opened my mind to social and cultural history. Howard
Mumford Jones has been a friend to me in many ways, and he
encouraged me to write this book when it was only a germ of
an idea.
A summer's researc h was made possible by a faculty grant
from Lak e Fores t Colleg e in Illinois . Ernes t Kaise r o f th e
Schomburg Collection of the New York Public Library, Wendell
Wray of the Counte e Culle n Branch of the Ne w York Public
Library, Hele n Willar d of the Harvar d Theatrica l Collection
of the Harvard Colleg e Library, and Donald Gallup of the Yale
University Librar y wer e very generous wit h thei r time an d
most helpful to me. I have no individual name , but the staff at
the Theatre Collection of the New York Public Library at th e

ix
x Acknowledgments

Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts was of help to me too.


Mary Beattie Brad y talked t o me for hours about some of the
participants i n the Harmo n Foundatio n ar t competition s in
the 1920s .
I was able to interview man y whose names appear i n th e
book: Regina Andrews, A. Philip Randolph, Louise Thompson
Patterson, Aaron Douglas. I talked at length with the late Max
Eastman at his Martha's Vineyard home in the summer of 1969.
Of course, I am very grateful for the time and assistance of all
of them. Tw o whom I interviewed, however, call for a specia l
word. Meta Warrick Fuller, whose active years as a sculptres s
reached bac k into the nineteent h century , was in her ninety -
first year when I talked with her. Her mind was alert and her
perceptions were sharp in what was to be the last year of her
life. Langston Hughes came to Boston one April day to read his
poems. It was a cool afternoon, but there was a golden sun that
came through the windows of the Charles Street Meeting House.
And Hughes's ingenuousness warmed everybody as if he were
a radiant sun. It was fitting that Langston Hughes should read
his poetr y fro m a pulpi t tha t othe r grea t black s ha d used :
Frederick Douglass , Sojourner Truth. In the afterglo w of that
day—far into the night—he chainsmoked cigarettes an d talked
to me about the 1920s and all the people he thought wonderfu l
(which was just about everybody). It could not have been more
than ten days later that Langston Hughes was dead. I shall al-
ways regret that my mind and skills will not evoke in these pages
the unrestricted gif t of self that Hughes's April day was in Bos-
ton. But then, so too, all of his artistic life was such a free gift .
My research problem s and question s engage d colleague s
and friends. Bruce Kellner was of great help to me in locating
photographs b y Carl Va n Vechten and securin g fo r me per-
mission to use them. Two colleagues at the University of Mas-
sachusetts a t Boston were of particular help. Suzanne Gassner
challenged an d prodde d me abou t m y arguments fro m psy -
chological assumptions . Sh e helpe d me to se e more clearl y
Acknowledgments x i
than I would have some of the question s I attempted t o an-
swer in Chapter 6. Thomas N. Brown brought to my attention
some of Eugene O'Neill's thoughts on the use of masks in the-
ater. Othe r colleague s read or listened sympatheticall y and
made usefu l suggestions : Leo n Litwack , Lawrence Levine,
Samuel Haber, Jane Johnson Benardette, Henry F. May.
I mention Stephen Booth separately, because talks with him
were always special to me. He always knew instantly what I
was trying to get at. And he was generally able to ask the next
question or to provoke associations and implications that would
be fresh to me.
Ann Chiarenza read some chapters with a keen editor's eye.
At different stages , Dorothy Hall and Dorothy Johnson typed
the manuscrip t wit h car e an d attentio n t o detail . Brend a
Carlita Smith, who has become my wife, helped me check for
final corrections , an d I a m very grateful fo r her help , love,
and support.
My debt to the on e this book is dedicated to goes beyond
explanation. Her belief in me, when there was little to rest it
on, was a profound influence on my spiritual and intellectua l
development. She reared me from th e subjunctiv e to the de-
clarative mood.
As with all things, the publication of this book depended on
far mor e people than can be listed on a few pages. The ones
that I have mentioned certainly must be acknowledged here.
I trust that none, because his name appears on these pages,
will be embarrassed becaus e of the boo k I have written. All
responsibility for what I have said is my own.

N.I.H.
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Contents

Foreword, xv
Introduction, 3
1. Harlem: Capita l o f the Blac k World, 13
2. Th e New Negro, 52
3. Heart of Darkness, 84
4. Art: The Black Identity, 13 7
5. Art: The Ethnic Province , 190
6. White / Black Faces—Black Masks, 244
Epilogue, 302
Notes, 310
Index, 325
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Foreword to Updated Edition
by Arnold Rampersad

The appearance o f a new edition of Nathan I. Muggins's Harlem


Renaissance i s a welcome event. When it was first publishe d
by Oxfor d Universit y Pres s in 1971 , th e impac t o f this book
was fel t immediately . Neve r had somethin g quit e like it— a
full-bodied, eloquent , cross-disciplinar y evaluatio n o f a dis -
crete era in African-American cultural history—been attempted
and brought s o successfully to fruition by an American scholar.
As a piece of cultural archaeology, it unearthed a place that
had previously been observed in shards and fragments. It set
new standards not simply for the stud y of its immediate sub-
ject but also for African-American cultural history i n general.
Reinforcing its impac t wa s the unusua l attractivenes s of its
subject, and the rare challenges it had presented ove r the years
to those who would understand it .
More tha n sevent y year s afte r th e outermos t plausibl e
mark—1935—for the ending of the Harlem Renaissance, that
special era in American and African-American history continues
to fascinat e us , eve n a s som e basi c question s abou t i t re -
main a puzzle. Unexhausted an d maybe even inexhaustible ,

xv
xvi Foreword
its peculiar charm, or charisma, persists. Like the kindred if
richer, more glittering, and overwhelmingly whiter social world
in an d aroun d Ne w York Cit y that F . Scott Fitzgeral d con -
jures up in The Great Gatsby, the Harlem Renaissanc e float s
in our imagination i n an aura of glamour and mystery, on the
one hand, and , o n the other—a s i s also true of the worl d of
The Great Gatsby —corruption an d tragedy . On e reaso n fo r
this persistence, a t least for black Americans, is the fact that
the era was probably the first in their long, hard history tha t
could b e plausibl y associate d wit h th e ter m "glamour. " It s
uniqueness in this sense has contributed to the air of mystery
that surround s it . Huggins' s Harlem Renaissance aime d t o
penetrate tha t air o f mystery, and di d so successfully even if
some questions remai n unanswere d and unanswerable .
What happened to spark in New York City such an unprec-
edented outpourin g amon g black Americans o f literature,
music, painting, an d sculpture , alon g with a correspondin g
upsurge i n politica l consciousness ? When , more or less, di d
the movement begin? When, more of less, did it end? How did
its main figures respond a s individuals to its challenges an d
opportunities? Which primary factors sustained its successes,
and which factors led to its demise? What did all of that glam-
our ultimately mea n for black America? Were there implica-
tions for America as a whole? How did its success and failures
affect th e histori c desir e o f blacks t o lif t themselve s ou t of
slavery an d Jim Cro w and into a permanent positio n of dig-
nity, freedom, affluence, an d creativity? And, looking back, do
we account the era a success on the whole, or mainly an illu-
sion of social progress that, upon closer inspection, underscore s
the powerlessnes s o f blacks in white America?
For a long time th e puzzle s and mysterie s o f the Harle m
Renaissance wen t uninvestigate d in an y systematic way by
blacks or whites. Th e traditional neglec t of black America as
a subjec t had muc h to do with this positioning of the er a on
the peripher y o f our sense of history. Equally important wa s
Foreword xvi i

the fact that academic scholarship in what we now call Ameri-


can Studie s wa s barely developin g in the decade s after th e
movement ended. Although seldom seen as such, Harlem Re-
naissance a s a volume is a product of the American Studie s
movement. I see American Studies as an interdisciplinary forc e
willing and able to look at the phenomenon of race and cultur e
in America in vital ways unavailable to distinct field s such as
History and English, although both English and History were
and ar e a t th e hear t of American Studies. This neglec t was
true of black as well as white scholars and intellectuals. Many
educated black s impatient wit h th e progres s o f the race —
impatient wit h th e rac e itself—dismisse d th e era . I n 1937 ,
two years after the Harlem Riot of 1935, young Richard Wright
sneered at virtually al l of the literature written by blacks be-
fore his time, and he did not exempt the Harlem Renaissance in
general from his sneering. "Generally speaking," he wrote in his
essay "Blueprint fo r Negro Writing," published i n 193 7 in th e
only issue o f New Challenge magazine, "Negro writing in th e
past has been confined to humble novels, poems, and plays, prim
and decorou s ambassadors wh o went a-beggin g t o whit e
America in the knee-pants of servility."
Although Wright specificall y exempte d Langston Hughes
in making this sweeping charge, Hughes, who had been one if
its brightest stars, took a jaded view of the era when he pub-
lished a n autobiography, The Big Sea, in 1940. "I had a swell
time while it lasted," he wrote. "But I thought it wouldn't last
long. . . . For how could a large an d enthusiasti c numbe r of
people be crazy about Harlem forever? But som e Harlemites
thought the millennium had come. They thought the race prob-
lem ha d a t las t bee n solved. " Deeply disillusioned wit h hi s
major patron, an elderly, volatile, and compelling white woman
who sough t t o impos e her view s of ideal blac k ar t o n him,
Hughes would look back on those years with some bitterness.
"The ordinary Negroes hadn't heard of the Negro Renaissance,"
he wrote. "And if they had, it hadn't raised thei r wages any."
xviii Foreword

The "renaissance, " h e implied , had bee n mainl y a cultura l


bubble that burst even as racism, poverty, and crime destroyed
the dream—o r "deferred" the dream , as he put i t in his well
known poem entitled "Harlem [2]"—of economic and cultura l
emancipation that had brought most blacks north to New York
starting early in the twentieth century.
Fortunately, this dismissal wa s only one side of Hughes's
sense o f the Harle m Renaissance . Th e Big Se a gav e hi m a
chance, which he seized, to compose the most detailed account
of the Harle m Renaissance left behin d by one of its stars . In
the process, and despite its sometimes cynical tone and what
Nathan Huggins has called his compulsion toward simplicity,
the lon g section o f the boo k devote d to the Renaissanc e be -
came the cornerstone of future scholarshi p and analysis. Bu t
from th e earlies t years o f the movemen t (around 1919) , an d
certainly b y 1921 , whe n Hughes reached Ne w York, astut e
black leader s suc h a s W.E.B . D u Boi s and Jame s Weldo n
Johnson kne w that they were involved in something special ,
that the y wer e helpin g t o create an d sustai n a projec t not
unlike what, say, the Irish had created with the work of writ-
ers such as Yeats and Synge . This awareness, a s well as the
impulse t o analyze it, dominate s the boo k that emerge d as
the Bibl e of the Harle m Renaissance, The New Negro (1925).
Edited by the Howar d University professo r Alain Locke, th e
volume contained essays, stories, poems, drama, art, and other
material. The racial "boosterism" that runs through The New
Negro dilutes but i n no way dissolves its analytica l element .
Unsure of what they were about, the Renaissance leaders were
determined to find answers .
A sense of the authenti c texture , the pleasure s a s well as
the danger s o f the movement , also pervades novels such as
Carl Va n Vechten' s Nigger Heaven (1926 ) an d Wallac e
Thurman's Infants o f the Spring (1932) . These novels are i n
large part romans d clef i n which the relationships amon g the
characters amoun t to a critique, often trenchant , of the age .
Foreword xi x
James Weldon Johnson's monograph Black Manhattan (1930)
and his autobiography, Along This Way (1933), as well as books
by Claude McKay, including his novel Home to Harlem (1928),
gave and continue to give perceptive readers a sense of impor-
tant aspects o f the subjec t of black life in Harlem, including
its contradictions , denials, neuroses, an d legitimate aspira -
tions. All of these author s an d mos t of these work s are dis -
cussed extensively , an d brilliantly , i n Huggins' s Harlem
Renaissance. Nevertheless, Huggins's study is far more than
a series o f explications of literary texts .
Academic work s by university professors , such a s Nic k
Aaron Ford' s Th e Contemporary Negro Novel (1936 ) an d J .
Saunders Redding's To Make a Poet Black (1939), ventured in
varying degrees to survey and discuss black writers and black
artistic culture of the recen t past. Bu t scholars of the 1930 s
and 1940 s surel y wer e too close to the heyda y of the move -
ment to see its features clearly, to capture its artistic contrasts
and density . Man y critics wer e unable t o g o far beyon d its
novels and poems, its literature, which contributed to a one-
sided, often misleading view of what was by definition a multi-
faceted phenomenon . (In som e respects , thi s vie w persists ,
because the Harlem Renaissance is taught as a subject mainly
by professors of English and no t by professors of History.)
Undoubtedly talente d an d eage r t o serv e blac k culture ,
these scholar-critic s nevertheles s wer e ill equipped, for the
most part, to see the phenomenon of the black Renaissance as
offering valuable insights into the nation as a whole, insight s
applicable to our understanding o f eras well before the 1920 s
and thus penetrating som e of the mysterie s of white as well
as black culture. Often uneasy about the role of whites in the
movement, they usually could not see the extent to which the
Harlem Renaissanc e illuminated th e subjec t of the interde -
pendency of black and white American culture, which was an
idea crucial to Huggins as a social observer and crucial to his
book. The ability to link the effusion s o f poets and novelist s
xx Foreword
not only to artists working in other genres and media but also to
economic, historical, and cultural forces, including folkways and
folklore, remaine d beyond the reac h o f most scholars-critics—
but no t beyond the reach of Huggins, who had enjoye d a n al-
most ideal scholarly preparation for this task.
By the earl y 1950s , amids t th e disturbin g but vibrant po-
litical an d cultura l turmoi l that followe d Worl d War II, th e
need became urgent for the development of a broader intellec-
tual vision and a more flexible set o f investigative method s
that woul d be th e basi s o f the fundamentall y ne w fiel d o f
American Studies. The blending of fields of study such as his-
tory, literature, music, psychology, and folklore , a s wel l th e
development of a more inspired brand of cultural theory (that
is, before the invasion of the ideas of Barthes, Foucault, Derrida,
Lacan, and other French thinkers transformed our understand-
ing of such theory), reached its first major stage. The Cold War
and the reductive ideological wars of truth that pitted capital-
ism (freedom and America) against communism (oppression and
the Soviet Union), in what was in effect a clash of propaganda
machines, served to revalue upward the Negro subject just as
it energized as never before the American Studies movement.
That subjec t had bee n see n a s declass e by almost al l whit e
English professors and almost as many of their black counter-
parts. Increasingly, however, the "Negro" impinged more on the
American consciousness, and periods such as the Harlem Re-
naissance began to acquire a new importance.
Eras, areas, and personalities that had seemed dull or even
beneath notice acquired a new allure as the civil rights struggle
unfolded. Th e Black Power movement, which caught fir e i n
1965, too k the stud y of the blac k past t o heights o f urgency
undreamed o f (except perhaps by visionary black historians
such as W.E.B. Du Bois and Carte r G . Woodson in the past) .
But changes still needed to be made within the academ y be-
fore th e tru e features o f an er a suc h as the Harle m Renais -
sance could be seen with reasonable clarity . Fo r example, by
Foreword xx i
1970 no biography of a black writer writte n b y a schola r of
literature, black o r white, existed. Onl y later i n the decade
would the first genuinely "literary" biography of a black writer,
Zora Neale Hurston, by Robert Hemenway, be published. Merely
a handful of well-researched biographies of blacks of any sort
existed, and none of these books could plausibly be called dis-
tinguished. Although jazz and th e blue s had produce d able
commentators an d critics , fe w aficionados could lin k thes e
forms to black history or to other significant cultural forms .
The on e exception in this tale of scholarly inadequacy in
facing the black American subject was the work of those well-
placed historians of the Unite d States, including John Hop e
Franklin, Stanle y Elkins , Kennet h Stampp , an d Eugen e
Genovese, who had mad e slavery an d th e Sout h on e of the
premier topics in American historiography. Rival theories ar-
gued about the impac t of slavery on black culture—whether
the slav e (the African brough t to America) had been a blank
slate, his brain and spirit erased by his traumatic experience,
or whether aspects of African culture had survived to aid black
cultural lif e durin g slavery . This controvers y about slaver y
ironically raised th e prestig e and currenc y of the blac k his-
torical subjec t and stimulate d scholarshi p i n othe r area s of
African-American history. Indeed, this was the way in which
the Harle m Renaissanc e found a t las t it s firs t majo r inter -
preter, Nathan Huggins.
Muggins credits one of the key players in the controversy ,
Kenneth Stampp , the autho r o f the acclaime d study o f sla-
very The Peculiar Institution (1956) , as having "first inspired
me to do work in what is now called Afro-American history "
(p. ix). But mor e was needed as a preparation fo r Huggins's
Harlem Renaissance. A t least a s influentia l o n the young
Huggins was Henry F. May, the autho r o f The End o f Ameri-
can Innocence, about American culture early in the twentiet h
century. According to Huggins in Harlem Renaissance, May
"taught me a lot about the 1920 s and American intellectua l
xxii Foreword

history" (p. ix). The combined influences of Stampp and Ma y


(the latter i s quoted at leas t fou r time s i n Harlem Renais-
sance, but his ideas are present in several othe r places) per-
mitted the breakthrough Huggins needed. Huggins also cites
the help of two other major American scholar-teachers. On e is
Oscar Handlin, who "opened my mind to social and cultura l
history" (Ibid.). Like Stampp a major figure in American his-
toriography, Handlin helpe d to shape the profession's under-
standing o f American immigration, ethnic history, and social
history in general. The fourth major influence is that of Howard
Mumford Jones , whose splendid command of history, litera -
ture, an d cultura l stud y resulte d i n O Strange New World,
about th e intellectua l lif e o f early America , which won a
Pulitzer Prize in 1964, seven years before Harlem Renaissance
appeared. Jones ha d bee n " a frien d t o m e in man y ways,"
Huggins wrote in tribute, "and he encouraged me to write this
book when it was only a germ of an idea" (Ibid.).
The point is that in a time-honored way, but on e already
being hotly challenged by many radicalized students and schol-
ars i n leading universities , youn g Huggins listened respect -
fully to these and other professors, absorbed their lessons and
ideas about scholarship, culture, and life, and then move d on
to write his own innovative study. The challenge posed by radi-
cal racial politics , quietly resisted by Huggins, should not be
underestimated. In 1967, as Huggins was working on this book,
another black scholar , not as privileged i n his education, an d
not as receptive to traditional norms of scholarship, published
a work that in its weaknesses as well as its strengths indicates
the exten t to which the political ferment around Black Power
in the mid-1960s could both stimulate an d weaken black cul-
tural analysis. The author was the autodidact Harold Cruise,
whose The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (1967) was also the
first attempt to effect a revaluation of the Harlem Renaissance
(although its main interests are elsewhere). In presenting the
era or movement as a positive event in African-American his -
Foreword xxii i

tory, Cruise also suggested th e exten t t o which understand-


ing the Renaissance requires synthesizing skills and insights,
as wel l a s infusions of sympathy and imagination. Unfortu-
nately, the polemica l aspect of the boo k tends, for some if not
most readers, to overwhelm its major insights.
Unlike Cruise, Muggins was interested no t in polemics but
in provocative, ground-breaking cultural history . As a black
scholar working in a time of political and racial turmoil , he
wanted to write about the black past but als o do so in a way
that adhered to the highest professiona l standards. In a way
he was fortunate in his timing. Born in 1927, he was twenty-
seven years old when Brown v. Board of Education effectivel y
began the en d of segregation (althoug h law s had no t barre d
him fro m integrate d schools) . He wa s thirty-seve n whe n
Malcolm X died, about forty when Dr. King was assassinated ,
and a mature forty-fou r year s ol d when his boo k appeared .
Educated a t the University of California, Berkeley, where he
earned his B.A., and at Harvard, where he earned his Ph.D.,
Huggins was at home as a student o f history and within th e
university even though his upbringing was anything but privi-
leged. Orphaned at fourteen , a high-school dropout and day
laborer until he became a member of the U.S. military, Huggins
finished hig h school while in the military and then attended
Berkeley on the G.I. Bill. Outspoken as an undergraduate, he
did not allow political controversy to leave him bitter or disaf-
fected. Instead , h e became intellectually confiden t an d even
tough. At Berkele y h e studie d unde r Stamp p an d May ; at
Harvard, he was further trained, formally and informally, by
Handlin and Jones.
The fact that these scholars covered American intellectual
territory from colonial and revolutionary times to nineteenth-
century slaver y an d immigratio n i n th e twentiet h centur y
helps to explain perhaps the key point about Harlem Renais-
sance as Huggins planned it. While he probed in his book an
important "black" topic in what was for many people an age of
xxiv Foreword

at least moderate racial xenophobia, and obviously felt a mea-


sure of race pride in doing so, the main objective for him was
to understand bette r America a s a whole . He would not be
contained and confined by race. Even as he looked at a small
piece of American history—the behavior of some blacks in one
place over slightly mor e than one decade—Huggins tried to
see America as a unitary whole . He did so, it seems , out of a
high sens e o f scholarly, moral , an d perhap s eve n spiritua l
purpose. (It is telling that he dedicated the book to Sue Bailey
Thurman, th e remarkabl e wif e o f the Reveren d Howar d
Thurman, wh o was himself renowne d as a religious thinke r
and an admirer of Gandhi. The Thurmans ha d played an im-
portant rol e in Huggins' s maturation.) Huggin s believe d i n
America, although h e also knew America's flaws. Somethin g
more compelling than a desire for professional success pushed
him. Perhaps i t was a desire t o show the unit y i n American
life, and to show the variety and possibility in life itself.
In Harlem Renaissance, then , hi s ultimat e concer n i s to
further ou r understanding o f the American nation, fro m th e
experience of the first settlers confronting the wilderness and
the nativ e people s dow n to the presen t time . Huggin s wa s
interested no t in celebratin g black s o r celebrating (o r casti-
gating) whites but in identifying his nation's and his people's
ideals, deceptions, obsessions, and capacities for good and evil.
As he wrote about his intent in writing Harlem Renaissance,
Huggins "wante d Harlem i n the 1920 s not to be the focu s of
this book, but rather a lens through whic h one might se e a
new view: white men and black men unknowingly dependent
in their wor k to shape American character an d culture " (p.
12). But h e had n o jingoistic idea o f America as the shinin g
city on the hill. "Whenever Americans do come of age," he wrote
conditionally, mordantly, "they will have gained tru e insigh t
into themselves b y the claimin g of that dependence" (Ibid.).
The thirty-five years and more since its appearance in 1971
from Oxfor d Universit y Pres s hav e bee n kin d t o Huggins' s
Foreword xx v
study of Harlem lif e in the 1920 s and early 1930s . Many vol-
umes on the subject , all clearly indebted to Harlem Renais-
sance despit e thei r ow n special focu s an d accomplishment,
have come out in the long wake of the book. Perhaps the most
accomplished volume on the subject since Harlem Renaissance
has bee n David Leverin g Lewis' s vigorously researched, in -
telligent, and high-spirited When Harlem Was In Vogue (1981).
Huggins was a pioneer , bu t on e should no t infe r fro m tha t
fact that there is something rudimentary or elementary about
this volume. The truth is different. His triumph with Harlem
Renaissance virtuall y invented a sub-fiel d in American an d
African-American intellectual history. This book was the foun -
dation o n which a successio n o f scholars, writers , an d stu -
dents, including Lewis, Bruce Kellner, Jervis Anderson, George
Hutchinson, Stev e Watson , Amritjit Singh , an d Cheryl Wall,
constructed th e edific e of Harlem Renaissance studies . I t en-
couraged or influenced biographies such as those of Zora Neale
Hurston and Langston Hughes, as well as the still-expandin g
list of titles that mark the transformation of our understand-
ing of the ag e since 1971 .
Why did Huggins succee d so decisively? No simple answer
can be given to this question. The necessarily comple x answer
would take in his individual personality an d native intellec -
tual ability, his formal and informal training, the age or ages
in which he lived, and whatever accidents added to these fac -
tors i n ways we can recognize. He researched an d wrote this
volume precisely at a time when black America—and America
as a whole—was going through a set of changes of a type and
degree of seriousness not seen since the very Harlem Renais -
sance h e wa s studying . Th e two movements or eras share d
some uncannil y simila r elements , a similarit y fro m whic h
Huggins benefited. Both eras were marked by the bold asser-
tion, afte r relativel y placid , even timid years , o f race prid e
and a desire fo r power long denied. Both eras produced un-
usually large bodies of creative work, often exuberant i n tone
xxvi Foreword

but also moody and pessimistic. Bot h were rocked by debates


about the place of blacks in a world dominated by whites, and
the plac e of art i n time s o f radical socia l change. Bot h era s
produced charismatic blac k leaders. Men from the 1920s such
as the outspoken Marcus Garvey and his Back-to-Africa move-
ment, or Langston Hughe s and his outspoken essay "The Ne-
gro Artist and the Racia l Mountain" (1926), which called for
younger black artists to assert their independence and their
race pride, had their counterparts i n the 1960s in individuals
such a s Malcol m X (who died si x years befor e th e boo k ap-
peared), Stokel y Carmichae l (who , like Garvey , was a West
Indian), and the poet and dramatist LeRoi Jones, late r Amiri
Baraka. Bot h era s als o produce d writers who stressed reli -
gion and spiritual peace—Arna Bontemps in the 1920s , Rob-
ert Hayde n i n th e late r era . I n both eras , wome n asserted
themselves mor e boldly than ever before. In Huggins's work,
the volatile, complicated presen t helped to illuminate the past.
Shrewdly seen by him, the successe s an d failures of his tim e
helped him to read wit h greate r accuracy the perio d he was
studying.
In Harlem Renaissance, Huggins avoid s snideness , snob -
bishness, defensiveness , o r vituperation. Almos t ever y sen -
tence i n this beautifully written boo k indicates tha t he was
secure in his identity a s a black man and a scholar, althoug h
for som e loud critics of his time those term s wer e typically a
contradiction. H e profited fro m th e ver y excesses that he re-
fused t o emulate, because those excesses gave him a glimpse
at a sometime s reckles s wa y of black politica l an d cultura l
being that first flared up after World War I. His age also gave
him a telling glimpse at the fantastical an d perhaps toxic side
of extreme cultural nationalism an d extreme black pride. His
scholarly poise, repeatedly tested and hard-earned in the vola-
tile 1960s, is remarkable in this book. He had the courage and
the cal m convictio n neede d to adher e t o principles tha t re-
sisted cynicis m and chaos. He maintained standard s of schol-
Foreword xxvi i

arly and critical thoroughness, dedication , and elegance that


neither the Black Power movement nor any other tugging dis-
traction o f the ag e could impede for long.
A historian by training, Muggins crossed over into the study
of literature with remarkable ease . Judging by his words here,
he possessed the abilit y no t only to feel the powe r of poems,
stories, and other literature but also to criticize them. Unlike
so many historians who venture to write about poets and nov-
elists (especially in biographies) and fail to do justice to their
subjects, he seemed comfortable in these fields and, to a lesser
extent perhaps, in painting, sculpture, drama, and music. He
was obviousl y a ma n o f sophisticated tast e an d feeling , al -
though ther e i s nothin g preciou s about hi s book . From th e
many literary allusions i n Harlem Renaissance we see that
he knew more than a little about British as well as American
literature. H e was not a show-off abou t such knowledge, but
neither wa s he defensive about his respect for writers a s far
removed fro m th e Harle m subjec t a s wa s Henr y James .
Huggins more readily understood the Harlem writers and in-
tellectuals becaus e h e was familiar with the texts that had
made them writers .
Astutely he could see the differenc e betwee n a respect for
tradition and a weakness for imitation. Shrewdly ambivalent
about som e of Langston Hughes' s estheti c decisions , he did
not fall , i n turn , fo r the supin e infatuatio n tha t sometimes
marked, for example, Countee Cullen's relationship t o Keats.
Huggins's analyses of poems by writers as different a s Cullen,
Claude McKay , Langsto n Hughes , an d Sterlin g Brow n ar e
usually on the mark. When he discusses Cullen's mod e of be-
ing as a writer, and comments on the petering out of Cullen's
career, h e make s judgment s tha t ar e amazingl y def t an d
subtle. Perhaps it is no great compliment to say so, but Huggins
probably would have made a first-rate literary scholar. How-
ever, ha d h e studie d Englis h instea d o f History, Huggins' s
teachers mos t likely would have steere d hi m awa y fro m a
xxviii Foreword

subject like the Harlem Renaissance. Even in the 1950s blacks


simply di d no t exis t a s fa r a s mos t Englis h professor s an d
their courses an d curricul a wer e concerned, except perhap s
in th e wor k of Herman Melville , Mark Twain , and Willia m
Faulkner.
Harlem Renaissance also profits fro m th e fac t tha t while
Huggins wa s conductin g his researc h an d writin g hi s text ,
several o f the player s i n th e dram a o f the Harle m Renais -
sance were still very much alive. In Boston one day in 1967 ,
Huggins was able to listen t o Langston Hughes rea d his po-
ems i n publi c in a celebrate d setting . Huggins' s tribut e t o
Hughes is, in turn, a tribute t o Huggins's abilit y a s a write r
and als o evidence of the refinemen t of his sensibility . "It was
a coo l afternoon," he writes abou t that day, "but there was a
golden su n tha t cam e throug h th e window s of the Charle s
Street Meeting House. And Hughes's ingenuousness warmed
everybody as if he were a radiant sun. . .. In the afterglow of
that day—far into the night—he chainsmoked cigarettes an d
talked t o me about th e 1920 s an d all the peopl e he though t
wonderful (whic h was just abou t everybody)" (p. x). Not te n
days later, Hughes was dead. "I shall always regret," Huggin s
concluded, "that my mind and skill s wil l not evoke in thes e
pages the unrestricted gif t of self that Hughes's April day was
in Boston. But then , s o too, all of his artisti c life was such a
free gift. " (Ibid.)
Arna Bontemps, Hughes's bes t frien d an d constan t corre-
spondent an d collaborator , was alive and wel l when Harlem
Renaissance appeared, as were other figures from the Renais-
sance. These included Dorothy West and her cousin , Helene
Johnson; the painter Aaron Douglass; the sculptor Richmond
Barthe; the folklorist Arthur Huf f Fauset; and the iconoclas-
tic writer, artist, and gay pioneer Richard Bruce Nugent. Many
of the to p musician s o f the 1920 s wer e still performing, in-
cluding the magisteria l Duk e Ellington an d th e greates t of
them all, Louis Armstrong. Regina Andrews, perhaps the best-
Foreword xxi x

known black Harle m librarian—she was much more than a


librarian in her friendships with writers—was also alive and
willing to talk. So was Louise Thompson Patterson, the ste -
nographer wh o had serve d Hughes an d Zora Neale Hursto n
during th e infamou s Mule Bone episode that led to the rup -
ture of their friendship, and later a leading Harlem communist.
A. Philip Randolph , whose socialist magazin e Th e Messenger
(co-edited with Chandle r Owen ) had been influential earlie r
in the century, was a national figur e as the preeminent black
trade unionist . Th e novelist an d essayis t Georg e Schuyler ,
whose debunking o f the Harle m Renaissanc e ha d infuriate d
most of its admirers in its day, was still enraging readers with
his newspaper columns.
In addition, importan t physica l structures from th e 1930 s
had no t al l give n wa y to th e commissione d devastations o f
"urban renewal. " Th e YMCA on 135th Street wa s still very
much the way it was when Langston Hughes arrived there in
1921, an d the Schombur g Collection branch o f the Ne w York
Public Librar y dow n the stree t fro m th e Y still occupied its
comfy, townhouse-like setting. The nightclub Small's Paradise,
or some facsimile thereof, was still operating, as was the Apollo
Theater on 125th Street. Many parts of Harlem ha d declined
into crime-ridde n slums , a s recorde d by Gilbert Osofsk y i n
his study Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto (the second edition
was published, ironically, the same year that Harlem Renais-
sance appeared); but elegant Edgecombe Avenue, Strivers' Row,
the Dunbar apartments, Abyssinian Baptist Church , and many
other edifice s and other sites familiar to the Renaissance fig-
ures were still vital. Man y of the fade d building s coul d still
shimmer, if only for observers as imaginative a s Huggins, in
that immemorial light that revealed secret s o f the past.
In writing about the Renaissance, and in contrast to the tenor
of his own time, Huggins crossed the colo r line fairly easily in
reconstructing the age. He understood the dilemmas, successes,
and failures of Eugene O'Neill and Willis Richardson, Carl Van
xxx Foreword
Vechten and Claude McKay, Aaron Douglas and the Bavaria n
artist Winold Reiss, whose color portraits of leading black s
graced Locke's The New Negro. Among the lesser strengths of
this book—and one can lodge this complaint about every book
in existence about the Harlem Renaissance—is its treatmen t
of music, although what Huggins writes about blues and jazz
is certainly more than adequate as a contribution to the main-
stream of his arguments . Thi s wa s the ag e of James Reese
Europe, Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington, Fletcher Hender -
son, and Clara, Bessie, and Mamie Smith. Many of Harlem's
upstanding citizens did not see jazz and the blues as valuable
expressions of their culture, and some saw the forms as detri-
mental t o black progress . Counte e Cullen, fo r example, re-
fused to find in blues and jazz any poetic inspiration; Hughe s
took the opposite approach. Huggins arbitrates among these
positions, the better to understand how definitions of "culture"
in the black 1920s both energized and weakened Harlem.
Operating before the heyday of the revival of American femi-
nism, Huggins i s nevertheless respectfu l of the achievemen t
of women in his text (although , in the fashio n of the day , he
wrote in his own Introduction to Harlem Renaissance about
"white men and black men" working to shape American char-
acter an d culture). He points to and includes figures such as
Louise Thompson Patterson and Regina Andrews, who might
easily hav e been lef t ou t altogethe r becaus e they wer e nei-
ther artists nor spokespersons for the movement . Recogniz-
ing th e importanc e o f Nella Larsen , h e write s wit h insigh t
about her invaluable novels , Quicksand and Passing. He has
less to say about Jessie Fauset, th e literary editor of the Cri-
sis and the author of four published novels, and less still about
Zora Neale Hurston (who, after all, wrote her best work after
the Renaissanc e wa s over); but he aimed for the representa -
tive, not for the comprehensive. About Harlem's gay life, which
would become a major topic within Harlem Renaissance stud-
ies, he is silent. Later, the topi c of the sexualit y o f Langston
Foreword xxx i

Hughes, for example, would become something of a football ,


but Huggin s stays o n the sideline s of that game. Nowhere is
his avoidance of the gay topic more elegantly expressed tha n
when he writes of Countee Cullen but only hints at th e idea
that homosexuality and an illicit relationshi p wit h his adop-
tive father migh t have been at th e root of Cullen's conflicte d
ideas about religion, art, sex, and his own identity. He writes:
"Actually, even his struggl e wit h faith wa s emblemati c of a
far deepe r and more traumatic rebellion which his training in
the genteel convention ill-equipped him to handle. Both as a
person and a poet, Cullen tried to free himself of an unusually
close relationship with his adoptive father, a minister" (p. 165).
Not leas t o f all becaus e Cullen' s wido w wa s stil l alive , bu t
also because of the mor e restrained approac h to such topics
even in the "liberated" 1960s, Huggins was compelled to draw
the veil at this point.
Harlem Renaissance ends, with its sixth an d last chapter,
on an apparentl y od d note. We move not into the futur e bu t
into the past, as Huggins writes about the rise and evolution
of minstrelsy . On e migh t thin k tha t Huggin s woul d have
started his study with this topic, but the placement is in keep-
ing with his statemen t that his mai n targe t was never the
Harlem Renaissance in itself but the American psyche as seen
through th e len s o f the Renaissance . Followin g earlier at -
tempts a t understandin g America n minstrelsy , suc h a s
Constance Rourke's classic study American Humor, he remarks
on the exten t t o which the ris e o f the practic e o f white me n
blackening thei r face s an d enactin g th e role s o f blacks (in
comic, pathetic, and insulting ways) pointed to the fel t inad-
equacy of white culture in dealing with the neuroses produced
by its infamous contradictions, especially those between Pu-
ritanism, o n the on e hand, an d the wil l to lawlessness an d
licentiousness, o n th e other . Encourage d b y essay s an d
books such as Norman Mailer's The White Negro and Franz
Fanon's Black Skins, White Masks, Huggins attempts to blend
xxxii Foreword

psychologizing with history, sociology, politics, and art. White


men blackene d thei r face s t o fulfil l deep-seate d need s of
which they were largely unconscious. Enacting the satirize d
lives of blacks, they unwittingly revealed the spiritual, sexual,
and esthetic vacancies in their white lives and "official" white
culture.
Blacks, followin g whites , entered th e fiel d o f minstrelsy,
and wit h great success . They, too, blackened their faces an d
exaggerated other racial features for the amusement of deeply
appreciative white audiences. What does this have to do with
the Harlem Renaissance? Muggins sees parallels between one
phenomenon and the other. In his reading, the Harlem Renais-
sance, which depended to a large extent on white permissions
of black behavior, whether that behavior took place in a night
club or in a novel, catered to and relieved white senses of inad-
equacy. This essential function of the Harlem Renaissance called
into question the authenticity of its art and the relative hollow-
ness of its pretensions to be an expression of autonomous, lib-
erated blac k American culture, wit h cultur e almos t alway s
defined in terms of refinement and moral grandeur.
Huggins understood that such autonomy was not possible.
Du Boi s had bee n right an d propheti c in hi s enunciatio n of
the tw o souls of the American Negro, in the traged y o f black
Americans "always" seeing themselves mainly as whites saw
them, always measuring themselves by the norms and achieve-
ments of a civilization that saw them as less then human. In
this sense, the Harlem Renaissance at the time captured some-
thing essentia l abou t "Negro " culture an d als o marked th e
provisional nature of the culture's progress toward an honest
self-appreciation and self-expression. Huggins writes with the
assumption, th e sur e knowledg e (unpopular as i t migh t b e
around 1971), that black American culture, like its white coun-
terpart, remained fa r shor t o f its goal s as enunciated b y its
most articulat e an d deservin g leaders. An d yet on e of th e
strengths of the volume is the way in which it surely presumes
Foreword xxxii i

the dignity of blacks even as it sees American blackness as an


unfulfilled quality . Thu s Huggin s refuses the rol e of propa-
gandist that dogged and retarded black intellectual achieve-
ment before and afte r 1971 .
This refusal was no doubt regarded by some black and even
some white readers in the headstrong early 1970s as amount-
ing to a form of political and racial delinquency. How could a
self-respecting black scholar remain so calmly and coolly ana-
lytical, so intellectually elegant, in the fac e of the man y who
insisted on the need to confront and denounce racial injustice
past an d present an d t o achieve racial separation ? To which
Huggins migh t hav e replied , ho w can an y self-respecting
scholar not be calmly and cooll y analytical? This intellectua l
and emotional integrity is represented on virtually every page
of his book. If the styl e is truly the man, then the styl e here
speaks volumes about its author's min d and heart. Huggins's
sentences run the gamut from the firmly aphoristic to the play-
ful. He never descends to satirizing his subjects, although some
of them almos t be g to b e satirized. Eve n as h e pick s apar t
pretensions and false arguments, or cuts to the core of certain
artists' failings , h e i s respectfu l and scrupulou s abou t hi s
words. The book is easy to read, and yet Huggins never con-
descends to the reader.
One hopes that this new edition of Huggins's Harlem Re-
naissance attract s new scholars and student s of its subject .
As a scholarly topic the era is hardly exhausted. As the foun -
dational text in the field, Harlem Renaissance remains an in-
dispensable guide to the fact s an d features, the puzzle s and
mysteries, of one of the more provocative episodes in African-
American and American history.
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Harlem Renaissanc e
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Introduction

It i s a rar e an d intriguin g momen t whe n a peopl e decid e


that the y ar e th e instrument s of history-making and race-build -
ing. I t i s commo n enoug h t o thin k o f onesel f a s par t o f som e
larger meanin g i n th e swee p o f history , a par t o f some gran d
design. Bu t t o presum e t o b e a n acto r an d creato r i n th e spe -
cial occurrenc e o f a people's birth (o r rebirth) require s a singu-
lar self-consciousness . I n th e openin g decade s o f the twentiet h
century, dow n int o th e firs t year s o f th e Grea t Depression ,
black intellectual s i n Harle m ha d jus t suc h a self-concept .
These Harlemite s wer e s o convince d tha t the y wer e evokin g
their people' s "Dus k o f Dawn " tha t the y believe d tha t the y
marked a renaissance .
Historians hav e like d t o us e tha t wor d t o characteriz e som e
moment whe n a "culture, " onc e dormant , ha s bee n reawak -
ened. Bu t eve n th e mos t conventiona l o f them wil l confes s th e
concept i s a historica l fiction , a contrivanc e o f imagination s
steeped i n resurrection s an d simila r rite s o f spring . Seldom ,
however, hav e th e people—th e subject s o f suc h history -
knowing thei r roles , inquire d o f themselves , "ho w goe s th e

3
4 Harlem Renaissanc e

Renaissance?" Whil e no t s o exaggerated , tha t wa s wha t Har -


lem me n o f culture wer e doin g i n th e 1920s .
Of course , ou r ow n moment of history ha s give n u s preoccu -
pations o f our own . Harle m no w connotes violence , crime , an d
poverty. Fo r many , i t represent s a sourc e o f militancy, radica l
social change , an d blac k communit y culture . "Ghetto " an d
"Harlem" hav e become , t o most , interchangeabl e words .
Whether w e se e th e ghett o a s a cente r o f despair o r sourc e of
hope, w e tend t o read bac k into the pas t ou r assumptions, per-
ceptions, an d expectations . Bu t th e 1920 s wer e almos t a half -
century ago , an d w e ma y mis s mor e tha n w e lear n whe n w e
force upo n tha t tim e ou r ow n frustrations . Recen t historie s of
that "Blac k Metropolis " have tende d t o trea t i t a s always hav-
ing been a ghetto i n the making . Because of our compellin g in-
terest i n th e morpholog y of the economicall y deprived , w e ar e
likely t o be insensitiv e to th e fac t tha t t o Harlemite s in an ear -
lier decad e th e concep t o f Harle m becomin g a ghett o woul d
have seeme d absurd . Jame s Weldo n Johnso n believe d tha t
Harlem promise d a futur e o f "greate r an d greate r things " fo r
the Afro-American ; h e wrot e a s much in Black Manhattan, no-
tably published i n 1930.' Johnson's optimism, and that o f the re-
naissance generation, had not been soured by an economic depres-
sion which drov e hom e th e specia l vulnerabilit y of Negroes, a
war whic h informe d th e worl d o f pathologica l racism , an d
promises an d dream s which were glibl y announced an d rudel y
deferred. Th e generatio n whic h Johnso n spok e to , whic h thi s
book i s about , wa s optimisti c an d progressive . I t woul d tak e
more defea t tha n the y ha d ye t know n for them t o believ e tha t
what the y wer e buildin g would, i n time, impriso n them .
All o f the ingredient s fo r ghetto-makin g were i n evidenc e i n
the 1920s . Yet , i n thos e year s fe w Harle m intellectual s ad -
dressed themselve s t o issue s relate d t o tenements , crime , vio -
lence, an d poverty . Eve n Opportunity, th e magazin e o f th e
Urban Leagu e an d socia l work among Negroes, did no t discuss
Introduction 5

urban problem s a s muc h a s i t announce d th e Negro' s comin g


of age . I n par t thi s wa s due , n o doubt , t o th e desir e o f black
leaders t o stres s blac k achievemen t rathe r tha n blac k prob -
lems. A positiv e self-image—ther e wa s caus e fo r one—wa s
considered th e bes t startin g poin t fo r a better chance . Inequi -
ties du e t o rac e migh t bes t b e remove d whe n reasonabl e me n
saw tha t blac k me n wer e thinkers , strivers , doers , an d wer e
cultured, lik e themselves . Harle m intellectuals , wit h thei r
progressive assumptions , saw themselves as the ones most likely
to mak e thi s demonstration . The y wer e o n th e threshol d o f a
new day .
Present-day reader s ar e likel y to b e annoye d wit h what they
will se e to be th e naivet e o f men like Johnson. Some would call
them elitist s whe n i t come s t o culture . Wit h notabl e excep -
tions, lik e Langston Hughes , mos t Harlem intellectual s aspire d
to high cultur e a s opposed t o tha t o f the commo n man, which
they hope d t o min e for novels , poems , plays , an d symphonies .
They sa w art an d letter s a s a bridge across th e chas m between
the races . Artist s of both races , the y thought , wer e mor e likel y
to b e fre e o f superstition , prejudice , an d fea r tha n ordinar y
men. The y migh t mee t o n th e commo n groun d o f share d
beauty an d artisti c passion . I t wa s though t tha t thi s allianc e
"at th e top " woul d b e th e agenc y t o brin g th e race s togethe r
over th e fissure s o f ignorance , suspicion , an d fear . Despit e a
history tha t ha d divide d them , ar t an d cultur e woul d re-for m
the brotherhoo d i n a commo n humanity.
This wa s a n attitud e o f cultura l elitism . Bu t i t i s wron g t o
assume tha t thes e blac k intellectuals , becaus e o f it , wer e no t
related t o th e blac k commo n ma n i n Harlem . I thin k tha t i n
the earl y decade s o f thi s centur y mos t Negroe s wer e ap t t o
agree tha t i t was a goo d thin g t o hav e Negroes writin g "good"
novels, poems , plays , an d symphonies . No t alway s becaus e
they coul d read , listen , an d understan d them , bu t becaus e th e
fact tha t thes e work s wer e writte n wa s a remarkabl e achieve -
6 Harlem Renaissance

ment. An d such achievement , becaus e i t wa s elite in character ,


was a source o f race prid e an d a n argumen t agains t continue d
discrimination. Whil e man y Afro-American s migh t call Harle m
intellectuals "dict y niggers " an d laug h a t thei r pretensions ,
they woul d als o glo w i n th e reflectio n of their honor .
Many o f our generation , alienate d b y wha t ar e thought t o be
corrupt middle-clas s values , ma y b e impatien t wit h th e
unquestioned bourgeoi s assumption s o f thes e men , especiall y
because the y wer e blac k men . This, too , i s more ou r proble m
than theirs . Th e peopl e fro m affluen t home s (whit e an d black )
who hav e come to maturit y in th e 1950 s an d 1960 s have been
disillusioned b y th e spiritua l emptines s a t th e to p o f th e up -
ward-mobility escalator . An d w e hav e al l bee n a bi t incline d
to romanticize the honest y and th e relevanc y of the ma n at th e
bottom. Again , w e mus t remember , however , fo r Afro-Ameri -
cans i n th e 1920 s individua l achievemen t connote d mor e than
personal comfor t an d ease . Th e futur e o f th e rac e seeme d t o
depend o n me n an d wome n makin g i t i n America . Doctors ,
lawyers, judges, teachers, poets, writers, and actor s were essen-
tial, i n thei r achievement , becaus e the y showe d tha t i t coul d
be done , An d the y levele d barrier s fo r others—s o i t wa s
thought. So , wha t ma y appea r t o u s t o b e attitude s o f bour-
geois naivete were very often highl y race-conscious and aggres -
sive.
Our proble m here , a s i n an y history , i s t o se e me n an d
women o f anothe r er a i n thei r ow n term s an d no t ou r own .
And tha t wil l require o f us a humanism that wil l modulate our
own ego s an d self-consciousnes s enoug h t o perceiv e theirs .
Their worl d wa s differen t fro m ours . We mus t start there .
Like other s o f tha t generatio n whos e collectiv e experienc e
was Worl d Wa r I , Harlemite s wer e caugh t u p i n it s wake .
Surely th e ethnocentris m tha t generate d self-determinatio n as
an Allie d ai m i n tha t wa r informe d a ne w racia l awarenes s
among black s throughou t th e world . Th e wa r als o forced a re-
Introduction 1

evaluation o f Wester n civilizatio n an d encourage d non-Euro -


peans t o estee m thei r ow n culture s a s being a s valid an d civi -
lized a s Europe's . War-disillusione d whit e me n (America n and
European), o n th e othe r hand , helpe d enhanc e a blac k self -
concept throug h thei r ow n searc h fo r valid , authenti c experi -
ence. Eve n befor e th e war , Freu d an d th e ne w psycholog y
caused sophisticate d people to den y the artifice s of civility and
manner an d t o see k th e tru e sel f throug h spontaneit y an d th e
indulgence o f impulse . I n s o fa r a s Afro-American s coul d se e
their ow n live s a s bein g mor e natura l an d immediat e tha n
their countrymen's , the y coul d b e convince d tha t th e mer e ac-
centuation o f thei r characteristi c spontaneit y woul d wor k to -
ward th e creatio n o f a new Negro , a ne w man . Indeed , i f any-
one doubte d tha t th e blac k man' s tim e ha d come , h e neede d
only loo k a t th e awakenin g o f Mothe r Afric a a s evidence d i n
the recen t Europea n discoverie s an d appreciatio n o f Africa n
culture an d civilization . Suc h element s of the spiri t o f the ag e
contributed t o th e Harlemites ' vie w o f themselve s an d thei r
historic role .
While thei r worl d wa s differen t fro m ours—thei r attitude s
and assumption s different—i t i s nevertheles s familia r t o us . I
discovered, whe n I looke d throug h th e eye s o f those me n wh o
thought themselve s th e harbinger s o f th e "Ne w Negro, " ana -
logues t o ou r ow n ag e o f black self-consciousnes s which wer e
compelling. Thei r assertio n o f the militan t self, thei r searc h for
ethnic identit y an d heritag e i n fol k an d Africa n culture , an d
their promotio n o f th e art s a s th e agen t whic h wa s t o defin e
and t o fus e racia l integrit y resonat e wha t w e hea r abou t u s
now, fifty years later . Blac k men o f the 1920s , a s easil y a s ou r
own Afro-America n contemporaries , talke d o f the en d o f Negro
accommodation, o f th e importanc e o f ethni c identity , o f th e
new da y a ' dawnin g whe n blac k me n woul d hav e an d would
wield power . Suc h similaritie s betwee n no w an d the n sugges t
fundamental characteristic s o f America n racia l lif s tha t hav e
8 Harlem Renaissance

provoked th e sam e question s an d response s tim e an d again .


For, a s al l wh o hav e studied th e stor y of the Africa n i n Amer -
ica wil l kno w (and a s thos e Harlemite s seeme d no t t o know),
the formulation s o f racia l identit y an d cultur e i n th e 1920 s
were variation s o n earlie r theme s whic h hav e persiste d int o
our ow n time. What I have wanted t o do i n this book is to illu-
minate, through a searching loo k a t thi s one instanc e o f Negro
self-consciousness, tha t essentia l conditio n o f America n lif e
which ha s caused suc h periodic racia l identit y crises .
But eve n to spea k o f racial identity crisi s is to distort, I have
come t o think . For , lookin g outsid e th e confine s o f race, look-
ing a t the genera l America n culture, on e finds a no less persis-
tent an d recurren t deman d t o defin e America n character an d
American culture . Fro m Hecto r St . Joh n Crevecoeu r t o Ma x
Lerner, th e effor t t o characteriz e "thi s American , thi s ne w
man" ha s bee n a n intens e an d seriou s nationa l sport . Student s
of "America n civilization " wil l als o b e familia r wit h th e
equally persisten t (an d compulsive ) announcement s o f th e
"coming of age" of American culture. Such definitions of Amer-
ican characte r an d trumpeting s o f cultural maturity seem nec-
essarily repeate d tim e after time , as if they had neve r occurred
before. Th e simpl e matter i s that American s have bee n a pro -
vincial people , foreve r self-consciou s of themselve s an d thei r
society i n th e making , an d pulle d b y th e powerfu l gravit y of
the Europea n civilizatio n to whic h the y ar e hei r and , despit e
claims t o independence , whic h the y emulate . Negroes , n o les s
than othe r Americans, have suffered thi s sam e condition. Eve n
more so , i n fact , fo r Afro-American s hav e inhabite d a specia l
ethnic provinc e withi n provincia l America . The y hav e bee n
perplexed b y th e desir e t o emulat e th e European-entrance d
white America n and b y th e equall y appealin g drea m o f self -
definition throug h th e claimin g of their inheritanc e o f Africa n
culture. But from th e perspectiv e o f their ethni c province it has
been impossibl e for black men to se e how American their pre -
Introduction 9

dicament is . Whit e American s an d whit e America n cultur e


have ha d n o mor e clai m t o self-confidenc e tha n black . Th e
Negro has been unabl e to se e the beam i n the whit e man's eye
for th e mot e i n his own . Fo r bot h blac k an d whit e Americans ,
art ha s bee n th e mor e problematic becaus e o f these provincia l
uncertainties.
It wa s commonl y thought , i n thos e decade s aroun d Worl d
War I , tha t cultur e (literature , art , music , etc. ) wa s th e tru e
measure o f civilization . Harle m intellectuals , sharin g i n tha t
belief an d seein g themselve s a s living out th e momen t o f their
race's rebirth , naturall y marke d of f their achievemen t b y suc h
artistic production . Thu s the y promote d poetry , prose , paint -
ing, an d musi c as i f their live s depende d o n it . Mos t of us who
have looke d a t thi s episod e hav e merel y accepte d thos e sam e
assumptions an d applaude d thi s self-style d Harle m Renais -
sance because i t wa s a period o f considerable artistic activity.
I hav e chosen, rather , to prob e int o the pretension s o f some of
the artist s an d thei r work s and b y doin g s o place them within
the contex t o f America n cultura l history . Becaus e thi s boo k
does not simply remark an d congratulate , some readers ma y be
disappointed. Fo r i n questioning th e qualit y o f the works—th e
artistic achievement— I necessaril y challeng e th e succes s o f the
"renaissance" i n delivering wha t it claimed fo r itself. Some will
argue that i n our da y o f crisis o f black identit y i t i s harmful t o
question an y Afro-America n achievement ; positiv e self-concep t
needs pur e blac k poet s a s wel l a s pur e blac k heroes . I hav e
chosen, however , t o avoi d tha t condescensio n whic h judges al l
Negro ar t a s require d evidenc e o f a blac k cultura l contribu -
tion. Wh o really need s suc h proof ? I hav e preferred t o use the
works tha t I discus s t o expos e peculiarite s o f Afro-America n
expression. Suc h critica l analysi s i s necessar y t o an y tru e un -
derstanding o f black identit y i n America.
Harlem intellectual s promote d Negr o art , bu t on e thin g i s
very curious , excep t fo r Langsto n Hughes , non e o f them too k
10 Harlem Renaissance

jazz—the ne w music—seriously . O f course , the y al l mentione d


it a s background , as descriptiv e o f Harlem life. Al l said i t wa s
important i n th e definitio n o f th e Ne w Negro . Bu t non e
thought enoug h abou t i t t o tr y an d figur e ou t wha t wa s hap-
pening. The y tende d t o view it as a fol k art—lik e the spiritual s
and th e dance—th e unrefine d sourc e fo r the ne w art . Me n like
James Weldo n Johnso n an d Alai n Lock e expecte d som e rac e
genius t o appea r wh o woul d transfor m tha t sourc e int o high
culture. Tha t was , afte r all , the drea m o f Johnson's protagonist
in Autobiography o f a n Ex-Coloured Ma n a s h e fancie d sym -
phonic score s base d o n ragtime . Th e sam e improbable will-o'-
the-wisp entrance d whit e musician s lik e Pau l Whitema n an d
George Gershwin . It perplexe d blac k musician s lik e James P .
Johnson an d Fat s Waller . W e no w kno w better , bu t som e
would hav e sai d tha t Duk e Ellingto n was mesmerise d as well.
Anyway, th e promoter s o f th e Harle m Renaissanc e wer e s o
fixed o n a visio n o f high cultur e tha t the y di d no t loo k ver y
hard o r well a t jazz.
It i s a rea l pity , becaus e i t woul d hav e bee n wonderfu l t o
have had contemporary accounts of jazz in the making from curi-
ous and intelligent non-musicians. We know that various versions
of ragtime, New Orleans music, and the blues were being welded
into a fresh musica l idiom within earshot of all Harlemites. Louis
Armstrong (occasionall y i n Ne w Yor k City), Jelly Rol l Morton,
James P. Johnson, etc., wer e at th e prime of their creative lives .
Duke Ellington, Fletcher Henderson , and Don Redman were al-
ready learnin g t o giv e orchestra l for m t o a music of improvisa-
tion and virtuosity . It i s clear enough , now, that th e blue s were
more tha n sad , bawdy , an d entertainin g songs. They wer e (not
like spirituals) th e ironi c voice of free men , conscious of the un -
mitigating paradox of being free men and black men. Were it not
for Langsto n Hughes, we would have almost no specific notice of
tha't art from the Harlem writers . It i s very ironic tha t a genera-
tion tha t wa s searching fo r a new Negro and his distinctive cul -
Introduction 1 1

tural expressio n woul d hav e passe d u p th e onl y reall y creativ e


thing tha t was goin g on . But then, i t i s not to o surprising . Th e
jazzmen wer e to o bus y creatin g a cultural renaissanc e t o thin k
about the implications o f what they were doing .
The blac k intellectual s wer e searchin g fo r thei r ow n iden -
tity, but the y wer e boun d up in a mor e genera l America n ex-
perience tha n a "Harle m Renaissance " woul d suggest . Fo r
black an d whit e American s hav e bee n s o lon g an d s o inti -
mately a par t o f on e another' s experienc e that , wil l i t o r not ,
they canno t b e understoo d independently . Eac h ha s neede d
the othe r t o hel p defin e himself . Th e creatio n o f Harle m a s a
place o f exotic cultur e wa s a s much a servic e t o whit e nee d a s
it wa s t o black. S o essential ha s bee n th e Negr o personalit y t o
the whit e American psyche tha t blac k theatrica l mask s had be-
come, b y th e twentiet h century , a standar d wa y fo r white s t o
explore dimension s o f themselve s tha t seeme d impossibl e
through thei r ow n personae. The blackfac e minstrel sho w styl -
ized a Negr o characte r typ e tha t blac k me n use d t o serv e a s
a passpor t throiig h whit e America . Yet , th e mas k demeane d
them whil e i t hi d them . Thu s th e strand s o f identit y fo r Afro -
Americans i n th e 1920 s wer e confounde d i n a traditio n o f
white/black self-concep t tha t coul d no t b e unravele d b y sim-
ple proclamation s o f th e birt h o f th e Ne w Negro . I n orde r t o
trace ou t som e o f these line s int o the America n psychic past , I
have venture d i n th e las t chapte r beyon d th e limit s o f Harlem
in th e 1920 s an d hav e looke d int o th e origin s o f such cultura l
phenomena a s the minstre l show. I hope tha t th e reade r i s not
impatient wit h suc h forays . I thin k tha t the y ar e necessar y t o
expose facet s of the Negr o self-concept . I thin k tha t the read -
ers' indulgence will be rewarde d wit h a fuller understandin g of
American characte r an d th e blac k man withi n it.
In suc h ways , I hop e tha t thi s boo k demonstrate s somethin g
that I firmly believe: th e stud y o f the interpla y betwee n whit e
and blac k i n American life , th e illuminatio n of the Afro-Ameri -
12 Harlem Renaissance
can experienc e within America n cultur e wil l serv e t o expan d
and infinitel y enrich ou r sens e o f that "civilization. " I sa y thi s
not merel y t o confes s m y bias , bu t t o aler t th e reade r t o th e
kind o f questions h e shoul d as k of this boo k a s he read s it . Fo r
I hav e wante d Harle m i n th e 1920 s no t t o b e th e focu s o f this
book, bu t rathe r a len s throug h which on e migh t se e a ne w
view: whit e me n an d blac k me n unknowingl y dependen t i n
their wor k to shape America n character an d culture. Whenever
Americans d o com e o f age, the y wil l have gaine d tru e insight
into themselve s b y th e claimin g of that dependence .
1 Harlem: Capital of
the Blac k World

What mad e Harle m specia l wa s no t tha t i t wa s bawd y an d


tended t o epitomiz e th e mos t sordi d aspect s o f th e Jaz z Age.
While tha t wa s tru e enough , s o ha d numerou s other "colore d
districts" o f American cities. Ne w Yor k ha d simila r black cen -
ters i n earlie r years . James Weldon Johnso n recalled on e such
district o n West 35th Street tha t thrive d aroun d th e turn of the
century. Ike Hines' s place, whic h Johnson described, had al l of
the qualitie s o f the cabare t an d "sportin g life " tha t wer e late r
to characteriz e Harle m fo r many . Ik e Hines' s ha d collecte d
black musician s and entertainers , an d they , i n turn , attracte d
scores o f white pleasure-seekers an d whit e heirs of the minstrel
tradition i n searc h o f materia l fo r thei r blackface d theatrica l
acts. Ther e see m alway s to hav e been "darktowns. " They were
a bi t spic y becaus e o f community indulgence. Th e respectabl e
white citizenr y sough t pleasur e i n thei r brothel s an d cabarets .
And thei r patronag e shielde d th e extra-lega l lif e o f Negroe s
from polic e harassment . Harlem , befor e Worl d Wa r I an d th e
years following , ha d al l of these features . But the tim e and th e
circumstances o f it s creatio n mad e Harle m symboliz e th e
Afro-American's comin g o f age. 1

13
14 Harlem Renaissance

It i s eas y enoug h t o understan d wh y peopl e sa w mor e i n


Harlem tha n wa s there . I t wa s th e histori c moment , among
other things . Hal f a century ha d passed since th e emancipatio n
of slaves when black Harle m came into existence . Wha t better
point a t which to declare the pas t o f slavery and servility dea d
and to proclai m th e ne w day of the liberate d an d independen t
black man ? It wa s the twentiet h centur y no w afte r all , a tim e
for ne w beginnings . Blac k Americans , lik e whit e Americans ,
were becomin g a n urba n rathe r tha n a rura l people . Larg e
numbers o f blacks had streame d int o the norther n cities i n th e
first year s o f th e ne w century , force d ou t b y th e povert y o f
southern agricultur e an d th e mea n brutality o f southern racia l
bigotry. Harle m gained from that migration, as shortly after, i n
World Wa r I , i t gaine d fro m th e wave s of blacks who came t o
fill the wa r industries ' labo r need s tha t ha d bee n aggravate d
by th e war-severe d Europea n immigration . Great number s of
blacks seeme d t o mea n ne w power . I t wa s the powe r o f num-
bers afte r all , an d th e astute , economi c aggressiveness o f black
businessmen tha t ha d snatche d Harlem' s newly developed rea l
estate fro m whit e middle-class hands and converte d i t into th e
biggest an d mos t elegan t blac k communit y i n th e Wester n
world. Harle m ha d thu s freshl y becom e a grea t concentratio n
of blacks—no t peasan t bu t urban—withi n th e mos t urban e of
American citie s the n just feeling it s youthful strengt h an d pos -
turing i n self-consciou s sophistication . N o wonde r Harlemite s
felt tha t they an d their communit y were something special; not
just anothe r darktown . An d whe n blac k soldier s parade d u p
Lenox Avenu e to a jaz z step—returnin g fro m a wa r tha t ha d
ended wa r an d guarantee d t o al l me n th e righ t o f self -
determination—it i s no t surprisin g tha t blac k men' s dream s
would fin d i n Harle m a capita l fo r th e race , a platfor m fro m
which th e ne w blac k voic e woul d b e hear d aroun d th e world,
and a n intellectua l cente r o f the Ne w Negro. 2
Afro-Americans, o f course, were not th e only ones in the first
Harlem; Capital o f th e Black World 1 5

decades o f thi s centur y t o b e deceive d b y thei r dream s an d


their innocence . Tha t wa s commo n wit h Americans . Bu t
Negroes—up fro m slavery—ha d mor e t o hop e fo r tha n others ,
more o f a drea m to b e deferre d an d the n denied . Th e flourish-
ing o f Harle m cam e a t just th e righ t momen t t o indulg e inno -
cence an d mak e it al l seem possible .
It wa s jus t tha t sens e o f possibilit y an d powe r tha t per -
suaded man y black me n an d wome n to com e to Harle m i n th e
years aroun d th e Grea t War . Black s wh o wante d t o b e wher e
they coul d reac h th e wides t audience—t o organiz e an d inspir e
blacks throughou t th e world , t o cajol e white s t o reform . Thos e
Negroes wh o ha d pretension s o f talent an d intellec t wante d t o
be where, t o greatest effect , the y migh t convert thei r skills and
minds int o persona l an d racia l success . Man y sa w Harle m a s
the retor t wher e th e best achievemen t o f colored peopl e would
be crystallize d int o the hard , permanent stuff o f the race' s posi -
tive future. And , of course, a s more self-confident, sophisticated ,
and articulat e Negroe s cam e t o Harlem , th e mor e attrac -
tive it became for others who wanted to make their way. By the
end o f the 1920 s ther e wa s a discernible ol d an d ne w guar d of
black intellectual s i n Ne w York . Bu t whethe r ol d o r young ,
Harlem ha d pulle d the m al l the same .

When Jame s Weldo n Johnso n moved to Harle m i n 1914 , h e


was actuall y comin g t o Ne w Yor k fo r a secon d time , followin g
a young manhood o f wide experience . Hi s decision t o establis h
himself i n Harle m was , i n fact , a fina l commitmen t t o a life' s
work a s a n intellectua l ( a write r an d poet) , an d a s a n orga -
nizer an d propagandis t fo r th e Afro-America n cause . Johnso n
had bee n successfu l a t almos t everythin g h e touche d a s a
young man . H e ha d bee n a hig h schoo l principa l a s wel l a s a
lawyer i n hi s nativ e Jacksonville , Florida. Wit h hi s brother , J .
Rosamund Johnson , an d Bo b Col e h e ha d ha d enormou s suc-
cess writin g songs an d play s for the Ne w Yor k musical stag e in
16 Harlem Renaissance
the firs t year s o f the century . Thi s tea m excite d Ti n Pa n Alle y
with suc h hit s a s " A Maide n wit h th e Dream y Eyes, " "No -
body's Lookin ' bu t th e Ow l an d th e Moon, " "Under th e Bam-
boo Tree," and "Th e Cong o Lov e Song"; the y wer e amon g the
most popula r songwriter s o f the period . Becaus e h e ha d bee n
active i n Republica n part y politic s Johnso n wa s appointe d t o
the consula r service , servin g durin g th e Theodor e Roosevel t
and Willia m Howar d Taf t administration s i n Puert o Cabello ,
Venezuela, an d Corinto , Nicaragua . A very hig h intelligence , a
strong comman d o f Spanish , an d a conciliator y temperamen t
served t o mak e Johnso n a n excellen t consul . I t wa s mainl y
through hi s intelligenc e an d skil l tha t th e Unite d State s wa s
able t o place troop s i n Corinto during a n insurrectio n i n 1912 .
While i n Lati n America , Johnso n extended hi s literar y talent .
He publishe d tw o poems , wit h excellen t critica l reception :
"After Fift y Years " and " O Blac k an d Unknow n Bards. " I n ad -
dition t o poetry , Johnso n anonymousl y publishe d hi s novel ,
Autobiography o f a n Ex-Coloured Man. So b y th e tim e John-
son cam e t o Harlem , h e ha d taste d succes s i n severa l fields. 3
Johnson's decisio n t o leav e th e consula r servic e wa s
prompted b y th e politica l chang e tha t brough t Woodro w Wil-
son an d th e Democrat s t o Washington . A career i n th e foreig n
service tha t woul d b e severel y limite d fo r Negroe s unde r th e
Republicans would surely be eve n more circumscribed unde r a
southern-dominated Democrati c administration . On e suspects ,
however, tha t eve n unde r libera l circumstances , th e consula r
service woul d no t fo r lon g hav e satisfie d a ma n o f Johnson' s
wide rang e of talents an d interests .
But hi s decisio n t o com e t o Ne w Yor k wa s no t automati c
upon leavin g the foreig n service. H e ha d a t first thought o f re-
turning t o Jacksonville . Hi s fathe r ha d die d i n th e year s h e
was i n th e Caribbean , an d hi s mothe r hope d tha t on e o f her
sons woul d remai n home . Bu t th e deterioratio n o f rac e rela -
tions i n th e tow n ha d gon e s o far a s t o mak e i t impossibl e for
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 1 7
him t o stay . Perhap s th e deterioratio n ha d no t bee n s o great ,
but hi s long experienc e outsid e th e Sout h made Johnso n se e it
differently. Also , h e ha d marrie d a Brookly n girl an d no w h e
had t o see Jacksonville throug h he r eyes . Whit e men whom he
had know n fro m hi s boyhoo d seeme d differen t now . Triviali -
ties wer e annoying . Whit e men , wh o ha d bee n hi s friends ,
were no w embarrasse d t o gree t hi m o n th e street , frightene d
away fro m al l th e courtesie s lik e tipping thei r hat s t o hi s wif e
as the y passed . Jacksonvill e wa s no t a larg e town , everyon e
knew everyon e els e b y nam e and reputation ; th e littl e courte -
sies wer e important . Th e trivia l slight s stung , an d Johnso n
could n o longe r fin d a commo n ground wit h me n wh o coul d
not trea t hi m a s a man.
The Ne w York that Johnson moved to i n 191 4 wa s strangel y
different fro m th e cit y h e ha d know n before . Th e cente r o f
Negro entertainment an d night life had moved uptown from th e
old Marshal l Hotel o n Wes t 53r d Street , th e plac e tha t h e re-
membered. Th e tre k ha d alread y begu n t o Harlem . J . Rosa -
mund Johnson had bee n on e of the first Negroes to buy a home
west o f Leno x Avenue , o n 136t h Street ; Jame s Weldo n fol -
lowed hi s brother's move . In 1917 , Jame s Weldon Johnson was
asked t o b e th e firs t Negr o executive secretar y o f the National
Association fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d People , an d h e
accepted. H e serve d i n tha t positio n unti l 1931 , jus t seve n
years befor e hi s accidenta l death . Hi s appointmen t i n 193 1 t o
the Ada m K . Spence Chai r o f Creative Literature a t Fis k Uni-
versity made i t possible for him to devote ful l tim e to lecturing
and writing . Bu t throug h th e 1920 s h e contribute d strongl y to
the intellectua l lif e o f Harlem. He wrot e editorials fo r the Ne w
York Ag e an d publishe d man y poems, includin g God's Trom-
bones (1927). In addition , h e an d J . Rosamund edited a collec-
tion o f Negr o spirituals . Th e cit y encourage d creativ e work .
He was , i n hi s words , "materializin g th e intangible. " H e ha d
"minted som e rathe r inconsequentia l dreams , an d th e proces s
18 Harlem Renaissance

seemed t o posses s a n elemen t o f magic." A s a n officia l o f th e


NAACP, h e succeede d i n givin g nationa l organizatio n an d
strength t o th e Association . H e attacke d th e brutalit y o f white
Americans, th e cripplin g limitation s o n Negro opportunity im -
posed by a race-conscious society , and he lobbied forcefull y an d
effectively fo r federal legislatio n tha t woul d remedy these evils .
Johnson's establishmen t i n Harlem , then, was really a part of
a fina l definitio n of his purpose an d career . Harle m seeme d t o
provide th e plac e an d th e opportunit y fo r thi s blac k ma n of
talent an d experienc e t o have a real an d broad-rangin g impact
on hi s world . Actuall y a membe r of an olde r generation , John-
son in the 1920 s wa s a compeer with what people bega n t o call
the "Ne w Negro."
The circumstance s tha t mad e Harle m an d Ne w York appea r
a viabl e cente r o f Negro cultural, intellectual , an d politica l lif e
were in part the resul t o f the larg e migratio n of talented black s
to th e cit y i n th e year s befor e th e war . But , more important,
what distinguishe d Harle m fro m th e severa l othe r burgeonin g
black metropolise s wer e changes , seemingl y centere d i n Har -
lem, i n th e characte r o f Negr o protes t an d thought . Thes e
changes resonate d i n the formatio n o f the NAAC P and resulte d
in th e migratio n of W. E . Burghard t DuBois to Ne w York .
DuBois, lik e Johnson, wa s par t o f a n olde r generatio n tha n
the one that was to personify the Ne w Negro. He, like Johnson,
had grow n u p i n th e critica l year s o f Reconstruction . Lik e
Johnson's, hi s famil y ha d no t personall y fel t slavery . But Du -
Bois, unlike Johnson, was not t o know th e Sout h until his adult
years. Bor n 186 8 i n Grea t Barrington , a smal l Massachusetts
town i n the Berkshire s on the Housatoni c River , DuBois could
feel hi s famil y root s goin g dow n int o this soi l whic h wa s bot h
Hudson Rive r Dutc h an d Ne w Englan d Puritan . Although he
was force d becaus e o f hi s rac e t o mak e detours , DuBoi s re -
ceived th e kin d o f educatio n tha t an y exceptionall y brigh t
Yankee woul d hav e taken : Grea t Barringto n publi c school ,
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 1 9

A.B. a t Fis k University , A.B . and Ph.D . a t Harvard , an d post -


doctoral stud y i n Berlin . Whil e a t Fisk , h e ha d taugh t i n th e
rural school s o f Tennessee, an d afte r hi s return fro m Europ e h e
took a positio n a t Negr o colleges—Wilberforc e i n Pennsyl -
vania an d the n a t Atlant a University. 4
Atlanta ha d bee n Jame s Weldo n Johnson' s college , an d
when Johnso n returned , fres h fro m hi s succes s o n th e Ne w
York stage , fo r th e tent h reunio n o f hi s class , h e ha d i n hi s
hands Souls o f Black Folk, just publishe d b y a brilliant Yanke e
Negro fro m Harvar d an d Europe . DuBois' s boo k wa s enor -
mously important , no t merel y becaus e i t dignifie d th e Negr o
through som e o f th e fines t pros e o f the period , bu t becaus e i t
laid bare a rif t tha t ha d bee n widenin g between youn g Negro
intellectuals lik e DuBoi s an d th e establishe d Negr o leadershi p
under Booke r T . Washington . Washingto n ha d stresse d in -
dustrial an d agricultura l trainin g fo r Negroes , thu s h e tende d
to b e anti-intellectua l an d h e sa w problem s fro m a rura l an d
small tow n perspective . Hi s counse l wa s fo r conciliatio n an d
patience o n th e par t o f Negroes; therefore in DuBois' s eye s h e
was ignorin g th e realit y o f whit e forc e an d violenc e agains t
Negro citizenship . H e depende d o n th e whit e goo d wil l in th e
South an d upo n whit e philanthrop y i n th e North ; therefor e
his abilit y t o b e a spokesma n fo r Negr o aspiration s coul d b e
doubted. H e ha d buil t aroun d hi m a n efficien t machin e which
channeled whit e good-wil l an d philanthrop y a s well a s Repub-
lican patronag e t o selecte d Negroes ; thu s h e coul d stifl e criti -
cism, militancy , an d threat s t o his power .
Militant blac k antagonis m agains t Washingto n wa s ver y
deep. DuBois' s criticis m i n Souls o f Black Folk wa s measure d
and respectful ; nevertheles s th e boo k signale d th e break , an d
DuBois thu s becam e th e leade r an d spokesma n o f th e anti -
Washington forces . DuBoi s brough t th e militant s together i n a
conference hel d Jul y 11-13 , 1905 , a t Buffalo , Ne w York . Th e
"Niagara Movement " issue d a direc t challeng e t o th e philoso -
20 Harlem Renaissance

phy an d leadershi p o f Booke r T . Washington . Havin g bee n


subjected t o the tyranny of the Washington machine, the conferees
asked tha t fre e speec h an d th e righ t t o criticize be honore d i n
the fact . I n respons e t o what the y sa w as Washington's sell-ou t
of th e Negro' s politica l an d socia l rights , the y insiste d o n th e
principle o f manhoo d suffrag e an d demande d th e abolitio n o f
all cast e distinction s base d o n rac e o r color . Whil e the y wer e
willing t o conced e t o Washington' s concer n fo r th e trainin g of
the Negr o commo n man , th e conferee s rejecte d hi s anti-intel -
lectual positio n agains t highe r educatio n fo r the Negr o ma n of
ability. Souls o f Black Folk ha d anticipate d al l this , crystaliz -
ing inchoat e Negr o thought , creatin g a commandin g argumen t
against th e blac k conservativ e establishment .
It wa s th e glarin g failur e o f Washington' s mode l fo r blac k
advancement tha t ha d galvanize d black s into action . Washing -
ton's notion s were questionabl e an d anachronisti c o n a number
of grounds . H e encourage d trainin g i n obsolet e crafts , base d
the Negro' s economi c future o n a sick and dyin g southern agri -
culture, ignore d th e futur e urba n rol e o f Afro-Americans , an d
relied completel y o n white s i n th e Nort h and South . But noth-
ing equale d hi s publi c blindnes s t o th e growin g horro r o f ra-
cial violenc e agains t blacks . I t wa s i n respons e t o thi s tha t
blacks an d white s organized , independen t o f him.
Indeed, i n 1909, Mar y Whit e Ovington, observing th e ris e in
violence agains t th e Negr o throughou t th e country , issue d a
call t o white s an d Negroe s fo r a ne w conference . Alon g with
Miss Ovington , Oswal d Garriso n Villard , Jan e Addams , Joh n
Dewey, Florenc e Kelley , Rabb i Stephe n Fine , an d Willia m
Dean Howell s answere d th e call . Th e conferenc e i n Ma y 191 0
brought togethe r th e Negroe s o f th e Niagar a Movemen t an d
these whit e reformer s to for m th e Nationa l Association fo r th e
Advancement o f Colored People. 5
DuBois, wh o ha d give n th e initia l nudge t o thi s directio n of
Harlem: Capital of th e Black World 2 1

Negro protest , wa s appointe d edito r o f th e Crisis, a monthly


publication o f th e Association . S o h e lef t Atlanta , move d t o
New York , an d bega n t o mak e hi s nam e almos t synonymous
with Negr o militancy. An d so , too, DuBois , th e Nationa l Asso-
ciation fo r the Advancemen t o f Colored People , an d Ne w Yor k
City becam e identifie d wit h th e spiri t o f Negr o protes t an d
self-assertion i n th e mind s o f th e magazine' s wid e nationa l
readership.
DuBois's editorial s wer e trenchant—hi s languag e wa s ofte n
acid. H e wa s awar e tha t hi s min d wa s superior t o mos t men's ,
and no t toleratin g fool s gladly , h e could no t hide his contemp t
for whites simple enough to be condescending. Wit h his high fore-
head—his head was bald except fo r a rim of short-cropped gray -
ing hair—trimmed mustache , pointe d beard , and shar p features,
this brown man was imperious. He personified a new manner. He
did no t hid e hi s bitternes s t o white s an d woul d fi t n o philan-
thropist's conceptio n o f a goo d Negro . I t wa s throug h hi s
prodding tha t Jame s Weldo n Johnso n wa s appointe d exec -
utive secretar y o f th e Associatio n afte r a successio n o f
white administrators .
DuBois an d Johnson , very differen t i n training an d tempera -
ment, becam e th e activ e agent s o f th e Association . B y th e
1920s whe n Negroes though t of the Associatio n and Negr o pro-
test, i t woul d b e thes e tw o name s tha t woul d com e t o mind .
They wer e th e ol d guard . B y th e tim e th e 1920 s ha d begun ,
Johnson an d DuBoi s wer e wel l establishe d i n New York , an d a
new generatio n o f Negroe s considere d the m leaders . Withou t
perhaps knowin g it , the y wer e attractin g youn g Negroe s t o
New Yor k becaus e the y symbolize d th e ne w spiri t tha t th e
postwar generatio n felt . They , Ne w York , an d Harle m ha d
come t o mea n a futur e o f great possibilit y t o th e Negro .
The sam e characteristic s o f Harle m tha t coul d caus e me n
like Jame s Weldo n Johnso n an d W . E . B . DuBoi s t o cente r
22 Harlem Renaissance

their live s an d th e Negro' s futur e ther e woul d brin g other s


with differen t politica l messages . Marcu s Garvey wa s tuned t o
different chord s i n Booke r T . Washington' s message . Garve y
heard self-hel p an d racia l independence , an d hi s min d trans -
formed tha t int o militancy an d aggressiv e black nationalism . A
Jamaican, Marcu s Garve y ha d a n imaginatio n tha t wa s cap -
tured b y a fantasti c dream : blac k me n re-establishin g them -
selves i n Africa , bein g a rea l people , becomin g a rea l nation .
His drea m capture d som e realit y afte r h e base d hi s Universal
Negro Improvemen t Association in Harlem , which he made his
temporary capital , an d fro m ther e touche d th e hope s o f
hundreds o f thousands o f black peopl e throughou t th e world .
Garvey, wh o ha d com e t o Ne w Yor k i n 1916 , foun d i n me n
like DuBoi s an d Johnso n grea t antagonists ; bu t h e gav e mor e
than h e took i n vitriolic rhetoric . H e mad e thei r self-consciou s
aggressiveness see m conservative . Eve n afte r Garvey' s failure ,
his convictio n fo r fraud , an d expulsio n fro m th e country , h e
was still abl e t o appea l t o peopl e wh o ha d neve r bee n s o af-
fected b y an y othe r politica l leade r (o r dreamer) . Garvey' s
coming t o Harle m helpe d mak e it see m a capita l fo r a n inter -
national blac k race. 6
Men lik e DuBois , Johnson , an d Garve y mad e thei r head -
quarters i n Ne w Yor k i n th e year s befor e America's entr y int o
World Wa r I. I t did no t matter that thes e politica l leader s an d
intellectuals wer e ofte n antagonistic ; tha t merel y suggeste d a n
openness, variety , an d sophisticatio n tha t ha d neve r existe d for
Afro-Americans before . Wha t di d matte r wa s tha t thes e me n
were i n Ne w York , thei r manne r an d styl e wa s forceful , an d
they wer e bein g heard . I t i s not surprising , then, tha t Harle m
drew youn g black intellectual s wh o wante d t o find themselves
and thei r own voices. Th e effec t wa s cumulative: the more who
came, th e mor e wh o followed i n their wake .
With Louis e Thompson , a n identit y quest , a desire fo r intel-
lectual challenge , an d a compellin g urg e t o d o somethin g im -
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 2 3

portant wer e th e motiv e force s behin d migration . Louis e


Thomspon's famil y ha d move d a s domestic hel p throug h num-
berless fa r western towns , eac h much like the last . Towns, even
cities, i n Oregon an d Californi a had fe w Negroes in those early
years o f th e twentiet h century , Afro-American s ther e foun d
jobs mor e availabl e th e mor e the y were abl e t o change , to be-
come somethin g else , t o tak e o n th e coloratio n an d ethni c
identity tha t eac h whit e communit y foun d tolerable . Louis e
and he r mothe r wer e sometime s white , sometime s Mexican ,
and sometime s i t di d no t matter . Wha t kin d o f ego coul d sur-
vive suc h effacement ? Mask s always , th e constan t denia l o f
self. And , o f course , on e ha d t o remembe r t o forge t Negr o
friends i n public whe n i t wa s necessary. 7
But humiliatio n onl y fe d a longin g fo r rac e identit y withi n
Louise Thompson . Sh e fel t th e quive r an d exaltatio n o f rac e
pride when , a s a studen t a t th e Universit y of California , she
heard an d saw , fro m a n audienc e fille d wit h whites , a brilliant
brown ma n name d DuBois . N o denia l o r self-effacemen t here .
DuBois, Crisis , th e NAACP , an d Harlem—ther e wa s superior-
ity an d self-respect .
After takin g he r degre e i n busines s administration , Louis e
Thompson too k a teachin g positio n a t Hampto n Institute .
There sh e supporte d a studen t strik e agains t th e school' s phi -
losophy o f paternalis m an d "uplift, " whic h reflecte d it s whit e
philanthropic control . Sh e sensed her e anothe r kin d of humilia-
tion o f race , an d sh e wrot e DuBoi s abou t it . He r lette r wa s
published anonymousl y in Crisis. Sh e an d Hampto n agree d t o
part. Th e school' s managemen t though t tha t sh e di d no t fit,
and sh e wanted somethin g more womanly than a conservative,
southern Negr o colleg e woul d allow . O f course , sh e wen t t o
Harlem t o becom e a par t o f thos e youn g intellectual s wh o
were assertin g thei r race .
The ne w postwa r generatio n o f Negr o intellectual s migh t
have been attracte d t o Harle m by the lure s of older greats , bu t
24 Harlem Renaissance

they als o brough t wit h the m th e spiri t o f the Jaz z Age. They,
along wit h thei r whit e contemporaries , ushere d i n th e libera -
tion o f the 1920s . Harle m for blacks, like New York for whites,
was synonymou s with opportunity , th e releas e o f the individ-
ual spirit . Fo r some , i t mean t the possibilit y t o writ e o r t o b e
near thos e wh o did. No t a few quickened t o th e excitemen t of
the musica l stage an d th e effervescenc e o f sophisticated an d ri-
bald nightlife . Fo r all—blac k an d white—Ne w Yor k wa s th e
occasion fo r breakin g awa y fro m smal l tow n life , th e restric -
tions of family control , an d fo r growing up.
Langston Hughe s belonge d t o Harle m even befor e he came.
In th e Jun e 192 1 issu e o f Crisi s ther e appeare d Hughes' s first
published poem , "Th e Negr o Speak s o f Rivers. " Hughe s ha d
been writin g sinc e hi s hig h schoo l day s i n Cleveland , bu t hi s
literary beginning s wer e i n Crisis . Afte r hig h school , Hughe s
lived i n Mexic o with hi s father , a wealth y ranche r an d mine r
who ha d littl e sympath y fo r th e arts . Wha t i s more, th e elde r
Hughes ha d a quite violen t hatre d o f Negroes. I t wa s perhaps
in defianc e o f hi s fathe r tha t Langsto n Hughe s nurture d hi s
warm an d dee p interes t i n th e Negr o common people an d a n
art tha t woul d speak thei r spirit . Langston' s father wanted him
to g o t o Switzerlan d t o b e traine d i n engineering , bu t th e
young man ha d hear d o f the famou s musica l Shuffle Along and
he wante d t o g o to Harlem . "Mor e tha n Paris , o r th e Shake-
speare country , o r Berlin, or the Alps , I wanted t o see Harlem,
the greates t Negr o cit y i n th e world. " S o he convince d hi s fa-
ther tha t Columbi a Universit y coul d trai n hi m a s well a s any
European school . H e neve r like d Columbia , bu t Harle m made
him glad. 8
For Hughes , Harle m wa s t o b e th e cente r o f hi s life , th e
black peopl e ther e th e mai n source o f his literar y inspiration .
Another poet , Claud e McKay , used Harle m in a different way ,
but use d i t nonetheless. McKa y had grow n up in the rura l hills
of Jamaica, an d worke d i n the constabular y as a young man in
Harlem: Capital of the Black World 25
Kingston. Hi s firs t literar y succes s wa s wit h poem s writte n i n
the Wes t India n dialect . Bu t hi s native islan d wa s too small a
field fo r him . A travelin g troup e o f Negr o theate r peopl e
turned McKay' s eyes to New York and Harlem . McKa y spent a
time workin g i n railroa d dinin g cars , bu t Ne w Yor k an d th e
black cit y withi n Ne w Yor k continue d t o pul l him . Whil e
much o f hi s writin g wa s intensel y expressiv e o f Harlem , h e
nevertheless manage d t o remain outside an d independen t o f it.
White intellectual s wer e hi s main support an d hi s primar y in-
tellectual association . Fran k Harri s o f Pearsons gave hi m hi s
first real suppor t i n thi s country . During much of the 1920 s h e
was o n th e editoria l staf f o f Ma x Eastman' s Liberator, where
he worke d wit h Crysta l Eastma n an d clashe d wit h Michae l
Gold. And, later, althoug h h e remaine d i n Europ e fo r much of
the late 1920 s an d 1930s , Harlem continued t o be an important
focus fo r his writing. H e wa s to be on e o f those who would try
to describ e th e essential s o f Harlem in a novel. 9
Liberation wa s the magnet that drew Regina Andrews, a pert
olive-skinned girl , wh o escape d fro m Chicag o t o discove r he r
race an d he r womanhood . He r fathe r wa s a lawyer in Chicago,
and Regin a foun d i t difficul t t o fi t int o th e comfortabl e an d
complacent middle-clas s societ y tha t wa s expecte d o f Negro
young ladies . I t wa s no t tha t Ne w Yor k wa s mor e congenia l
than Chicag o t o Negroes . A libraria n wit h experienc e i n th e
Chicago publi c libraries , sh e ha d foun d i t eve n mor e difficul t
in New York until sh e was placed in the 135t h Street branc h of
the Ne w Yor k Cit y system . No t tha t Ne w Yor k wa s kinder ;
rather, Harle m wa s fille d wit h youn g Negr o me n an d wome n
who wer e writin g an d singin g an d dancin g an d paintin g an d
acting, an d sh e wa s i n th e mids t o f it all . He r plac e a t th e li -
brary pu t he r i n clos e touc h wit h th e youn g artists. Sh e made
her apartmen t a n uptow n salo n wher e al l o f the intellectual s
came. (He r apartment , indeed , wa s describe d i n Car l Va n
Vechten's Nigger Heaven.) A s to many a youn g girl, whit e or
26 Harlem Renaissance

black, Ne w Yor k offere d womanhoo d t o Regin a Andrews . But


Harlem offere d somethin g more . Whil e there , sh e wa s o n th e
crest o f a creativ e wav e tha t woul d surel y defin e th e Ne w
Negro, an d le t he r kno w her sel f throug h her race. 10
Harlem meant stil l anothe r kin d o f opportunity. Wit h such a
large concentratio n o f Negroe s i t provide d a marke t fo r busi-
ness an d professiona l men . Negr o lawyers , doctors , an d den -
tists coul d anticipat e fo r th e firs t tim e a larg e potentia l clien -
tele. O f course , i t wa s no t eas y fo r th e professions . Negr o
doctors foun d i t impossibl e t o us e whit e hospital s unti l th e
Harlem hospita l wa s built o n 135t h Stree t an d Leno x Avenue.
Lawyers' case s wit h Negr o client s wer e no t th e mos t reward -
ing, and th e field was too crowde d fo r good business . Ye t there
was th e chance . Prohibitio n opene d grea t possibilitie s fo r th e
cabaret owner , an d prostitution , "numbers, " an d othe r gam -
bling thrive d durin g th e 1920s . On e illiterat e woman , throug h
the sal e of cooked pigs' feet fro m a cart and shrewd investmen t
in real estate, became rich . An d as early as 1918, Madam e C. J.
Walker ha d becom e a millionaire , an d ha d bough t a mansio n
at Irvington-on-the-Hudson , a s a resul t o f he r processin g an d
treatment o f the hai r of Negro women. Harlem meant opportu -
nity an d promis e for al l kinds.

Understandably, thinkin g Harle m wa s th e nerv e cente r o f


Afro-American lif e an d th e capita l o f th e internationa l blac k
man, it s intellectual s wh o wante d t o affec t politica l chang e
had to raise their voice s an d speak to broad, general , an d prin-
cipled issues . Thes e spokesme n woul d b e differen t fro m th e
ward heeler s an d "bosses " wh o wer e par t an d parce l o f cit y
politics durin g tha t period . Lik e thei r whit e reforme r
counterparts—mugwumps an d progressives—blac k intellec -
tuals tende d t o se e significan t politic s a s abov e th e muscl e of
mechanism. Thus, the ward, the constituency, the manipulation
of smal l increment s o f power, th e compromise—th e onl y reali -
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 2 7

ties fo r th e politica l practitioner—wer e ignore d b y Harlem' s


political spokesmen .
Like other progressives, Harle m intellectuals sa w political is -
sues an d refor m i n mora l term s an d assume d a hig h mora l
tone. Racia l problem s wer e socia l aberration s du e t o mora l
corruption, fear , o r ignorance . The y offere d n o radica l solu -
tions therefore ; th e syste m wa s basically sound. Th e technique s
they chos e wer e familia r enough . Th e evi l o f racial injustic e i n
all it s varietie s wa s expose d throug h a muckrakin g journalism
that matche d th e bes t o f tha t time . Th e assumptio n wa s tha t
the mora l weigh t o f goo d woul d wi n onc e evi l wa s exposed .
The unreason , th e illogic , th e crave n corruptio n tha t barre d
blacks fro m a fair chanc e in society coul d not stand , for men of
good will , unde r th e hars h ligh t o f right reason . An d i f reason
could la y bar e th e evil s an d anomalie s o f American race prac -
tice, th e sam e disciplin e an d logi c o f mind coul d plo t ou t rem-
edies b y mean s o f th e socia l sciences . An d thi s exposur e an d
rationality wer e no t simpl y negative . A doubting an d skeptica l
world ha d t o b e show n evidenc e o f Negr o ability , especiall y
achievements i n th e art s an d literatur e whic h al l progressive s
equated wit h civilization .
This progra m o f propaganda an d persuasio n wa s propagate d
by thre e Harle m magazine s tha t ha d considerabl e influenc e
among blac k people. The NAACP' s Crisi s wa s founded in 191 0
and edite d b y W . E . B . DuBois . Seve n year s afte r it s found -
ing, A . Phili p Randolp h an d Chandle r Owe n bega n publish -
ing th e Messenger, whic h claime d t o b e "Th e Onl y Radica l
Negro Magazin e i n America. " Th e editor s o f th e Messenger
wanted t o vi e wit h DuBoi s a s th e mos t forthrigh t an d uncom -
promising i n th e Afro-America n cause . I n time , however , th e
Messenger abandone d it s militan t ton e an d becam e th e orga n
of Randolph' s large r enterprise , th e Brotherhoo d o f Sleepin g
Car Porters . I n 1923 , th e Urba n League' s magazine , Opportu-
nity, cam e int o being . I t reflecte d tha t organization' s deb t t o
28 Harlem Renaissance

the charit y organizatio n movement' s doctrine s o f self-help an d


uplift. Eac h o f thes e magazine s manifeste d th e Harle m intel -
lectuals' commitment to progressiv e reform .
Show th e proble m t o the readers , tha t wa s thought t o be th e
first task. I n regar d t o violence an d injustic e against th e Negro ,
no on e wa s a mor e ruthles s muckrake r tha n DuBois . Crisis fo-
cused o n lynching , a publi c an d nationa l scandal . Ever y issu e
carried a statistica l breakdow n o f violenc e agains t blacks .
When th e magazin e woul d repor t a n NAAC P investigatio n o f
a lynching , it s page s almos t smelle d o f burne d flesh . DuBoi s
sketched i n unrelieve d sharpnes s ho w sub-huma n th e whit e
American was , onc e h e wa s i n a mob . An d DuBoi s wa s quic k
to expos e officia l duplicity , a s whe n Woodro w Wilso n refuse d
to reverse the policy o f government segregation tha t hi s admin-
istration ha d introduce d t o Washington .
The Messenger pride d itsel f o n bein g unrelenting . I t criti -
cized DuBoi s fo r urgin g Negr o militar y servic e i n th e war ,
claiming tha t he had sol d out the blac k man' s cause . Rather ,
Randolph an d Owe n wante d t o persuad e Negroe s no t to enlis t
in th e army ; the y wer e arreste d fo r thei r pains , an d th e Mes-
senger joine d th e elit e o f America n periodicals , thos e confis -
cated b y th e Pos t Offic e unde r suspicio n o f sedition.
Opportunity expose d th e rac e problem , bu t i n a mor e stud -
ied an d academi c styl e tha n th e others . Th e executiv e
secretary of the Urba n League , Eugen e Kinckl e Jones, wante d
the magazin e to "set dow n interestingl y bu t withou t sugarcoat -
ing o r generalizatio n th e finding s o f carefu l scientifi c surveys
and fact s gathere d fro m research , undertaken no t t o prov e pre-
conceived notion s bu t t o la y bare Negr o life a s it is. " It s page s
were fille d wit h scholarl y studie s b y youn g socia l scientist s
such a s Ir a D e A . Reid , E . Frankli n Frazier , an d Ralp h
Bunche. Article s b y Melvill e Herskovits an d Fran z Boa s als o
appeared. Charle s S. Johnson , the editor , who was himsel f a
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 2 9

sociologist, ha d contribute d to that earl y massive study on civil


disorders, Th e Negro i n Chicago (1919).
It wa s much easier t o expose corruption and evi l than t o find
effective remedies . Thi s wa s especiall y tru e fo r DuBois , whose
mind seeme d alway s to gras p th e ultimat e impossibilit y and t o
see th e essentia l parado x o f th e Negro' s position . Hi s reader s
had t o follo w hi m fro m hi s deman d fo r Negr o politica l inde -
pendence o f the majo r partie s t o his anguished searc h fo r some
meaningful politica l powe r fo r th e race . The y rea d o f rac e a s
an internationa l issu e an d experience d DuBois' s frustration s
with Pan-Africanism . Bu t whil e DuBoi s shifte d hi s groun d
under th e tortur e o f paradox, his argument, wherever h e stood,
was alway s literat e an d forceful .
Readers o f th e Messenger foun d solution s an d program s
much easie r t o com e by. Th e editor s wer e socialist s an d foun d
their answer s i n the suppor t o f that part y an d th e labo r move-
ment, neve r recognizin g th e bigotr y i n both groups . Randolp h
and Owe n pu t thei r fait h i n reaso n an d planning . Their guid e
was Leste r Ward , whos e Dynamic Sociology had trie d t o har-
ness Darwinis m to th e purposiv e end s o f social reconstruction .
And fo r th e editor s o f Messenger th e answer s would b e clea r
enough onc e skille d socia l analyst s defined th e dimension s of
the problem .
Each o f these magazine s sa w a s par t o f it s rol e th e encour -
agement o f Negroes ' wor k i n th e art s an d th e publishin g o f
their achievemen t fo r black s an d white s t o see . Langsto n
Hughes's firs t publishe d poe m "Th e Negr o Speak s o f Rivers,"
appeared i n Crisis. Claud e McKay' s "I f W e Mus t Die " wa s
published i n th e Messenger after firs t appearin g i n th e Libera-
tor. And , even mor e tha n th e others , Opportunity believe d it s
motto—"Not Alm s bu t Opportunity"—t o appl y t o th e arts . I t
sponsored a literar y contes t i n th e 1920 s tha t becam e a majo r
generating forc e fo r the renaissance .
30 Harlem Renaissance

Perhaps i t wa s al l shado w boxing . Di d anyon e ou t i n tha t


vague American white world rea d it ? Did th e blows tell? Were
the point s reall y made ? What good woul d it do to expose Pres-
ident Wilson' s racism ? Even i f he rea d it , h e ha d a self-righ -
teousness tha t wa s a matc h fo r an y othe r progressive . Al l of
that did not matter . The ton e and the self-assuranc e of thes e
magazines wer e th e importan t thing . They gav e a sense of im-
portance t o black s wh o rea d them . The y gav e answer s tha t
had alway s failed th e porter, th e barber, th e maid , the teacher,
the handyman . They wer e th e Negro' s voice agains t th e insul t
that Americ a gave him.
In th e Octobe r 1925 issue of the Messenger, Georg e S. Schuy-
ler wrote , "Today I believ e i t fai r t o say , Negro America looks
to Ne w Yor k fo r advance d leadershi p an d opinion. " I t wa s fai r
to sa y that, an d tha t i s what gav e Harle m an d it s intellectual s
a sens e o f importance . Bu t wer e the y deceived ? I t seeme d
clear enoug h that th e pas t wa s dead, but ha d a new Negro day
been bor n i n Harlem ? Di d th e circumstance s promis e mor e
than the y woul d deliver ? Tha t wa s th e deceptio n o f Harlem.
The leadershi p t o who m Negr o Americ a looke d turne d ou t t o
be fairl y impotent . It s failur e expose d th e irrelevanc y o f pro-
gressive refor m t o th e Afro-America n predicament .
The problem i s best illustrate d i n the severa l issue s to which
DuBois attempte d t o giv e forcefu l leadership . Fro m th e begin -
nings of his editorship o f Crisis DuBoi s had trie d t o giv e focu s
to Negr o politica l energies , t o mak e th e Negr o vot e count .
With America' s entr y int o Worl d Wa r I , DuBoi s trie d t o us e
the Negro' s participatio n i n i t a s a leve r t o wi n democrac y a t
home. An d afte r th e wa r h e provide d America' s race proble m
with a n internationa l stage , placin g th e Afro-America n behin d
the Pan-Africa n movement . I n al l o f thes e effort s h e ha d t o
contend wit h the stron g opposition of other Negr o pundits. All
of hi s effort s failed—a s di d thos e o f others—because o f the pe -
culiar characte r o f black leadership.
Harlem: Capital o f the Black World 3 1
How coul d th e Negr o mak e hi s vot e coun t i n a politica l
arena i n whic h n o majo r contende r seeme d t o car e muc h
whether h e wo n the blac k vot e o r not ? Th e presidentia l elec -
tion o f 191 2 illustrate s thi s point . Wit h fou r candidate s i n th e
field, the Negro vote should hav e meant a great deal . But Pres-
ident Taf t showe d littl e interest ; havin g promise d t o appoin t
no federa l official s who m whit e southerner s foun d obnoxious ,
he effectivel y remove d Negr o Republican s fro m patronag e
lists. Bot h Taf t an d Roosevel t ha d show n indifferenc e t o Ne -
groes and justice i n the so-calle d Brownsvill e Affray. Whe n the
townspeople o f Brownsville , Texa s directe d violenc e agains t
Negro troop s statione d ther e i n Augus t 1906 , althoug h ther e
was littl e evidenc e tha t th e soldier s responde d violently , bot h
Presidents Taf t an d Roosevel t colluded i n their unjus t prosecu -
tions an d dismissal s fro m th e army . Theodore Roosevelt' s "Bull
Moose" Progressives prove d t o b e n o bette r tha n th e Republi-
cans. DuBoi s proposed a platfor m plank tha t woul d hav e th e
Progressive part y recogniz e "tha t distinction s o f rac e o r clas s
in politica l lif e hav e n o plac e i n democracy. " I t aske d fo r th e
"repeal o f unfair discriminator y laws and th e righ t t o vote [fo r
Negroes] o n th e sam e term s . . . othe r citizen s vote. " Joe l
Spingarn an d Jan e Addam s struggle d t o ge t th e plan k ac -
cepted b y the party , bu t Theodor e Roosevel t would have none
of it . Roosevel t sa w som e promis e i n wooin g souther n votes ,
and a s a man muc h influenced by Booker T. Washington's Tus-
kegee Machine , h e found DuBoi s dangerous .
DuBois wa s no t s o muc h a n idealis t tha t h e coul d suppor t
Eugene V. Debs merely because that candidat e an d th e Social-
ist part y wer e close r t o bein g righ t i n principl e an d program .
He had resigne d fro m th e Socialis t part y in order t o avoid sup-
port o f th e ticket . I t wa s a practica l matter . " I coul d no t le t
Negroes thro w awa y votes. " u DuBoi s refused t o believ e tha t
the Negr o vote counted for nothing. Of course, i t had bee n th e
captive o f the Republica n part y sinc e th e Civi l War. That was
32 Harlem Renaissance
understandable enoug h sinc e th e Republican s wer e th e part y
of emancipatio n an d Abraha m Lincoln . Bu t DuBoi s recalle d
that i t wa s als o th e part y tha t ultimatel y surrendere d Blac k
Reconstruction, leavin g th e souther n Negr o t o souther n whit e
power. Anyway , no party deserve d a people's unswervin g sup-
port. Th e Negr o coul d gai n mor e i f th e majo r partie s ha d t o
woo hi m tha n i f his vote wer e sure . An d th e Democrati c part y
was showing som e evidenc e o f liberalization through th e influ -
ence o f its growing urba n support .
So DuBois's min d wa s ope n t o th e ide a o f Negro support fo r
the Democrati c part y whe n Bisho p Alexande r Walter s of the
African Zio n Churc h claime d t o hav e influence d Woodro w
Wilson i n th e Negro' s behalf . I n Octobe r 191 2 Bisho p Walter s
presented a lette r fro m Wilso n expressin g hi s "earnes t wis h t o
see justice done the colored people i n every matter; and not mere
grudging justice , bu t justic e execute d wit h liberalit y an d cor -
dial goo d feeling . . .. I want t o assure the m that shoul d I be-
come Presiden t o f the Unite d State s the y ma y coun t upo n m e
for absolut e fai r dealing , fo r everything by which I coul d assis t
in advancin g th e interest s o f their rac e i n th e Unite d States. "
This wa s enoug h fo r DuBoi s t o fl y i n th e fac e o f traditiona l
Negro politic s an d t o us e hi s influenc e an d Crisi s to persuad e
Negroes t o vot e fo r th e part y o f slavery an d blac k oppression .
Running counte r t o mos t Negr o spokesme n an d conflictin g
with almos t th e entir e Negr o press , DuBoi s supporte d Wood -
row Wilso n i n 1912 . H e estimate d tha t Wilso n receive d on e
hundred thousan d norther n blac k votes , contributin g signifi -
cantly t o hi s election. 12
Yet i t wa s hard t o sens e i n the year s that followe d that Wil -
son recognize d an y deb t t o Negr o voters, an d h e di d no t see m
to wan t t o kee p thei r support . A s many of DuBois's critic s ha d
predicted, th e Negr o suffere d politicall y fro m Wilson' s admin -
istration. Eve n i f the President' s intention s wer e mos t benevo -
lent, hi s part y ha d it s greates t an d mos t consisten t suppor t i n
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 3 3

the whit e South , an d th e part y ha d bee n ou t o f powe r sinc e


the Clevelan d administratio n i n 1896 . Ther e wer e man y job-
hungry part y faithful s t o b e rewarded . Pett y souther n Demo -
cratic bureaucrat s wer e surel y not goin g to appoint Negroe s to
federal job s whic h wer e no w ope n t o thei r ow n constituents .
Even Jame s Weldon Johnson , who was consul to Corinto , Nic-
aragua, an d protecte d b y th e civi l servic e system , foun d him -
self u p agains t wha t h e terme d "politic s plu s rac e prejudice "
when h e consulte d Secretar y o f State Willia m Jenning s Bryan
about a muc h earne d promotio n an d transfer . Hi s jo b coul d
not b e take n fro m him , but h e coul d no t advance . S o he wa s
eased ou t o f the foreig n service. 13
Negroes who remaine d i n Washingto n in the federa l service
were humiliate d b y Wilson' s executiv e order establishin g seg-
regated dinin g and toile t facilities . Monroe Trotter, whose Bos-
ton Guardian had supporte d Wilso n in the election , pleaded i n
an audienc e wit h th e Presiden t that th e administration' s segre-
gationist policie s woul d mak e i t impossibl e fo r Negr o lead -
ers t o continu e t o urg e suppor t fo r th e Democrats . Wilso n
claimed tha t segregatio n wa s for the Negro' s own good, despit e
the fac t tha t black s an d white s ha d share d facilitie s i n Wash-
ington office s sinc e th e Civi l War . Wilso n wa s offende d b y
Trotter's presumptio n o f bein g abl e t o barte r votes ; Trotte r
was humiliate d a s wer e mos t Negr o spokesmen who ha d sup -
ported Wilson' s election. 14
The Negr o pres s tha t ha d endorse d th e Republica n ticke t
made capita l o f th e Democrats ' embarrassment , an d DuBoi s
had t o suffe r alon g wit h th e rest . Th e Ne w York Age, for in-
stance, wante d t o mak e sur e tha t th e "Wilsonia n Democrats "
squirmed fo r thei r naivete . Bu t i t wa s no t onl y th e blac k Re-
publicans. A . Philip Randolph' s Messenger, tru e t o it s radica l
image, fa r afte r th e even t took DuBois to tas k for his failur e t o
support th e Socialis t candidate . I f the inciden t prove d nothin g
else, the Messenger editor s wer e convinced tha t Negroe s could
34 Harlem Renaissance

see th e foolishnes s of support fo r either majo r party , since bot h


were hopelessl y wedde d t o a corrup t an d exploitativ e system .
DuBois, wh o ha d objecte d t o th e Negro' s throwin g awa y hi s
vote o n Deb s wh o coul d no t win , had indee d encourage d hi s
readers t o vot e fo r a ma n an d part y tha t ha d contemp t fo r
their votes . Wa s i t no t bette r t o vot e fo r a lose r who m yo u
agreed with , than a victor, a lesser o f evils, who would pa y for
your suppor t wit h insult ?
DuBois wa s chastene d b y th e experience , bu t h e di d no t
give u p th e hop e o f makin g th e Negr o a n effectiv e politica l
weight. H e continued t o believe tha t Afro-American s coul d ac t
as a "swing " i n America n politics , i f the y coul d suppor t firs t
one majo r part y an d the n anothe r a s i t suite d thei r interests .
This way , h e believed , th e Negr o woul d hav e t o b e courte d
and served . H e persiste d i n thi s vie w throughou t th e 1920s ,
urging Negroe s t o ai d individua l candidates wh o proved t o be
friends o f the rac e an d t o punis h those wh o were enemies .
DuBois ha d take n a n America n way out . Bu t politica l prag -
matism t o on e ma n i s opportunism t o another ; th e Messenger
insisted tha t DuBois' s approac h wa s the latter . Afte r all , there
was n o principl e o r idea l involved , onl y convenience . An d
what wa s worse, ther e wa s very little evidenc e tha t th e policy
paid off—th e tru e tes t o f pragmatism . Of course, DuBois' s po -
sition mad e sense . Th e Negr o coul d no t expec t th e socia l re -
wards o f politics a s long as his vote was unquestioned; h e ha d
to b e politicall y fre e t o bargain . An d the Socialis t party—itsel f
not fre e o f racism—wa s n o viabl e alternative . DuBois' s politi -
cal ineffectivenes s was no t simpl y an erro r i n hi s thought . H e
shared wit h othe r progressive s a fait h i n th e efficac y o f goo d
government t o brin g abou t fundamenta l socia l change . Lik e
the progressives , h e coul d no t tak e the machin e alternativ e to
democratic politics . Unlik e Marcu s Garvey , fo r instance , Du -
Bois wa s unable , a s well a s unwilling , t o mol d th e blac k mas-
ses into th e kin d o f political constituenc y that migh t giv e him
Harlem: Capital o f the Black World 3 5

the tru e powe r o f leadership . Blac k progressives , doubtles s


more than whites , wer e plagued b y the fac t tha t effectiv e poli -
tics i n Americ a ofte n demande d th e ver y kin d o f corruptio n
that the y abhorred .
The ultimat e goa l o f DuBois's refor m wa s a conditio n o f so-
cial justice i n which ever y man would be accepte d o n his mer-
its a s a man . A ma n wit h abilit y an d talen t woul d rise , an d
those withou t woul d not . Societ y woul d b e color-blind ; rac e
would b e o f n o accoun t i n th e equatio n o f human worth. Yet
the realitie s o f America n lif e an d politic s demande d tha t th e
tactics t o realiz e tha t goa l exploi t th e rac e consciousnes s i t
hoped t o deny . Fo r th e Negr o to us e politic s t o hi s ends , h e
had t o d o s o as part o f a Negr o pressure group , no t a s a high-
minded independent . Bu t ho w coul d on e attai n a societ y o f
race denia l with method s which were racially assertive? To or-
ganize effectivel y t o us e blac k powe r i n politic s seemed , eve n
then, self-defeating . Th e dilemm a wa s tortuou s fo r DuBois . I t
explains muc h o f the contradictio n i n hi s writings : sometime s
supporting self-segregatio n fo r Negroes , sometime s assertin g
Negro superiority , sometime s demanding th e extinctio n o f ra-
cial distinctions . Thi s quandar y confounde d an y effor t a t a n
effective politica l program . Actually , "blac k powe r politics "
had t o be illusor y because n o Negro leader coul d hav e "deliv-
ered" th e Negr o vote t o an y candidate. Again , Marcu s Garvey
was a special cas e because h e avoide d th e politica l parado x by
advocating escape. 15
The questio n o f Negr o participatio n i n Worl d Wa r I illus -
trates furthe r th e perplexin g characte r o f Negro leadership. At
a time when great violence wa s being done to Negroes through
white mo b action , whe n th e Negro' s lif e wa s bein g crampe d
and confine d b y law s an d th e custo m o f Jim Crow , whe n th e
American society seeme d t o choose ever y occasion t o humiliate
blacks, a t th e nadi r o f America n rac e relations , th e natio n
chose t o lea d th e Wester n world' s people s towar d socia l jus-
36 Harlem Renaissance
tice, democracy , an d self-determination . Th e iron y escape d n o
one. Mos t Negroes sa w the wartim e emergency a s an opportu -
nity t o bargai n fo r improvemen t i n officia l policie s towar d
black citizens . The y wer e a bi t encourage d a s wa r industrie s
opened t o Negroe s jobs tha t ha d bee n close d t o them . Ye t the
War Departmen t showe d n o eagernes s t o mak e ful l us e o f
black citizens . Segregatio n i n th e arme d services , o f course ,
was take n fo r granted . Bu t official s balke d a t grantin g ne w
commissions t o Negroes , promotin g blac k commissione d offi -
cers, an d assignin g blac k unit s t o comba t status . Ther e coul d
have bee n n o questio n o f th e Negro' s abilit y t o fight ; recen t
army histor y i n the Civi l War , th e India n wars , and th e Span -
ish-American Wa r coul d hardl y encourag e suc h doubt . Bu t
martial virtue s wer e no t consisten t wit h th e Negr o stereotyp e
that whit e American s cherished . Ther e wa s als o fea r tha t th e
Negro coul d no t remai n docil e onc e h e ha d bee n battle-teste d
against th e Germans . Th e Negr o leader wa s lef t wit h har d al -
ternatives. H e coul d advis e agains t Afro-America n participa -
tion i n a racis t wa r effor t whic h eve n questione d thei r righ t t o
fight—risking charge s o f sedition—o r h e coul d plea d fo r th e
Negro t o b e allowe d t o serv e a s othe r Americans , as combat-
ants a s well a s service soldiers . Th e latte r choice was, in effect ,
to plead fo r the righ t o f black me n to di e fo r their country .
Joel Spingarn , chairma n o f th e boar d o f th e NAACP , be -
lieved tha t th e wa r offere d Negroe s th e chanc e t o prov e thei r
capacity fo r leadershi p an d courage . Spingar n succeede d i n
persuading DuBois to tak e this position too . Alon g with others ,
these me n an d th e Associatio n pu t grea t pressur e o n th e Wa r
Department an d succeede d i n winnin g wha t the y though t t o
be a significan t concession— a segregate d officer s trainin g
camp at De s Moines , Iowa. Spingar n and th e Associatio n wer e
troubled abou t th e segregation—thei r proclaime d polic y wa s
to figh t agains t al l kind s of official discrimination—ye t th e De s
Moines cam p di d assur e tha t Negr o officers woul d b e commis -
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 3 7
sioned; thi s was th e bes t the y coul d get . N o less compromised,
DuBois accepte d eve n thi s arrangemen t a s a regrettabl e bu t
practical bargain .
DuBois wavere d o f course . H e wa s angere d tha t Negroe s
were force d t o be g t o giv e thei r live s t o thei r country . W e
should worry , he charged , th e Negr o stood t o wi n b y th e war,
whatever the whit e ma n did. I f he was not allowed t o fight, the
Negro would work in those jobs lef t b y the whit e fighting man.
"Will we be ousted whe n the white soldiers come back? THEY
WON'T COM E BACK! " If blacks wer e allowe d i n combat , on
the othe r hand , DuBoi s knew that the y would retur n differen t
men. The y woul d no t b e s o easily lynched . DuBoi s wa s heart-
ened when , despite it s reluctance , th e arm y awarded commis -
sions t o hundred s o f Negroe s wh o ha d traine d a t th e De s
Moines camp . But , then , i n 191 8 th e executio n o f Negr o sol-
diers o f the 24t h Infantr y Regimen t who were involve d i n th e
Houston rac e rio t cause d hi m t o remin d his reader s o f the op-
pressive condition s o f societ y tha t produce d suc h violence .
And h e too k th e occasio n t o attac k th e whit e politica l leader -
ship, fro m Presiden t Wilso n down, who assumed that blac k hu-
miliation wa s norma l an d t o b e expected . H e bega n t o doub t
whether th e Negro' s sacrific e i n th e wa r woul d b e wort h it. 16
The Justic e Departmen t bega n t o threaten; DuBois' s critica l
tone migh t b e considere d seditious . Th e NAAC P wa s anxious
lest th e Associatio n b e dragge d b y th e Crisi s int o charge s of
radicalism an d disloyalty . Doubtless , th e combine d pressur e
from thes e tw o source s helpe d ton e dow n DuBois' s editorials ,
but hi s ultimat e positio n i s reflectiv e o f his ow n ambivalence :
he reall y wanted t o b e loya l t o th e Unite d States . I n th e July
1918 issu e o f Crisis, he publishe d "Clos e Ranks, " whic h re -
mained hi s positio n unti l th e armistice . H e voice d th e sam e
idealism tha t ha d wo n mos t intellectual s t o Wilson' s positio n
on th e war . Th e ultimat e aim s o f civilizatio n an d democrac y
should comman d everyone' s loyalty ; it s caus e wa s th e Negro' s
38 Harlem Renaissance

as muc h a s anyone's . The n h e urged , "Le t u s .. . forge t ou r


special grievance s an d close rank s . . . with our fellow citizen s
and th e allie d nation s tha t ar e fightin g fo r democracy." I t wa s
an unfortunat e choic e o f language , fo r i t embroile d hi m wit h
other Negr o spokesmen fo r years into th e future. 17
DuBois's critic s wer e quic k t o not e th e similarit y betwee n
this argumen t an d th e ol d Booke r T . Washingto n kin d o f con-
ciliation. Rathe r tha n forget , the y insisted , th e Negr o shoul d
remember grievance s no w mor e than eve r an d mak e the adju -
dication o f them th e pric e o f hi s ful l participatio n i n th e wa r
effort. Th e Wa r Departmen t an d th e Committe e o n Publi c In -
formation, anxiou s abou t hint s o f black sedition , ha d calle d a
conference o f Negro editors i n June 1918 t o urge unifie d Negr o
support o f th e wa r effort . Th e statemen t whic h thes e editor s
unanimously adopte d insiste d o n minima l complianc e wit h
Negro demands as a price fo r their support. Condition s o f pub-
lic travel , lynchings , an d Re d Cros s discriminatio n heade d
their lis t o f complaints . Rhetorically , at least , the y wer e no t
prepared t o forge t thei r grievance s eve n fo r a littl e while . I t
was mor e a gestur e an d pos e tha n a rea l complaint , however ,
for th e vas t majorit y o f thes e editor s supporte d th e wa r with-
out th e slightes t suggestio n o f possible defection . Thei r wrat h
was generall y directe d agains t DuBoi s an d hi s "clos e ranks "
position. Som e eve n accuse d hi m o f sellin g ou t fo r a n arm y
commission.
The Messenger's editors , tru e to thei r radicalism , urge d Ne -
groes agains t th e war . Th e natio n ha d no t earne d th e race' s
loyalty, an d a wa r amon g capitalist, exploitative , an d coloniz -
ing nation s wa s surel y no t i n th e Negro' s interest . Owe n an d
Randolph wer e consisten t an d unmitigatin g i n thei r criticis m
of the war . For thei r effort s the y were jailed i n Cleveland, an d
the magazine' s secon d clas s mailin g privileg e suspended . Ac -
cording t o Randolph , i t wa s onl y th e judge's doub t tha t blac k
men wer e abl e t o writ e suc h militan t pros e tha t save d the m
from lon g jail sentences. 18
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 3 9

But ho w viabl e wa s thi s alternativ e t o DuBois' s "clos e


ranks"? A s attractiv e a s bargainin g migh t hav e seemed , th e
government wa s no t s o muc h i n nee d o f (o r worrie d about )
Negro participatio n tha t i t wa s willin g to mak e bargains. De -
spite man y requests an d pleas , th e governmen t mad e n o effor t
to eliminat e Jim Cro w i n its own facilities or i n interstate com-
merce. Secretar y o f Wa r Newto n Bake r tol d DuBoi s tha t w e
"are no t tryin g by thi s Wa r t o settl e th e Negr o problem. " Th e
government migh t hav e accomplishe d a grea t deal ; th e rail -
roads, fo r instance, wer e nationalize d durin g th e war . No r di d
it wor k i n an y wa y t o protec t th e Negr o from lync h mobs. In-
deed, i n th e Housto n rio t cases , th e Arm y allowe d it s ow n
courts-martial t o placat e southern whit e opinion a s i t ha d ear -
lier i n th e Brownsvill e Affray . Apparently , th e Negr o leader s
had nothin g t o sell . O n th e othe r hand , a s high-minde d an d
consistent a s th e boycot t o f the wa r migh t hav e appeared , i t
was no better a choice. Fo r that, too , depende d o n the willing-
ness of ordinary Negr o men to refus e t o go into th e servic e an d
to accep t punishmen t a s draft-dodgers . N o Negr o spokesman,
at tha t time , had th e influenc e t o make such civi l disobedienc e
work. Thi s alternativ e wa s especiall y hars h fo r a leade r lik e
DuBois. Fo r ha d h e urge d Negr o resistanc e t o th e war , h e
would hav e expose d th e essentiall y unrea l characte r o f hi s
leadership. Wit h n o real following , h e ha d t o urg e compliance
in orde r t o maintai n th e illusio n of leadership.19
DuBois's predicamen t wa s no t a ne w thing , no r wa s i t per -
sonal. He might well hav e remembered th e tortured conscienc e
of Frederic k Douglas s durin g th e Civi l Wa r whe n h e urge d
black me n t o enlis t i n th e Massachusett s 54th an d 55t h Regi -
ments wit h th e assuranc e tha t th e Unio n governmen t would
treat the m fairly , onl y t o b e disappointe d i n tha t faith . Eve n
Douglass' amiabl e audienc e wit h Presiden t Lincol n faile d t o
secure redres s o f grievances : unequa l pa y t o blac k soldiers ,
Union indifferenc e to th e mutilatio n an d enslavemen t o f those
Negro Unio n soldier s capture d b y th e Confederacy , th e mili -
40 Harlem Renaissance

tary's failur e t o hono r blac k soldiers ' valo r an d deeds . Eve n


then i t was clear tha t logic , dignified argument , an d the urgen t
need o f th e Unio n fo r soldier s coul d no t convinc e th e goven -
ment t o ris k racis t criticism . Lincol n ha d merel y insiste d tha t
the opportunit y fo r Negroe s t o fight , suppor t thei r cause , an d
prove thei r valo r an d manhoo d wa s enoug h t o compensat e
them fo r inequities. Douglass , despit e hi s misgivings an d disil -
lusionment, coul d d o littl e els e bu t continu e t o encourag e Ne -
groes t o enlis t a s hi s thre e son s had . A t leas t h e coul d argu e
that the y woul d b e fighting, whatever th e humiliatin g circum-
stances, t o fre e thei r enslave d brothers . DuBoi s di d no t eve n
have tha t comfort. 20
Many year s later , writin g i n Rayfor d Logan' s What th e
Negro Wants , DuBoi s remembere d th e parado x befor e him. "I
was . .. i n a ma d fight to mak e Negroe s Americans. " It was
not easy . "I wa s fightin g t o le t th e Negroe s fight ; I , wh o fo r a
generation ha d bee n a professional pacifist; I was fighting for a
separate trainin g camp for Negro officers; I , wh o was devotin g
a caree r t o opposin g rac e segregation ; I wa s seein g th e Ger -
many whic h taugh t m e th e huma n brotherhoo d o f whit e an d
black, pitte d agains t Americ a which was fo r me the essenc e of
Jim Crow ; an d ye t I wa s 'rooting ' fo r America ; an d I ha d to ,
even before my own conscience, s o utterly crazy ha d th e whole
world becom e an d I with it. " The problem wa s made no easie r
for hi m b y th e postwa r realit y whic h mad e i t apparen t tha t
American racis m ha d no t eve n bee n touche d b y th e war . I f
anything, th e racist s wer e mor e virulent . Eve n Negr o comba t
troops, returnin g i n triumph , ha d t o swallo w humiliatio n an d
violence agains t their person s fro m America n military police i n
France.21
But th e wa r ha d mad e eviden t t o al l Americans the realitie s
of the worl d outside . An d W . E. B . DuBois was one o f the first
American Negroe s to tak e a ne w world-view. He helped t o or-
ganize Pan-Africa n Congresse s i n 1919 , 1921 , an d 1923 . Th e
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 4 1

Pan-African leader s wante d t o influenc e th e peac e conference,


and late r th e Leagu e o f Nations, towar d th e internationa l pro -
tection o f Africa n blacks . I t wa s a n openin g wedg e t o plac e
race issues , including ultimately those in the Unite d States , be -
fore a worl d foru m an d t o pressur e Negroe s themselve s t o
ameliorate thei r condition . Althoug h DuBois never los t hi s in-
terest i n Africa , h e wa s t o b e disappointe d i n th e congresses .
He discovere d tha t som e importan t Africans , suc h a s Blais e
Diagne, Senegales e representativ e t o th e Frenc h Chamber of
Deputies, coul d b e a s conservative a defender of colonialism as
any whit e man. American Negroes, too, ha d thei r own ambiva-
lences abou t blackness an d Africa , no r wa s i t eas y fo r some to
understand ho w identificatio n wit h Africa woul d wi n the m ac-
ceptance a s ful l America n citizens ; regardles s o f appeal s o f
race, America n citizenship ha d bee n th e consisten t goal . Wa s
not Pan-Africanis m anothe r kin d o f racism ? DuBoi s foun d i t
impossible t o kee p fre e o f the tain t of Marcus Garvey. Even in
his effort s t o lea d Afro-American s towar d a world-view of race
—away fro m thei r provincialism—h e was thwarte d on the one
hand b y th e complexitie s o f internationa l politic s an d o n th e
other b y the restraint s impose d b y his American progressivism.
The post-war effor t t o thrust Negro social though t int o an in-
ternational aren a bring s u s t o conside r th e Jamaican , Marcus
Garvey, wh o taunte d a n exasperate d W . E. B . DuBois perhaps
more tha n anyon e els e i n thes e years . A spectacula r man ,
Garvey ca n n o longe r b e considere d a n anomal y o f American
politics. Firs t attracte d t o th e Unite d State s t o lear n fro m th e
Booker T . Washingto n self-hel p school , h e neve r abandone d
this traditiona l America n virtue, transforming it instea d int o a
program whic h doubtles s woul d have lef t Washingto n breath-
less. Hi s styl e containe d th e flamboyant , th e grandiloquent ,
which ha d alway s capture d th e imagination s o f whit e an d
black Americans , whose addictio n t o lodg e organization s an d
colorful parade s i s well known . His flai r an d rhetoric , despit e
42 Harlem Renaissance
vestiges o f th e accen t o f th e British-styl e school s i n Jamaica ,
suggested th e politica l demagogue , i t i s true ; bu t i t wa s th e
style an d manne r of the popula r preache r too . Eve n hi s prom-
ise o f a futur e retur n t o a powerfu l Africa n natio n echoe d a
traditional theme i n Afro-American ideas . And , indeed, it secu-
larized th e stron g "nex t world " characte r o f Afro-America n
thought. Marcu s Garvey an d hi s program fitted neatly int o th e
American setting. 22
From 1917 , whe n h e founde d th e Universa l Negro Improve -
ment Associatio n i n Harlem , unti l hi s force d exil e te n year s
later, Garve y was abl e t o captur e th e imagination s an d loyal -
ties o f countles s black s i n th e Unite d States , Lati n America ,
the Caribbean , an d Africa . I t wa s as i f black commo n men th e
world ove r ha d bee n waitin g fo r a Messiah ; the y wer e t o fol-
low Garve y a s i f h e wer e one , som e lon g afte r hi s imprison -
ment fo r frau d i n 1925 . An d i t wa s t o th e commo n ma n h e
made hi s appea l throug h hi s newspaper , Negro World, estab -
lished i n 1918 . Hi s messag e wa s simpl e an d unambiguous :
black peopl e were a good an d nobl e race . The y wer e beautifu l
people wit h a grand histor y whic h had bee n hidde n fro m the m
by thei r whit e oppressors . The y wer e a n enslaved people , tru e
enough, bu t their s wa s a servilit y o f th e mind—th e effect s o f
the brain-washin g o f the colonia l system—no t o f nature . Onc e
black me n an d wome n learned thei r tru e value , rid themselve s
of self-hatred , an d asserte d thei r natura l nobility , the y woul d
overwhelm whit e oppressio n an d com e int o thei r jus t inheri -
tance. Thei r destin y wa s grand : t o retur n Afric a t o th e Afri -
cans.
It wa s a dream , o f course. Bu t Garvey' s geniu s (an d failure )
was tha t h e alway s provide d a tangibl e an d visibl e reality .
What standar d America n lodges—Elks , Masons , Odd Fellows ,
etc.—did wit h elaborat e hierarchie s an d colorfu l pagentrie s t o
give substance to their "mysteries," the Universal Negro Improve-
ment Associatio n (UNIA ) di d t o giv e th e Africa n drea m it s
Harlem: Capital of th e Black World 4 3
sense o f reality. Th e member s becam e a natio n i n exile . The y
carried title s suc h a s the Duk e o f Nigeria an d th e Overlor d of
Uganda. An d al l o f th e office s ha d appropriat e uniform s an d
paraphernalia. Subscriber s wer e decorate d wit h bronze , silver ,
or gol d crosses—dependin g o n th e siz e o f thei r contribution .
There wer e uniform s for everyone , enoug h t o satisf y an y taste
in a parade.
In a parade , Garvey—uniforme d i n purple, green , an d blac k
with a ha t o f whit e feathere d plumes—lik e an y othe r poten -
tate, woul d wav e fro m hi s ca r t o th e crowds . Behin d his tour-
ing car would rid e other nobility , eac h wit h colorfu l sashes de-
noting rank . Th e Africa n Legion , uniforme d in dar k blu e with
red stripes down th e trousers , cam e next, to be followed by the
rank an d file of the Association .
The internationa l appea l o f th e Associatio n coul d no t b e
questioned. I n the conventio n o f 1920, delegate s came from Af-
rica, Brazil , Colombia , Centra l America , and th e Wes t Indies .
The racia l renaissanc e tha t Garve y promised seeme d t o mater-
ialize a t thes e frequen t conferences . Som e fille d Madiso n
Square Garde n wit h blac k delegate s fro m aroun d th e world .
When Garve y exhorte d suc h a thron g wit h a rus h o f emotion,
"Up, yo u might y race! " th e trut h o f the race' s awakenin g was
there fo r everyone t o feel .
It wa s th e persisten t nee d t o materializ e th e drea m whic h
caused Garve y and hi s enterprises t o founder. His financial dis-
asters, whic h hinte d o f fraud , wer e mor e th e resul t o f poo r
business judgmen t an d ba d managemen t tha n chicanery . I t
was no t enough , however , t o establis h office s an d title s (ironi-
cally s o suggestive o f European monarchy) , an army , and ser -
vice organizations suc h a s the Blac k Cross Nurses . Garvey was
compelled b y hi s ow n rhetori c an d pretension s t o produc e
grand result s befor e h e ha d th e experienc e o r organizatio n t o
manage them . Fo r hatchin g suc h gran d scheme s a s th e Blac k
Star Line— a shippin g lin e wholl y owne d an d ru n b y blacks —
44 Harlem Renaissance
and promise d negotiation s wit h Africa n states , Garve y coul d
always anticipat e ridicule fro m othe r Negr o spokesmen. W. E .
B. DuBoi s an d A . Phili p Randolp h kne w tha t ther e wer e n o
Negroes wit h th e kin d o f shipping experience needed to mak e
such a lin e work . The y cautione d Negroe s abou t throwin g
their mone y awa y o n scheme s whic h wer e flimsy at bes t an d
fraudulent a t worst . An d DuBoi s kne w better tha n an y othe r
man ho w th e speeche s an d promise s o f Garve y glosse d ove r
the man y complexities o f th e Afric a fo r African s scheme . Gar-
vey's fantasies lightly ignore d th e realitie s o f colonial power, as
well a s tribal, language , an d ethni c division s amon g black Af-
ricans themselves . I t wa s as i f one coul d buil d a n Africa n stat e
simply o n the basi s of a common blackness. Anyon e who knew
Africa a t al l understoo d eve n tha t commonnes s t o b e a myth.
But suc h sophisticated criticis m could onl y urge him on.
Garvey's pe n wa s a worth y weapo n agains t hi s critics . H e
answered the m regularl y i n th e Negro World; the y wer e
merely self-defeating. According to Garvey, the ver y claim that
Negroes coul d no t d o grea t things—ru n a shippin g line—wa s
the rea l shackl e of slavery. Self-doubt was the caus e o f the Ne-
gro's impotence . Throug h suc h denial , Garve y insisted , me n
like DuBoi s betrayed thei r peopl e an d prove d th e failur e o f a
Negro leadership wedded t o white power. Garve y was cruel in
slicing int o thos e leader s wh o wer e tor n b y th e dilemma s of
accommodation. DuBois , he claimed , wa s a man who was part
white an d par t blac k i n min d a s wel l a s blood ; h e di d no t
know wh o h e wa s o r wher e he was . It wa s Garvey' s abilit y t o
reduce complexitie s to their most simple formulation that made
him a charismati c leader . H e coul d induc e peopl e to share his
dream becaus e hi s fantasie s wer e untrouble d b y th e kin d o f
paradoxes tha t perplexe d me n lik e DuBois, Johnson, and Ran-
dolph. Bu t th e min d ca n onl y pla y trick s o f imagination ; i t
cannot produc e power , experience , an d master y where i t doe s
not exist . And Garvey , goaded b y critic s an d hi s own megalo -
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 4 5

mania, wa s compelled t o tr y t o d o just that—to giv e his dream


a tangibl e reality .
Despite th e nay-sayers , Garve y di d purchas e ship s fo r hi s
Black Sta r Line. Whil e they pleased the Association' s members
and helpe d t o rais e money , this flee t o f ships serve d t o trans -
port Garvey' s fantas y int o fiasco. Neither h e no r anyon e in th e
Association kne w anything abou t ships , s o the y bough t ba d
ones at outlandish prices . Th e fact tha t i n the negotiation s over
the sal e o f these ship s Garvey' s people wer e mad e fool s o f by
unscrupulous white me n was slight comfort. The Line did hav e
to use white captains an d blac k crew s o f limited skill , on ships
that wer e barely seaworthy . Afte r breakdown s an d repair s an d
the final collapse o f these ships , th e Blac k Sta r Lin e wen t into
bankruptcy, losin g hundred s o f thousands o f dollars o f its sub -
scribers' money .
The Association' s effort s t o coloniz e Afric a wer e n o mor e
successful. Fro m 192 0 t o 192 4 th e UNI A ha d bee n negotiatin g
with th e Liberia n government . Thei r ide a wa s t o establis h a
colony o f Afro-America n technician s an d settler s i n tha t Afri -
can republic . Th e Liberia n governmen t entertaine d thi s enter -
prise, perhap s t o encourag e America n finance, perhaps t o use
the threa t o f the propose d settlemen t a s a leve r t o rais e Euro-
pean an d whit e America n capita l investment . Blais e Diagn e
had alread y warne d Garve y that h e coul d expec t n o sympathy
from African s i n th e Frenc h colonies . They , th e Senegales e
deputy believed , wer e to o blessed b y French associatio n t o b e
lured int o a n Afric a ru n b y Africans , especiall y wit h Garve y
the self-appointe d leader . I n Jun e 192 4 th e Liberia n govern-
ment, afte r considerabl e duplicity , mad e member s of Garvey's
Association personae non grata i n tha t country. And this , afte r
careful an d costl y plan s ha d bee n mad e by th e UNI A t o foun d
this ne w colony for Afro-Americans , wit h the apparen t suppor t
of tha t Africa n republic' s government . Thi s treacher y wa s
doubtless th e mos t tellin g blo w t o th e dream s o f Garvey an d
46 Harlem Renaissance

his followers ; mor e indee d tha n hi s arres t an d convictio n fo r


using th e mail s t o defraud ; mor e than hi s imprisonment ; more
than hi s subsequent exil e fro m th e Unite d States .
Garvey's failure s were total , bu t alway s of a petty character .
His spectacula r dream s deserve d grande r fates . O n th e othe r
hand, hi s momentar y successe s wer e startling . H e manage d t o
convince masse s o f ordinary blac k me n an d wome n o f the no -
tion o f thei r ow n collectiv e potential . Fo r a time , man y Ne -
groes believed tha t they coul d wel d themselve s int o a powerfu l
race an d natio n throug h th e agenc y o f Garvey' s Association .
He capture d thei r loyalt y a s n o othe r blac k leade r ha d don e
before, no r woul d d o agai n unti l th e 1950s .
But fo r al l o f that , Garvey wa s threatenin g t o othe r Negr o
leaders. I t wa s precisel y hi s talen t t o mobiliz e th e commo n
black ma n whic h challenge d me n lik e DuBois . Hi s panderin g
to th e superstition s an d fantasie s o f th e mo b wa s exactl y th e
kind o f tactic tha t blac k an d whit e progressive s abhorred . Hi s
willingness to develo p program s based o n the mos t simple con-
ception o f reality wa s the ver y thing tha t appeale d t o ordinary
men, an d b y th e sam e toke n exasperate d thos e leader s whos e
very live s wer e s o tor n b y dilemm a tha t simpl e conception s
were impossible . I t wa s eas y enoug h t o mak e me n chee r th e
rhetoric, "Up , you might y race!" an d "Afric a fo r Africans. " No r
was i t har d t o devis e schemes . Bu t somewhere on e had t o col-
lide wit h th e realitie s o f Frenc h Afric a an d Liberi a an d
finances an d nava l architectur e an d navigation . W . E . B . Du-
Bois, whos e Pan-Africanis m becam e a lifelon g commitment ,
felt tha t th e problem s were muc h too complex and torturou s t o
be give n int o th e hand s o f one whos e eg o tende d t o mak e its
own realities . I t was , finally, DuBois's ver y deep interest i n Af-
rica tha t mad e hi m s o hostile t o Marcu s Garvey. Fo r whil e h e
was seriousl y an d painfull y workin g to mak e th e Pan-Africa n
movement work , Garvey wa s spinnin g dream s tha t frightene d
Africans a s well a s Europeans . Whil e DuBoi s continue d t o tr y
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 4 7

to acheiv e a careful balance o f Negro integratio n i n the Ameri-


can societ y a s against a natural an d essentia l ethni c identifica -
tion, Garve y simpl y announce d a kin d o f blac k separatis m
even t o th e poin t o f collusio n wit h th e K u Klu x Klan. 23 An d
while DuBoi s carefull y nurture d th e imag e o f a Negr o leader -
ship o f reason , intelligence , an d balance , Garve y wa s t o Du -
Bois's min d cuttin g th e foo l befor e th e world . Mos t o f Har -
lem's Negr o leader s were relieve d t o se e Garvey removed fro m
the scene ; h e wa s disruptive . Bu t most , lik e DuBois , als o
sounded a not e o f regret a t hi s exile , because Garve y personi-
fied a spirit an d geniu s fo r touching an d movin g men's souls to
dream, a qualit y o f leadershi p tha t they , i n thei r aloofness ,
lacked.
George Schuyle r wa s right therefore: Negroes throughout the
country were lookin g t o Ne w York City , an d t o Harle m for the
most advance d though t an d opinion . Ye t on e i s overwhelmed
by th e futilit y an d impotenc e o f i t all . I t wa s impossibl e t o
make politica l bargain s wher e politica l leader s coul d no t b e
convinced o f th e nee d o f mass Negr o support . An d n o leade r
could wi n politica l concession s whe n h e wa s abl e neithe r t o
deliver no r t o withol d significan t support . Hi s rol e wa s con -
founded b y th e parado x o f th e Negro' s situation . DuBoi s
summed i t u p very well:
Where i n heaven' s nam e d o w e Negroe s stand ? If w e orga -
nize separately fo r anything—"Jim Crow! " scream all the Dis-
consolate; i f we organiz e with white people—"Traitors! Pres-
sure! They're betrayin g us!" yell all the Suspicious . If, unable
to ge t th e whol e loa f w e seiz e hal f t o war d of f
starvation—"Compromise!" yel l al l th e Scared . I f w e le t th e
half loa f go and starve—"Wh y don' t you do something? " yell
those same critics, dancing about on their toes.24

Consistent leadershi p wa s impossible . Social hostilit y made in-


tegration impossible . Ye t economi c an d numerica l weaknes s
made militan t nationalis m unreal .
48 Harlem Renaissance

But thi s Harle m leadership wa s weakene d to o because o f its


peculiar relationshi p t o it s following . Al l o f the m excep t
Garvey—DuBois, Owen , Randolph , an d Jame s Weldo n
Johnson—had bee n weane d o n traditiona l middle-clas s reform .
Like thei r whit e progressiv e brother s the y wer e committe d t o
reason an d trut h an d enlightene d democrac y t o brin g abou t
desired change . Thei r magazine s wer e filled with th e sam e ex-
pose literatur e tha t th e muckraker s ha d use d t o refor m trust s
and th e meatpackin g industry , abolis h chil d labor , an d s o on.
And lik e their whit e counterparts , the y wer e an elite , remove d
from th e masses . A. Philip Randolph, of course, turne d t o orga-
nizing th e sleepin g ca r porters . Bu t neithe r DuBoi s no r John -
son coul d hav e affecte d th e politica l machin e tha t i n thes e
same years ha d bee n winnin g minor concessions fo r immigrant
masses i n th e cities . The y wer e no t involve d i n th e bloc k an d
precinct wor k that migh t hav e give n the m th e kin d of political
leverage tha t th e America n political syste m understood . They ,
like othe r middle-clas s reformers , rejecte d tha t alternativ e a s
corrupt. I t mean t tha t Harle m intellectual leadershi p wa s epi-
phenomenal. I t ha d n o grass-root s attachments . It s succes s de -
pended o n its strategic placement , no t it s power. Thes e leader s
made themselve s int o conduit s o f Negro thought to whit e men
of influence , an d the y attempte d t o channe l whit e goo d inten -
tions int o effectiv e reform . Excep t a s white powe r coul d b e in -
flected through them , the y ha d n o reaso n t o believ e tha t the y
could comman d blac k people' s actions . Withou t mas s suppor t
they wer e mer e emblem s o f leadership , impoten t t o forc e
change. Tha t i s wh y the y an d Harle m faile d i n wha t the y
promised t o become .
From th e en d o f the Civi l War , Negr o leadershi p ha d bee n
tainted b y elitism . Th e assumptio n alway s wa s tha t th e fina l
objective wa s th e acceptanc e o f th e Negr o int o America n so-
ciety a s an equa l partne r wit h white s an d a full citizen . An d i t
was als o expecte d tha t th e Negr o had t o prov e himsel f ready;
Harlem: Capital of th e Black World 4 9

he had t o lif t himsel f up . I t mattere d littl e whether th e spokes -


man followe d th e Booke r T . Washingto n lin e o r th e Niagar a
movement an d W . E . B . DuBois . Technica l an d industria l
training an d busines s achievement , som e said, woul d transform
the Negr o int o a n essentia l economi c forc e whos e plac e coul d
not b e denie d him . O n th e othe r hand , i t wa s argue d tha t a
"talented tenth, " a n intellectua l blac k elite , wa s necessar y t o
lead th e skille d blac k artisa n int o breakin g dow n barrier s o f
caste. I n eithe r case , i t wa s accepte d tha t generations o f slav-
ery, oppression , an d humiliatin g discriminatio n ha d unfitte d
the bul k of American Negroes fo r immediat e clai m t o ful l citi -
zenship. Th e leaders ' rol e wa s t o wi n fo r th e peopl e thei r op -
portunity fo r achievemen t an d manhood .
Surely, this was understandable enough . Booke r T. Washing-
ton kne w th e commo n Negroe s i n th e South ; Jame s Weldo n
Johnson ha d taugh t the m i n rura l Georgia ; W . E . B . DuBois
had taugh t them i n rural Tennessee; an d al l had see n th e rural
peasant Negroe s streamin g dail y int o Harle m fro m th e South ;
they coul d hardl y mak e great claim s for their unimprove d con-
dition. No r woul d i t hav e bee n i n keepin g wit h thei r progres -
sive mentalit y t o deman d tha t me n shoul d b e give n more than
they actuall y earned o r deserved. Al l they asked, all they could
bring themselve s t o demand , wa s that th e trac k b e ope n fo r a
fair race . Th e Negr o should b e give n every advantag e an d op -
portunity tha t othe r me n were . The y ha d th e fait h tha t i n a n
open, fai r race , wher e th e trul y bes t ma n wa s allowe d t o win,
the blac k ma n woul d gai n a goo d shar e o f the laurels .
Whatever the justice of these assumptions , they gave a pecu-
liar shap e an d thrus t t o Negr o leadership . It , lik e progressiv -
ism, wa s superior , didactic , an d uplifting . I t ofte n sa w itsel f as
an exampl e for Negroes t o follo w an d a n exampl e of Negro po-
tential fo r th e whit e world . Burie d dee p i n thi s awarenes s of
racial inadequac y wa s rac e guilt . Sometime s th e Negr o mas-
ses wer e a sourc e o f real embarrassment , somethin g t o b e ex -
50 Harlem Renaissance

plained, t o b e understood . S o they wer e whe n the y responde d


so openl y t o th e fantas y o f Marcu s Garvey . Neve r wer e th e
black masse s a sourc e o f power , a tru e following . Th e blac k
common ma n migh t wel l thrill t o the shar p barb s an d slashing
wit o f DuBois' s attack s o n whit e illogi c an d injustice , bu t h e
could neve r assum e a n identit y wit h tha t fier y editor . There
was a distance .
The associatio n o f thi s leadershi p wit h th e whit e philan -
thropists an d reformer s als o compromise d the m a s fa r a s th e
common ma n wa s concerned. Booke r T. Washington' s depend -
ence o n norther n whit e benevolenc e an d souther n whit e toler -
ance ha s lon g bee n understood . Althoug h mor e militan t tha n
the Tuskege e group , th e NAAC P wa s stil l a whit e organiza -
tion. An d tha t Associatio n too k considerabl e car e tha t contro l
remained i n th e hand s o f it s whit e Ne w Yor k Cit y boar d o f
directors. Eve n A . Philip Randolp h an d Chandle r Owe n wer e
committed t o th e doctrin e an d politic s o f th e Socialis t party ,
whose attitud e towar d rac e relation s wa s hazy , an d t o th e
trade unio n movement , dominate d i n the 1920 s by th e racially
restrictive America n Federatio n of Labor. If there was to be a
voice o f commo n blac k people , i t woul d hav e t o com e fro m
some othe r direction . Eve n whe n tha t voic e di d come —
polemical an d provocative—t o lif t blac k spirit s wit h th e
dreams o f a grea t rac e potential , i t to o wa s a deception whic h
left the m t o founde r i n th e realitie s o f their limite d power .
Harlem progressive s canno t b e wholl y blamed fo r thei r fail -
ures a s political leaders . Lik e many white reformers , the y gav e
more weigh t t o th e powe r o f morality and th e essentia l right -
ness o f the America n system than eithe r deserved . Thei r fault ,
if i t ca n b e calle d a fault , wa s i n thei r innocen t fait h i n th e
American libera l tradition . Th e proble m wa s tha t racism , un -
like chil d labo r an d unrestraine d exploitatio n o f natura l re -
sources, coul d no t b e touche d b y simpl e reform s an d effort s a t
right thinking . Rather, i t wa s s o dee p i n th e America n psyche
Harlem: Capital o f th e Black World 5 1

(black an d white ) a s not t o b e consciousl y understood . Refor m


would no t do ; eventuall y i t woul d requir e dee p socia l convul-
sions to mak e black an d whit e American s conscious o f its enor-
mity. Bu t th e bedazzlemen t o f new Harle m an d th e visio n of a
threshold o f a ne w ag e o f blac k achievemen t an d master y in -
vited blac k intellectual s t o fanc y themselve s a vanguard—ne w
men.
2 The Ne w Negr o

The decad e o f the 1920s , wit h th e Grea t Wa r over , was one of


general liberation ; everythin g seeme d i n flux . Americ a wa s
self-conscious abou t a newnes s an d chang e which ha d actuall y
begun i n th e year s befor e America' s entr y int o th e Europea n
war. This ha d bee n th e them e of Van Wyck Brooks's Americas
Coming o f Ag e (1915) . Brook s announce d tha t America n art s
and letter s wer e a t las t fre e fro m th e fetter s o f provincialis m
and Puritanism . The bracin g winds from Europ e had propelle d
the becalme d America n culture and se t i t loose t o find its own
course. Va n Wyck Brooks and th e youn g intellectuals wh o ha d
engaged i n th e prewa r rebellio n wen t int o th e wa r convince d
that th e da y o f American art an d letter s wa s at hand. 1 Despite
the disillusionmen t that followe d wartim e idealism , th e 1920 s
continued som e o f this spiri t o f emancipation, innovation , an d
newness. Th e aur a o f th e postwa r decade , epitomize d i n F .
Scott Fitzgerald' s "younge r generation " an d th e Jaz z Age , was
reflected amon g Negr o intellectual s too . The y create d th e
"New Negro. "

52
The Ne w Negro 5 3

By th e en d o f the war , i n 1919 , Afro-American s who calle d


themselves radical s wer e alread y serving notice tha t th e Negro
of postwa r Americ a was goin g t o b e muc h mor e militan t than
his prewa r brother . Th e Messenger ha d insiste d tha t th e "ne w
style" Negr o woul d no t accep t accommodatio n o r ignor e
grievances even i n the interes t o f the war . The Negr o would no
longer "tur n th e othe r cheek, " b e modes t an d unassuming . He
would answe r violenc e wit h violenc e rathe r tha n wit h mee k
though mora l protest s and request s for justice. Tha t magazin e
had applaude d th e displa y o f violenc e b y Negroe s i n th e re -
cent racia l disturbance s i n Longview , Texas , Washington ,
D.C., an d Chicago . Hi s willingnes s t o figh t showe d tha t th e
New Negr o was a s anxiou s to mak e "America saf e fo r himself
as h e ha d bee n t o mak e th e worl d saf e fo r democracy . W . A.
Domingo, Jamaica n an d sometim e contributo r t o Garvey' s
Negro World, trie d t o defin e th e Ne w Negro, this ne w man , in
the Messenger Augus t 192 0 issue . I n politics , Doming o
claimed, th e Ne w Negr o "cannot b e lulle d int o a false sens e of
security wit h politica l spoil s an d patronage . Th e job i s not th e
price of his vote." Hi s labo r wa s not t o be exploite d a s the Ol d
Negro's had bee n i n the past . But, above all, he woul d insis t on
"absolute an d unequivoca l social equality," which woul d b e
achieved b y identifyin g his interest s wit h thos e o f the working
classes. Th e Negr o wa s mainl y a worker , s o hi s ne w leader s
would rejec t associatio n wit h capitalis m an d th e bourgeoisi e
and suppor t a labo r party . H e woul d focu s o n objective s tha t
were t o hi s immediat e economi c interest, working-men' s
goals: shorte r workin g hours , highe r wages , mor e jobs . H e
would join whit e labo r union s where he could ; h e woul d for m
his ow n whe n whit e union s discriminated. H e woul d educat e
himself an d other s i n orde r t o facilitat e just rac e relations , but
he woul d us e "physica l actio n i n self-defense. " To Domingo ,
the Ne w Negro' s methods wer e summe d up i n th e rejectio n of
54 Harlem Renaissance

the "ol d Crow d Negroes' " counse l o f th e "doctrin e o f non -


resistance." 2
Domingo, o f course, viewe d thi s ne w ma n throug h th e eye s
of a socialist , an d s o h e adde d a n economi c class-conscious -
ness. Fe w othe r Negr o spokesme n talke d i n term s o f a labo r
party a s a viabl e politica l vehicle . Bu t al l woul d agre e wit h
Domingo on the broa d stroke s of the portrait . Th e Ne w Negro
was militan t and self-assertive . H e woul d no t b e conten t wit h
second-class citizenshi p an d onl y vagu e promise s fo r a bette r
future. An d al l agree d tha t th e wa r ha d muc h t o d o wit h th e
changes. Al l American s ha d jus t participate d i n a mora l cru -
sade t o mak e political justic e an d democrac y a realit y t o men
throughout th e world . America n Negroe s ha d joine d i n tha t
struggle wit h th e consciou s inten t o f makin g thi s thei r figh t
too. The y ha d mad e thei r contributio n a s militar y men , the y
had serve d thei r nation , an d no w the y woul d insis t o n bein g
treated lik e ful l citizens . Whateve r the y ha d though t o f th e
war, Negr o politica l leader s believe d tha t i t ha d bough t th e
Negro some credit i n American society; i t ha d broadene d him ,
and ha d give n hi m a feeling of his power .
This ne w militanc y was trumpete d t o New Yor k Cit y an d t o
America a t larg e b y th e triumpha l retur n o f New York' s 15t h
Infantry Regimen t fro m Europe . A n organization o f Negro vol-
unteers, i t ha d bee n mustere d int o Unite d State s servic e i n
July 1917 , onl y t o suffe r a serie s o f officia l rejection s an d in -
dignities lastin g unti l th e en d o f its service . Th e army' s reluc -
tance t o permi t blac k comba t troop s unde r it s comman d re -
sulted i n thi s unit' s bein g attache d t o th e Frenc h Arm y a s the
369th Regiment . Eve n so , whit e America n anxiet y abou t Ne -
groes i n the wa r wa s so acute tha t th e Unite d State s Arm y ha d
circulated amon g th e Frenc h th e famou s documen t o f August
1918: Secret Information Concerning Black Troops. Thi s circu-
lar warned agains t blac k an d whit e fraternization, lest Negroes
rape Frenc h women . It als o cautioned Frenc h officer s an d men
The Ne w Negro 5 5

against treatin g America n Negroes i n othe r tha n th e mos t offi -


cial an d perfunctor y way . Yet , despit e muc h provocatio n an d
the persisten t Germa n propagand a whic h harpe d o n American
racism, th e 369t h Regimen t achieve d a n outstandin g recor d o f
valor an d distinctio n i n combat . I t wa s the firs t Allie d uni t t o
reach th e Rhine . I t wa s th e firs t America n regimen t i n th e
French Arm y durin g th e wa r (i t had th e longes t service , there-
fore). I t wa s i n th e trenche s fo r 19 1 days. Th e entir e uni t was
awarded th e Croix d e Guerre fo r it s actio n a t Maison-en -
Champagne, an d 17 1 officer s an d enliste d me n wer e cite d fo r
the Croi x d e Guerre and th e Legio n o f Hono r fo r exceptiona l
bravery i n action. Nevertheless, thi s regimen t o f New Yor k Ne-
groes wa s brutally harassed b y America n military police whil e
they awaite d ship s t o retur n to the Unite d States. Thei r victory
parade i n Ne w Yor k City , Februar y 17 , 1919 , signale d some -
thing more , therefore, than th e retur n o f soldiers fro m th e war.
These me n had don e mor e tha n mos t to prove themselve s men
and Americans , an d the y accomplishe d thei r feat s unde r th e
most tryin g circumstances . The y ha d com e close , bu t the y ha d
never succumbe d t o thei r rage . The y ha d avoided , sometime s
quite narrowly , th e violen t reactio n t o bigotr y an d th e subse -
quent punishmen t tha t ha d befalle n th e 24t h Infantr y Regi -
ment a t Houston, Texas . The y ha d gon e throug h i t al l an d
brought bac k victor y withou t blemish . I t mus t hav e bee n a
proud da y fo r the m an d fo r th e blac k Ne w Yorker s wh o
watched them. 3
They marche d dow n Fift h Avenu e in massiv e company pha-
lanxes. Blac k Americans , fightin g men . Lt . Jame s Europe' s
band, whic h ha d mad e itsel f an d th e ne w America n jazz fa-
mous throughou t France , le d the m dow n th e broa d avenu e
under flag s an d banner s reading : OU R HEROES —
WELCOME HOME . Throug h throng s o f cheering Ne w York -
ers the y marched , throug h th e newl y erecte d victor y arc h a t
25th Street , pas t th e Publi c Library , continuing u p Fift h Ave -
56 Harlem Renaissance

nue t o 110t h Stree t an d th e en d o f Central Park . The n i t wa s


over t o Leno x Avenu e an d u p tha t street , throug h Harle m
(through home ) to 145t h Street . O n thes e uptow n streets , the y
changed thei r tigh t phalan x t o a n ope n formation . Th e cheer -
ing crowd s wer e darke r wit h familia r accents ; the y calle d ou t
names an d ra n withi n th e rank s t o touc h th e men . Ji m Eu -
rope's ban d o f sixty bras s an d reed , thirt y trumpe t an d drum ,
swung int o "Her e Come s M y Dadd y Now" ; al l Harle m wen t
wild. Fo r a moment— a da y o r two , o r a week—Harlem , an d
all o f Ne w York , though t thes e blac k me n wer e heroes . Ne -
groes canno t b e blame d fo r thinking that th e glor y woul d last ,
that thi s martia l an d manl y spirit , thes e honor s deserve d an d
won, woul d foreve r den y t o whit e American s th e chanc e t o
treat Negroe s a s less tha n me n an d citizens . Suc h expectation s
were par t o f th e stuf f tha t fe d th e conceptio n o f th e Ne w
Negro.
The iron y wa s considerable . Amon g othe r things , th e post -
war year s sa w a spectacula r reviva l o f racism ; th e ne w K u
Klux Kla n foun d whit e suppor t throughou t th e country , an d
violence agains t Negroe s increased . Apparently , whit e Ameri -
cans believe d i n th e Ne w Negr o a s muc h a s blac k Americans
did; h e wa s a threa t t o on e a s muc h a s a hop e t o th e other .
The blac k man' s metamorphosi s wa s assume d b y everyone ,
and thoughtful people knew that th e chang e woul d hav e a pro-
found effec t no t onl y on th e America n Negro but o n American
culture and , indeed , th e multi-colore d worl d itself . Alai n
Locke, a dapper , gentle , nut-brow n man , a Rhode s Scholar ,
and professo r of philosophy a t Howar d Universit y saw n o limit
to the transformation. He brought together a varied grou p of es-
says, stories, poems , an d picture s i n Th e Ne w Negro (1925) , al l
searching t o defin e wha t wa s assume d t o b e a gran d cultura l
flux. Locke's editin g o f and contributio n t o this volume and his
energetic championin g o f th e intellectua l achievemen t o f Ne-
The Ne w Negro 5 7

groes i n the 1920 s mad e hi m th e fathe r o f the Ne w Negro and


the so-calle d Harle m Renaissance. 4
Locke insiste d tha t a chang e i n th e Negr o had occurre d fa r
beyond th e measuremen t of the sociologist . Th e appearanc e o f
the Ne w Negro seemed sudde n an d shockin g only because th e
Old Negro had long since been a shadow and fiction, preserved in
white minds through sentimentalism and reaction. The Negro, be-
cause he had found it paid, helped perpetuate thi s fiction through
protective socia l mimicry . "S o fo r generation s i n th e min d of
America, th e Negr o ha s bee n mor e o f a formula tha n a human
being—a something to be argued about, condemned o r defended,
to be 'kept down,' or 'in his place,' or 'helped up,' to be worried
with or worried over, harassed or patronized, a social bogey or a
social burden." Even the Negro intellectual tended to see himself
as a social problem, Locke argued. He had to make his appeal in
the fac e o f the unjus t stereotype o f his enemies an d th e equall y
questionable stereotype s o f his friends. I n neithe r case could h e
see himself as he really was. "His shadow, so to speak, was more
real t o hi m tha n hi s personality. " Bu t a renewe d sens e o f self -
respect wa s forcing the Negr o to look at himself afresh, t o reject
the stereotypes an d cliches, and to insist on integrity of race and
personality.
As Lock e sa w it , th e traditiona l an d fictiona l vie w o f th e
Negro ha d bee n mad e embarrassingl y obsolete by the change s
in the realitie s of Negro life. Th e migratio n that ha d pulle d th e
Negro ou t o f the South , puttin g him i n th e Midwes t and East ,
had mad e him an urban and industria l man. Only the mos t ob-
tuse an d sentimenta l coul d continu e to find "aunties," "uncles, "
"mammies," Uncl e Toms , an d Samboes , i n moder n cit y life .
The cit y mad e a difference , i n Locke' s mind , becaus e i t
forced th e Negr o fro m th e simpl e t o th e comple x life , fro m
rural homogeneit y t o urba n pluralism ; h e wa s force d t o se e
himself in broad an d sophisticate d terms . Harlem was a perfect
58 Harlem Renaissance

example. No t only wa s i t the "larges t Negr o community in th e


world," bu t i t brough t togethe r blac k me n o f the mos t divers e
backgrounds an d interests . Ther e wer e African s an d Wes t In -
dians a s wel l a s Negroe s fro m th e sout h an d nort h o f th e
United States . Ther e wer e cit y men , tow n men , an d villag e
men; "th e peasant , th e student , th e busines s man , th e profes -
sional man , artist , poet , musician , adventure r an d worker ,
preacher an d criminal , exploite r an d socia l outcast . Eac h
group ha s com e wit h it s ow n separat e motive s and fo r its own
special ends , but thei r greates t experienc e ha s been th e finding
of one another. " Thi s share d experience , Lock e held, was race-
building. Unti l that moment , he insisted, th e Negr o had bee n a
race mor e i n name tha n i n fact , "mor e i n sentiment tha n i n ex-
perience." Wha t ha d define d the m a s a rac e wa s a commo n
condition an d a commo n problem . Wha t wa s neede d t o make
a race , however , wa s a commo n consciousnes s an d a lif e i n
common. Lif e i n th e city , lif e i n Harlem , woul d satisf y tha t
need. "I n Harlem, " h e wrote , "Negr o lif e i s seizin g upo n it s
first chance s fo r grou p expressio n an d self-determination . It i s
—or promise s a t leas t t o be— a rac e capital. " Harle m wa s fo r
the Ne w Negr o wha t Dubli n wa s to th e Ne w Ireland , Pragu e
to th e Ne w Czechoslovakia, an d Belgrad e to the Ne w Yugosla-
via.
Race-building, accordin g t o Locke , was forcing th e Negr o to
reject ol d assumption s an d ol d images . I f th e whit e ma n ha d
erred i n his defining th e Negr o in order t o justify hi s treatment
of him , the Negr o too ofte n ha d foun d hi s treatment a n excuse
for hi s condition . Th e ne w socia l science s wer e takin g a har d
look a t th e realities , an d th e intelligen t Negr o would welcom e
the hard-eye d scientifi c evaluatio n i n plac e o f th e sof t an d
crippling judgmen t o f the philanthropist . All racial group s ha d
to b e weane d fro m som e dependency , an d th e Negr o wa s n o
exception. Lock e argue d tha t th e Negro' s tim e ha d com e t o
The New Negro 5 9
free himsel f fro m th e patronizin g an d distan t philanthrop y o f
sentimental whit e society . Th e New Negro's race consciousnes s
and racia l cooperatio n wer e clea r indication s that hi s time had
come t o b e a race , t o b e fre e an d self-assertive . Whil e ex -
pressed i n racia l an d collectiv e terms , Locke' s vie w of the Ne w
Negro wa s strikingl y familiar , a n iteratio n o f ver y traditiona l
values o f self-sufficiency an d self-help , as American as the Puri -
tans an d th e "self-reliance " o f Ralp h Wald o Emerson . What -
ever els e h e wa s then, a s Locke explained him, the Ne w Negro
was a n assertio n o f America.
So, Alai n Lock e believe d tha t th e profoun d change s i n th e
American Negr o had t o d o wit h the freein g of himself from th e
fictions o f hi s pas t an d th e rediscover y o f himself . He ha d t o
put awa y th e protectiv e colorin g o f th e mimickin g minstre l
and fin d himsel f a s he reall y was . An d thu s th e ne w militancy
was a self-assertion a s well as an assertio n of the validit y of the
race. Th e Negr o wa s i n th e proces s o f telling himsel f an d th e
world tha t h e wa s worthy, ha d a rich culture , an d coul d make
contributions o f value . An d a s Lock e sa w it , thi s ne w con -
sciousness woul d b e auspiciou s i n tw o specia l ways . I t mad e
the Ne w Negr o th e "advance-guar d o f the Africa n people s i n
their contac t wit h th e Twentiet h Centur y civilization, " an d i t
also provide d "th e sens e o f a mission of rehabilitating th e rac e
in worl d esteem. . . . " He thus incorporated i n his thinking the
American sens e o f mission , a / strang e variatio n o n th e "whit e
man's burden. "
The Ne w Negro's tas k was to discove r and defin e hi s culture
and hi s contributio n t o wha t ha d bee n though t a whit e civili -
zation. I n Locke' s words , th e Negr o "now become s a conscious
contributor an d lay s asid e th e statu s of a beneficiar y and war d
for tha t o f a collaborato r an d participan t i n America n civiliza-
tion." Thus , th e considerabl e talent s o f the Negr o could b e re-
leased fro m th e "ari d field s o f controvers y an d debat e t o th e
60 Harlem Renaissance

productive field s o f creativ e expression. " S o i t wa s t o b e


through a cultura l awakenin g tha t th e Negr o wa s t o expres s
himself. Lock e coul d no t promis e tha t th e rac e woul d wi n th e
long-desired en d o f materia l progress , bu t th e enrichmen t of
life throug h ar t an d letter s woul d b e a n ampl e achievement .
What i s more , th e Negr o woul d b e a peopl e rathe r tha n a
problem. Echoin g th e word s o f Va n Wyc k Brooks , wh o te n
years earlier ha d searche d t o find value in white American cul-
ture, Alai n Lock e announce d th e Ne w Negr o a s th e race' s
"spiritual Comin g of Age."
It wa s n o mere coincidenc e tha t bot h Alai n Lock e an d Va n
Wyck Brook s sa w crisi s i n term s o f cultural maturity . Ameri-
cans hav e bee n consistentl y perplexe d a s t o wha t cultur e is ,
what i s distinctivel y America n culture , an d wha t o f valu e
America ha s contributed t o Wester n civilization . Concer n ove r
the thinnes s o f America n cultur e force d man y intellectual s t o
give continue d backwar d glance s t o Europe . Sometime s th e
American's consciousnes s o f Europ e wa s ridiculed , a s i n th e
probing satir e o f Mar k Twain , sometime s it wa s marke d b y a
fascination wit h it s richness , sophistication , an d corruption , a s
with Henr y James . Always , i t seeme d cultur e wa s somethin g
alien t o th e fres h an d roug h American ; alway s somethin g
learned, attained , achieved , neve r the natura l gif t o f one's soil ,
one's land , One' s blood .
Malcolm Cowle y ha s mad e thi s poin t very wel l i n Exile's
Return.5 I n it s earl y page s Cowle y explain s wh y a grou p o f
young intellectual s aroun d Worl d Wa r I fel t n o sens e o f value
in thei r ow n experienc e an d past . Al l o f thei r education , a s
Cowley remembers , pointe d the m towar d som e othe r plac e
than home . The y wer e traine d ou t o f thei r regiona l dialect s
and int o a colorless, school-learne d Ameri-Englis h whic h al l of
their teacher s ha d dutifull y acquired . The stuf f o f imagination,
art, an d literatur e wa s neve r pulled fro m th e mysterie s o f their
own countr y and th e experience s o f their ow n people . Rather ,
The Ne w Negro 6 1

they wer e aske d t o drea m o f medieva l Europea n castle s an d


English countr y life . I t wa s a s i f th e thing s tha t the y coul d
touch an d se e wer e unworth y o f ar t an d culture . Then , the y
were draw n t o easter n colleges ; fitting-room s o f culture , a s
Cowley remembers . Cultur e t o th e educate d America n ha d
nothing t o d o wit h fol k roots—one' s pas t o r one' s life—rather ,
it wa s clothe s tha t on e coul d wea r afte r a lon g proces s o f di-
vestment of the familial , the regional , the natural . Thu s Cow-
ley makes most understandable th e feelin g o f uprootedness an d
alienation o f the generatio n o f young men who were in college ,
or ha d jus t finishe d college , aroun d Worl d Wa r I . Se t adrif t
from a pas t withou t meanin g o r value , o r s o thei r educatio n
had traine d the m t o believe , the y wen t searchin g fo r som e
roots i n Europea n civilizatio n graftin g themselve s o n t o th e
only cultur e Americ a had taugh t the m to respect .
If anything , thi s alienatio n wa s mor e accentuate d amon g
Negro intellectuals . Ther e ha d bee n littl e i n the publi c schools
or the college s t o giv e them a sense of their cultura l pas t o r the
distinctiveness o f their people . Th e blac k bo y o r gir l who went
to mixe d northern school s and t o white colleges coul d hav e ex-
pected little . Bu t eve n th e segregate d souther n school s pro -
vided littl e of their ow n past beside s the name s of heroines an d
heroes: Harrie t Tubman , Sojourne r Truth , Frederic k Douglass ,
and o f cours e Booke r T . Washington . Th e fac t tha t th e lin e
back t o the pas t wa s snarled wher e enslavement an d migration
from Afric a ha d begun mad e th e racia l pas t hazy , distant, an d
impossible t o know . Bu t eve n th e mor e recen t histor y o f th e
Afro-American, tha t whic h coul d b e touche d an d measured ,
seemed t o provid e littl e o f the stuf f fo r race-building. A society
weaned o n self-relianc e and individua l freedom coul d fin d lit -
tle t o hono r i n servitude , n o matte r how enforced . Th e shame
that blac k me n fel t abou t thei r pas t wa s a measur e o f ho w
much the y ha d drun k u p th e value s o f th e whit e American
world aroun d them . S o they wer e lef t wit h the fe w names that
62 Harlem Renaissance
had survive d o f the me n an d wome n who ha d defie d oppres -
sion, achieve d succes s i n whit e men' s terms , an d wh o stoo d
thus a s proo f tha t th e pas t woul d no t enslav e black s forever .
Shame of the pas t mad e the Negr o reject much of the realit y
of his people's condition . I n th e ma d rus h from slavery , inferi -
ority, an d oppressio n int o citizenshi p an d manhood , much was
garbled an d confused . Thos e thing s reminiscen t o f the forme r
condition—unskilled an d fiel d labor , enthusiasti c religion -
were t o b e denied . Th e profession s (medicine, dentistry , law ,
the ministry , teaching, an d undertaking ) an d busines s wer e t o
be embraced . On e wa s t o joi n th e mor e sobe r Protestan t de -
nominations. I t wa s no t simpl y a matter o f achievement o r so-
cial mobility , thes e attainment s wer e bench-mark s measurin g
the distanc e a black man o r woman had travele d fro m hi s pas t
of chains . The y wer e symbol s whic h connote d t o th e Negr o
freedom an d manhood . An d the y wer e no t just i n a fe w men's
minds; the y wer e buil t int o thos e institutions , mos t o f al l th e
schools, charge d wit h th e impres s of social values.
Of course , whit e school s transmitte d "America n culture," a n
ethnic cultura l blandness—Americ a wa s mad e up o f many dif-
ferent peoples , bu t the y wer e al l th e same . Whe n th e blac k
child wa s wel l treate d i n suc h schools—no t mad e t o fee l
shame for his blackness—he wa s taught that h e wa s like every-
one else ; a trut h tha t hi s experienc e surel y belied . An d whil e
Negro school s ha d man y virtues i n teachin g th e chil d tha t h e
had worth , the y taugh t hi m als o tha t h e shoul d b e lik e white
men, no t lik e himself , and surel y not lik e his father. It di d no t
matter whethe r th e teache r followe d W . E. B . DuBois's philos -
ophy o f th e "talente d tenth " o r Booke r T . Washington' s eve n
more condescendin g notio n tha t th e Negr o should prov e him-
self acceptabl e a s a citize n i n whit e men's terms .
The poin t is not that teacher s an d schools were misguided or
pernicious. Whit e an d blac k teacher s gav e man y a youn g
Negro hi s firs t feelin g o f genuine , personal worth . Rather , de -
The Ne w Negro 6 3

spite thei r bes t intende d effort s the y coul d no t giv e t o th e


black chil d a rich , dense , an d mysteriou s sens e o f a pas t lik e
that o f traditional cultures . I t wa s not merely tha t th e ingredi -
ents wer e difficul t t o pul l ou t o f the America n Negro's history ,
and that th e sophisticatio n an d beauty o f African culture s wer e
not ye t understood , bu t tha t th e experienc e o f American insti-
tutions worke d agains t it . Th e objec t o f America n publi c
schools wa s t o mak e thei r charge s American ; whic h mean t a
rounding of f of point s o f difference. Orienta l an d Jewis h chil -
dren wer e abl e t o retai n th e gif t o f their pas t throug h specia l
schools. Bu t Negro childre n wer e swep t int o th e cultura l blen-
der wit h othe r Americans , pulle d int o th e vorte x o f Anglo-
Saxon norms . Having n o known culture to deny, th e Negr o was
doubly damned . Fo r whe n h e discovere d th e emptines s an d
soulessness o f the blan d amalgam , or when h e sa w that th e ul-
timate truth of the li e was that you had t o be white, he had n o
place t o retur n to . Adrift , hi s "shadow , s o to speak , wa s more
real t o him than hi s personality. "
Like whit e children , blac k childre n wer e taugh t tha t th e
speech o f thei r father s wa s no t prope r Englis h speech . The y
were encourage d t o leav e behin d thei r dialect s an d regiona l
and ethni c idioms . The tale s tha t the y ha d hear d th e ol d folk s
tell wer e not th e stuf f o f culture; the y woul d rea d Jan e Austen
and Thackera y an d drea m o f Englis h romance . No r wer e th e
special rhythm s of their speec h suitabl e fo r poetry whe n Keats
and Shelle y wer e th e models . I n time , the y coul d lear n t o ac-
cept th e spirituals, with their decoru m an d simpl e majesty, bu t
never th e mor e spirite d gospe l song s an d surel y no t th e pro -
fane blues . Cultur e wa s somethin g distan t an d alien —
generally English—t o b e studied , and , a s Cowle y remembers ,
fitted o n lik e a suit of clothes. Negroe s in provincia l communi-
ties wer e introduce d int o Wester n cultur e b y thei r churches .
Vocal ensemble s toure d thes e towns , a s wel l a s soloist s lik e
Roland Haye s an d Maria n Anderson. Church member s would
64 Harlem Renaissanc e

sell ticket s t o a performance which woul d includ e the standar d


tour repertor y wit h som e spirituals . Loca l talen t woul d b e
given a chance t o perform , and ther e wa s always an elocution -
ist wh o woul d rea d fro m classica l Englis h literature . On e
would no t have been surprise d t o find Browning Societies her e
and ther e i n blac k communities . Of course , th e experienc e o f
the peopl e ha d bee n ther e al l along. Th e fol k wisdo m that ha d
sustained Afro-American s through thei r mos t devastating trial s
persisted. Th e musi c i n th e language , th e distinctiv e fol k im -
agery, th e dram a o f religion, the essentia l deligh t i n musi c re-
mained. I n a very vital and rea l way , that fol k cultur e an d tra-
dition wa s undergoin g th e genuin e alchem y o f art . Wor k
songs, gospels , an d holler s wer e bein g transforme d into blues ,
ragtime, an d jazz . But , strangely , althoug h blac k intellectual s
were quic k t o acknowledg e th e contributio n o f black musi c to
America culture—th e onl y distinctiv e America n contributio n
as i t wa s ofte n put—the y wer e rarel y willin g t o clai m i t wa s
serious musi c o f hig h culture . An d whil e man y Harle m intel -
lectuals enjoyed the musi c of the cabarets , non e were prepared
to giv e someon e like Jelly Rol l Morton the seriou s attention h e
deserved. Jaz z wa s infectiou s entertainment an d no t a n ingre -
dient o f hig h civilization . So , provincialis m pulle d th e blac k
intellectual—like hi s whit e America n brother—awa y fro m th e
culture o f his experienc e into th e cultur e o f his learning .
Since cultur e wa s no t somethin g tha t coul d b e take n fo r
granted, th e announcemen t o f it s attainmen t b y bot h whit e
and blac k American s seemed natura l enough. The vogu e of the
New Negro , then, ha d al l of the characte r o f a publi c relation s
promotion. Th e Negr o ha d t o b e "sold" to th e publi c i n terms
they coul d understand . No t th e leas t importan t targe t i n th e
campaign wa s th e Negr o himself ; h e ha d t o b e convince d o f
his worth . I t i s important t o understan d this , becaus e muc h of
the ar t an d letter s tha t wa s th e substanc e o n whic h th e Ne w
Negro wa s buil t an d whic h mad e u p th e so-calle d Harle m
The Ne w Negro 6 5

Renaissance wa s servin g thi s promotiona l end . Understandin g


this give s adde d meanin g t o th e pros e an d poetr y tha t wer e
produced, an d help s u s appreciat e thei r problem s a s art. Alai n
Locke an d th e other s wer e correc t i n sayin g tha t ther e wa s a
New Negro : a n artisti c self-consciousnes s of the Negro' s huma n
and cultura l worth , th e sens e o f a n urgen t nee d fo r self-asser -
tion an d militancy , an d th e belie f i n a culturally enriche d pas t
in Americ a an d Africa ; thes e theme s wer e rea l enoug h i n th e
works o f Negroes o f talent. I t wa s no t merel y Locke' s imagina-
tion, althoug h lik e a n anxiou s parent h e nurture d ever y suspi-
cion o f talent a s i f it were the bloo m of genius. I f the American
context force d i t to b e artificia l and contrived , i t shoul d no t b e
thought Alai n Locke' s fault .
There is , however, a problem whic h promotion s suc h a s Van
Wyck Brooks' s Ne w America n an d Alai n Locke' s Ne w Negr o
share. I t i s i n th e metapho r itself . Fo r whateve r promis e th e
new ma n ha s fo r th e future , hi s nam e and th e necessit y fo r his
creation impl y som e inadequac y i n th e past . Lik e th e Ne w
Year's resolutio n o r th e "turnin g over a ne w leaf, " th e debu t o f
the Ne w Negr o announce d a dissatisfactio n wit h th e Ol d
Negro. An d sinc e th e New/Ol d dichotom y i s a mer e conven -
ience o f mind—Afro-American s wer e reall y th e sam e peopl e
all along—th e so-calle d Ol d Negr o wa s merel y carrie d withi n
the boso m o f th e Ne w a s a kin d o f self-doubt , perhap s self -
hate. Ho w ca n on e tak e u p th e promotio n of race (o r national-
ity) throug h ar t withou t exposin g this doubt ? Ho w can one say
that Negroe s ar e worth y an d civilize d an d ne w men without at
the sam e tim e acknowledgin g doub t an d denial ? Eve n th e bes t
of the poem s o f the Harlem Renaissanc e carried th e burde n o f
self-consciousness o f oppression an d blac k limitation .

Langston Hughe s ha d jus t bee n graduate d fro m hig h schoo l


in Clevelan d an d wa s on a strang e journey t o hi s father i n To-
luca, Mexico . His mother ha d mad e him fee l guilt y fo r wanting
66 Harlem Renaissance

to g o t o colleg e rathe r tha n t o work , wher e h e woul d b e "of


some us e t o her. " Whil e Hughe s sa w i n hi s fathe r a mean s of
doing wha t h e wanted—t o g o t o college—h e wa s perplexe d
because hi s father' s bitternes s ha d mad e hi m contemptuou s o f
Negroes an d a terribl e ma n t o liv e with . Hughe s wa s o n th e
train, crossin g th e Mississipp i Rive r a t sunset, whe n h e wrote a
poem o n an envelop e tha t ha s since been mos t ofte n printe d as
characteristic o f his work. 6

The Negr o Speak s o f River s


I've known rivers:
I've know n river s ancient a s th e worl d an d olde r tha n th e flo w o f
human blood in human veins.
My soul has grown deep like the rivers
I bathed in the Euphrates when dawns were young.
I built my hut near the Congo and it lulled me to sleep
I looked upon the Nile and raised the pyramids above it.
I hear d th e singin g o f th e Mississipp i whe n Ab e Lincol n wen t
down to New Orleans, and I'v e seen its muddy bosom
turn all golden in the sunset.
I've known rivers:
Ancient, dusky rivers.
My soul has grown deep like the rivers.

Hughes's us e o f the Mississipp i here i s traditional an d sym-


bolic. Th e rive r i s an important symbo l not only because i t con-
notes th e religiou s divisio n betwee n th e tempora l an d eterna l
life, bu t becaus e i t i s relentless , persistent , an d timeless . I t i s
eternity itself , with n o beginning an d no end. I t pull s int o itself
the soi l aroun d it , an d i t sustain s th e lif e a t it s reaches . I t i s
profound an d enigmatic ; it s depths ar e somber an d mysterious.
And th e river s tha t Hughe s mention s ad d t o thi s point . Th e
Euphrates, the n though t th e cradl e of men, and th e othe r thre e
rivers ar e no t onl y mothe r waters , sustainin g life aroun d them,
The Ne w Negro 6 7
but the y hav e know n th e blac k ma n an d th e blac k slave . And
Hughes say s th e blac k ma n ha s watched an d know n these riv -
ers throug h th e centuries , learne d thei r inevitability , and ,
through them , sense d eternity . Th e blac k man , therefore , wil l
persist becaus e hi s sou l ha s becom e on e wit h th e stream s o f
life.
Hughes ha s manage d i n thi s poe m t o captur e som e o f th e
force o f the spiritual . Lik e man y spirituals, it i s s o simple an d
clear a statement tha t i t i s difficul t t o argu e th e trut h o f th e
assertion. A s in man y spirituals , th e Negr o i s th e speake r an d
identifies himsel f with eterna l forces , transcending th e facts o f
life an d th e ver y condition s whic h mak e th e statemen t neces -
sary. And like many spirituals, there i s great pathos in its prom-
ise o f ultimat e justice (th e Negro' s valu e i s ultimate , indeed ,
eternal), because n o othe r justice i s possible (o r likely).
Another poe m o f Langsto n Hughes' s show s something more
of his pathos .

Dream Variatio n 7
To fling my arms wide
In some place of the sun,
To whirl and to dance
Till the white day is done.
Then rest at cool evening
Beneath a tall tree
While night comes on gently,
Dark like me
That is my dream!
To fling my arms wide
In the face of the sun,
Dance! whirl! whirl!
Till the quick day is done
Rest at pale evening. . . .
A tall, slim tree. . . .
Night coming tenderly
Black like me.
68 Harlem Renaissance

Each stanza , here , i s a variatio n o n th e sam e dream ; bu t


what i s mos t strikin g i n thi s poe m i s Hughes' s contras t o f da y
and night—blac k an d white . Th e poet , agai n th e Negro , iden -
tifies himsel f wit h th e night ; doubtles s whit e me n an d th e
white world ar e the da y and the sun . The white da y i s frenetic,
harsh, an d hot , whil e th e nigh t i s cool, gentle , an d tender . Bu t
what i s this danc e tha t th e poe t want s t o do ? I s i t on e o f joy,
defiance, o r abandon ? On e sense s a kin d o f suicida l defiance ,
because th e "place of the sun " (suggestin g simpl e freedom ) be -
comes "i n th e fac e o f th e sun " (suggestin g defiance) . Arm s
wide, bod y whirlin g an d spinning , i s thi s no t i n spit e o f th e
white-hot materialisti c civilization ? But the statemen t seem s a
death wish . The Negr o is like the night , an d th e nigh t i s death.
For the speaker , from the "quick" day , comes to rest here , with
a coolnes s abou t hi m an d a monumenta l "tall, sli m tree " ove r
him. Th e nigh t tha t h e welcome s i s gentle , pale , an d tende r
like th e slee p o f death.
Here, too , Hughes' s poe m touche s on e o f th e majo r theme s
of th e spiritual . Whateve r th e anxiet y an d tormen t o f life ,
death i s alway s a guarantee d release . A s i n s o man y o f th e
spirituals, deat h i n Hughes' s poe m i s a welcom e friend . An d
here, too , Hughe s ha s joined th e Negr o t o eternit y an d eterna l
forces throug h th e simpl e associatio n o f th e Negr o wit h nigh t
and death , th e untroubled , th e tende r an d peacefu l sleep . Th e
white da y passes, the su n sets, but th e sof t night , lik e the river,
is eternal .
Like the spirituals , bot h o f these poem s gai n powe r fro m th e
promise o f a transcendent peace . Beyon d th e hardshi p an d op-
pression o f this life , ther e i s an eternity an d meanin g which th e
poet claim s t o b e his . Th e spirituals , unlik e th e poems , res t
upon a metaphysi c whic h insist s tha t th e "leas t o f these " wil l
be redeemed . I t wa s not a racial matter ; it was for all men. Ne-
groes i n religiou s expressio n foun d thi s messag e especiall y
suited t o thei r condition . Whe n devou t blac k me n an d women
The Ne w Negro 6 9
sang thes e songs , ther e wa s mor e tha n th e self-pit y of a lowly
people claimin g eternit y fo r themselves. Ther e wa s th e soun d
of th e triump h tha t Christianit y promised , th e glimps e o f th e
eternity itself . So, while th e spiritual s wer e a racial expression ,
they wer e a universa l messag e fo r al l th e dispossessed .
Hughes's poems , o n th e othe r hand , ar e clearl y racial . Hi s
poem i s no t merel y speakin g t o th e conditio n o f everyman —
that humblenes s whic h Christianit y promise s t o reward—bu t
the conditio n o f the Negr o as a Negro. The patho s o f his asser-
tion i s clear enough . Bu t without the metaphysica l o r Christian
justification, th e clai m t o eternit y an d t o ultimat e wort h lacks
triumph and power . I t i s not that one denies th e Negro' s soul is
deep o r tha t justice t o hi m i s deserved an d ultimate , bu t th e
secular expressio n lack s a n important dimension. On e need no t
ask a religiou s ma n wh y h e feel s i t necessar y t o see k tran -
scendent an d eterna l meaning for himself. But when a poet jus-
tifies hi s peopl e i n thes e terms , one suspect s i n hi m th e initia l
doubt. There i s doubt i n the poet' s mind , or h e assume s doubt
in hi s audience . Otherwise , h e woul d no t hav e t o writ e abou t
the matte r in thi s way .
Ironically, th e literatur e tha t wa s t o b e advance d a s evi -
dence o f the Negr o a s a ne w ma n containe d a stron g odo r o f
this patho s an d self-doubt . I t tainte d al l th e pronouncement s
and expose d th e vulnerabilit y o f the Ne w Negr o concept. No -
where is this theme more clear than i n one of Countee Cullen' s
poems:

Yet D o I Marve l 8
I doubt not God is good, well-meaning, kind,
And did He stoop to quibble could tell why
The little buried mole continues blind,
Why flesh that mirrors Him must some day die,
Make plain the reason tortured Tantalus
Is baited by the fickle fruit, declare
70 Harlem Renaissance
If merely brute caprice dooms Sisyphus
To struggle up a never-ending stair.
Inscrutable His ways are, and immune
To catechism by a mind too strewn
With petty cares to slightly understand
What awful brain compels His awful hand.
Yet do I marvel at this curious thing:
To make a poet black, and bid him sing!

It ma y b e argue d tha t Cullen , influenced a s h e wa s b y th e


English Romantics , wa s indulgin g i n th e self-pit y tha t ofte n
captured thos e poet s i n thei r lesse r expression s o f inne r an -
guish. Ther e i s somethin g t o this ; Culle n turne d t o Tantalu s
and Sisyphus—mythologica l figure s wh o fe d th e Romanti c
imagination—to giv e measur e an d equivalenc e t o hi s torment .
Yet, hi s tortur e i s no t personal , no r i s i t generic . I t i s racial ,
somehow th e peculia r tormen t o f black me n wh o ar e sensitiv e
and wis h t o sing . An d Counte e Culle n assume s tha t hi s audi -
ence, whit e an d black , will kno w and immediatel y understan d
that ther e i s a specia l godl y an d tragi c conditio n here . Bu t
how can one kno w that ? And why shoul d everyon e kno w tha t
the blac k poet' s tria l i s especiall y futile ? I s i t becaus e h e i s
wounded an d limited ? I t coul d no t b e tha t h e alon e ha s more
soul tha n voic e t o sing ; tha t wa s the predicamen t o f all poets ,
the Romanti c would say . One cannot b e sure what Culle n ha d
in min d whe n h e though t hi s reade r woul d kno w th e specia l
curse o f the black bard, bu t clos e to th e surfac e is doubt whic h
is no t merel y self-doub t bu t rac e doubt . Becaus e i t i s a racia l
doubt an d limitatio n rathe r tha n personal , th e reade r sense s
the pit y o f th e futil e effort , withou t th e herois m o f th e tragi c
condition.9
Such doub t an d presumptio n o f limitation wer e inextricabl y
a par t o f th e Ne w Negr o vogue . Jus t a s Va n Wyc k Brooks' s
America's Coming o f Ag e wa s condescendin g abou t America n
art an d culture , assumin g i t limite d an d wanting , thos e pro -
moting th e Ne w Negro , eve n a s the y proclaime d th e Negro' s
The Ne w Negro 7 1
worth, provide d evidenc e tha t the y ha d t o asser t an d prov e it .
Part o f the assertio n of the Negro' s value was the assumptio n
of militancy. The assertio n tha t justic e ultimatel y would b e his
was no t enoug h fo r the Ne w Negro. Indeed , tha t ha d bee n th e
problem wit h th e Ol d Negro , th e docil e an d patient retaine r
who kne w tha t hi s rewar d woul d b e i n heaven . Hughe s an d
the young Negro writer s o f the 1920 s were not saying that. Th e
Negro ha d ultimate , eterna l huma n worth . I t shoul d no t onl y
be asserted , bu t th e Negr o shoul d assum e i n th e presen t th e
posture promise d hi m i n eternity . H e shoul d b e a ma n lik e
other men .
Thus, th e othe r fac e o f th e Ne w Negro' s persona wa s mili -
tant an d self-assured . Indeed , the onl y way he was to clai m his
true manhoo d wa s t o deman d redres s o f grievances , t o figh t
back. Som e of the poetr y an d pros e o f the 1920 s by Negroes it-
erated thi s theme . Th e mos t notabl e wa s a poe m b y Claud e
McKay.

If W e Mus t Di e ! 0
If we must die, let it not be like hogs
Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot,
While round us bark the mad and hungry dogs,
Making their mock at our accursed lot.
If we must die, O let us nobly die,
So that our precious blood may not be shed
In vain; then even the monsters we defy
Shall be constrained to honor us though dead!
O kinsmen! we must meet the common foe!
Though far outnumbered let us show us brave,
And for their thousand blows deal one deathblow!
What though before us lies the open grave?
Like men well face the murderous, cowardly pack,
Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back!

Here wa s non e o f the non-resistanc e tha t th e Ol d Negr o ha d


preached, no r th e ton e of superiority an d righteousness o f paci-
72 Harlem Renaissance

fism. Black me n mus t figh t back . Thi s wa s the messag e o f East


St. Louis , Illinois , an d Houston , Texas . I t wa s the sam e call t o
self-defense tha t th e Messenger an d W . A . Doming o ha d ap -
plauded. Th e poem , itself , a s a n expressio n o f th e ne w blac k
spirit, alarme d conservativ e whites . Senato r Henr y Cabo t
Lodge ha d i t rea d int o th e Congressional Record a s evidenc e
of th e unsettlin g current s amon g blac k Americans . I n late r
years, whe n Arn a Bontemp s collecte d o n a phonograph recor d
an antholog y o f Negr o poets , McKa y claime d tha t i t wa s no t
just a Negr o poem. H e said , followin g World Wa r II , tha t h e
had neve r considere d himsel f a Negr o poet . H e claime d tha t
he ha d considere d "I f W e Mus t Die " a universa l poem , fo r al l
men wh o were "abused , outrage d an d murdered , whethe r the y
are minoritie s o r nations , blac k o r brow n o r yello w o r white ,
Catholic o r Protestan t o r Pagan , fightin g agains t terror. " Yet ,
in th e Messenger i n 191 9 an d i n Harlem Shadows i n 192 2 n o
one coul d doub t tha t th e autho r was a black man and th e "we "
of th e poe m blac k peopl e too. 11

The searc h fo r a personalit y fo r the Ne w Negro necessitate d


the rediscover y o f a heritage. A s much as the youn g Negro in-
tellectuals wante d t o proclai m a ne w da y an d t o inte r al l ves-
tiges o f th e ol d image , the y fel t a nee d t o fin d justificatio n i n
the past . Th e heritag e wa s t o serv e th e ne w image . So , much
effort wen t into th e explicatio n o f the Negro' s fol k tradition s i n
America an d int o th e interpretatio n o f whatever wa s know n of
the civilization s o f Africa .
The Negroes ' importance t o American culture, it was argued,
was tha t h e provide d it s only genuin e fol k tradition . Fro m th e
Afro-Americans ha d com e a ric h an d comple x folklor e an d
music which wa s the mos t distinctivel y America n contributio n
to worl d culture . Whil e th e Negr o ha d bee n denie d b y bot h
whites an d sophisticate d blacks , h e wa s unconsciously pouring
out, i n his own entertainment an d fo r his own soul's needs , th e
The Ne w Negro 7 3

raw fol k material s upo n whic h an y America n musi c or litera -


ture woul d hav e t o rest . With thi s argumen t i n mind, Negroe s
began t o recover thei r fol k traditions . Sophisticated Negroe s be-
gan t o find value in the peasan t character o f the mas s of Ameri-
can Negroes . Afte r all , i t wa s fro m th e commo n ma n an d th e
peasant stock that thes e ingenuous and fresh fol k material s were
being produced. 12
Arthur Huf f Fause t wa s a teacher i n the Philadelphi a publi c
schools, but h e turne d hi s attention t o the collectio n an d study
of folklore . I n 192 5 h e too k a tri p gatherin g material s i n th e
lower South . H e ha d earlie r don e researc h i n Nov a Scoti a
under th e auspice s o f th e America n Folklor e Society . H e
turned hi s attention t o Negr o materials not onl y because o f his
racial attachment s bu t becaus e o f hi s fea r tha t th e rapidl y
changing and urbanizin g South would soon obliterate thi s very
rich sourc e o f th e Negro' s past . Fause t wa s convince d tha t
much tha t wa s distinctivel y Negr o characte r wa s t o b e foun d
in hi s fol k materials . A t the sam e time, he recognize d tha t th e
main theme s o f folktale s wer e intercultural . America n Negr o
folk-themes coul d b e recognize d i n Europea n an d Oriental , a s
well a s African legend . S o the compilin g of the material s of the
southern Negr o woul d bot h giv e Americ a some cultura l rich-
ness an d textur e an d relat e i t t o th e vas t an d comple x world
literature.
Arthur Fause t though t o f folklore a s documentary. Folktale s
should no t b e tainte d wit h th e personalit y o f th e recorder .
Fauset ha d foun d thi s th e signa l faul t o f Joel Chandle r Harris '
Uncle Remu s tales . Harri s had create d i n Uncl e Remu s a char-
acter wh o was artificial t o the folk materials that were reporte d
through hi s words . Throug h hi s create d character , Harri s ha d
intruded an d corrupte d th e folktales. Harris presented his view
of the ante-bellum southern Negro . The reader ha d t o take Har-
ris' sentimen t in orde r t o ge t t o th e starkl y unsentimental folk -
tales themselves. Fauset, on the other hand, conceived hi s role as
74 Harlem Renaissance
the gathere r an d recorde r o f folktales just a s they were spoke n
by th e narrator , withou t an y intrusio n whatsoever . Th e valu e
was in the tale itself, not in sophisticated o r sentimental interpre-
tation.
Zora Neal e Hursto n ha d mor e forma l trainin g tha n Arthu r
Fauset bu t wa s fa r les s pur e i n he r handlin g o f folk materials .
Orphaned a t a n earl y age , Zor a Hursto n ha d a ver y difficul t
time liftin g hersel f fro m he r poo r Jacksonville , Florida , envi -
ronment an d gettin g a forma l education . Bu t sh e wa s strong -
willed, aggressive , an d tenacious ; sh e manage d throug h har d
work, an d th e benevolenc e o f white friends , t o ge t int o How-
ard University , finis h a t Barnar d College , an d take a n ad -
vanced degre e i n anthropology unde r Fran z Boa s at Columbi a
University. Poverty an d limitatio n had merely given her a keen
instinct fo r opportunit y an d a single-minde d wil l t o gras p i t
when i t came . I n Ne w York, she seemed constantl y unde r th e
tutelage an d patronag e o f whit e women ; sh e wa s mor e com -
fortable unde r thes e arrangement s tha n man y of her Negr o
contemporaries.13
Negro fol k material s wer e merel y anothe r opportunit y fo r
Zora Hurston , an d sh e made the bes t o f it. Gifte d wit h a clear,
uncluttered styl e an d a keen ea r fo r voice sounds and rhythms,
she capitalize d o n he r academi c training , research , an d th e
new publi c interes t i n Negr o fol k materials . Sh e wen t beyon d
simple collectio n an d use d th e common , rura l Negro—hi s
speech, manner , an d superstitions—a s th e stuf f fo r numerou s
short storie s an d plays . Sh e wa s prolific , an d he r storie s ap -
peared i n Opportunity an d othe r magazines . He r talen t fo r
transcribing commo n speec h brough t he r versio n o f the rura l
Negro t o th e eye s o f those who wer e tryin g t o defin e th e New
Negro b y contrastin g hi m wit h his commo n folk.
Zora Hurston' s imaginatio n wa s th e stuf f o f her stories . Sh e
provided th e plo t an d voice d i t wit h th e speec h o f the lowly ,
The New Negro 75

rural Negr o as her ea r ha d capture d it . Sh e colored i t with hi s


superstitions an d habit s o f mind. Sh e did no t giv e th e reade r
full, well-develope d characters . Rathe r the y wer e types , fol k
types. So , thes e tale s becam e Zor a Hurston' s genera l assess -
ment o f common Negr o characte r an d life . H e wa s robus t an d
passionate. H e live d fo r the instan t bu t wa s keenl y awar e o f a
world beyond. Hi s lif e an d his mind were uncomplicated; goo d
and evil , strengt h an d weakness , wer e no t fuzze d b y ambigu -
ity. Yet , he live d i n th e constan t presenc e o f ghosts an d super -
natural powers—bot h goo d an d evil . Bu t thi s wa s Zor a Hurs -
ton's interpretation , an d Arthu r Fause t coul d complai n a s
much abou t th e sentimentalit y an d artificialit y here a s i n Joel
Harris' work . Harris , a t least , ha d tol d authenti c folktales ,
while th e lin e betwee n Zor a Hurston' s min d an d he r materia l
was neve r clear .
Authentic o r not , th e popularit y o f folk material s amon g th e
promoters o f th e Ne w Negr o mark s a significan t ste p i n th e
Negro intellectual' s gainin g self-consciousnes s an d self-confi -
dence. Remarkably , this Afro-America n concer n wit h th e pres -
ervation o f folk material s wa s parallele d b y a simila r white ef-
fort whic h bega n t o discove r valu e i n mountai n an d rura l
folk-idiom. Th e American' s willingness, white and black , t o pa-
rade befor e th e worl d hi s peasan t origin s wa s tantamoun t t o
stating his own sophistication an d urbanity . On e seems to have
come o f age whe n on e ca n discus s with detachmen t an d prid e
one's tru e origins .
In muc h th e sam e way , th e concurren t promotio n o f spiri-
tuals by blac k intellectual s wa s a sign of confidence i n their ur -
banity. O f course , th e Negr o spiritual s ha d lon g sinc e bee n
"discovered." I t wa s 187 1 whe n th e Fis k Jubile e Singer s
brought thes e song s t o th e attentio n o f America n white audi -
ences. I n th e year s tha t followed , severa l Negr o college s sen t
ensembles o n tou r throughou t th e Unite d State s an d t o th e
76 Harlem Renaissance

major citie s o f Europe. B y the beginnin g o f the twentiet h cen -


tury, whateve r th e whit e worl d kne w of Afro-American expres -
sion cam e throug h thes e songs .
But i t wa s not th e whit e worl d alon e tha t ha d t o mak e thi s
"discovery." Lik e muc h tha t ha d bee n associate d wit h slavery ,
the spiritual s wer e los t i n the sophisticate d Negro' s rus h to cas t
off th e gar b o f servilit y an d simplicity . Th e spirituals , lik e a
rustic relative , wer e a n embarrassmen t t o some . Bu t n o Negr o
could clai m dignit y fo r himsel f an d hi s rac e whil e denigratin g
so essentia l an d distinctiv e a par t o f his people . W . E . B . Du-
Bois sa w this. I n Souls of Black Folk, he wrot e a chapte r abou t
these "sorro w songs, " i n whic h h e ascribe d t o the m a mystica l
force whic h boun d th e rac e emotionally . They wer e th e voic e
of th e commo n experience , essentia l t o th e sou l o f black peo -
ple. Afte r all , he , a blac k Yanke e whos e entir e lif e ha d bee n
devoid o f th e experienc e fro m whic h thes e song s wer e pro -
duced, coul d instinctivel y sense, and b e on e with, the emotion s
—the tormen t an d labor—tha t ha d give n the m birth . DuBoi s
told hi s blac k reader s tha t th e spiritual s wer e s o essentiall y
them tha t thei r searc h fo r identit y wa s futil e unti l the y foun d
themselves i n thi s emotiona l seedbe d tha t wa s th e race' s com -
mon spirit .
The earl y year s o f the ne w centur y sa w a growin g literatur e
on th e Negr o spiritual. B y the en d o f World Wa r I , a remark-
able numbe r o f Negroe s ha d turne d thei r attentio n t o thes e
songs. The y included , o f course, performer s lik e Rolan d Haye s
and Pau l Robeson , whos e popularit y wa s a s muc h a measur e
of whit e a s Negr o interest . Mor e notabl e wer e me n lik e Harr y
T. Burleigh , James Weldon an d J . Rosamon d Johnson , Nathan-
iel Dett , an d Hal l Johnso n wh o bega n collectin g an d scorin g
these songs . A par t o f thei r motivatio n wa s simila r t o tha t
which compelle d Arthu r Fause t t o collec t an d recor d folktales :
this ric h an d fundamenta l part o f th e Negro' s lif e an d histor y
would b e los t a s the Ol d Negr o was transformed into the New.
The Netv Negro 7 7
And th e promoter s o f th e Ne w Negr o foun d mor e meaning
in the spiritual s tha n just th e emotional and imaginativ e recor d
of th e Negro' s past . Alai n Lock e sa w thos e song s a s a direc t
route t o a rich an d virtuall y untapped vei n o f folk art , th e Ne -
gro's entir e musica l expression . Indeed , takin g America n cul -
ture a s a whole, nothing s o distinctive an d s o usable wa s avail-
able t o th e whit e America n artist . Lock e sa w th e spirituals ,
blues, an d jazz a s the stuf f fro m whic h th e America n musicians
would hav e t o buil d thei r classica l music . The y woul d b e th e
germ o f modern music . H e kne w this would be , becaus e h e al -
ready ha d hear d th e sou l sound s o f Negroe s i n th e musi c of
new Europea n composers : Milhaud , Dvorak, Stravinsky . It was
only fo r Americans, white an d black , t o discove r thei r soul s in
this tru e America n fol k music ; the n th e America n coul d trul y
come o f cultural age. 14
The discover y tha t Negr o fol k material s wer e usabl e i n ar t
was applicabl e beyon d th e real m o f music . Jame s Weldo n
Johnson ha d contribute d t o th e gatherin g o f th e spiritual s i n
the collectio n tha t h e an d hi s brothe r edite d an d arrange d i n
1925—26, an d i n 192 7 h e experimente d wit h Negr o fol k idio m
in poetry . Hi s poem s collecte d i n God's Trombones wer e a
fresh, distinctiv e effort . The y took,th e rhetoric , idiom , an d im -
ages o f the Negr o preache r an d use d the m a s poetic materials .
Johnson ha d writte n dialec t vers e i n earlie r years , bu t thes e
were differen t i n tw o importan t ways . The subject s wer e seri-
ous, an d th e reade r neve r forget s thei r seriou s intent ; simpl e
statement, and simpl e and direc t figure, only add to their emo-
tive force. An d while th e poe t adde d syllable s s o as to "set tha t
sun a-blazin g . . . " an d use d ungrammatica l expressions : "An
he didn' t hea r n o sound, " thes e effect s ar e euphoni c an d
rhythmical an d no t th e characte r o f th e poem s a s i n dialec t
verse. "Creation " i s Johnson' s versio n o f a Negr o preacher' s
conceptualization o f Genesis. "G o down Death " reduces ortho -
dox Christia n eschatolog y t o huma n experienc e an d imagina -
78 Harlem Renaissance

tion: death i s the welcom e frien d an d deliverer . Throug h thes e


poems, Johnso n trie d t o capture , fo r art, a basic Negr o fol k ex-
pression, th e sermon .
Other Negr o poet s use d everyda y speec h an d th e imagina -
tion o f the blac k commo n ma n a s suitable material s fo r poetry .
Langston Hughe s conceive d o f poetry a s the musi c of the com-
mon people' s language , capture d an d tie d t o th e image s o f
their minds . H e sa w himsel f an d hi s poem s a s th e mean s
through whic h ordinar y Negr o men an d wome n could becom e
poets. And , perhaps , h e coul d b e th e mean s fo r other s t o se e
their ow n beauty, se e themselve s a s artists .
Many o f his earl y poem s wer e effort s t o touc h th e dignit y of
the commo n man's life . "Mothe r t o Son " i n Weary Blues, an d
"Song fo r a Dar k Girl " i n Fine Clothes t o th e Jew, ar e clearly
such efforts . Bu t durin g thi s period , Hughe s als o mad e a n at -
tempt t o transpos e th e blue s int o poeti c form. Sometime s a s in
"Weary Blues, " th e poem s borro w blues rhythm s and incorpo -
rate entir e blue s phrase s fo r emphasi s and definition . I n othe r
poems, suc h a s "Homesic k Blues, " Hughe s seem s merel y t o
have transpose d a blue s lyri c int o a poem . I t al l adde d t o
Langston Hughes' s insisten t them e tha t Negr o ar t woul d b e
achieved throug h capturin g th e commo n blac k man' s experi -
ence i n ar t forms .
Sterling Brow n als o chos e th e commo n ma n a s th e subjec t
and sourc e o f his poetry. Brown' s poems, however, wer e fed by
the stron g strea m o f American common-ma n mythology. Hi s is
backcountry tradition—th e self-style d hero , wit h th e braggin g
tone o f th e rive r boatman . H e i s Whitmanesque . "Odysse y o f
Big Boy " claim s manl y experienc e acros s th e broa d lan d an d
makes hi s persona on e wit h Case y Jones , Stagolee , an d Joh n
Henry himself.
The Negr o intellectual s wer e attemptin g t o buil d a race and
define a culture . I f ther e wa s validit y i n th e notio n o f distinc-
The Ne w Negro 7 9

tive racia l cultura l contribution , i t must be i n the specia l expe -


rience o f th e rac e itself . S o the whol e peopl e an d th e whol e
Afro-American experienc e ha d t o be searched an d exploite d for
clues t o heritage. Fol k materials and th e expression of the com-
mon ma n ha d t o b e th e essenc e o f such a tradition . Bu t heri -
tage als o demande d a continuit y i n the past , th e transi t o f cul-
ture. Whe n th e promoter s o f th e Ne w Negr o looke d bac k t o
find hi s origins , o r whe n the y trie d t o discus s racia l culture ,
they wer e alway s throw n bac k upo n Africa .
Africa wa s a n essentia l enigm a in this culture-building enter-
prise. I t wa s no t onl y impossibl e fo r twentieth-centur y Afro -
Americans to pick up an y unsevered thread s back to Africa, bu t
it wa s difficul t t o fin d correspondenc e betwee n th e culture s of
Africa an d tha t o f the America n Negro . Alain Locke, wh o was
quite knowledgeabl e abou t Africa n art , was quick t o admit this.
The Africa n ha d a strong traditio n o f graphic an d sculptura l ex-
pression, bu t th e America n Negro , tru e t o a n asceti c Purita n
tradition, ha d littl e visua l ar t t o show . Th e untutore d Afro -
American coul d sens e n o mor e i n a piec e o f African sculptur e
than coul d a European . Ther e wa s a n ocea n an d a n ag e of ex-
perience betwee n th e black men of the two continents. Yet, Alain
Locke wa s convinced tha t Africa n ar t hel d a key to Afro-Ameri -
can artistic expression. 15
African ar t wa s a legacy ; it s existenc e mad e eviden t th e fac t
that blac k me n wer e th e craftsme n o f a discipline d an d classi-
cal art . So , the America n Negro need no t thin k himself "a cul-
tural foundlin g withou t hi s ow n inheritance. " H e coul d b e
freed fro m imitativenes s an d indebtednes s t o th e whit e West -
ern culture . Thus , th e knowledg e o f Africa n art s shoul d en -
courage America n Negroe s t o pursu e long-neglecte d lines :
painting, sculpture , an d decorativ e arts . Usin g hi s inheritanc e
as a base , th e America n Negro , Lock e dreamed , migh t the n
create ne w idiom s fro m tha t tradition . Wit h th e Africa n tradi -
80 Harlem Renaissance

tion t o inspir e him , th e Afro-America n coul d becom e th e sub -


ject o f ar t a s wel l a s th e artist . H e woul d b e free d fro m th e
white dogm a o f beauty.
Locke observed tha t Europea n artist s ha d alread y bee n reju -
venated a t th e Africa n fountain . Pabl o Picass o an d George s
Braque foun d i n Africa n sculptur e th e insigh t whic h le d the m
into cubism . An d sculptor s lik e Constanti n Brancus i an d Wil -
helm Lembruc k wer e liberate d throug h Africa n sculptur e t o
powerful restatement s o f huma n form . I f the y can , wh y can' t
we? Lock e asked . Onc e know n "and appreciated , thi s ar t ca n
scarcely hav e les s influenc e upo n th e bloo d descendants ,
bound t o i t b y a sens e o f direct kinship , tha n upo n thos e wh o
inherit by traditio n only , and throug h channels of an exotic cu-
riosity an d interest. "
Alain Lock e di d no t nee d t o wonde r long . Negr o painter s
and sculptor s bega n experimentin g wit h th e Africa n motifs .
Richmond Barth e sculpte d severa l figure s whic h exhibite d
strong Africa n influence . Aaron Douglas wa s more consistently
devoted t o th e Africa n legac y tha n Barthe. Dougla s develope d
a styl e o f drawing which employe d star k black silhouette . Th e
figures were alway s angula r an d stylized . Lik e Africa n graph -
ics, Douglas ' drawing s wer e mor e decorativ e tha n representa -
tional; the y wer e star k block s of design. I n th e 1930 s Dougla s
developed thi s technique int o a series of large murals, using flat
colors. The y wer e elaboration s o n hi s earl y work ; Afric a an d
the exoti c dominated .
It wa s easie r t o us e th e Africa n artisti c traditio n a s a mean s
of givin g racial qualit y t o ar t tha n i t wa s t o discus s th e signifi -
cance o f Africa t o th e Negro . Alain Lock e had foun d i t difficul t
and was reduced to a simple assertion of faith i n a valuable Afri -
can legacy . Othe r Negr o intellectual s wer e equall y perplexe d
by th e Africa n heritage . Al l seemed t o know , or sense , tha t Af-
rica shoul d mea n somethin g t o th e race ; ther e shoul d b e som e
The Ne w Negro 8 1

race memor y tha t tie d blac k me n together ; ambiguit y an d


doubt alway s lef t th e questio n unresolved , however .
Countee Cullen' s poe m "Heritage " did littl e mor e than sho w
that poet' s quandary . Fo r h e raise d th e questio n throughou t
the poem , wha t i s Afric a t o me ? I t i s a lon g poem , wit h unre -
lenting tetramete r an d a regular aa , bb, cc , rhyme setting up a
rythmic bea t tha t echoe s Vache l Lindsay' s "Congo. " An d al -
though th e questio n recurs , an d th e poe t tell s o f Africa' s en -
chantment, h e neve r convince s th e reade r tha t th e questio n i s
an hones t one . Afric a come s throug h a s romanti c an d exotic ,
no mor e o r n o les s rea l fo r hi m a s a blac k poe t tha n i t woul d
have bee n fo r a whit e one. 16

All day long and all night through


One thing only I must do
Quench my pride and cool my blood,
Lest I perish in their flood,
Lest a hidden ember set
Timber that I thought was wet
Burning like the dryest flax,
Melting like the merest wax,
Lest the grave restore its dead.
Stubborn heart and rebel head.
Have you not yet realized
You and I are civilized?
So I lie and all day long
Want no sound except the song
Sung by wild barbaric birds
Goading massive jungle herds,
Juggernauts of flesh that pass
Trampling tall defiant grass
Where young forest lovers lie
Plighting troth beneath the sky.
82 Harlem Renaissance

Doubtless, Afric a wa s a larg e questio n fo r th e blac k intellec -


tual searchin g for identity an d heritage . I t wa s compelling be-
cause o f the rootlessnes s an d placelessnes s o f the Afro-Ameri -
can and hi s search for the spring s of a race's origins. It wa s not
answered b y th e romanti c ejaculation s tha t Culle n use d fo r
passion. Langsto n Hughe s cam e to the questio n mor e honestly
in

Afro-American Fragmen t 17

So long,
So far away
Is Afric a
Not even memories alive
Save those that history books create ,
Save those that songs
Beat back into the blood—
Beat out of blood with words sad-sung
In strange un-Negro tongue—
So long,
So far away
Is Africa .
Subdued and time-lost
Are the drums—and yet
Through some vast mist of race
There comes this song
I do not understand,
This song of atavistic land,
Of bitter yearnings lost
Without a place—
So long,
So far away
Is Africa' s
Dark face.

America an d American s wer e provincials . Tha t wa s th e


problem. Blac k me n a s well a s white me n were forced throug h
condition an d educatio n t o loo k elsewher e fo r th e spring s o f
The Ne w Negro 8 3

civilization an d culture . Afro-American s coul d no t submi t t o


the judgmen t tha t Europ e wa s thei r cultura l parent . Suc h a n
idea jarre d reason , an d relegate d non-white s to aborigina l an d
primitive origin s whic h denie d the m civilization . Whateve r
self-denial whit e American s indulge d i n t o ti e themselve s t o
Europe wa s intensifie d among blacks, whos e roa d bac k t o Af-
rica wa s unclear; an d whe n the y looke d the y sa w only a dar k
continent. I t wa s dar k becaus e littl e wa s know n abou t it ; it s
civilizations an d it s peopl e ha d no t bee n hig h i n th e orde r of
importance fo r Europea n scholars . So , black me n yearned , a s
American provincials , t o fin d meanin g an d identit y i n Africa ;
their frustratio n wa s a measure of their Americanization.
World Wa r I had bee n a kind of puberty rit e fo r peoples th e
world over . Self-determination, an ai m of the Allie s in the war,
became a sloga n i n th e 1920s . Blac k intellectual s sa w i n th e
Yugoslavs, Czechs, and Iris h a clue for their ow n emancipation
and uplift . They , too , wer e a peopl e t o b e defined . Th e Ne w
Negro wa s a produc t o f this er a o f race-building. Afro-Ameri -
cans were to reforge the long-severe d link s between th e world's
black peoples . Fro m thi s effor t woul d come a revitalized blac k
culture and self-esteem . Whatever else, the era produced a phe-
nomenal race consciousness an d race assertion, as well as unpre-
cedented number s of poems, stories , and work s of art b y black
people. Harle m wa s makin g it al l happen , becaus e blac k men
were coming together there , som e intending t o build a cultural
capital o f th e blac k world . So , Harlem intellectual s lookin g a t
themselves, thought of the renaissance.
3 Heart o f Darknes s

The Negro , for sufficien t reason , has fel t himsel f outside Ameri -
can society . An d white Americans, on the othe r hand , while in-
tent o n excludin g Negroe s fro m th e mainstrea m o f American
life, wer e nevertheles s diml y conscious o f the blac k man within
it. "Negroes, " a s Henr y Ma y has said , "lik e whit e Southerners ,
had t o brea k int o th e dominan t respectabl e cultur e o f the da y
before the y coul d brea k ou t o f it. " * Ye t th e black-whit e rela -
tionship ha s bee n symbiotic ; black s hav e bee n essentia l t o
white identit y (an d white s t o blacks) . Thi s interdependenc e
has bee n to o profoun d t o b e measure d b y th e simpl e metin g
out o f respectiv e contribution s t o America n culture . White s
have neede d black s as they have needed th e blackfac e minstrel
mask—a guis e o f alte r ego . An d blacks—sensin g thi s psychi c
dependency—have bee n al l to o willin g t o join i n th e charade ,
hiding behin d tha t minstre l mask, appearin g t o b e wha t whit e
men wante d the m t o be , an d findin g pleasur e i n the deceptio n
which to o ofte n wa s a tric k o n themselves . Th e wa y tha t th e
Negro has bee n use d b y whites , and th e wa y he has permitte d
himself t o b e used , expose s th e dee p mora l tensions tha t hav e

84
Heart o f Darkness 8 5

characterized America n rac e relations . Harle m i n th e 1920 s


gave t o thi s interdependenc y a sophisticatio n an d charm , bu t
at it s very cor e the gam e o f masks remained th e same .
If black Harle m ha d bee n lef t alone , no t bee n discovere d b y
whites, th e whol e stor y migh t have been different . Chance s ar e
not s o muc h pros e an d poetr y (goo d a s wel l a s bad ) woul d
have bee n published . Th e sense of urgency t o promot e cultur e
might hav e bee n less . An d whateve r th e artisti c outpu t (ba d
and good) , i t migh t hav e bee n mor e honest. Bu t blac k Harle m
could no t b e lef t alone , fo r i n a sens e i t wa s a s muc h a whit e
creation a s it was black . "Harlem on M y Mind," in the 1920 s o r
in th e 1960s , bring s int o focu s th e necessar y black-whit e asso-
ciation i n America n culture .
At first , Harle m seem s contradictor y t o th e mai n thrust s o f
the America n tradition . Ther e wa s non e o f th e austerit y an d
anguished conscienc e o f the Purita n fathers , none o f the flighty
idealism o f th e transcendentalists , nowher e Benjami n Frank -
lin's dicta—temperance , industry , frugality , chastity—no r
Ralph Wald o Emerson' s "self-reliance. " Indeed , on e might look
in vain for that secularize d Protestan t Ethic , Socia l Darwinism .
These compulsiv e (som e woul d say , anal ) trait s o f American
character see m absen t fro m th e blac k metropolis . Fo r th e pop -
ular mind , Harle m wa s associated wit h spiritual an d emotiona l
enthusiasm (som e woul d say , soul) , indulgence, play , passion ,
and lust . Wher e coul d thes e fi t int o th e America n past ?
On secon d thought , Harle m fits very well int o that American
tradition. Ther e ha d o f course alway s been antipode s t o thos e
pillars o f America n tradition . Puritanis m containe d arminia n
and pantheisti c tendencies . An d th e sam e romanticis m which
generated transcendentalis m coul d b e subversiv e t o decorum ,
emotional austerity , an d rationa l intellect . Th e sam e sens e o f
human volitio n tha t coul d sustai n self-relianc e opene d itsel f to
the tumultuou s religious revival . Th e latte r believe d i n th e in -
tuition. I t wa s th e stuf f o f the democrati c fait h becaus e i t wa s
86 Harlem Renaissanc e
hospitable t o th e unschoole d intellect . Innocenc e withou t arti -
fice was a n ultimat e value . Wit h such faith , th e chil d coul d b e
father t o th e man . Black men , indeed , coul d b e tuto r t o white .
Furthermore, Harle m and blac k men had exoti c potential in
America, an d th e literatur e an d persona l account s o f Ameri -
cans evidenc e a dee p an d abidin g fascinatio n wit h exotica .
Charles Brockde n Brown' s Wieland, th e fantasie s o f Edga r
Allan Poe , th e writing s o f Herma n Melville , Ambrose Bierce ,
Lafcadio Hearn , Jame s Branc h Cabell , Josep h Hergesheimer .
In certai n view s o f th e West , ther e wa s alway s somethin g o f
the "hear t o f darkness. " Meriwethe r Lewis ' fascinatio n wit h
the Wes t wa s highl y seasone d wit h a mystica l darkness ; an d
his compulsio n wa s no t abate d b y hi s successfu l expeditio n
into th e Louisian a Territory . O r conside r th e wa y tha t Chin a
and th e Orien t hav e affecte d America n imagination fro m be -
fore th e clippe r ship s int o ou r own time. Economi c and politi -
cal realitie s hav e often bee n distorte d throug h ou r fantasy . In -
deed, som e aspect s o f America' s sens e o f missio n ca n b e
explained b y thi s continuous pul l o f the exotic .
Americans hav e live d wit h thei r contradition s or , better ,
poles o f tension . Shoul d w e b e surprise d tha t Melvill e an d
Emerson, bot h unde r pronounce d Purita n influence , wer e
drawn t o exotica , th e on e t o th e Sout h Seas , th e othe r t o th e
mysticism o f Easter n religion ? Wil l w e paus e a t th e notio n
that a people wedded t o a work-save-build ethi c woul d fantas y
a blac k stereotyp e o f indolenc e an d appetite , an d woul d find
deep in thei r soul s a thirs t for the hot-bloode d and impulsiv e
life?
The year s followin g Worl d Wa r I seeme d t o encourag e th e
obverse sid e o f things . Or , a s som e sa w it , t o loos e subterra -
nean force s tha t ha d bee n hel d lon g i n check . Nowher e was
this mor e apparen t tha n i n sexua l attitudes. Th e sexua l lif e o f
the middle-clas s America n o f the lat e nineteent h centur y ha d
been marke d b y denia l an d restraint . Practical a s well a s mor-
Heart o f Darkness 8 7

alistic, th e youn g go-gette r coul d no t ge t ver y fa r burdene d


with a larg e family . Idealize d notion s o f th e sexua l union ,
however, mad e non-procreativ e se x lustfu l an d demeaning .
The answer , th e prope r answe r tha t is , had bee n delaye d mar -
riages an d continence. The tension was great. Monumen t to the
failure i n practic e wa s th e unbroke n succes s o f brothel s an d
"red-light" district s i n ever y communit y of size i n th e country .
But th e failur e produced revulsion . Thus, th e revivalisti c cru-
sades agains t vice which closed thos e houses an d dislodge d th e
whores unti l backslider s starte d the m up again. 2
Changes whic h undermine d th e mora l cod e came , however,
in th e earl y year s o f th e twentiet h century . American s were
moving awa y fro m rura l areas ; the y wer e livin g in large cities ,
not smal l towns . Urba n anonymit y diffuse d communit y cen-
sure; famil y contro l wa s les s immediat e an d importan t wher e
children ha d greate r mobilit y an d earlie r economi c indepen -
dence. Bu t more jarring stil l t o th e traditiona l mora l code was
the popularizatio n o f Freudian psycholog y amon g young intel-
lectuals an d sophisticates .
By th e Unite d States' s entr y int o Worl d Wa r I , Freudianis m
had becom e faddis h i n sophisticated circles . Th e Freu d (o r the
psychology), however , tha t appeare d i n th e popula r pres s
would no t b e recognize d a s that o f the master . Muc h popular-
ized psycholog y wa s heavil y charge d wit h na'iv e optimis m
which presume d th e liberatio n o f the sou l from th e strait-jacket
of moralizing conventions.3 Freudianism ha d mad e popula r th e
conceptions o f th e i d an d th e super-ego . I t coul d b e under -
stood to o simply: the human-anima l hungers which ar e forever
seeking fulfillmen t ar e controlle d b y socia l force s mad e neces-
sary b y civilization , order , an d decorum . Overburdene d wit h
conscience an d guilt , civilize d ma n indulge d hi s passion s al -
ways a t th e ris k o f neurosi s o r greate r psychi c disorders . B y
the sam e token , th e ma n wh o wa s leas t touche d b y civilizing
influences coul d b e mor e immediate , mor e passionate , mor e
88 Harlem Renaissance

healthy. Civilizin g artific e strippe d away , me n coul d dance ,


sing, an d lov e wit h freedo m an d abandon . See n throug h suc h
lenses, lookin g at Harlem , it was eas y to believ e tha t Negroe s
had mor e fun.
Another kin d o f primitivis m played it s part . Earl y i n th e
century, Europea n intellectuals , particularl y th e French , ha d
discovered th e sophisticatio n o f Africa n culture . The y sa w
forceful aesthetic statement s i n Africa n ar t an d music . Th e
post-impressionists allowe d th e African s t o influenc e thei r
sculpture an d painting ; thi s wa s particularl y tru e o f "cubism, "
which lik e Africa n ar t "analysed " for m rathe r tha n reproduce d
it, emphasize d desig n ove r representation . Wha t th e Africa n
craftsmen ha d accomplishe d wa s pur e an d essential . Coul d i t
not b e thei r innocenc e o f civilizin g conventions an d artifice ,
their simplicity—whic h mad e the m primitive—tha t allowe d
them t o b e s o pure?
The war , too , ha d serve d t o produc e a disenchantmen t with
civilization. Th e wor d "civilization, " itself , an d othe r
abstractions—loyalty, honor , truth , democracy , liberty—wer e
war casualtie s becaus e th e war , especiall y fo r Americans , had
been fough t i n term s o f them. Thes e value s ha d los t currenc y
in th e postwa r mora l depression . I t ha d bee n understoo d tha t
the differenc e between th e civilize d ma n an d th e savag e wa s
less a matte r o f technolog y an d materialis m tha n i t wa s o f
manners an d style . I t ha d bee n though t tha t th e civilize d man
lived wit h inne r check s whic h allowe d hi m t o creat e a n envi-
ronment of decorum an d gentility . For th e savage , o n the othe r
hand, natura l force s wer e th e onl y restrain t t o hi s inne r free -
dom, s o tha t hi s environmen t wa s chaotic , disorderly , an d in -
humane. Yet , mass warfare, th e trenches , the gas , th e weapon s
of th e Grea t Wa r expose d th e ugl y brutalit y tha t lurke d be -
neath th e surfac e o f gentee l manners . Th e mos t sensitiv e ob -
servers coul d se e i t al l a s a gran d illusion . Wa s th e sacrific e
worth it—th e surrende r o f the essentia l sel f t o manners , deco -
Heart of Darkness 89

rum, an d artifice—i f th e ultimat e end o f that civilizatio n wa s a


savagery beyon d th e ke n o f the mos t backwar d an d primitiv e
man?
Postwar Americ a was prepared t o view the Negr o from a dif-
ferent angle . Afro-American s an d Harle m coul d serv e a ne w
kind o f white psychologica l need . Eve n i f Harle m black s ha d
wanted it , ther e wa s littl e chanc e tha t the y woul d hav e bee n
left alon e t o shape and defin e thei r own identity. White Ameri-
cans ha d identitie s o f thei r ow n t o find , an d blac k me n wer e
too essential to the m t o b e ignored . Me n who sensed tha t the y
were slave s to mora l codes , tha t the y wer e cramped , an d con -
fined b y guilt-producin g norm s whic h threatene d t o mak e
them emotional cripples , foun d Harle m a toni c an d a release .
Harlem Negroes ' live s appeare d immediat e and honest . Every-
thing the y did—thei r music , thei r art , thei r dance—uncoile d
deep inne r tensions . Harle m seeme d a cultura l enclav e tha t
had magicall y survived th e psychi c fetter s of Puritanism.
How convenient ! It was merel y a tax i tri p to the exoti c for
most whit e Ne w Yorkers . I n cabaret s decorate d wit h tropica l
and jungl e motifs—som e o f the m replica s o f souther n
plantations—they hear d jazz , tha t almos t forbidde n music . I t
was no t merel y that jazz was exotic, but tha t i t wa s instinctive
and abandoned , ye t laughingl y ligh t an d immediate—melod y
skipping ato p inexorabl e driving rhythm. The downtow n spec-
tator trie d t o encompas s th e loosenes s an d freedo m o f dance .
Coffee, chocolate , an d caramel-brow n girl s whos e lith e lon g
legs kicke d high , bodie s an d hip s rollin g an d tossin g wit h in-
sinuation; felin e blac k men—dandies—whos e intuitiv e grace ,
teased an d flirte d a t th e ver y edg e o f chaos , ye t neve r los t
aplomb. I n th e darknes s an d closeness , th e music , infectiou s
and unrelenting , drov e on . Int o it s vorte x whit e ladie s an d
gentlemen wer e pulled , t o danc e th e jungl e dance . Head s
swaying, rolling , jerking ; hai r flyin g fre e an d wild ; arm s an d
legs pumping , kicking , thrusting—goin g whereve r they , them -
90 Harlem Renaissance

selves, woul d go—chasin g th e bas s o r dru m o r coronet ;


clenched eye s an d teeth , staccat o breath , sweat , sweat—bodie s
writhing an d rollin g wit h a dru m an d a bea t a s the y migh t
never wit h a woman o r a man.
It wa s a chea p trip . N o safari ! Dayligh t an d a tax i rid e re -
discovered Ne w Yor k City , n o tropi c jungle . Ther e ha d bee n
thrill withou t danger . Fo r thes e blac k savage s wer e civilize d
—not head-hunter s o r cannibals—the y woul d no t ru n amok .
At worst , i f a ma n straye d fro m th e know n path s i n searc h o f
the mor e forbidde n exotic , h e migh t ge t fleeced, but i n a most
"civilized" way . So , a s i f b y magic , conventio n returne d wit h
little evidence tha t i t ha d gone , except , perhaps, fo r the deepl y
insinuated music , the body-remembere d rhythm , and the sub -
liminal tease ; th e sel f ha d bee n transporte d t o a regio n o f its
own honest y whic h i t coul d kno w again.
How muc h wa s illusion ? Th e whit e hunte r i n Ne w York' s
heart o f darknes s woul d no t se e (doubtless , woul d no t recog -
nize) hi s "savage-primitive " drumme r an d dancer , o n sore ,
bunioned feet , pickin g thei r wa y o n morning' s concret e t o
cold-water flats , t o los e thei r rhythm-wear y bodies i n sexles s
sleep. No r coul d h e kno w th e dee p desolatio n o f "savage" lif e
that foun d onl y sligh t escap e i n alcohol , exoti c fantasie s i n co-
caine. Primitive , romantic Harlem was too simple a conceptio n
to surviv e th e col d ligh t o f day . So , too , wa s th e romanti c
view of Africa. Illusio n though i t was, i t served th e dee p need s
of those wh o nurture d it , provide d som e black me n a positiv e
image o f themselves , and , mos t important , i t brough t down -
town mone y uptown. Wha t wa s looked for was found.
Paul Morand , th e Frenc h journalist , foun d Harle m th e onl y
relief fro m th e relentles s engin e o f America . Morand sa w Ne -
groes to b e primitive men, but the y had bee n rippe d fro m thei r
jungles an d foreve r los t i n th e machin e o f the West . Bu t Har -
lem allowe d "thes e black s [to ] recove r thei r identit y an d th e
quarter agai n become s a place o f exotic gaiety." Black s were a
Heart o f Darkness 9 1

great relie f t o th e traveler , becaus e "the y shatte r th e mechani-


cal rhyth m of America . . . people ha d forgotte n tha t me n can
live withou t ban k balances , withou t bat h tubs. " Civilization ,
however, wa s alway s to o clos e a t hand . "Standin g erec t a t th e
street-crossing, symboli c o f whit e civilization , th e policema n
keeps hi s ey e o n thi s miniatur e Africa. " Perhap s unwittingly ,
Morand conjure d u p th e imag e o f th e super-eg o an d th e i d
when h e wrot e o f the policeme n o n a Harle m corner . I f "that
policeman happene d t o disappear , Harle m woul d quickl y re -
vert t o a Haiti , give n ove r t o voodoo an d th e rhetorica l despo -
tism o f a plumed Soulouque. " 4 No r wa s Moran d alone. Carl G.
Jung, whos e psychology ofte n implie d racism , though t i t inevi -
table tha t Europea n American s would b e affecte d b y the prim-
itives i n thei r midst . Indeed , tha t behavio r whic h wa s pecu -
liarly American , h e thought , coul d b e trace d t o Africa n an d
American India n influence. 5
So viewed , Harle m wa s a mean s o f sof t rebellio n fo r thos e
who rejected th e Babbittr y an d sterilit y of their lives , yet could
not fin d withi n thei r familia r cultur e th e geniu s t o redefin e
themselves i n mor e huma n an d vita l terms . Th e Negr o wa s
their subversiv e agent—hi s music , manners, and speech . Shee t
music an d phonograp h record s coul d b e take n int o th e hom e
(though th e Negr o coul d not ) to undermin e th e sentimentalit y
of conventiona l America n popula r musi c a s wel l a s th e un -
American formalit y o f th e standar d classics . An d th e Negro' s
speech, jaz z speech—secretive , "in, " casual , an d fluid—could
be carrie d abroa d t o shatte r th e philistin e with it s impudence.
Harlem was als o therap y for deepe r whit e needs . The mos t
forbidden wa s mos t available : whiske y of course , bu t als o co -
caine an d sex . Th e fantas y o f Negr o sexualit y i s fe d b y dee p
springs i n th e whit e psyche . Brow n an d blac k bodies—th e
color seeme d lustie r tha n white—ful l lip s tha t quickene d flesh
to move , whol e selve s enlivene d t o blood-heat , seeme d close r
to the jungle source. Negroe s wer e that essentia l sel f one some-
92 Harlem Renaissance
how los t o n th e wa y t o civility , ghost s o f one's prima l natur e
whose ver y nearnes s coul d spar k electri c race-memor y of pure
sensation untouche d b y self-consciousnes s an d doubt . Fum -
bling self-doubt , gropin g fo r som e han d know n t o th e myster-
ies, seekin g t o unti e th e knot s an d le t th e welled-u p passion s
flow; passio n withou t ambivalence , lov e withou t guilt . Sensi-
tive an d torture d whit e me n an d women , whos e psyche s ha d
somehow bee n wounde d s o that the y cringe d befor e their ow n
white world , coul d fin d a strang e comfor t an d peac e amon g
Negroes. I t wa s no t tha t Negr o lif e wa s les s bruta l tha n thei r
own; i f anything i t wa s mor e cruel . Bu t whateve r th e wound s
they brough t wit h them , the y wer e stil l mor e whol e tha n th e
blacks fro m who m they sough t succor . Fo r whit e me n wer e su-
perior men . N o matte r ho w benevolen t o r genuin e thei r love ,
they coul d no t hel p bu t kno w tha t the y wer e bette r tha n th e
Harlem Negroe s the y sa w aroun d them . Althoug h the y migh t
damn an d curs e an d spi t epithet s a t a syste m tha t brutalize d
the beautiful blacks, the y di d s o knowing that the y were white.
Their sens e o f wholenes s coul d becom e mor e ful l a s the y
watched th e anguis h o f those mor e deeply hur t tha n they.
White American s go t muc h ou t o f black s i n Harlem , bu t
there wa s a price. Th e mone y that fe d th e joints an d cabarets ,
that kep t Harle m flowin g wit h bootle g liquor , tha t kep t th e
successful pimp s dresse d an d fed , tha t mad e Harle m jump ,
came fro m white s followin g a se x lust , o r escape , o r binding s
for thei r inne r wounds . Thei r mone y le t Harle m Negroes ,
square an d hip , live . Ye t some white s pai d mor e tha n money.
Few wer e injure d o r los t thei r lives , bu t man y discovere d th e
narcotic that Harle m coul d b e t o th e wounde d soul . For while
guilt migh t fly in the arm s of a black whore, necessarily callous
and indifferent , sh e coul d hardl y hav e th e gentl e hand s t o
make a ma n reall y whole . Sex , furtive an d fugitive , coul d nur -
ture anothe r kin d o f guilt . Som e whites, pulle d int o th e blac k
Heart o f Darkness 9 3

vortex, paid th e ultimat e price of their identity . The y defected ,


became apostates ; the y becam e Negroes. 6

Of all the white s t o becom e associate d wit h blac k Harle m in


the 1920s , Car l Va n Vechte n wa s th e undispute d prince . H e
had th e reputatio n o f knowing Harlem intimately , no t only the
places of entertainment bu t als o th e importan t people . H e not
only enjoye d Harlem , bu t h e als o catere d t o Harlemite s b y
maintaining a kin d o f downtown salo n t o whic h Negroe s wer e
welcome a s important guests . Indeed , h e almos t mad e a caree r
of promoting , sociall y an d professionally , Negr o artist s an d
performers. H e counte d Jame s Weldo n Johnso n a s on e o f his
closest friends ; Counte e Cullen , Langsto n Hughes , Richmon d
Barthe, th e sculptor , Ethe l Waters , and Pau l Robeso n wer e be-
friended b y him . H e listened , withou t wearines s o r apparen t
condescension, t o Negr o writer s an d artists . H e rea d an d
viewed thei r work , urge d thei r interest s befor e publisher s an d
producers, mad e th e importan t introductions, and , i n that way,
acted a s a kin d o f midwif e t o th e Harle m Renaissance . Eve n
Langston Hughes , wh o ha d sligh t patienc e wit h patrons , wel-
comed Va n Vechten' s friendshi p an d supporte d an d defende d
him agains t hi s Negr o critics. 7 Beyon d this , Va n Vechte n wa s
responsible fo r th e gatherin g o f Negro manuscript material s a t
Yale University , encouragin g Jame s Weldo n Johnso n t o con -
tribute th e nucleu s o f the collection . Still , it i s open t o question
how well, o r in what way , Van Vechten served Harle m and th e
Negro.8 I t i s at leas t a s important, however, to as k how Harlem
and th e Negr o served him .
Born i n Ceda r Rapids , Iowa , i n 1880 , Car l Va n Vechten ,
whose productiv e lif e extende d int o th e lat e 1950s , ha d a ca -
reer tha t wa s no t onl y lon g bu t varied . Whil e hi s interest s
were alway s cultural , h e exploite d the m i n man y differen t
ways. Criti c o f music , art , drama , an d literature , journal -
94 Harlem Renaissance
ist, novelist , an d photographer , h e followe d hi s min d an d tal -
ent throug h successive changes o f interest and fascination . And
while at eac h poin t he demonstrate d exquisit e taste and poten -
tial, h e neve r foun d anythin g wholl y absorbing . Va n Vechte n
was a dilettant e i n th e bes t sens e o f the term , excelling where
he ha d th e talent , and pullin g i t off where he did not . Throug h
all o f th e change , however , ther e wa s consistency . H e wa s a
collector o f rar e objets d'art an d o f rar e people ; rare , i n bot h
instances, becaus e n o on e ha d stoppe d t o se e o r thin k abou t
them properl y unti l Va n Vechte n showe d the m how . H e en -
joyed th e discovery , an d h e enjoye d th e display , a s any collec -
tor would . H e thrived i n that thin , dangerous, an d exhilarating
atmosphere wher e on e make s approving critica l judgment s
about th e ver y new an d th e ver y off-beat. 9
It i s remarkabl e ho w ofte n hi s judgments—usuall y daring ,
seldom cautious—wer e right . A s earl y a s 191 5 h e recognize d
the revolution—predicte d th e influence—o f Igo r Stravinsk y
and Arnol d Schoenberg . Hi s championin g o f th e moder n i n
music extende d t o a n earl y devotio n t o th e blues , Clar a an d
Bessie Smith . H e wrot e wit h discernmen t an d appreciatio n
about th e moder n dance o f Isador a Duncan . H e wa s responsi-
ble fo r gettin g Gertrud e Stein' s Tender Buttons publishe d
(theirs wa s a lifelon g friendship , an d h e becam e he r literar y
executor). Wallac e Stevens ' earl y poetry wa s published b y Van
Vechten. Elino r Wyli e fel t indebte d t o him . An d i n 192 1 h e
took th e occasio n o f reviewin g a biograph y o f Herma n Mel-
ville t o mak e th e startling , fo r tha t time , statemen t tha t Moby
Dick fa r surpasse d al l othe r America n work an d stoo d "wit h
the grea t classic s of all times , with the tragedie s o f the Greeks ,
with Do n Quixote, wit h Dante' s Inferno, an d wit h Shake -
speare's Hamlet" 10 And , subsequently, Va n Vechte n wen t o n
to properl y adjudge Melville' s minor novels , Mardi an d Pierre,
as being serious, powerful, an d successfu l work s of art. T o this
list shoul d b e adde d th e Negr o writer s who m he helped . Hi s
Heart o f Darkness 9 5

publisher, Alfre d Knopf , wa s persuade d t o publis h Jame s Wei-


don Johnson , Nell a Larsen , Rudolp h Fisher , an d Cheste r
Himes. Va n Vechlen, mor e tha n Vache l Lindsay , was responsi -
ble fo r Langsto n Hughes' s firs t boo k o f poems , Weary Blues.
And, through Va n Vechten, Hughe s foun d hi s way to the page s
of Vanity Fair.
Of course , Va n Vechte n di d suppor t an d promot e writer s
who woul d no t b e recognize d today , novel s tha t enjo y th e
same oblivio n a s hi s own . I t wa s mor e than a simple matter of
literary judgmen t tha t cause d hi s appreciatio n o f writer s lik e
Edgar Saltu s and Ronal d Firbank , the Britis h author; Firbank ,
at least , wa s a write r o f consummat e imaginatio n an d skill .
Rather, her e wa s furthe r evidenc e o f Van Vechten' s penchan t
for collectin g th e exoti c an d hi s fascinatio n wit h decadence .
For bot h Firbank' s an d Saltus ' novel s wer e fantas y creations .
Firbank's artificia l worlds , which coul d see m mor e rea l tha n
reality, containe d th e stron g flavor of evil an d deca y tha t ha d
thrilled th e lat e Victoria n readers . I t i s no t surprisin g that ,
when Va n Vechte n concocte d hi s ow n novels , the y to o woul d
have the heav y odo r of^ n de siecle decadence .
Reviewing Car l Va n Vechten' s Blind Bow-Boy (1923) , Ed -
mund Wilso n calle d i t a "burlesqu e fictio n o f whic h w e hav e
all to o littl e i n America. " nWilso n note d ho w this nove l and
Ronald Firbank' s Th e Flower Beneath th e Foot harked bac k to
the Europea n literar y decadenc e o f th e 1890s , specificall y
Oscar Wild e an d Aubre y Beardsley . Consciou s artificiality ,
aestheticism, cultivatio n o f th e perverse , an d experimen t
(adopting evi l a s i n th e Blac k Mass ) characterize d thi s earl y
movement. Th e America n counterpart s wer e mild ; Henr y F .
May ha s calle d the m "amoralists. " Wha t wa s a t wor k i n th e
Blind Bow-Boy, a s i n th e othe r Va n Vechte n novels, wa s a de-
liberate dislocatio n o f conventiona l mora l sensibilities , suc h
that eac h novel, i n some way, demanded o f the reade r som e in-
version o f accepte d values . Althoug h Va n Vechten' s novels ,
96 Harlem Renaissance

and hi s mora l commentary i n them , ar e serious , th e ton e i s al-


ways ligh t an d comic . I n Spider Bo y (1928) , an d especiall y hi s
last nove l Parties (1930) , a tragi c elemen t i s heightened ; Par-
ties, especially , foreshadow s some o f the recen t tragicomi c ar t
of th e absurd . Indeed , throughou t Va n Vechten' s novel s th e
absurd i s give n th e fac e o f reality , realit y becom e absurd .
There i s a standar d fo r huma n behavior , however . Th e ulti -
mate an d onl y truth i s the self , properl y expressed . The highest
good i s the indulgenc e o f one's min d and one' s sensations ; th e
greatest fea r i s boredom.
Carl Va n Vechten' s fictio n echoe s lat e Victoria n attitude s
which hav e been brilliantl y discussed b y Davi d Daiche s i n his
Ewing Lecture s i n 1967. 12 Wit h muc h o f the traditiona l basi s
of fait h shattere d b y scienc e an d highe r biblica l criticism ,
many intellectual s embrace d skepticism . Fait h i n purposefu l
order seemed no longer possible—ego without immortality mean-
ingless—so the y assume d attitude s whic h woul d justif y actio n
without purpose on the one hand or would allow them to retreat
to aestheticis m o n th e other . Daiche s identifie s W. E . Henley ,
A. E . Housman, and Rudyar d Kipling as characterizing the lat e
Victorian "moo d o f stoicis m o f heroi c enduranc e fo r it s ow n
sake."

The gam e is more than the player of the game,


And the ship is more than the crew !

The aesthetes , lik e Osca r Wilde , lackin g a worl d o f externa l


values, sought the intensificatio n of experience for its own sake.
"The aestheti c vie w o f value," say s Daiches , "i s entirel y solip -
sistic: al l th e aesthet e seek s is to multipl y and diversif y inwar d
personal experience. " Bot h the stoi c activist s and th e aesthete s
converted lif e int o a game , the on e sought meaning in the test s
of spor t an d wa r tha t trie d ma n an d hi s enduranc e (th e strug-
gle had n o meaning or purpose beyond itself ) an d th e othe r re -
Heart o f Darkness 9 7

duced societ y an d lif e t o artific e an d a gam e o f wit. Car l Va n


Vechten wa s clearly a n heir t o the Wildea n aesthetes . For him,
too, purpos e an d meanin g wer e t o b e foun d onl y i n th e per -
sonal experience , an d th e gam e itsel f wa s th e ultimat e value.
Peter Whiffle , th e subjec t o f Va n Vechten' s firs t novel , ha s
spent a lifetime— a restles s experimen t i n art , i n sensation , an d
in literature—searchin g fo r a for m wit h which t o buil d a bod y
of work. 13 H e i s finall y tol d tha t hi s consciou s sel f i s wha t
holds hi m back. Rathe r tha n thin k and search , h e shoul d aban-
don though t s o that hi s true sel f ca n com e through . Ideally , h e
should b e lik e th e jaz z musicia n wh o know s hi s instrument ,
knows hi s music , an d know s himsel f o n a leve l beneat h
thought. H e shoul d imitat e th e cat—th e feline—i n it s self-cen -
teredness. Campasp e Lorillard—wh o appear s i n Th e Blind
Bow-Boy, Firecrackers (1925) , an d briefl y i n Nigger Heaven
(1926)—achieved wha t Pete r Whiffl e coul d not : satisfyin g in -
ward persona l experience . Whateve r wa s withi n wa s par t o f
the sel f an d neede d celebration . "I f i t i s there, i n us , it can nei-
ther b e virtu e no r vice . I t ca n onl y b e ourselves . Whateve r it
is, i f w e admi t tha t i t belong s t o us , w e need i t t o complet e
ourselves." Campasp e wante d t o liv e herself, to be , wha t E . E .
Cummings called , a n IS ; to mak e herself int o a verb .
The ide a wa s t o tak e onesel f and lif e a s they came , enjoying
the entertainmen t the y provided—develo p one' s tast e t o it s
finest, an d savor . Her e to o ar e th e value s o f a dilettant e an d
collector. Va n Vechte n create d th e character , Garet h Johns ,
who appear s i n severa l novel s a s a stand-i n fo r himself . Johns ,
a youn g novelist , describe s wha t make s a nove l work : " . . .
you mus t thin k of a group of people i n terms of a packet of fire-
crackers. Yo u ignite the firs t cracker an d th e flash fires the fus e
of th e second , an d s o on, until , afte r a series o f crackling deto-
nations, th e whol e bunc h ha s exploded , an d nothin g survives
but a fe w tor n an d scattere d bit s o f paper , blackene d wit h
powder," whic h ca n b e take n no t onl y a s a schem e fo r enter -
98 Harlem Renaissance

taining onesel f i n a varied world , bu t als o a s the formul a fo r a


good party— a salon . Th e tric k wa s t o avoi d boredom . Sinc e
spontaneity an d extroversio n wer e ke y values, ther e was a nec-
essary dependenc e o n th e existenc e o f a n environmen t an d
people who could be catalyze d int o enjoyment . Excep t for Th e
Tattooed Countess (1924 ) an d Spider Bo y (1928) , th e charac -
ters i n al l o f Van Vechten' s novel s liv e i n a n exoti c an d artifi -
cial atmosphere . Th e artificialit y defines the rule s o f the socia l
games tha t ar e t o b e played . Som e characters , lik e Campasp e
Lorillard, maste r thi s life . Peter Whiffle, a n "autobiography "
which i s reall y fiction , sinc e i t claim s t o b e th e subject' s lif e
and work s (Pete r Whiffl e ha s actuall y writte n nothing) , wa s a
game i n itself . Va n Vechten' s las t novel , Parties (1930) , i s a
crazy fligh t fro m boredom . Trul y a n exampl e o f the ar t o f th e
absurd, i t show s everyon e o n a n endles s roun d o f parties. On e
drunk i s succeeded b y the next , so that th e partie s an d th e al -
cohol creat e th e mos t artificia l of worlds. Th e mai n character s
—David an d Hild a Westlake—hav e on e brief , sobe r momen t
when the y ca n talk t o on e another . Thi s grea t chas e an d point-
less roun d continue s becaus e th e character s fea r th e emptines s
that woul d remai n i f th e partie s wer e t o stop . Parties i s th e
logical en d o f Van Vechten' s fiction , th e cut d e sa c where self -
indulgence ends .
Van Vechten' s mos t controversia l novel , Nigger Heaven
(1926), exemplifie d thi s inversio n o f value s an d fascinatio n
with th e exotic . Tha t wor k wa s a hig h poin t i n Va n Vechten's
long interes t i n Negroes.
In hi s intervie w fo r th e Columbia Oral History, Car l Va n
Vechten remembere d tha t hi s interes t i n Negroe s bega n ver y
early. Eve n a s a child , i n Ceda r Rapids , h e remembere d tha t
his parents ha d insiste d o n the Negr o servants being calle d Mr .
and Mrs . In the first years of the ne w century , whe n Va n Vech-
ten wa s attending th e Universit y of Chicago, hi s broad cultura l
interests outsid e th e Universit y had brough t hi m i n touch with
Heart o f Darkness 9 9

popular Negr o performers . H e ha d me t Ber t Williams , fo r in-


stance. An d hi s penchan t fo r promoting Negr o artist s wa s fore -
shadowed. H e recalle d bringin g Carit a Day , wh o wa s "ver y
beautiful an d san g lik e a n angel, " t o hi s fraternit y house ; sh e
was the n performin g with Ernes t Hogan' s "Georgi a Minstrels. "
In 1902 , blac k theatrica l entertainmen t wa s considere d a bi t
bawdy, so Van Vechten' s introductio n o f Carita Da y t o hi s fra-
ternity brother s showe d no t onl y hi s characteristi c desir e t o
display an d shar e hi s own taste , bu t als o his lifelon g postur e of
being intime wit h th e undersid e o f life .
In 1912 , eve n Ne w Yor k sophisticate s an d intellectual s wer e
not accustome d t o Negroe s clos e up—excep t fo r servant s
perhaps—surely peopl e di d no t invit e the m int o thei r apart -
ments. Car l Va n Vechte n persuaded Mabl e Dodg e Luha n t o
allow tw o Negroe s h e ha d "discovered " t o entertai n a t on e of
her parties . I t wa s a thrill , o f sorts . "Whil e a n appallin g Ne -
gress dance d befor e u s i n whit e stocking s an d blac k buttone d
boots, th e ma n strumme d a banj o an d san g a n embarrassin g
song. The y bot h leere d an d rolle d thei r suggestiv e eye s an d
made m e fee l firs t ho t an d the n cold , fo r I ha d neve r bee n s o
near thi s kin d o f thin g before ; bu t Car l rocke d wit h laughter
and littl e shriek s escape d hi m a s h e clappe d hi s prett y
hands." 14
It wa s in 1922 , after th e publication of Peter Whiffle, tha t Van
Vechten, to us e hi s words , became "violently intereste d i n Ne-
groes." " I would sa y violently," he emphasized, "becaus e it was
almost a n addiction. " Walte r Whit e ha d jus t publishe d Fire i n
the Flint, an d Va n Vechten go t t o kno w hi m throug h Alfre d
Knopf. Walte r Whit e too k hi m everywhere—parties , lunches ,
dinners—introducing hi m t o everyon e wh o mattere d i n Har -
lem.
It wa s durin g thi s intensiv e inductio n int o Harle m tha t h e
met Jame s Weldo n Johnson , wh o wa s t o becom e hi s closes t
and mos t lasting Negr o friend . I n abou t tw o weeks , Van Vech-
100 Harlem Renaissance

ten recalled , "I knew ever y educate d perso n i n Harlem . I knew


them b y th e hundreds. " Pau l Robeson , Ros e McClendon , s o
many name s an d face s an d talents ; i t wa s exhilarating . No -
where bu t i n Harle m coul d i t hav e happene d a t th e time . Fo r
nowhere wer e there s o many Negroes, widel y varyin g in talen t
and degree s o f sophistication. No t i n Chicago , an d surel y no t
in Cedar Rapids . Car l Va n Vechten wa s drunk with the experi -
ence. " I remembe r onc e comin g home almos t jubilantly afte r a
night i n Harlem, an d tellin g m y wife i n grea t gle e tha t I hate d
a Negro , I' d foun d on e I hated . An d I fel t tha t wa s m y com-
plete emancipation , becaus e no w I could selec t m y friends an d
not hav e t o kno w them all. " I t wa s a s i f he ha d discovere d a n
unknown country .
It wa s no t onl y th e peopl e bu t th e lif e o f Harle m tha t Va n
Vechten tasted—especiall y th e nigh t life . " I frequente d nigh t
clubs a grea t deal . The y wer e very popular a t th e tim e i n New
York—at leas t the y wer e popula r afte r I starte d goin g becaus e
I use d t o get othe r peopl e t o g o and i t became quit e a rage for
a yea r o r two , to g o to nigh t clubs i n Harlem. " He became , in-
deed, fo r those year s an d som e years t o come , th e undispute d
downtown authorit y o n uptow n nigh t life . I f yo u wer e white ,
even i f you kne w some Negroes , he wa s th e ma n t o se e to pu t
you i n touch wit h the righ t person. I t was a considerable privi -
lege t o b e give n a Va n Vechte n tou r o f the Harle m night ; h e
knew th e "authentic " places . H e wa s alway s bein g aske d t o
serve a s a guide ; i t wa s expected . Doubtless , h e delighte d i n
the curator' s role . H e recalle d a considerabl e reluctanc e t o
guide Willia m Faulkner , a t Bennet t Cerf' s request . H e wa s
mildly embarrasse d b y Faulkner' s persistent reques t o f the mu-
sicians to pla y th e "St . Loui s Blues " when that son g wa s out of
fashion. I t i s hard t o imagine , however , anyon e knowin g Carl
Van Vechte n and refusin g or forgetting to ask him for a tour of
Harlem. I t woul d hav e bee n rude , lik e askin g a performe r no t
to do his act . Eve n foreigner s kne w wher e to tur n to see the
Heart o f Darkness 10 1

real Harlem . "Paul Morand, " Va n Vechte n remembers , "wrot e


me immediatel y whe n he got to New Yor k . . . and the first
thing h e sai d t o me—h e wante d m e t o tak e hi m t o Harlem .
That wa s almost m y fate, fo r ten years a t least: takin g people t o
Harlem." Moran d tol d hi s reader s a differen t story . H e ha d
been guide d awa y fro m suc h glitte r a s the Cotto n Club , Suga r
Cane, and the Secon d Par t of the Night , and to the "Africa n
Room" o f th e Harle m Club , whic h feature d mural s b y Aaro n
Douglas, an d femal e impersonators . Bu t Moran d sai d tha t hi s
guide wa s fro m Martinique . I t may have seeme d mor e authen-
tic that way. 15
The cultura l interchang e wa s two-way as far a s Van Vechten
was concerned . Fro m 1923 , h e bega n t o invit e Negroe s t o hi s
home an d t o th e partie s fo r whic h h e became quit e famous . " I
don't thin k I'v e give n an y partie s sinc e 1923 , unti l the present ,
without askin g severa l Negroes, " h e said . Othe r whit e Ne w
York intellectual s copie d Va n Vechten' s parties , a t leas t fo r
those year s tha t th e "Negr o wa s i n vogue. " Th e ide a wa s t o
compose partie s o f huma n ingredient s tha t wer e electri c an d
exciting, lik e settin g of f a strin g o f firecrackers . Characteris -
tically, Va n Vechte n pride d himsel f o n hi s singula r tast e i n
bringing just th e righ t combinatio n of people together. Lat e i n
his life , th e char m stil l worked . Whe n Isa k Dinese n cam e t o
New Yor k i n 1958 , sh e aske d for , an d got , a Va n Vechte n
party. H e remembere d tha t th e Danis h noblewoma n wa s par -
ticular: n o " 'magazine o r boo k editors , an d no t man y author s
—no ambassadors—an d absolutel y no merel y socia l people .
What I woul d prefe r i s to hav e yo u giv e m e a Negr o Party.'"
He was , needles s t o say , happ y t o arrang e it . H e please d him -
self, especially , wit h th e fin e touc h o f choosin g a s th e count -
ess' escor t tha t irrascible , Menckenesqu e journalist—becom e
editor o f the Pittsburgh Courier—George Schuyler .
It wa s a t one o f the annua l benefits for the NAAC P that Va n
Vechten me t Langsto n Hughe s an d Counte e Cullen . Neithe r
102 Harlem Renaissance

poet ha d publishe d a book . Va n Vechte n wa s abl e t o ge t


Knopf t o tak e Hughes' s Weary Blues (1925) , whic h bega n a
long publishin g association o f Hughes with Knopfs firm. Coun-
tee Cullen , o n th e othe r hand , decline d Va n Vechten' s help ,
choosing hi s own way; i n time, Harper publishe d Color (1925) .
Van Vechten' s eagernes s t o hel p Negr o writer s an d t o broad -
cast Negr o culture—a s h e understoo d it—kne w n o limit . H e
used hi s association wit h Frank Crowninshield, editor of Vanity
Fair, t o ge t Hughes' s an d othe r writers ' work s i n tha t maga -
zine. An d h e wrot e man y featur e article s fo r tha t magazin e
about Negroes : Paul Robeson , Ethel Waters , Bessi e Smith, and
others. " I wrot e abou t thes e peopl e a s I woul d writ e abou t
white people. " And he sprea d th e messag e wide. "Everything I
wrote about Negroe s was published, an d thi s di d a lot towards
establishing the m wit h othe r editor s becaus e a t tha t tim e i t
was very rare to hav e a story abou t a Negr o even i n the news -
papers. An d the magazines ! . . . "
He had almost been brought into a new life by the Negro and
Harlem. H e wa s thrille d b y i t al l an d devote d muc h of his en-
ergy t o being a midwife, a patron, a n interprete r o f Negro cul-
ture. I t "soo n becam e obviou s t o m e that I woul d writ e abou t
these people , becaus e m y feeling s abou t the m wer e ver y
strong." Th e nove l h e wrot e abou t the m wa s Nigger Heaven.
Most o f the Negr o commentary on tha t nove l mus t have mad e
them appea r ver y insensitive , very ungrateful, t o Va n Vechten .
Nigger Heaven tried t o make two points. I n the first place, i t
wanted th e reade r t o kno w Harle m a s a socia l microcos m o f
New Yor k City . Th e reade r ha d t o rejec t definition s o f th e
Negro as a type. Ther e wa s a wide variety of characters, tastes ,
and values . Yo u coul d witnes s a s man y kind s o f socia l
experiences—parties, intellectua l salons , elegan t dinners ,
brawls, an d bashes—i n Harle m a s yo u coul d i n th e res t o f
New York . Harle m wa s n o monolith, and th e Negr o fit no ster-
eotype. Yet , at th e sam e time , th e reade r wa s expecte d t o ac -
Heart o f Darkness 10 3

cept th e Negr o a s a natura l primitive . Wher e h e wa s tru e t o


himself, h e wa s save d fro m civilize d artificiality , an d ha d pre -
served hi s mental health . Indeed , th e nove l seems to argu e that
the Negr o "civilizes" himsel f a t great cost . Thes e rathe r contra-
dictory assumption s ar e neve r reconciled . Present-da y readers ,
however, should not underestimat e the darin g of the first point.
Until th e publicatio n o f Nigger Heaven, n o generall y rea d
novel ha d chose n th e Negr o a s it s subjec t an d abandone d th e
stereotype. I t wa s no t fo r many years afte r 192 6 tha t th e othe r
popular medium , the movies , could dar e t o do the same . What-
ever th e novel' s fault s then , it wa s a histori c event.
Nigger Heaven open s an d close s wit h scene s o f th e "sport -
ing" sid e o f Harlem life , beginnin g with a street scen e o n Sev-
enth Avenu e and endin g i n a cabaret . Bot h focu s o n Anatol e
Longfellow, sometime s know n a s th e Scarle t Creeper . H e wa s
sharp:
He wor e a tight-fittin g sui t o f shepherd' s plai d whic h thor -
oughly reveale d hi s lithe , sinew y figur e t o al l wh o gaze d
upon him , and al l gazed. A great diamond , o r some less valu-
able ston e whic h ape d a diamond , glistene d i n hi s fuchsi a
cravat. Th e upper s o f hi s highl y polishe d ta n boot s wer e
dove-coloured sued e an d th e button s wer e pal e blue . Hi s
black hai r wa s slee k unde r hi s stra w hat , se t a t a jaunt y
angle.

The reade r i s not informe d ho w th e Scarle t Creepe r make s his


way i n life—pimp , mal e prostitute , narcotic s pusher , number s
runner, bootlegger—bu t on e o r severa l o f thes e occupation s i s
implied. Whateve r i t is , h e i s good a t it . Hi s name , a s wel l as
his ow n words , tel l u s tha t h e provide s sexua l interlude s fo r
women whos e me n ar e no t watching . Almos t a s soo n a s h e i s
introduced, he get s a prostitute to persuade him to let her pay
for a n evening' s sport . "Oh , A h bee n ful l o ' prosperit y di s ev -
enin. A h met a n ofa y wante d t o chang e hi s luck . H e gimm e a
tenner." Th e Creepe r assents , bu t maintain s indifferenc e
104 Harlem Renaissance

through i t all . "A h sho ' wil l sho w yo u som e lovin ' daddy , sh e
promised." Th e reade r ca n onl y suppose tha t sh e did, becaus e
the Creepe r doe s no t appea r agai n unti l th e en d o f th e book .
But hi s ver y absenc e make s hi m hove r ove r th e centra l story .
The plo t tell s th e stor y o f Mar y Love , a prim , proper , an d
pretty Harle m libraria n wh o fall s tragicall y i n lov e wit h a
would-be writer , Byro n Kasson. Byron ha s just graduate d fro m
The Universit y o f Pennsylvania , an d whil e h e ha s onl y pub -
lished shor t thing s i n Opportunity, h e wa s told a t colleg e tha t
he ha s promise . " I kno w wha t the y meant , h e added , prett y
good fo r a coloure d man. " Mary' s prudishness , sexua l self-con -
sciousness, an d self-restrain t an d Byron' s petulanc e an d self -
doubt, i n tim e destro y whateve r promis e thei r lov e had . Fo r
Mary, unlik e mos t o f th e Negroe s sh e see s aroun d her , take s
love an d se x quite seriously , whic h i s no t t o sa y passionately .
She expects , consisten t wit h conventiona l canon s o f the mora l
order, t o giv e herself—beyon d passio n o r lust—t o a ma n
whom sh e ca n hono r an d liv e for. Until Byron, no ma n i n Har-
lem ha s mad e th e grade , especiall y no t Randolp h Pettijohn ,
the Bolit o (numbers) King, wh o i s relentless i n pursui t o f Mary
as a " 'spectable 'ooman " t o wife . Pettijoh n i s definitel y out o f
the question ; i t ma y b e a clas s matter . H e mad e i t th e wron g
way: hot-do g stan d t o number s t o wealth . An d h e doe s no t
speak goo d Englis h th e wa y Mar y an d he r friend s do: "Ah ain'
got n o eddicatio n la k you , but A h got money , plenty o f et, an '
Ah go t love. " Tha t i s n o wa y t o captur e a gir l lik e Mary .
Byron, o n the othe r hand , ha s th e def t touc h o f innocence :

Somehow, Mis s Lov e . .. i t was his turn t o be embarrasse d


. . . you, stand ou t i n a crow d lik e this . I couldn' t help lik-
ing you, even before I talked to you.
I saw you first. . . diving.
He smiled. That's the only thing I do well.
You do that well. Is it your profession?
I haven't any profession yet. I want to write, he went on.
You're a writer! Mary exclaimed with enthusiasm.
Heart o f Darkness 10 5

As i t turn s out , Byro n i s no t muc h o f a writer . A t least , h e


fails t o ge t an y commercia l recognition. H e fail s despit e Mary' s
love (surrender?) , devotion , an d encouragement . Th e reade r
never know s whethe r o r no t Byro n ha s rea l talent . Neithe r
does Byron , a s a matte r o f fact . Sensitiv e to racia l discrimina-
tion, h e ca n neve r distinguis h between hi s own limitation s an d
social oppression . Hi s despai r ( a present-da y reade r migh t say
self-hate) compel s hi m int o a n orgiasti c interlud e wit h Lasc a
Sartoris, a totally self-indulgen t woman of pleasure. Lasc a dis -
poses o f Byron in her ow n time. Mary' s pride and Byron' s com-
pounded humiliatio n frustrate an y possibilit y o f turning event s
and redeemin g thei r love . Byron , a t last , goe s t o th e Blac k
Venus Clu b intendin g t o kil l Randolp h Pettijohn , wh o ha s
taken Lasc a Sartori s fro m him . But, alas ! th e fin e han d o f th e
Scarlet Creepe r rob s Byro n of even thi s desperat e assertio n o f
manhood; th e Creepe r kill s Pettijoh n first. Byron is reduced t o
the ultimat e futilit y o f emptyin g hi s pisto l int o th e corpse .
"Mary, h e crie d aloud , I didn' t d o it ! I didn' t d o it! " a s th e
white han d o f the la w take s hi m away.
Those reviewer s wh o like d th e book , an d ther e wer e many,
insisted tha t on e o f the novel' s strength s was it s restrain t fro m
propaganda, fro m makin g sociologica l points . Edwar d Lued -
ers, Va n Vechten' s literar y biographer , concur s i n tha t judg -
ment. I n th e sens e tha t th e nove l doe s no t prob e ver y deepl y
into rac e relation s (o r racism) or engag e th e reade r i n an y fun-
damental mora l problem, thi s assessment is correct. Bu t propa-
ganda an d sociologica l point s th e boo k makes, plenty o f them.
Carl Va n Vechte n goe s t o grea t length s t o sho w tha t beside s
the Scarle t Creepers an d th e Randolp h Pettijohns, Harle m ha s
some ver y culture d an d intelligen t people . Mar y Lov e read s
everything that i s up-to-date and illuminate s her bedroo m wit h
a single , framed reproductio n o f the "Mon a Lisa. " Stravinsk y is
a par t o f he r life , a s wel l a s th e blue s an d spirituals—i t i s al l
culture. Mar y quotes , fro m memory , poems by Wallac e Stevens
and, i f tha t wer e no t enough , abou t a pag e o f "Melanctha "
106 Harlem Renaissance

from Gertrud e Stein' s Three Lives. A dinne r a t th e wealth y


Aaron Sumners ' allow s Va n Vechten t o emplo y hi s talen t fo r
description o f ric h furnishing s an d appointments . I t als o per -
mits th e famou s author , Garet h Johns , to b e openl y astonishe d
by th e refinemen t o f Negroes. The y hav e rea d hi s books. The y
know Paris . On e o f th e guests , Leo n Caziqu e o f th e Haitia n
consulate, allow s th e conversatio n t o drif t int o French , i n
which languag e Mar y talk s abou t a n authenti c Africa n sculp -
ture exhibi t tha t sh e ha s arranged and , a t anothe r poin t i n th e
novel, discusse s Cocteau , Morand , an d Prous t wit h M . Ca -
zique, wh o turns ou t t o b e somethin g of an exper t o n moder n
French literature . I n short , cultur e abounds . O n readin g Nig-
ger Heaven, it i s impossibl e t o escap e th e feelin g o f being for-
cibly draw n t o acknowledg e thes e fact s o f Negr o life , which
have little , i f anything, t o d o wit h th e story . The y ar e obiter
dicta an d n o les s propagand a becaus e the y condescen d t o th e
reader.
The reade r i s als o instructe d abou t th e "Blu e Vei n Set " an d
"passing." Th e proble m o f Negroes' bein g serve d i n downtown
restaurants or seate d i n the theater s is explained, a s well as th e
advantages o f light-skinne d ove r dark-skinne d Negroe s i n al -
most ever y walk of life, an d othe r socia l difference s amon g Ne-
groes. Often , characters ' conversation s ar e mer e length y dis -
quisitions o n thes e subjects . Th e point s o f vie w ar e authenti c
enough, bu t the y ar e designed t o instruc t the reade r mor e tha n
to develo p th e novel . Les t th e reade r dra w racis t generaliza -
tions fro m Byro n Kasson' s failure , Va n Vechte n i s carefu l t o
contrast i t with the success , afte r lon g struggle wit h frustration ,
of Howar d Allison , th e fianc e o f Mary' s apartmen t mate . Th e
presentation o f statistic s o n th e numbe r o f Negroe s wh o pas s
every yea r i s gratuitous . Often , speeche s ar e n o mor e tha n
whimsical fantasie s abou t ho w th e "problem " wil l disappear ,
for instanc e throug h interbreeding . Va n Vechten , throughou t
the novel , amuses himself by commenting upon th e joke on the
Heart o f Darkness 10 7

white worl d tha t "passing " is . All of this i s propagandistic an d


sociological i n pett y ways . Wha t i s missin g i n th e nove l i s a
clear mora l o r intellectua l perspectiv e tha t migh t engag e th e
reader i n th e dramati c issue s of Negro life .
The essentia l limitation s tha t frustrat e Mar y and Byro n ar e
personal rathe r tha n societal . Racia l problems form a backdrop
for, indeed , infor m everythin g they thin k o r do , bu t i t i s char-
acter tha t make s them fai l t o b e thei r bes t selves . The y suffer ,
in fact , tw o varietie s o f th e sam e malady . The y ar e alienate d
from thei r ethno-spiritua l root s bu t ar e unabl e t o b e anythin g
else. Mar y i s plague d wit h he r inabilit y t o b e passionate , es -
sential, primitive . Althoug h spiritual s or Clar a Smith' s singing
the blue s ca n bring he r to tears, sh e cannot abando n hersel f to
men o r t o th e Charlesto n unti l sh e meet s Byron . She i s said t o
be cold , an d sh e ha s doubt s abou t he r priggishnes s an d he r
persistent propriety . He r inhibition s kee p he r fro m wha t sh e
really wants . Whe n Lasc a Sartori s charm s Byro n a t a dance ,
Mary's inne r rag e an d jealous y mak e he r wan t t o kil l Lasca .
But sh e is reduced t o priggish impotenc e by Lasca' s deft , felin e
verbal slashes . Mar y i s prope r an d polite ; sh e ha s jus t wit -
nessed tw o wome n fighting and screamin g over a man an d wa s
revolted b y the scene . He r impuls e to act i s throttled b y her ci-
vility. He r inabilit y to ac t o n her feeling s defeat s her.
Byron, on the othe r hand , is a ver y spoiled youn g man who
has n o nerv e fo r th e struggl e force d o n Harle m Negroes . H e
was educate d i n a whit e college , an d h e ha s los t al l contac t
and sensitivit y wit h Negr o people . H e despise s th e ric h Ne -
groes becaus e h e think s them snobs. H e resents the young , suc-
cessful professional s and writer s becaus e the y mak e his failur e
evident. H e abhor s th e poo r black s becaus e the y sham e him.
Except fo r smal l check s fro m hi s father , h e refuse s hel p fro m
anyone, turnin g dow n a goo d jo b whe n h e learn s tha t Mar y
had arrange d it . Hi s writin g wil l b e wort h something , h e i s
told b y a magazin e editor— a thinl y disguise d H . L . Mencken
108 Harlem Renaissance

—if he observe s wha t is aroun d him , if he look s at Harle m lif e


close up , an d write s abou t it . O f course, Byro n could no t bea r
to loo k a t Negroes , an d h e coul d no t reall y se e anythin g else .
Rejected an d defeate d a t ever y turn , h e leap s int o th e arm s of
Lasca Sartoris . She use s hi m an d reject s hi m afte r unmannin g
him.
Present-day reader s woul d b e likel y t o interpre t Mary' s and
Byron's proble m a s race-hat e an d self-hate . Neithe r o f the m
can accommodat e t o th e blacknes s the y se e aroun d the m an d
the suggestio n o f th e blacknes s withi n them . Rejectin g th e
Negro tha t the y see , the y mus t als o den y themselves , whic h
makes them les s than whole . Bu t Carl Va n Vechten, tru e to his
nineteenth-century influences , treat s th e matte r differently .
Both Mar y an d Byron , i n characteristi c ways , drif t awa y fro m
the primitive , natural , an d intuitiv e springs o f th e race . Mar y
can onl y b e abandone d i n he r danc e a s a resul t o f he r rag e
over Byron' s obviou s receptivit y t o Lasca' s charms . Byron' s
sexual passio n turn s t o mer e lust . An d h e lacks—a s i s mad e
clear i n a lette r o f advic e fro m hi s father—tha t intuitiv e sens e
that ha s allowe d th e Negr o t o survive : the acceptanc e o f th e
humble portio n fo r th e moment , th e expectatio n o f bein g
helped an d patronized , an d th e desir e t o be useful . I n th e end ,
neither Mar y no r Byro n ca n fin d th e words , becaus e o f pride ,
to sa y wha t ca n reconcil e the m an d aver t tragedy . Prid e i s
their fault . T o Car l Va n Vechten , thei r traged y i s tha t the y
have becom e civilized . Thu s th e epigrap h o f the nove l i s fro m
Countee Cullen :

All day long and al l night through,


One thing only mus t I do
Quench m y pride and coo l my blood,
Lest I perish i n the flood.

The sa d thin g about Nigger Heaven i s that Mar y and Byron,


although th e cor e o f th e novel , ar e no t th e mos t interestin g
Heart o f Darkness 10 9

characters. Mar y i s a sa d littl e thing ; on e migh t fee l sorr y fo r


her ineptitude ; he r proble m i s not full y enoug h understoo d t o
feel mor e tha n that . A s librarian , Mary' s difficultie s coul d a s
well b e a n occupationa l stereotyp e a s anything, an d Car l Va n
Vechten does no t develo p the m enough for the reade r t o know.
Byron, o n th e othe r hand , i s too miserably weak; the reade r i s
moved t o disdai n to o quickl y fo r an y sens e o f traged y t o de -
velop. Perhap s exceptin g Pete r Whiffle , al l o f Va n Vechten' s
strong character s hav e bee n women , and emasculatin g women
at that . Here , again , i n this novel , the trul y stron g characte r i s
Lasca Sartoris . Sh e overwhelm s everything . Th e Scarle t
Creeper, also, whose role is limited in the novel , is deftly drawn.
Briefly introduce d i n th e Prologue , makin g onl y on e appear -
ance befor e the concludin g pages , th e Scarle t Creepe r i s like a
cocked pisto l throughou t th e story . Th e reade r i s no t disap -
pointed: th e pisto l goe s off ; the Scarle t Creepe r shoot s Ran-
dolph Pettijoh n an d the n disappear s a s the nove l ends .
Lasca Sartori s i s a tru e Va n Vechte n female character. Lik e
Campaspe Lorillard , sh e has al l th e righ t ingredients : self-cen -
teredness, self-indulgence , mora l inversion , indifference , an d
abhorrence o f boredom. "Sh e ha s foun d wha t sh e ha d wante d
by wantin g wha t sh e coul d get , an d the n alway s demanding
more, more , unti l no w th e worl d poure d it s gift s int o he r be -
witching lap. " Tha t i s Byron' s assessment. He r apartment , lik e
herself, i s richl y an d sumptuousl y decadent. Thos e chapter s
she shares with Byro n are th e mos t lively i n the book . They go
to th e Winte r Palace , ge t hig h o n champagn e an d cocaine .
They leav e a t si x in th e mornin g and g o to a Blac k Mass :

It's a garde n wher e champagn e flow s fro m al l th e fountain s


and th e path s ar e mad e o f happ y dus t an d th e perfum e o f
the poppie s i s opium. Kiss me!
I'd lik e t o b e crue l t o you ! sh e crie d afte r sh e ha d
momentarily slaked he r thirst. I'd like to cut your heart out !
Cut it out, Lasca , my own! It belongs t o you!
110 Harlem Renaissance
I'd like to bruise you!
Lasca, adorable !
I'd like to gash you with a knife!
Lasca! Lasca !
Beat you with a whip!
Lasca!
She dre w he r pointe d nail s acros s th e bac k o f his
hand. The flesh came off in ribbons.
My baby ! M y baby! she sobbed, bindin g hi s bleed-
ing hand with her handkerchief, kissing his lips.
The Blac k Mass—the y descende d t o a ring o f hell:
They stoo d i n a circula r hal l entirel y hun g i n vermilio n vel-
vet; eve n th e ceilin g wa s drape d i n thi s fier y colour . . . .
The floor was o f translucent glass , and throug h this clouds of
light flowed,. now orange, no w deep purple, no w flaming like
molten lava , no w rollin g sea-wave s o f green . A n invisibl e
band . . . began t o perfor m wil d music , music that moane d
and lacerate d one' s breas t wit h braze n claw s o f tone, shriek-
ing, tortured musi c from the depth s o f hell. An d now the hall
became people d . . . me n an d wome n wit h wear y faces ,
faces tire d o f passion an d pleasure . Wer e thes e face s o f dead
prostitutes an d murderers ? Pleasur e seeker s fro m th e col d
slabs of the morgue?

Into th e awfu l scen e o f evil an d deca y a gir l suddenl y stood ,


bathed i n purpl e an d gree n light , mis t an d shadow . A pip e
sounded, a s i f far away , accompanie d b y a fain t reverberatio n
of tom-tom. A bell in the distanc e tinkled, an d th e cloa k fel l t o
the floor.
The girl—sh e coul d hav e bee n n o mor e tha n sixteen—stoo d
entirely nude . Sh e wa s pur e black , wit h savag e Africa n fea -
tures, thic k lips , bush y hai r whic h hovere d abou t he r fac e
like a lanate halo, whil e her eye s rolle d bac k so far that only
the white s wer e visible . An d sh e bega n t o perfor m he r evi l
rites . . . Byro n groane d an d hi d hi s fac e i n hi s hands . H e
could hea r Lasc a emittin g little clucks of amazement. Stand-
ing before him, she protected hi m from th e horror . . . while
Heart o f Darkness 11 1

she watched . Whe n h e looke d again , th e ligh t o n th e bod y


was purple; the bod y was purple. The gir l lifte d a knife . . . .
A woman shrieked. The knife . . .

Then follows a lacun a heav y wit h meaning . Th e stor y resume s


three day s late r a s Byro n awaken s a t fou r i n th e afternoo n in
Lasca's bed. Avoiding objective description, Van Vechten employs
the period's style of heavily suggestiv e languag e t o imply the sen-
suality, th e depravit y o f their lust :
There wer e rages, succeede d by tumultuou s passions ; ther e
were peaceful interludes ; there were hours devoted to satisfy -
ing capricious desires, rhythmical amour s to music , crue l an d
painful pastimes ; ther e wer e th e artificia l paradises . Then,
late one afternoon, Byro n awakened to find himself alone.

After readin g thes e passages , Mar y Love an d he r "Ne w Negro"


intellectuals pal e fo r th e reade r a s wel l a s fo r Byro n Kasson.
The Scarle t Creeper , hi s masterful criminalit y (almost, but a
not full y develope d "MacHeath") ; Lasca , th e descriptio n o f her
environment, he r "decor, " the suggestion s o f her lust ; the Black
Mass—it i s in thes e particular s tha t th e nove l i s most effective .
After all , i t wa s ther e tha t Va n Vechten' s hear t ha d alway s
been. N o wonder , considerin g Va n Vechten' s lif e an d style ,
that n o matte r ho w har d h e tried , Mar y Love , Byro n Kasson,
and al l o f th e goody-good , respectabl e Negroe s woul d see m
bloodless nex t t o hi s imp s o f Satan. An d th e messag e i s strong;
although perverted , th e Creepe r an d Lasc a ar e permanent , en-
durable, an d perversel y heroi c becaus e the y hav e accepte d
without qualificatio n thei r primitiv e an d predator y natures -
civilization, respectability , propriety , manners , an d decoru m
are fo r others , fo r "niggers." Tr y a s he migh t t o illustrat e tha t
Negroes wer e muc h lik e othe r people , Va n Vechten' s belie f i n
their essentia l primitivis m make s him prov e somethin g else . I t
stands t o reason , afte r all . Ha d h e though t Negroe s wer e lik e
white people , h e woul d no t hav e adopte d Harle m th e wa y he
112 Harlem Renaissance

did. Hi s compulsio n t o b e fai r t o th e rac e whil e h e exploite d


the exoti c an d decaden t aspect s o f Harlem cause d th e nove l to
founder.
The titl e o f thi s novel , comin g fro m a know n frien d o f th e
Negro, wa s startling—n o doub t intentionall y so . Mos t o f th e
reviewers wh o objecte d t o th e book—whit e an d black —
objected i n som e wa y t o th e title . Tha t wa s unfortunat e be -
cause Va n Vechten an d hi s admirers defended th e nove l by de-
fending th e title , ignorin g the seriou s defects of the nove l itself.
There ha d bee n a precedent . Edwar d Sheldo n wrot e a
play— The Niggers—which appeare d o n Broadwa y i n 1909 ,
and too k a sympatheti c (t o Negroes ) vie w o f th e Reconstruc -
tion perio d i n th e South . A few year s befor e h e publishe d hi s
novel, Va n Vechte n succeede d i n gettin g Ronal d Firban k t o
change th e titl e o f hi s Sorrow i n Sunlight t o Prancing Nigger
in th e America n edition. Va n Vechte n insiste d tha t i n hi s own
novel the titl e wa s used ironically . It was a play on the geogra -
phy o f Manhattan Island, wher e Harle m sit s lik e a segregate d
balcony ove r th e whit e "orchestra " o f downtow n Ne w York .
Within th e novel, th e ter m i s used variously . The prostitute ,
who wit h th e Scarle t Creepe r begin s th e novel, apostrophe s
"Nigger Heaven! " a s sh e see s th e jo y aroun d he r an d contem -
plates th e pleasur e befor e he r i n th e Creeper' s arms . I n th e
too-frequent "race " discussions , character s refe r t o Harle m a s
the "Mecc a o f the Ne w Negro, " an d "Nigge r Heaven " wit h a
tone o f sarcasm , bu t th e iron y i s unclear . Byro n Kasson , a t a
point o f great despair , defeat , an d self - (race- ) hatred , begin s a
long apostrophe : "Nigge r Heaven ! Byro n moaned . Nigge r
Heaven! That' s wha t Harle m is. " Byron plays ou t tha t figure of
speech b y imaginin g th e white s i n th e "orchestra " below . "I t
doesn't see m t o occu r t o the m either , h e wen t o n fiercely, that
we sit abov e them, that w e ca n dro p things down on them an d
crush them , that w e ca n swoo p down fro m thi s Nigge r Heave n
and tak e thei r seats . No, the y hav e no fea r of that ! Harlem !
Heart o f Darkness 11 3

The Mecc a o f th e Ne w Negro ! M y God! " I t i s impossibl e t o


know fro m th e nove l wha t Va n Vechten mean t b y al l o f this .
Given Byron' s characte r an d th e contex t o f his speech, Edwar d
Lueders i s no t justifie d i n readin g her e a n "authenti c
prophecy." 1 6
Criticism o f the boo k b y black s apparentl y stun g Va n Vech-
ten, becaus e muc h o f his intervie w for the Columbia Oral His-
tory wa s take n u p wit h a discussio n o f the novel ; an d mos t of
that wit h th e title . H e mean t th e titl e ironically , h e reiterated ,
and onl y "emancipate d people " lik e Georg e Schuyler , Jame s
Weldon Johnson , Mrs . Alic e Dunbar , an d Langsto n Hughe s
understood that . Othe r Negr o journalists complained abou t th e
title an d charge d tha t th e autho r ha d exploite d hi s friend s i n
Harlem t o ge t materia l fo r thi s highl y commercia l an d sensa -
tional book . Th e proble m wa s irony , "an d irony, " h e a t las t
told hi s interviewer, "is not anythin g that mos t Negroe s under-
stand, especiall y th e one s wh o writ e fo r th e papers. " An d
Langston Hughe s joine d hi m i n tha t judgment. 17 Unfortu -
nately, mos t o f thos e wh o accepte d Va n Vechten' s vie w wer e
too clos e t o hi m t o mak e fre e judgments . Va n Vechte n ha d
both Hughe s an d Johnso n read th e manuscrip t fo r authenticity,
and h e discusse d wit h thes e me n his intentions. Th e same, too ,
can be sai d for Edwar d Lueders , who had the privileg e of in-
terviews wit h th e autho r a s wel l a s correspondence . Surely ,
Van Vechte n coul d b e convincin g abou t hi s intentions . Th e
problem is , however , tha t the y ar e no t clea r i n th e novel ,
where i t counts . I t i s no t iron y tha t th e reader , the n o r now ,
comes awa y with. Sensatio n i s a better word .
The title , th e subject , an d Va n Vechten's handlin g o f the ma-
terial evoke d th e sensational . No r shoul d tha t b e surprising .
Carita Day , Arnol d Schoenberg , Ronal d Firbank , Herma n
Melville, Gertrud e Stein , Campasp e Lorillard , Lasc a Sartoris ,
Harlem itself , hi s Negroes , hi s parties—al l ha d a sensationa l
ingredient, an d tha t i s wha t ha d attracte d Va n Vechte n t o
114 Harlem Renaissance

begin with . No r shoul d on e ignor e th e sensua l elemen t i n th e


sensational. An d whe n th e whit e ma n wit h th e reputatio n fo r
sensuality, an d fo r knowing Harlem an d Negroe s best , wrote a
book fro m th e "inside, " ther e shoul d hav e bee n littl e doub t
what wa s looke d fo r and wha t wa s found . Th e boo k sol d 100, -
000 copies almos t immediately . I t wa s it s pretense to b e some-
thing els e tha t mad e th e boo k see m false . Whe n al l o f the hys -
teria ha d filtere d out , i t wa s thi s centra l proble m tha t cause d
intelligent critic s t o rejec t th e book—me n a s disparat e a s
D. H . Lawrenc e an d W . E . B . DuBois.
D. H . Lawrenc e faile d t o se e reality o r honest y i n the book ,
describing Harlem , h e said , i n "the daytime , a t least , th e plac e
aches wit h dismalnes s an d a loose-en d sor t o f squalor , th e
stone o f th e street s seemin g particularl y dea d an d stony , ob -
scenely stony. " H e sa w her e a "nigger book " whic h feebl y cop -
ied th e luridnes s o f Cocteau o r Morand . The respectabl e char -
acters wer e indistinguishabl e fro m whites , an d th e lov e affai r a
"rather palis h brown. " "An d th e whol e coloure d thin g i s
peculiarly colourless , a second-han d dis h barel y warme d up. "
And Lawrenc e sa w nothin g fres h i n th e luridnes s o f "the usua l
old bone s o f hot stuff , warme d u p wit h al l th e fervou r th e au -
thor ca n command—whic h isn' t much. " A t bottom , however ,
the rea l proble m wa s tha t fo r al l it s pretens e ther e wa s n o
blackness i n th e novel' s blac k people . Lawrenc e doubte d tha t
there wa s muc h i n reality . "Readin g Negr o books , o r book s
about Negroe s writte n fro m th e Negr o standpoint , i t i s abso -
lutely impossibl e t o discove r tha t th e nigge r i s any blacke r in-
side tha n w e are . He' s a n absolut e white man , save for the col -
our o f hi s skin. " H e touche d a crucia l featur e o f white-black
relations.
It i s rathe r disappointin g [th e samenes s o f Negroe s an d
whites]. One likes to cherish illusions about th e race soul, the
eternal Negroi d soul , blac k an d glistenin g an d touche d wt h
awfulness an d wit h mystery . On e i s not allowed . Th e nigge r
.VAACP

"Home t o Harlem." The 369th Infantr y (Ne w York' s 15th )


in victor}' parade up Fift h Avenue , World Wa r I .
Schomburg Collection, New fork Public Library

Elegant Ed
Brown Brothff*

ilariein street scene, c;i, 1920 . A black police-ma n gives directions.


Schamburg Collection, New York Public Library
NAACP

W. E, B, DuBois at work in the Crisis Office.

.V Y . Vailn News i'huto

Marcus Garvey
on parade .
Schomburg Collection, New York Public Library

Langston Hughes,
a voung poet.

Schombarg Collection, New York Public Liliranj

Countee Cullen.
YaU- University Library

Carl Van Vechten, "Self-portrait"


Bruce Kcllnrr

Carl Van Vechten,


"A Prediction,"
caricature by Migue l Covarrubias .
Yale University Library

Claude McKay .
Photograph by Carl Van ¥echten.

Yale University Library

Aaron Douglas.
Photograph b y Carl Van Vechten.
Yaia University Library

Nella Larsen .
Photograph b y Carl Van Vechten.

Yale University Library

Zora Neale Hurston.


Photograph b y Carl Van Vechten.
Heart o f Darkness 11 5

is a white ma n throug h an d through . H e eve n see s himsel f as


white me n se e him , blacke r tha n h e ough t t o be . An d hi s
soul is an Ediso n gramophon e grindin g ove r the ol d records.18

DuBois insiste d tha t h e ha d n o objectio n t o th e us e o f "nig-


ger" pe r se. "As employed b y Conrad , Sheldon , Alle n and eve n
Firbank, it s use was justifiable." But h e wa s offende d tha t Har-
lem should b e s o called . Fo r i n commo n parlanc e "i t mean s
. . . a nasty , sordi d corne r int o whic h blac k fol k ar e herded ,
and ye t a place whic h the y i n crass ignorance ar e fool s enoug h
to enjoy . Harle m i s n o suc h plac e a s that , an d n o on e know s
this bette r tha n Car l Va n Vechten." But , beyon d th e title , Du -
Bois disliked th e book' s pretensio n o f verisimilitude. I t wa s dis-
honest. Th e distinctiv e i n Negr o characte r wa s subtl e an d
could no t b e define d i n "wildly , barbari c drunke n org y i n
whose detail s Va n Vechte n revels. " Nor , in DuBois' s view , did
the nove l stan d u p a s art . Conservativ e an d echoin g th e stan -
dards o f the Gentee l Tradition , DuBois asked:
Does i t please ? Doe s i t entertain ? I s i t a goo d an d huma n
story? I n m y opinio n i t i s not; an d I a m on e who like s stories
and I d o no t insis t that the y b e writte n solel y fo r my point of
view. . . . Rea l huma n feeling s ar e laughe d at . Lov e i s de-
graded. Th e lov e of Byron and Mar y is stark cruelt y an d tha t
of Lasca an d Byro n is simply nasty.

DuBois objecte d t o ever y part : t o th e casua l an d superficia l


discussion o f seriou s issues , t o th e flims y treatmen t o f charac-
ter. " I canno t fo r th e lif e o f me see in this work either sincerity
or art , dee p thought , o r truthfu l industry . I t seem s t o m e tha t
Mr. Va n Vechte n trie d t o d o somethin g bizarr e an d h e cer -
tainly succeeded. " 1 9 Perhaps , i f the boo k ha d bee n promote d
as unquestionably bizarre , o r had i t engaged itsel f more deepl y
in th e psychological , emotional , o r mora l realit y o f Harlem ,
neither DuBoi s nor Lawrenc e would have been s o offended b y
it.
116 Harlem Renaissance
Van Vechte n reporte d t o hi s interviewe r fo r th e Columbia
Oral History tha t : a hostes s onc e pu t DuBoi s an d hi m i n a
room, becaus e " 'I though t yo u two ought t o kno w eac h othe r
better.'" Nothin g muc h cam e o f it . Bu t Va n Vechte n remem -
bered th e occasio n wit h mor e perceptio n tha n h e migh t hav e
realized. I n recallin g DuBois , h e concluded , " I gues s h e
thought mayb e whit e peopl e shouldn' t sa y anythin g a t al l
about Negroes. "
Whatever DuBois' s wish , th e 1920 s witnesse d a wav e o f
white literar y effort s t o tak e u p th e Negr o a s artisti c subject .
By 1926 , th e fiel d wa s wel l worked . Eugen e O'Neil l ha d al -
ready startle d Ne w Yor k wit h Emperor Jones (1920 ) an d Al l
God's Chillun Go t Wings (1924) . E. E . Cumming s ha d alread y
developed th e child-primitiv e black , Jea n L e Negr e i n Th e
Enormous Room (1922) , t o b e followe d a year late r b y Wald o
Frank's i n Holiday. I n 192 5 Sherwoo d Anderso n publishe d
Dark Laughter an d DuBos e Heywar d Porgy. An d jus t tw o
years later , Heywar d complete d Mamba's Daughters. Va n
Vechten's nove l wa s n o isolate d phenomeno n i n whit e Ameri -
can writing . Va n Vechten' s Mencken-lik e edito r apparentl y
was echoin g professiona l opinio n whe n h e tol d Byro n Kasso n
that h e wa s interested i n Harle m an d Negr o subjects. Harlem ,
he advised , "i s overru n wit h fresh , unuse d material . Nobod y
has yet writte n a good gamblin g story; nobod y ha s touched th e
outskirts of cabaret life ; nobod y ha s gon e int o th e curiou s sub-
ject o f the diver s tribe s o f the region . Why, there ar e Wes t In -
dians an d Abyssinia n Jews , religiou s Negroes , paga n Negroes ,
and Negr o intellectuals, al l livin g together . . . . " Whit e Amer -
ica ha d becom e intereste d i n th e Negro . Ther e wa s a market,
success, an d acclai m fo r th e author—whit e o r black—wh o
could trea t th e subjec t properly . I f Carl Va n Vechte n ha d an y
genuine new s t o tel l i n hi s novel , tha t wa s it . Th e autho r lec -
tured th e reade r abou t it , and , i f that wa s no t enough , th e re -
Heart o f Darkness 11 7

markable commercial succes s o f the boo k made th e messag e al l


too clear.
For some , the Negr o ha d alway s represented th e tru e Ameri -
can tragedy . I n a tim e o f mora l disorde r an d despai r th e
pathos o f Negr o life , a s illuminate d b y DuBos e Heyward ,
could b e beautiful . T o on e unsettle d b y th e growin g societa l
destruction o f th e individual , th e primitiv e purit y o f Jea n L e
Negre coul d see m a "Delectabl e Mountain " i n tha t pilgrim' s
progress t o hi s own true self. T o a generation frightene d b y th e
Babbitt whic h th e logi c o f thei r live s an d value s guaranteed ,
Nigger Heaven wa s a have n fro m th e philistine . Tantalize d
and horrifie d by the machine , the Negr o was essential to white
Americans becaus e o f his humanity.
So when Russett Durwood tell s Byro n Kasson to write abou t
what h e knows—Harlem , th e Negro—ther e i s n o sentiment , i t
is purely commercial. Th e strang e thing i s that Byro n does no t
know muc h abou t Negroe s and doe s not wan t to kno w much
about Harlem . Durwoo d eve n admit s that Byron' s bes t writing
is abou t whites : "You must hav e spent a lot o f time wit h whit e
people t o understand the m so well." He does not tell th e young
man t o forget about Negroe s an d writ e abou t whites , whom he
understands. Harle m an d Negroe s are th e onl y subject fo r him.
But white s ar e different . "Well , i f yo u youn g Negr o Intellec -
tuals don' t ge t busy , a ne w cro p o f Nordics i s goin g t o sprin g
up wh o wil l tak e th e troubl e t o becom e bette r informe d an d
will exploi t thi s materia l befor e th e Negr o get s aroun d t o it. "
Indeed, th e edito r suggest s Coctea u an d Huysman s a s models,
and h e point s ou t tha t a whit e autho r who m Byro n had me t in
a cabare t ha d jus t submitte d a story , "a capita l yar n abou t a
Negro pimp . I don' t suppos e h e eve n sa w the fellow . Probabl y
just mad e hi m up , imagine d him , bu t hi s imaginatio n wa s
based o n a backgroun d o f observation . Th e milie u i s correct .
The stor y i s credible. I t jump s ahead ; i t lives . I' m featurin g it
118 Harlem Renaissance

in th e Jun e number." Van Vechten' s messag e i s more insidiou s


than i t firs t appears : th e Negr o wa s t o writ e abou t wha t h e
knew best, himself ; but th e tric k was to do it so that whit e men
would recogniz e i t a s authentic .
By 1926 , then , whit e American s were prepare d t o patroniz e
the Negro , not only his prostitutes an d cabaret s bu t hi s art an d
literature a s well. I t wa s intoxicating . Afte r a histor y o f strug -
gle, o f bein g a n outcast , o f bein g viewe d wit h contemp t o r
pity, th e Negr o wa s no w courte d an d cultivate d b y culture d
whites. Ho w grand i t wa s to be value d no t for what on e might
become—the benevolen t vie w o f uplift—bu t fo r wha t wa s
thought t o b e one's essentia l self , one' s Negro-ness . Whites an d
Negroes share d Jame s Weldo n Johnson' s expectatio n tha t th e
America o f th e machin e an d philistin e coul d b e transcende d
by me n o f talent , sensitivity , an d art . Racia l accommodatio n
would begin , indee d i t ha d alread y begun , amon g artist s an d
creative people. The possibilit y was there, the Negr o need only
exploit it . I t wa s s o easy, al l the Negr o artist ha d t o d o wa s to
be tru e t o himself , an d h e woul d b e honore d an d sustained ,
ironically, b y th e ver y commercia l apparatu s tha t th e avant
garde traditionall y distrusted . Fe w Negroe s permitte d them -
selves th e though t tha t patrons—commercia l o r not—ofte n
exact a price i n integrity .
Two novel s by Negr o writers appeared i n 192 8 havin g thos e
qualities whic h woul d appea l t o th e audienc e tha t Nigger
Heaven discovered . Rudolp h Fisher' s Walls o f Jericho an d
Claude McKay' s Home t o Harlem were somethin g mor e tha n
merely cynica l effort s t o exploi t whit e fancy , ye t the y devel -
oped theme s suggeste d b y Va n Vechten . Bot h author s ha d
published before . Fishe r ha d don e severa l shor t piece s fo r At -
lantic Monthly, an d Claud e McKa y wa s o n th e editoria l staf f
of the ol d Liberator and ha d achieve d notic e a s a poet an d es-
sayist. Tru e to Van Vechten's predictions abou t th e genre , bot h
of these novel s me t wit h commercia l success; Home t o Harlem
Heart o f Darkness 11 9

was th e firs t fictiona l wor k b y a n Afro-America n t o reac h th e


best-seller lists .
Joshua "Shine" Jones, Rudolp h Fisher's proletaria n hero , has
several wall s t o brin g down . There i s th e barrie r o f race , o f
course, whic h remarkabl y i s th e leas t o f hi s concerns . Hi s re -
sentment i s directe d primaril y agains t clas s distinction s an d
the pretension s o f high-toned Negroes . Thus , Fishe r wrot e th e
only nove l in the decad e that expose d clas s antagonis m among
Harlem blacks . "Dickties i s evil—don' neve r trus t n o dickty " is
Shine's pronouncement . Bu t his mai n energies g o toward over-
coming th e resistanc e o f Lind a Young , a swee t an d innocen t
housemaid wh o know s enoug h t o distrus t th e intention s o f
Harlem men . Shine' s proble m wa s t o becom e respectabl e
enough t o deserv e an d convinc e Linda , ye t no t los e his essen-
tial honesty . Linda , wh o worke d firs t fo r a whit e do-gooder ,
Agatha Cramp , an d the n fo r a near-whit e attorney, Fre d Mer-
rit, wants to improv e the qualit y of her life . S o she prods Shine
to mov e beyond hi s almos t irresponsibl e lif e a s a piano mover.
His dee p distrus t o f respectable Negroes , however, makes him
resist unti l h e i s draw n int o a n allianc e wit h Fre d Merri t
against Henr y Patmore , a Harle m underworl d character . Thi s
breaching o f the clas s barrie r permit s Shin e to accep t Merrit' s
financing o f hi s piano-movin g company , solvin g hi s proble m
with Linda .
Fisher's nove l i s a kin d o f happy unio n o f "field hand " with
"house servant. " Shin e i s saved fro m irresponsibilit y an d Lind a
is rescue d fro m th e sterilit y o f middle-clas s artifice . Shine' s
character permit s th e autho r t o examin e th e underworl d o f
cabarets, gambling , an d prostitution—whic h Shin e i s familia r
with bu t no t a part of. Linda, o n the othe r hand , allow s the ex-
pose o f bot h whit e an d blac k society—wher e the y interact —
from th e perspectiv e o f th e pantry . Neithe r character , there -
fore, i s tainte d b y th e sordidnes s o r th e phonines s o f th e
extremes o f Harle m life . Wit h character s wh o ar e essentiall y
120 Harlem Renaissance

innocents—a devic e a s ol d a s Henr y Fielding' s novel s surel y


—the reade r enjoy s th e titillatio n o f corruption withou t th e un -
dermining o f the romanti c resolution . Thus , the ambiguit y tha t
plagued Va n Vechten' s nove l i s avoided; th e lover s i n Walls o f
Jericho neve r fad e fro m focus .
Fisher's nove l als o differ s fro m Nigger Heaven, a s well a s al l
the period' s othe r novel s abou t Harlem , i n tha t i t deal s wit h
race hatred a s something other tha n a topic o f casual conversa -
tion. Fre d Merrit' s feelin g abou t white s i s almost pathological .
He talk s abou t i t a s nake d hatred . Althoug h h e ca n "pass " for
white, Merri t conspicuousl y assert s hi s blacknes s i n th e whit e
neighborhood h e move s into . H e care s les s abou t livin g in th e
house tha n h e doe s abou t indulgin g hi s "chie f jo y i n lif e . . .
making the m uncomfortable. " Perhap s Va n Vechten' s white -
ness shielde d hi m fro m thi s variety of black passion , fo r neithe r
his novel no r an y other commen t by hi m hints at it . But Fishe r
even goe s s o far a s t o explai n Merrit' s anger i n term s o f white
sexual exploitatio n o f blac k women—specificall y hi s mother ,
resulting i n hi s ow n bastardy . Throug h Fisher , th e reade r ca n
see a hint—sligh t thoug h true—o f th e wor m i n th e apple , o f
the snak e i n the whit e man' s blac k paradise .
Rudolph Fishe r ha d genuin e talen t a s a light satirist ; black -
white relations , Negr o society , an d Harle m wer e target s t o his
wit. H e manage d i n Mis s Agath a Cram p a def t caricatur e o f a
do-gooder whit e matron , reminiscen t o f Dickens' Mrs . Jellyby.
Miss Cram p wa s a benefacto r fo r almos t an y cause , bu t neve r
with tru e sympathy . Sh e cam e t o b e intereste d i n Negroe s be -
cause o f what bega n a s a casua l conversatio n betwee n hersel f
and Linda . On e migh t say , that befor e thi s tal k wit h he r maid ,
Miss Cram p wa s unawar e o f Negroes . Bu t onc e sh e becam e
aware, sh e woul d suppor t th e Genera l Improvemen t Associa -
tion (th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r the Advancemen t o f Colore d
People?) wit h th e sam e eager enthusias m a s she had supporte d
Russians an d Poles . An d wit h th e sam e disinterest ; fo r she ,
Heart o f Darkness 12 1

mistaking Fred Merri t a s white, confesse s her belie f i n the Ne-


gro's inferiority , al l t o Merrit' s amusement. Black pretense i s as
much ridicule d a s white . Lind a innocentl y describe s th e Gen -
eral Improvemen t Associatio n t o Mis s Cramp: "Well , the y col -
lect a dolla r a yea r fro m everybod y tha t joins , an d wheneve r
there's a lynchin g dow n Sout h the y tak e th e dolla r an d sen d
somebody t o g o look a t it. "
So whil e Fisher' s nove l pretend s t o introduc e th e reade r t o
Harlem a s it was , i t shie s awa y from th e sensationalis m o f Nig-
ger Heaven. I n som e way s Fishe r achieve d greate r distanc e
from hi s subjec t tha n di d Va n Vechten , who coul d no t (dare d
not?) us e satir e a s a devic e fo r critica l judgmen t o f Harlem
blacks. A n outsider , Va n Vechte n seem s t o hav e bee n "take n
in" b y black s o n al l level s o f society; Fishe r wa s to o muc h an
insider fo r that . No r di d Fisher' s nove l exploi t exoti c taste
through decadence . Ther e i s no inversio n o f values. Whateve r
went o n in Harle m joints, evi l and good , i s clearly defined , an d
there i s no doub t tha t th e autho r stand s fo r good . The reade r
cannot doub t tha t Lind a i s righ t t o remai n aloo f fro m Shine' s
wooing unti l sh e i s certain o f his intentions . An d suc h conven-
tional behavior doe s not giv e rise to doubts abou t he r sexuality
and passionatenes s a s with Mar y Love . Linda i s sure of herself,
she merely wants t o b e sur e o f Shine before sh e jumps int o his
bed. Ther e i s nothing ver y primitive abou t that . The love story
—apart fro m th e Harle m settin g an d th e rac e issue—wa s lik e
many other s o f th e time . So , whil e Th e Walls o f Jericho ex -
ploited th e commercia l interes t i n Harle m exotica , i t reserve d
a kin d o f gentility an d propriet y tha t wa s absen t fro m Nigger
Heaven.
The mor e popula r Home t o Harlem mad e n o such reserva -
tion. Claud e McKa y wa s no t ver y muc h trouble d b y
conventional mora l issues , an d unlik e Dr . Fishe r h e di d no t let
class an d professiona l distinction s intrud e int o hi s story . Jake,
Home t o Harlem's hero , ha s value s tha t ar e base d o n a free ,
122 Harlem Renaissance

open confrontatio n wit h life . H e i s driven b y lov e an d enjoy -


ment. Livin g i s drink , food , dance , an d sex . Evi l fo r Jak e i s
what threaten s hi s pleasures o r hi s loyalt y t o friends . Men like
him, becaus e h e i s a man' s man , an d h e i s irresistibl e t o
women becaus e o f his uncluttere d sexua l instincts .
Jake desert s fro m th e arm y when h e discover s i t ha s n o in -
tention o f letting hi m figh t Germans . I n time , hungr y for Har-
lem an d blac k women , Jak e work s hi s wa y bac k hom e o n a
freighter. Withou t hesitation , h e give s hi s las t fift y dollar s t o
the firs t Negr o woman who catche s hi s ey e i n a Harle m caba-
ret. Th e morning after, walkin g down the street , " 'I ain' t go t a
cent t o m y name,' muse d Jake , 'but ah m a s happy a s a prince ,
all th e same . Yes I is.' " But a s he put s hi s han d i n hi s pocket ,
he discover s tha t Felic e ha s returne d hi s mone y wit h a note :
" 'Just a littl e gif t fro m a bab y gir l t o a hone y boy!' " Bein g
loved b y wome n i s Jake's fate . Yet , he canno t fin d Felic e when
he look s fo r her , an d th e nove l become s a serie s o f episode s
(almost picaresque) , hel d togethe r b y hi s vagu e longin g an d
search fo r her . Lik e Nigger Heaven, McKay' s Harle m nove l
uses th e devic e o f a frame—th e Scarle t Creepe r an d Felic e
open an d clos e th e novel s wit h n o othe r appearance—s o tha t
the res t o f the nove l ca n b e almos t rando m episodes , descrip -
tions o f Harlem life, an d discussion s fro m Harlemites ' point s of
view. Thus , i n Home t o Harlem, th e reade r i s carrie d int o
house parties , cabarets , an d dives . Jak e take s a jo b wit h th e
railroad, s o one see s th e dining-ca r life , th e dormitorie s o f th e
black railroa d crews , a s wel l a s th e brothel s tha t serv e thes e
men. Authenti c view s o f Negr o lif e abound , eve n t o th e de -
scription o f a figh t i n a Harle m backyar d betwee n tw o nud e
West India n wome n over a man ; the Jamaica n won becaus e of
her adeptnes s i n buttin g with he r forehead.
Ray, a Wes t India n intellectua l an d would-b e writer , be -
comes a clos e frien d o f Jake's an d serve s a s a foi l t o hi s primi-
tive simplicity . Ra y i s fascinate d b y Jake' s powe r an d inno -
Heart o f Darkness 12 3

cence. H e i s envious , fo r hi s ow n educatio n cripple s him .


" 'The fac t i s Jake . . . I don't kno w what I'l l d o with m y little
education. I wonde r sometime s i f I coul d ge t ri d o f i t an d g o
and los e mysel f i n som e savag e cultur e i n the jungles o f Africa .
I a m a misfit . . . .' " I t i s Jak e wh o sustain s Ra y an d defend s
him agains t antagonist s amon g th e dining-ca r crew . I n fact ,
Jake patronize s him . H e continue s workin g a s a dining-ca r
cook lon g afte r wantin g t o qui t becaus e Ra y need s hi m
around. "Th e othe r cook s an d waiter s calle d Ra y 'Professor. '
Jake had neve r calle d hi m that. Nor did h e call hi m 'buddy,' as
he di d Zedd y an d hi s longshoreme n friends . H e calle d hi m
'chappie' i n a genial , semi-paterna l way. " Jak e i s luck y wit h
women because he i s irresistible. Whereve r h e goe s prostitutes ,
dancing girls , fun-girl s wan t t o giv e him thei r bodies : commer-
cial wome n d o no t accep t mone y fro m him . Ray , on th e othe r
hand, ha s bee n mad e impoten t b y thought . H e i s unabl e t o
enjoy himsel f in th e brothels wit h Jak e because h e want s to re-
main tru e t o a nice gir l i n Harlem . Bu t he canno t find satisfac-
tion wit h Agath a either , fo r tha t woul d mea n marriage : "h e
would becom e on e o f the contente d hog s i n the pigpe n o f Har-
lem, gettin g read y t o litte r littl e blac k piggies. " Neither abl e t o
fornicate freel y an d pla y wit h th e whore s no r domesticat e him -
self, Ray , confuse d an d stil l searching , finall y ship s ou t a s a
messman.
Jake i s highly respectfu l o f Ray' s education an d eve n claim s
that h e would lik e a little: " 'Ef I was edjucated, I could under-
stand thing s bette r an d b e proper-speakin g lik e yo u is . .. .
And I might a helpe d ma h li' l siste r t o ge t edjucate d . . . an d
she woul d b e nice-speakin g lik e you * swee t brown , goo d
enough fo h yo u t o hitc h u p with . The n w e coul d al l settl e
down an d mak e mone y lik e edjucate d peopl e do , instea d o f a
you gwin e of f t o thro w you'sel f awa y o n som e lous y dingh y
and m e chasin g aroun d al l th e tim e li k a hungr y dawg.' " Ray
also recognize s tha t hi s educatio n make s hi m mor e aliv e tha n
124 Harlem Renaissance
Jake i n certai n ways—h e ca n b e sensitiv e t o a wide r rang e o f
things. Hi s educatio n ha s allowe d hi m t o experienc e vicari -
ously an d ha s opene d hi m t o varie d an d comple x sensations .
"Life burne d i n Ra y perhap s mor e intensel y tha n i n Jake . Ray
felt mor e an d hi s rang e wa s wide r an d h e coul d no t b e satis -
fied wit h th e easy , simpl e thing s tha t suffice d fo r Jake . Some -
times h e fel t lik e a tre e wit h root s i n th e soi l an d sa p flowing
out an d whisperin g leave s drinkin g i n th e air . Bu t he dran k i n
more o f lif e tha n h e coul d distil l int o activ e anima l living .
Maybe tha t wa s wh y h e fel t h e ha d t o write. " Min d an d train -
ing mak e Jake' s primitivis m impossibl e fo r Ray.
McKay's nove l i s fa r mor e evocativ e tha n Va n Vechten's .
The fac t tha t Home t o Harlem was written fro m th e "inside " i s
apparent fro m it s confusion. Va n Vechten's nove l describe d lif e
that th e autho r ha d observe d a s a chose n par t o f hi s experi -
ence. McKay , o n th e othe r hand , wrot e abou t hi s ow n contex t
and hi s ow n frustration ; h e coul d no t detac h himsel f throug h
an ac t o f min d o r will . H e trie d t o b e ligh t an d amora l wit h
Jake, ye t h e wa s burdene d b y th e heav y seriousnes s o f Ray,
whose min d woul d no t le t hi m escap e th e larg e issue s o f rac e
and civilization . H e wanted t o emphasize tha t the simpl e prim-
itive value s wer e life-sustainin g and humane , ye t h e wa s com-
pelled t o describe the violent , self-destructive, and life-destroy-
ing act s that gambling , prostitution , an d narcotic s occasion . H e
could choos e t o b e ecstati c abou t th e sensualnes s o f
Harlem—" 'Harlem! . . . Wher e els e coul d I hav e al l thi s lif e
but Harlem ? Good ol d Harlem ! Chocolate Harlem ! Swee t Har -
lem! Harlem , I'v e go t you ' numbe r down. ' "—but "Ho w terri -
bly Ray could hat e it sometimes . Its brutality , gan g rowdyism,
promiscuous thickness . It s ho t desires. " Thes e ambiguitie s ar e
not merel y described , the y ar e dee p withi n McKay—hi s ow n
ambivalence.
Jake i s not th e "nobl e savage" traditional i n America n litera-
ture. Mos t notably , h e i s completel y an d enthusiasticall y
Heart o f Darkness 12 5

urban; ther e i s no t th e slightes t whims y abou t hi s livin g b y


rural o r countr y values . Whil e hi s moralit y i s simpl e an d di -
rect, hi s value s ar e strictl y persona l an d hav e n o universa l
application. Jak e doe s no t despis e an d canno t hate ; h e i s
ashamed an d sic k o n th e tw o occasion s whe n h e i s move d t o
violence. Lik e Natt y Bump o i n James Fenimor e Cooper' s nov-
els, Jake's lif e i s a criticism o f conventional morality and order .
But unlik e Cooper's "nobl e savage, " Jak e i s unconscious o f th e
disparity; h e i s indifferen t t o th e large r society . No r i s he big-
ger tha n life, a s is characteristic o f the fol k hero : McKa y would
have like d t o hav e draw n Jak e equa l t o life . Jak e i s a child -
man, havin g th e simplicit y an d innocenc e o f Mar k Twain' s
Nigger Jim , an d th e childlik e opennes s an d spontaneit y o f
E. E . Cummings ' Jea n Le Negre .
Jake's persona l cod e permits him a rather wid e moral swath.
Cocaine, alcohol , an d se x ar e al l par t o f living . H e doe s no t
care abou t th e othe r me n who have been i n his women's lives .
He refuse s th e man y offer s t o be a "sweet man " or a pimp, bu t
he sympathize s with a pimp an d defend s him a s one who "als o
loved." Hi s venerea l diseas e discomfit s him , but onl y becaus e
of th e pai n an d th e proscriptio n o f food, drink , an d se x that i t
demands. H e jus t doe s no t wan t t o hur t anybody , tha t i s his
singular mora l judgment.
In man y ways Home t o Harlem amplifies theme s tha t ar e i n
Nigger Heaven, treatin g the m mor e authenticall y an d force -
fully. Th e lurid an d sensationa l characte r o f the boo k doubtles s
contributed t o it s commercia l success . Th e reade r coul d fin d
here th e apotheosi s o f th e savage . Yet , beneat h th e surfac e
lurked notion s tha t wer e mor e ominou s an d critical . Ray , as
McKay's voice , attack s wit h genuin e bitternes s th e Unite d
States, whit e men' s civilization , an d Europea n dominatio n o f
dark people . Th e focu s o f th e nove l i s elsewhere—o n Jake' s
search fo r Felice—bu t ther e i s a foreshadowin g of a radical ,
racial primitivis m (tha t reject s whit e men ) which woul d domi-
126 Harlem Renaissance

nate McKay' s next novel , Banjo (1929) . Bu t tha t nove l wil l b e


discussed i n a later chapter . Notably , too, Home t o Harlem to-
tally lack s any accepte d basi s of order. Va n Vechten, whateve r
his fascinatio n with th e exotic , had n o doub t tha t commercia l
success wa s worthwhile—t o "mak e it " wa s th e idea . Byro n
Kasson an d nearl y al l the othe r character s ar e prepare d t o ac-
cept th e notio n that a published stor y i n a major magazin e is a
signal o f one' s worth. Overtl y a s wel l a s covertly , McKay ,
through Ray , attack s progress , achievement , an d succes s a s
measured b y th e alie n whit e world—th e human-consumin g
machine o f the European-America n culture . Va n Vechten , like
Cooper, i s moved to find a respectable, proper , an d mora l lady
to b e th e officia l heroin e o f hi s novel—i t i s a faul t i n Nigger
Heaven. Agatha , Ray's nice gir l friend , however , promises hi m
only th e lif e o f the "hog. " Sh e is not intende d to b e a paragon .
Actually, non e o f McKay' s women ar e full y drawn . The y ar e
mere instrument s fo r male behavior . Thus, h e skirt s th e prob -
lem o f a n amora l heroine . Withou t a stabl e sens e o f mora l
order, Home t o Harlem ha s non e o f the appea l t o decadenc e
that i s apparen t i n Nigger Heaven. 20 Va n Vechte n ha d t o as -
sume a morality in order t o inver t it. McKay's novel accepts n o
moral order; thu s i t does no t experiment with it . Ironically, de -
spite it s disparagemen t o f whit e value s an d commerce , th e
novel becam e a bes t selle r precisel y becaus e i t pandere d t o
commerical taste s b y conformin g t o th e sensationalis m de -
manded b y th e whit e vogu e in black primitivism.
McKay's lif e wa s marke d b y a dee p skepticism , an d h e a t
one tim e or anothe r assume d many of the attitude s o f the lat e
Victorians: sometime s a n aesthete , a s i n hi s insistenc e o n per -
sonal value s and a n intens e life ; sometime s a decadent, a s was
his clos e frien d Fran k Harris ; sometime s a stoi c activist , a s in
many o f his sonnets . But , altogether, i t mad e a differenc e tha t
he wa s blac k an d hardl y a rea l par t o f that traditio n tha t th e
Heart o f Darkness 12 7

late Victorian s foun d i n disarray . McKa y seeme d t o believ e


that the man nearest t o nature and his instincts di d not have to
worry abou t purpos e o r games . Bu t th e parado x was , a s Ra y
made clear , when on e kne w enough t o understan d that , i t was
already to o late.
The vogu e i n blac k primitivis m ha d encourage d th e com -
mercial pres s t o patroniz e blac k writers , an d Rudolp h Fisher' s
and Claud e McKay' s novel s wer e product s o f tha t arrange -
ment. Necessarily , th e significan t baromete r wa s th e whit e
reading-public's taste . Where , a s we will see , McKay' s interes t
in primitivis m an d it s relationshi p t o Afro-America n cultur e
went beyon d th e strang e an d sensational , th e marke t becam e
much les s sure . I f he ha d a genuin e interest , a preoccupatio n
with th e marke t woul d preven t hi s explorin g i t to o far . H e
could no t dea l wit h th e subjec t mor e seriously o r much longe r
than th e amuse d toleranc e o f his white audienc e woul d permit .
That, o f course , i s th e predicamen t o f al l patronize d
intellectuals—white an d black . Whe n on e cease s t o amuse , one
is ou t o f luck. Sadly , al l o f Harlem—especially th e entertainer ,
the artist , an d th e writer—wa s i n some way, at one time or an-
other, oblige d t o th e whit e patron . Th e racia l characte r o f the
relationship mad e i t mor e damagin g to th e ar t an d mor e gall-
ing to the artists .
Throughout hi s life , McKa y was strangely tie d t o some white
patron. A whit e Jamaica n discovere d hi s talen t an d encour -
aged hi m i n hi s firs t dialec t verse . I n hi s earl y year s i n th e
United State s h e wa s supporte d b y Fran k Harri s o f Pearsons
Magazine. The n he joined the Liberator under Max Eastman,
who helpe d hi m publis h hi s mos t widel y know n poems , Har-
lem Shadows (1922). At th e en d o f his life , McKa y foun d him -
self i n th e Catholi c Church . Non e o f thes e association s wa s
casual. A poem whic h h e dedicate d t o Ma x Eastma n wa s " A
Prayer" which aske d fo r guidance :
128 Harlem Renaissance

The wild and fiery passion of my youth consumes my soul;


In agony I turn to thee for truth and self-control.

And Eastman , fo r hi s part , althoug h h e woul d no t se e i t so ,


disclosed th e patronizin g characte r o f thei r relationship : "Hi s
[McKay's] laughte r a t th e frailtie s o f his friend s an d enemies ,
no matte r which—tha t high , half-wailin g falsett o laug h o f th e
recklessly delighte d Darky—wa s th e cente r o f m y jo y i n hi m
throughout ou r friendshi p o f mor e tha n thirt y years." 21 An d
years later , i n interview , Eastma n recalle d tha t h e "love d
Claude," bu t h e ha d neve r invite d th e poe t t o hi s summe r
home o n Martha' s Vineyard . Hi s memor y failed t o captur e a
reason o r motive , bu t th e ver y blacknes s o f McKa y an d th e
fact tha t "w e alway s swam in th e nud e here " cam e togethe r i n
the ol d man' s mind. 22 Then , i n the las t day s o f his life , McKa y
surrendered totall y t o th e authorit y o f th e Catholi c Churc h
from whic h citade l h e rejecte d everyone—Negroes , commu -
nists, liberals , an d radicals . A t no poin t wa s h e fre e fro m som e
dependency.
It wa s a difficul t thin g fo r th e Negr o artis t t o maintai n his
racial an d artisti c integrit y unde r the aegi s of the whit e patron.
Yet, th e Negr o artis t wa s necessaril y dependent . H e ha d n o
force o r leverag e withi n th e publishin g o r critica l establish -
ments. Opinio n wa s agains t blac k artists . I n th e 1920s , excep t
for som e earlie r individua l writers , Negroe s wer e new—self -
consciously new—t o th e commercialize d arts . The y neede d
supporters an d advocates , defens e an d encouragemen t fro m
those wh o wer e suppose d t o know . Th e fac t tha t white s be -
came intereste d i n th e Negr o woul d see m fortunat e from thi s
point o f view. Yet, the questio n ha d t o be aske d i n time: whose
sensibilities, tastes , an d interest s wer e bein g serve d b y suc h
art, th e patro n o r the patronized ? O f course, this is no problem
peculiar t o blacks . An y artis t mus t as k how muc h th e market ,
the critics , th e profit-oriente d apparatu s distort s hi s statement .
Heart o f Darkness 12 9

But i t i s differen t whe n i t i s racial. Ther e is , a t first , th e suspi -


cion tha t th e patro n value s Negro-ness , not talent. No r was the
Negro artist assume d t o be the final judge o f truth an d th e rel-
evant statement . Th e patron—a s bes t illustrate d b y Va n
Vechten—was a teacher , guide , an d judge ; hi s searc h fo r au -
thentic Negr o voice s wa s dictate d b y hi s ow n needs . Withou t
the hel p an d friendshi p o f whit e me n an d publishers , ther e
probably woul d hav e bee n littl e productio n o f commercia l
black ar t i n the 1920s . Bu t white guidance an d encouragemen t
probably prevente d thos e fe w me n an d wome n o f rea l talen t
from wrestlin g with thei r sense s an d ploddin g throug h t o thos e
statements whic h the thrus t of their lives and experienc e woul d
force the m t o make. Whateve r othe r burden s Negr o artist s car -
ried, thi s arrangemen t stigmatize d Negr o poetr y an d pros e o f
the 1920 s a s bein g a n artisti c effor t tha t wa s tryin g t o b e lik e
something other tha n itself .
For a time , Zor a Neal e Hurston , Louis e Thompson , an d
Langston Hughe s wer e supporte d b y th e sam e elderl y Par k
Avenue matron an d share d a cottage i n Westfield , Ne w Jersey.
She wa s a ver y generou s ol d woman , wh o kep t hersel f spiri -
tually aliv e b y supportin g th e art s an d artists—entertainin g
them i n he r apartmen t hig h abov e th e street s o f Ne w York .
Hughes wa s stil l a t Lincol n Universit y when h e wa s firs t he r
guest. A s he lef t tha t firs t evening , she presse d somethin g int o
his hand : " 'A gif t fo r a young poet,' she said. I t wa s a fifty-dol-
lar bill. " Whe n sh e discovere d tha t Langsto n Hughe s wante d
to writ e a novel , sh e supporte d hi m b y coverin g al l o f his ex-
penses s o that h e woul d no t hav e to wor k durin g th e summer.
That summe r h e finishe d a draf t o f No t Without Laughter.
After his senior year, havin g revised his novel wit h his patron' s
help an d advice , Hughe s wa s give n a monthl y allowanc e tha t
permitted hi m a rar e yea r o f economi c freedom . Th e sam e
woman gav e Zora Neal e Hursto n tw o hundred dollar s a month
for tw o years , an d fo r a shor t tim e similarl y supporte d Louis e
130 Harlem Renaissance

Thompson. Al l thre e recalle d he r th e sam e way—beautiful ,


generous, wit h strong primitiv e tastes—bu t thei r persona l reac -
tions t o he r wer e sharpl y different .
Louise Thompso n wa s ver y restive an d di d no t continu e th e
relationship long . Sh e di d no t lik e th e dependency , bu t mor e
particularly, sh e fel t tha t th e goo d woma n wa s indulgin g he r
fantasies o f Negroes. He r blac k guests were primitives , savages ,
or the y wer e no t bein g themselves . Th e slightes t thin g coul d
be distorte d fo r th e patroness ' self-gratification . "I migh t com -
ment o n th e beaut y o f a flower arrangement i n he r apartment ,
and sh e woul d b e greatl y pleased . ' I kne w yo u woul d lik e
them, yo u would lik e red.'" Whoeve r Louis e Thompso n was —
she, herself , wa s no t sure—sh e wa s no t th e paga n savag e tha t
it please d th e goo d woma n to imagine . She had t o ge t out, no t
for artisti c integrity—sh e neve r wa s muc h o f a n artist—bu t fo r
her womanness . Sh e wa s especiall y sensitiv e t o th e cripplin g
dependency o f paternalism; he r kee n nos e mad e eve n les s ob -
vious an d direc t suppor t noisome . She foun d i t difficult , fo r in -
stance, t o wor k o n th e staf f o f Opportunity becaus e sh e de -
tected th e whit e han d o f philanthrop y workin g throug h th e
Urban Leagu e i n tha t magazine.
Zora Neal e Hursto n seeme d t o thriv e o n thi s kin d o f de -
pendency. He r character—o r perhap s he r style—mad e he r
into th e exuberan t paga n tha t please d he r whit e friends . He r
Negro contemporarie s sa w her a s "playing a game," using white
folks t o ge t wha t sh e wanted . Langsto n Hughe s sai d a s much
in Th e Bi g Sea. Louise Thompso n remembere d he r talkin g on
the phone : "Here' s you r littl e darky " an d tellin g "darky " sto -
ries, onl y to wink when she was through so as to show that sh e
had tricke d the m again .
That, too , wa s Wallac e Thurman' s impression . I n Infants o f
the Spring, Zora Hurston i s presented a s Sweeti e Ma y Carr , a
short-story write r note d mor e "for her ribal d wi t an d persona l
effervescence tha n fo r an y actua l literar y work . Sh e wa s a
Heart o f Darkness 13 1

great favorit e among those whites who went i n for Negro prod-
igies." Sh e lived u p t o thei r expectations . "I t seldo m occurre d
to an y o f her patron s tha t sh e di d thi s wit h tongu e i n cheek. "
As Thurma n portrayed her , Zor a (Sweeti e May) , given a white
audience, "woul d launc h fort h int o a sag a o f the littl e all-col -
ored Mississipp i [Florida ] tow n wher e sh e claime d t o hav e
been born . He r repertoir e o f tale s wa s earthy , vulgar , an d
funny. He r darkie s alway s smile d throug h thei r tears , san g
spirituals o n th e slightes t provocation , an d performe d buc k
dances whe n the y shoul d hav e bee n working. " She was a mas-
ter o f dialect (Zor a Hursto n collecte d Souther n Negr o folk ma -
terials fo r he r graduat e wor k a t Columbi a University) , and a
great storyteller . He r grea t weaknes s wa s carelessnes s o r indif -
ference t o he r art . "Bu t Sweeti e Ma y kne w he r whit e folks. "
" 'It's like this. . .. I have to eat. I also wish to finish my ed-
ucation. Bein g a Negr o write r thes e day s i s a racke t an d I' m
going t o mak e th e mos t o f it whil e i t lasts . Sur e I cu t th e fool .
But I enjo y it , too . M y ultimate ambitio n . . . i s to becom e a
gynecologist [Anthropologist] . An d th e onl y wa y I ca n liv e
easily unti l I hav e th e requisit e trainin g i s to pos e a s a writer
of potential ability . Voila! I ge t my tuition pai d a t Columbia . I
rent a n apartmen t an d hav e al l th e furnitur e contribute d b y
kind hearte d o'fays . I receive d bundle s o f grocerie s fro m var -
ious source s severa l time s a wee k . . . al l accomplishe d b y
dropping a discree t hin t durin g a n evening' s festivities . I find
queer place s fo r white s t o g o i n Harle m . . . ou t o f the wa y
primitive churches , sidestree t speakeasies . The y fal l fo r it .
About twic e a yea r I manag e t o sel l a story. I t i s acclaimed. I
am a geniu s i n th e making . Thank Go d fo r thi s Negr o literar y
renaissance. Lon g ma y it flourish!'" 23
Langston Hughe s like d Zor a Hurston , an d hi s repor t o f her
in Th e Bi g Se a reflects his affection'an d amusement . O f cours e
Hughes wa s neve r unkin d o r critica l abou t anyone , excep t hi s
father, perhaps . Bu t h e to o remembere d he r succes s i n gettin g
132 Harlem Renaissance
things fro m whit e people , "som e of whom simpl y pai d he r just
to si t aroun d an d represen t th e Negr o race for them, sh e did i t
in suc h a rac y fashion. " "T o many o f he r whit e friends , n o
doubt, sh e was a perfect 'darkie, ' i n the nic e meaning they giv e
the term—tha t i s a na'ive , childlike , sweet , humorous , an d
highly colore d Negro. " Whe n sh e graduated fro m Barnard , she
took a n apartmen t o n Wes t 66t h Street , nea r th e park . "Sh e
moved i n wit h n o furnitur e a t al l an d n o money, but i n a few
days friend s ha d give n he r everything , fro m decorativ e silve r
birds, perched ato p the line n cabinet , dow n to a footstool. And
on Saturda y night , t o christe n th e place , sh e ha d a hand-
chicken dinner , sinc e sh e ha d forgotte n t o sa y sh e neede d
forks." 24 Makin g it was simpl y cleverness an d personality .
Zora Neal e Hurston' s recollection s i n he r autobiography ,
however, mak e it har d t o imagin e her relation s wit h he r whit e
patrons a s a n act , a "put-on. " Th e patronnes s sh e share d wit h
Langston Hughe s an d Louis e Thompson , sh e calle d "God -
mother." They share d a mystical primitive bond: "She wa s just
as paga n a s I. " Unde r th e guis e o f a n extrasensory , spiritua l
union, Mis s Hursto n woul d tak e chiding an d criticism : "You
have broke n the law . . . . Yo u are dissipatin g you r power s i n
things tha t hav e n o rea l meaning . . . . Kee p silent . Doe s a
child i n th e wom b speak? " Zor a Hurston , Langsto n Hughes ,
and other s woul d rea d thei r wor k to thei r patron . She knew
what wa s goo d an d right ; sh e ha d a primitiv e instinc t yo u
might say . "Godmothe r coul d b e a s tende r a s mother-lov e
when sh e fel t tha t yo u ha d bee n righ t spiritually. " Bu t wha t
her instinct s told he r wer e false , wer e false : " 'That i s nothing!
It ha s n o sou l i n it . Yo u have broken th e law!' " "Godmother "
was a ruthless critic of what she thought t o be pretens e an d ar -
tificial. Zor a Hursto n di d no t questio n thos e instincts , no r di d
she reall y wonder abou t ar t an d artifice .
"Godmother" wante d wha t wa s authentic , rea l folk , i n he r
Park Avenu e apartment. Th e contras t migh t hav e give n Mis s
Heart o f Darkness 13 3

Hurston caus e t o wonder . "Ther e sh e wa s sittin g u p ther e a t


the tabl e ove r capon , cavia r an d gleamin g silver, eage r t o hea r
every wor d o n ever y phas e o f lif e o n a saw-mil l 'job.' I mus t
tell th e tales, sin g the songs , do the dances, an d repeat th e rau-
cous saying s an d doing s o f the Negr o farthest down . Sh e is al-
together i n sympath y wit h them , becaus e sh e say s truthfull y
they ar e utterly sincer e i n living." 23 But she never did wonder,
it appears , abou t wha t he r "Godmother " wa s askin g of her, o r
even what her earlie r patron , Fannie Hurst , charged fo r her in-
dulgences.
It i s impossible t o tel l fro m readin g Mis s Hurston' s autobiog-
raphy wh o was being fooled . Her Negr o associates wer e le d t o
believe tha t sh e wa s puttin g o n a n act . I f tha t i s so , b y th e
time sh e wrot e th e stor y o f he r life , sh e ha d becom e th e act .
She had learned , whe n i n graduat e school , fro m "Pap a Franz "
Boas no t t o us e a n educate d dictio n i n searching out fol k mate-
rials. Sh e had t o becom e on e o f the fol k t o b e a successfu l re -
searcher, an d th e characterizatio n serve d he r wel l i n th e Par k
Avenue parlors . I n th e end , th e folksiness , th e idio m wa s s o
much he r styl e tha t sh e ha d becom e th e characte r Wallac e
Thurman though t sh e was acting .
There wa s somethin g i n th e arrangemen t Langsto n Hughes
could no t stand . H e returne d hi s patron's generosit y wit h hi s
own i n Th e Bi g Sea. Hi s descriptio n o f th e episod e i s fille d
with compassio n an d th e pai n o f unrequited love . "Her power s
filled the rooms. " Sh e had bee n a friend o f presidents, bankers ,
distinguished scientists , an d famou s artists . Famou s peopl e
from al l ove r th e worl d cam e to se e her. Hughe s was honored:
"I d o no t kno w why o r ho w sh e stil l found tim e fo r me."
She had bee n "devote d i n a mild way t o th e advancemen t of
the Negr o an d ha d give n mone y t o Negr o school s i n th e
South." In thi s era of the "Ne w Negro," she had foun d a cause
that fitte d he r artisti c impulses . "Sh e wa s intensel y excite d
about eac h new book , eac h ne w play , an d eac h ne w artis t that
134 Harlem Renaissance

came ou t o f the Negr o world." Bu t Hughe s sa w tha t Negroe s


occupied onl y a smal l corne r o f that goo d woman' s interests .
She had he r hand i n many things, bu t di d no t allo w her nam e
to b e associate d wit h he r beneficences . I t wa s in honor of that
wish, a s well as because of the hurt he bore, tha t Hughe s never
mentioned he r name.
Langston Hughe s wa s greatl y pleased , an d touche d b y thi s
woman's interest. " I was fascinated by her, and I loved her . No
one els e ha d eve r bee n s o thoughtful o f me, or so interested i n
the thing s I wante d t o do , o r s o kin d an d generou s towar d
me." Beyon d that , he r suppor t gav e hi m rea l securit y fo r th e
first time, "an assure d incom e from someon e who loved an d be -
lieved i n me. " H e ha d a suburba n apartment , th e leisur e t o
work. H e ha d "boxe s o f fin e bon d pape r fo r writing , a filin g
case, a typis t t o cop y m y work , an d wonderfu l ne w suit s o f
dinner clothe s fro m Fift h Avenu e shops, an d a chance t o g o to
all the theater s an d opera s an d lectures. " Pric e di d no t matter,
nothing mattered ; "al l I neede d t o say was when an d wher e I
wished t o g o and m y patron's secretar y woul d have tickets for
me." But i t coul d no t work.
It wa s not al l pleasant. Hughe s fel t pushe d t o produce, eve n
when h e did no t feel lik e writing. "I didn't realiz e tha t sh e was
old an d wante d quickl y t o se e my books come int o bein g be -
fore sh e had t o go away." The contrast o f elegance an d povert y
that th e associatio n heightene d trouble d hi m also. Sh e insisted
that h e b e drive n everywhere , eve n t o hi s Harle m roomin g
house, i n her limousin e chauffere d b y a "rather gri m an d mid-
dle-aged whit e man. " " I kne w h e hated t o driv e me , an d I
knew h e ha d t o d o i t i f he wante d t o kee p hi s job. An d I dis-
like bein g th e caus e o f anyone' s havin g t o d o anythin g h e
doesn't wan t t o d o just t o kee p a job—since I kno w how un -
pleasant tha t is. "
The depression , th e huma n misery i n Harlem and Ne w York,
brought th e socia l disparit y sharpl y hom e t o Hughes . I t wa s
Heart of Darkness 13 5

difficult t o writ e abou t th e myster y and mysticis m an d sponta -


neous harmon y of Negroes' soul s when what the y reall y share d
was cold , an d hunger , an d despair . Hughe s wrot e a poem , re -
sponding t o tha t rea l awareness . "Advertisemen t Fo r th e Wal -
dorf-Astoria" invite d al l the whit e an d blac k poo r t o com e and
take over the newl y opened "palace. " I t wa s really a parody on
an advertisemen t i n Vanity Fair.

Take a room at the ne w Waldorf, you down-and-outers—


sleepers in charity flophouses.
They serve swell board at the Waldorf-Astoria . Loo k at this
menu, will you:
GUMBO CREOL E
CRABMEAT IN CASSOLETTE
BROILED BRISKE T OF BEEF
SMALL ONIONS I N CREA M
WATERCRESS SALA D
PEACH MELB A

The poe m ha d a ver y clea r an d radica l message : "Din e wit h


some o f th e me n an d wome n wh o go t ric h of f o f you r labor ,
who cli p coupons wit h clea n whit e fingers because you r hand s
dug coal , drille d stone , sewe d garments , poure d stee l t o le t
other peopl e dra w dividend s an d liv e easy. "
When Hughe s showe d hi s patro n thi s poem , h e kne w sh e
did no t like it. " 'It's not you. . . . It's a powerful poem! But it's
not you.'" Who was he? Wasn't tha t th e problem ? Wh o was to
decide? Wh o wa s to know?
She had wante d hi m to be a primitive , bu t h e kne w that h e
was no t primitive . Wha t sh e fel t i n him to b e true , h e kne w to
be false . " I kne w tha t m y frien d an d benefacto r wa s no t
happy," Hughe s wrote , "fo r months now, I had writte n nothing
beautiful." H e fel t tha t sh e wa s anxiou s t o fulfil l herself , he r
life, i n th e works o f her blac k proteges . H e wa s no t helping .
136 Harlem Renaissance

"So I aske d kindl y to b e release d fro m an y furthe r obligation s


to her, an d that sh e give me no more money, but simpl y let me
retain he r friendshi p an d goo d wil l tha t ha d bee n s o dea r t o
me."
But th e relationshi p tha t permit s a patron canno t produc e a
friend. Ther e had bee n onl y one thread bindin g them together .
"When tha t threa d broke , i t wa s th e end. " I t wa s a deepl y
wrenching awarenes s fo r Hughes . H e becam e physicall y il l a s
a result o f their last meeting, and t o the en d o f his life he coul d
not brin g himsel f t o tal k abou t i t withou t stron g emotion .
"That beautifu l room , tha t ha d bee n s o ful l o f ligh t an d hel p
and understandin g fo r me, suddenly became lik e a trap closin g
in, faster an d faster, th e roo m darker and darker , until the ligh t
went out wit h a sudden crash. " Sh e did no t le t hi m go without
her word s abou t hi s character , hi s talents , hi s limitations . She
told hi m wha t sh e thought . Sh e had ever y righ t to . " I fough t
against bewildermen t an d anger , fough t hard , an d didn' t sa y
anything. I jus t sa t ther e i n th e hig h Par k Avenu e drawing-
room an d didn' t sa y anything . I sa t ther e an d listene d t o al l
she told me, closed m y mouth har d and didn' t sa y anything." 26
If blac k Ne w Yor k ha d bee n lef t alone , i t al l woul d hav e
been different—how , wh o knows ? But tha t wa s impossibl e be -
cause Negr o lif e an d cultur e an d ar t wer e importan t t o whit e
men. The y ha d thei r live s an d identitie s t o wor k out too . Th e
relationship betwee n blac k an d whit e ha d t o be . "So , i n th e
end i t al l came back ver y near t o the ol d impass e of white an d
Negro again, " Hughe s claimed , "whit e an d Negro—a s d o most
relationships i n America. " Bu t becaus e o f wher e the y were ,
white an d Negro , the Negr o was naturally patronized i n his art
to serv e a whit e drea m an d fancy . A s Hughes learned , th e fe e
that th e patro n claime d coul d b e humiliation.
4 Art: Th e Blac k Identit y

It ha s bee n th e fat e o f al l American s t o struggl e t o accommo -


date th e individua l an d hi s particular etho s t o th e broa d gen -
eral America n culture . Blac k me n an d whit e men , immigrant
and native , have bee n subjec t t o crise s o f identity becaus e th e
American Drea m promise s t o includ e the m al l i n a common
culture which has no t bee n realized . Th e proble m i s paradoxi-
cal. Fo r th e traditio n o f Americ a is change , an d th e singula r
characteristic o f it s cultur e i s vague indefiniteness. Fo r th e in -
dividual t o defin e himsel f in term s of American experience has
been therefor e problematic . Identit y coul d n o mor e b e take n
for grante d tha n coul d cultur e itself . Th e immigran t an d hi s
children trie d t o belon g t o th e adopte d culture : lear n th e lan-
guage, dro p ol d ways , adopt ne w style s an d mannerisms . But,
in time, the adopte d mannerisms , life styles , language, an d ma-
terialism becam e feebl e substitute s fo r genuin e culture . An d
third an d fourt h generation s o f immigran t families attemp t t o
rediscover a n ethni c tradition . Th e nativ e America n and hi s
children hav e bee n n o mor e secure . Constantl y dislocate d i n
the flux of a n ever-changin g society , they hav e trie d t o trans-

137
138 Harlem Renaissance
late th e uncertaintie s o f newnes s int o wha t ha s bee n under -
stood a s traditional . Foreig n o r native , on e soone r o r late r
would fin d comfor t in ethni c identification .
Negroes, too , wer e t o discover , afte r th e decade s o f struggle
following emancipation , tha t th e Americ a the y wante d t o ge t
into wa s a spiritual "nowhere. " The y bega n th e searc h fo r their
own selves . Th e ques t wa s intensifie d becaus e o f th e genera l
postwar uncertainties , becaus e America n intellectual s gener -
ally wer e displease d wit h th e manifestation s of American cul-
ture, an d wer e themselve s i n search—i n Pari s an d elsewher e
—for themselves . I t wa s a hard , perplexin g tas k fo r Negroes .
Unlike th e immigrant , the Negr o as a nativ e American did no t
have read y a t han d th e surfac e manifestation s of a forme r cul -
ture which , n o matte r ho w dilute d an d distorted , coul d serv e
as a lin k wit h th e past . No r coul d th e Negr o easil y imagin e a
place wher e hi s histor y began . Th e Italia n o r th e Gree k o r
Serb coul d kno w of a villag e o r a place t o whic h h e coul d re -
turn (t o visit ) wher e hi s famil y woul d stil l b e remembered ,
where, indeed , hi s famil y stil l lived . Hi s imaginatio n coul d
work himsel f bac k int o th e community , the toug h an d auster e
life, an d eve n th e oppressio n o f gentry, o r Turks , o r Cossacks .
And whil e h e reconstructe d it , h e coul d congratulat e himsel f
on th e distanc e tha t h e ha d place d betwee n himsel f an d tha t
past. Steel , railroads , coal , business , cities , wer e th e presen t
stuff o f his life, no t th e grudgin g and churlis h hills of his home-
land. Bein g American for many immigrants meant bein g a par t
of progres s an d th e future , wit h a stron g an d rea l sens e o f a
different past .
Negroes, o n th e othe r hand , ha d n o suc h clea r sens e o f th e
past; i t was a general an d abstrac t thing , slavery. Those whos e
past wa s norther n wer e lik e th e othe r undifferentiate d cit y
dwellers withou t th e possibilit y o f havin g "firs t family "
identification—they wer e Yankee s an d nativ e sons withou t th e
attendant self-satisfaction . And thos e fro m th e Sout h could sel -
Art: Th e Black Identity 13 9

dom, eve n i f they wante d to , find the plantation , th e farm , th e


cabin o f thei r origin ; excep t fo r a rar e few , famil y coul d sel -
dom b e traced beyond tw o generations . Th e Negro' s searc h fo r
self wa s closer t o tha t o f the deracinate d youn g postwa r intel -
lectuals tha t Malcol m Cowle y describe s i n Exile's Return tha n
to tha t o f the immigrants . Bot h th e Negroe s an d th e uproote d
youth wer e cu t of f from a past t o whic h the y coul d no t return ,
and wit h which the y coul d no t identify . At the sam e time, they
were bot h unrelate d t o America n progress i n amassin g wealth ,
building machines , an d producin g things—th e on e becaus e h e
was repulse d b y th e Philistine , th e othe r becaus e racis m de -
nied t o hi m th e America n Dream . Bot h wer e American —
having n o othe r past—an d thu s wer e subjec t t o greate r hopes ,
expectations, bitterness , an d despai r tha n wer e th e immigrants.
There i s a very rea l an d importan t differenc e betwee n bein g
alien an d alienated : bein g a strange r t o somethin g whic h i s
your becoming , o r bein g nativ e t o somethin g o f which yo u ar e
not a part .
The tas k o f Negr o intellectuals , a s the y hav e addresse d
themselves t o th e issu e o f rac e i n America n life , ha s bee n t o
delineate Negr o characte r an d personalit y i n th e America n
context. Did the Negr o belong ? Was he distinctive ? How ?
Was h e merely a white ma n with black skin ? The proble m was
to defin e th e Negr o a s a par t o f the America n future; fe w were
willing t o touc h th e America n past.
The genera l pictur e tha t on e get s o f the Negr o through th e
eyes o f his intellectua l interpreter s i s that o f the ma n rejected ,
the citize n denied . Th e America n Dream hel d ou t th e promise
to al l men : throug h industry , self-reliance , and individua l tal-
ent th e limitles s vist a o f progress wer e theirs . Mos t black me n
wanted t o sa y tha t thi s promis e o f America n lif e wa s theirs —
logically, rightfully,-morally—a s muc h a s i t wa s othe r men's .
The issu e i s not , a s man y interpreter s insist , a matte r o f
assimilation—segregation vs . integration. 1 Thes e matter s wer e
140 Harlem Renaissance
incidental. Face d wit h the pas t o f slavery and a present o f rac-
ism, could th e Negr o become a part o f an American future tha t
honored it s own precepts?
Justice Joh n Harlan , dissentin g fro m th e "separate-but -
equal" doctrin e whic h wa s proclaime d i n Plessy vs . Ferguson
(1896), migh t well hav e sai d tha t th e America n Dream, rathe r
than th e Constitution , wa s color-blind—th e future , progress ,
hope, color-blind . Fo r tha t wa s th e issu e fo r blac k men . A
great dea l reste d o n whethe r on e affirme d o r denie d tha t th e
American Drea m include d blac k men . A ye s answe r ha d t o
mean, a t leas t ultimately , th e en d o f forma l segregatio n an d
legal discrimination . Thi s wa s no t merel y becaus e "separat e
but equal " is necessarily a fiction, nor simpl y because Negroes
wanted t o rejec t thei r blacknes s an d becom e white . I t wa s
rather tha t segregatio n an d discrimination ignored th e individ-
ual, contradicte d self-reliance , denied th e promise . If , o n th e
other hand , on e answere d no , tha t th e Drea m wa s fo r whit e
men only , ther e wa s nothin g to d o bu t escape . Bu t eve n when
one look s a t thos e wh o hav e sai d n o an d droppe d out—th e
colonizers o f Liberia , Garvey's supporters, th e Blac k Muslim s
—the Drea m persiste d i n thei r ver y efforts. 2 I t doe s no t matter
that, i n practice , th e America n Drea m ha s bee n imperfec t o r
even fanciful . I t wa s a myth deeply believe d b y American peo-
ple o f all conditions, peopl e wh o woul d cal l realit y a lie befor e
they woul d deny th e future .
But du e t o th e rea l social , economic , and politica l discrimi -
nation, thos e Negroe s wh o wer e yea-sayer s to th e Drea m ha d
to explai n continuall y the disparit y betwee n blac k Americans
and other s i n their progress, thei r achievement . Implicit in dis-
criminatory practic e wa s the doub t that black men could reall y
compete individually ; hence th e justificatio n fo r bar s t o com -
petition. Despit e th e circularit y o f th e logic , barrier s whic h
limited Negroes ' mobilit y wer e defende d becaus e o f th e ob -
servable inequalit y o f Negroe s an d whites , which , o f course ,
Art: Th e Black Identity 14 1

the barrier s guaranteed . Indeed , th e majorit y opinio n i n Plessy


vs. Ferguson i s a classica l exampl e o f thi s circula r argument .
So, blac k believer s i n America' s capacit y t o absor b Negroes ,
and i n th e blac k man' s potential , bor e th e onu s o f race whil e
they promote d individualism . The y ha d t o explai n th e whol e
race i n order t o gai n advantag e fo r anyone . The emphasi s wa s
on achievement . Ever y instanc e o f advancement— a successfu l
business, a ne w professional , a patrioti c ac t o r service -
became ammunitio n i n th e barrag e agains t arbitrar y barriers .
On th e othe r hand , ever y failure , ever y crime , ever y blac k
man's foolishnes s becam e a spo t o f sham e tha t ha d t o b e
rubbed away . Ever y ac t o f a Negr o tha t cam e t o publi c atten -
tion ha d emotiv e connotation s fa r beyon d th e significanc e of
the ac t itself . Th e Negr o intellectual , th e leader , wa s image -
conscious. I t i s within thi s contex t tha t th e Harle m leadership's
hysterical reactio n t o Marcu s Garve y mus t b e understood . H e
appeared a fool, impractical , a charlatan; an d a s his movement
foundered i n financia l an d lega l straits , i t becam e essentia l t o
black intellectual s tha t th e publi c kno w the differenc e betwee n
a showma n and th e rea l thing . Bu t it is also withi n thi s context
of image-consciousnes s tha t on e mus t understan d th e promo -
tion o f Negr o artists , poets , an d novelist s durin g thi s decade .
But wha t i s really remarkabl e i s that thes e blac k yea-sayers, i n
their struggl e t o uphol d th e America n virtues o f progressivism,
individualism, an d self-reliance , were oblige d b y circumstance s
to b e group-consciou s an d collective . Th e America n Dream of
open-ended possibilit y fo r the individua l wa s fo r them anothe r
paradox.
The Negroes ' history , ou t o f slaver y an d beyon d emancipa -
tion, thre w thi s parado x int o shar p focu s fo r thos e blac k
spokesmen wh o straddle d th e decade s o f th e nineteent h an d
twentieth centuries . Booke r T . Washingto n an d W . E . B . Du -
Bois illustrat e thi s point . Despit e al l o f thei r apparen t
differences—in spirit , tone , an d self-image—thes e tw o me n
142 Harlem Renaissance

were i n remarkabl e agreemen t o n essentials . I n U p From Slav-


ery an d Souls o f Black Folk thes e author s agre e tha t th e rac e is
downtrodden, an d bot h projec t th e progressiv e bia s o f uplift i n
their imagine d solutions. Bot h men were one with the bed-roc k
virtues o f America—frugality , industry , temperance , competi -
tion. Washington' s autobiograph y ha s a strang e identit y wit h
Andrew Carnegie' s Gospel o f Wealth, an d DuBois' s ow n
achievement, h e stressed, was the resul t of intense individualis -
tic competition . Th e differences, o f course, ar e significant . Du -
Bois wrote his book to mak e "the ear s of a guilt y people tingl e
with truth" ; Washingto n dare d no t s o to presume . Both , how -
ever, were me n o f their tim e and place , progressive American s
—mired i n th e collectivit y o f race . The y bot h believe d i n th e
ultimate justice o f a n economi c syste m i n which the law s of ef-
ficiency an d qualit y automaticall y discriminate d amon g men .
Washington believe d i n i t so uncritically tha t h e wa s prepared
to sacrific e hi s contemporar y Negroes ' expectatio n o f dignit y
and citizenshi p t o th e inevitabilit y o f that justice. Present-da y
efforts t o find in Washington the root s o f modern blac k nation -
alism shoul d take int o accoun t tha t h e neve r los t fait h tha t th e
Negroes' futur e wa s withi n th e America n context. No r di d h e
assume a segregate d future , fo r racial antipath y woul d declin e
when economi c necessit y warrante d i t and whe n th e economi c
disparity betwee n th e race s diminished . Washington , indeed ,
was honore d amon g white s (probabl y mor e tha n amon g
blacks) becaus e h e allowe d himsel f to be see n a s the blac k evi-
dence tha t th e Drea m wa s real.
The challeng e t o fin d a blac k identit y withi n th e American
cultural contex t wa s mad e mor e difficul t becaus e th e stereo -
type whic h define d Negroe s fo r mos t American s wa s th e ob -
verse o f th e Protestan t Ethic , tha t convenien t measur e o f de -
serving character . Laziness , slovenliness , an d excessiv e sensua l
appetite deserve d n o reward excep t povert y and dishonor. Fur -
thermore, th e rang e o f blac k characte r tha t white s woul d ac -
Art: Th e Black Identity 14 3

cept wa s extremel y circumscribed , i f one judges b y thos e wh o


appear i n print . Th e Negr o wa s pathetic o r humorous , loya l or
treacherous, servil e o r savage . Thus , i t wa s a delicat e proble m
for th e blac k write r wh o wante d t o develo p Negr o character .
For h e ha d t o delineate—t o a n audienc e wit h suc h bia s an d
which judge d character , growth , an d chang e b y progressiv e
and materialisti c measures— a ma n wh o wa s honorabl e an d
sympathetic bu t nevertheles s constraine d withi n th e limit s o f
actual Negr o experience . An d until Worl d Wa r I , an y such lit-
erary effor t woul d hav e t o confor m t o th e "trinity " o f gentee l
dogma: a focu s o n moralit y an d uplift , a fait h i n a progres s
conveniently linke d t o morality , an d th e aspiratio n o f a
learned (no t native ) culture. 3 No r could th e blac k her o b e ag -
gressively critica l o f th e orde r o f things, Nort h o r South . Th e
critics an d th e publishin g establishmen t wer e anxiou s to bin d
up th e wound s fro m th e Civi l Wa r an d t o eradicat e lingerin g
bitterness betwee n norther n an d souther n whites. 4 I t wa s a
tight an d narro w plac e for a black her o t o breath .
The mode l o f suc h a her o ca n b e foun d i n Mrs . Stowe' s
Uncle Tom . H e ha s becom e a muc h maligne d ol d man , hi s
name synonomou s wit h fear , obsequiousness , an d servility —
surely no t heroi c characteristics . T o a n ag e tha t know s Uncle
Tom's Cabin mainly through commentary , it i s probably nearl y
impossible t o thin k tha t Uncl e To m i s i n an y wa y heroic . Ye t
that wa s Mrs . Stowe's intention , reasonabl e i f one accept s tha t
era's value s an d assumptions . Uncl e Tom' s guidin g virtu e is an
unquestioned fait h i n Go d an d loyalty , principall y t o hi s first
owners. Thi s obligatio n i s base d o n a n honestl y reciproca l
affection, whic h Tom feels boun d t o even t o the poin t of obedi-
ence t o a ne w maste r an d oversee r afte r circumstance s forc e
his sale . To m ha s th e sens e o f honor t o serv e hi s love d maste r
even beyon d th e grave . Bu t hi s character save s hi m fro m mer e
servility whe n h e refuses , unde r th e threa t o f death, t o flog a
slave fo r Simo n Legree . Tom , indeed , ha s virtue s whic h ap -
144 Harlem Renaissance

pealed t o nineteenth-centur y Americans—industry , temperanc e


(moderation), selfles s loyalt y t o other s (no t servility) , an d a
strong sens e o f dut y t o a mora l order . Whil e grievousl y
cramped an d confine d within th e oppressiv e institution , whil e
tested b y th e inhumanit y of a viciou s overseer , Mrs . Stowe' s
Uncle To m ca n remai n patien t an d huma n despit e all . H e i s
noble an d heroi c precisel y becaus e h e refuse s t o d o mea n an d
low things—in contras t t o th e white s wh o enslave him; he will
not allo w hi s essential sel f to b e corrupte d b y passion an d th e
conditions of life. H e i s a powerful indictment o f the institutio n
of slaver y al l th e more , no t becaus e h e rebel s agains t it , bu t
because h e overcome s i t throug h that essentia l inne r humanity
—through character . An d wha t a movin g example o f lif e tha t
was t o peopl e wh o nurse d a t th e nipple s o f Puritan dut y an d
transcendental immanence. 5
The Negr o write r wa s move d t o projec t th e imag e o f th e
black man who, contrary to the stereotype, suffered under the un-
fair an d arbitrar y problem s an d restraint s that bese t him . The
protagonist i n James Weldon Johnson's Autobiography of an Ex-
Coloured Ma n (1912 ) find s th e difficultie s o f realizin g hi s
musical talent as a Negro insurmountable. Becoming ashamed of
the impotenc e o f the American blacks (after witnessin g a lynch-
ing), he decide s to becom e white . Johnso n was careful to kee p
his apparentl y whit e protagonist' s actio n fro m bein g dishon -
est, o r deceitful . Everyon e had alway s taken hi m for whateve r
he acted ; h e merel y choose s t o n o longe r ac t Negro . Hono r is
always centra l i n his thinking:

I argue d tha t t o forsak e one' s rac e t o bette r one's condition


was no less worthy an action than to forsake one's country for
the sam e purpose . I finally made u p m y min d tha t I woul d
neither disclai m th e blac k race nor clai m th e whit e race; but
that I would chang e my name, raise a moustache, and let th e
world tak e m e fo r wha t i t would ; tha t i t wa s no t necessar y
for m e t o g o abou t wit h a labe l o f inferiorit y paste d acros s
my forehead. 6
Art: Th e Black Identity 14 5
Coming t o thi s resolve , th e youn g man drop s hi s professiona l
interest i n musi c an d become s devote d t o th e busines s world .
And h e succeed s lik e an y Horati o Alge r hero , workin g har d
and watchin g fo r opportunities t o mak e wis e investments . Hi s
most crucia l tria l o f honor come s whe n h e fall s i n lov e wit h a
white lad y an d mus t decid e t o tel l her , riskin g he r lov e and ,
perhaps, al l tha t h e ha s achieved . O f course, h e doe s th e hon -
orable thing , h e reveals hi s secret, an d true t o gentee l formula ,
love ultimatel y triumphs . Th e wif e dies , afte r bearin g tw o chil-
dren, an d th e protagonis t i s lef t wit h som e ambivalenc e an d
mild guilt . Hi s childre n an d thei r future s justify , fo r him , hi s
continued lif e a s a whit e man , ye t h e ha s lingerin g doubt s
about th e greate r sel f h e migh t hav e bee n ha d h e continue d
with hi s musi c t o defin e th e geniu s o f his blac k people . John-
son wanted hi s readers t o understand tha t bein g whit e was not
a desideratu m o f Negroes; circumstance s an d bitte r frustratio n
forced subterfuge . Th e tragedy , a s h e sa w it , wa s no t merel y
the protagonist' s abdicatio n o f hi s ar t (an d hi s essentia l self )
but, more , tha t th e societ y ha d los t th e cultura l synthesi s tha t
might hav e bee n possibl e throug h th e geniu s o f this marginal
man. And , further, th e messag e is clear tha t civilization , virtue,
honor, gentility , an d succes s wer e qualities o f individuals, not
races.7
A yea r earlie r tha n th e publicatio n o f Autobiography, tha t
other blac k man o f letters, W . E. B . DuBois, published hi s first
effort i n prose fiction , Th e Quest for th e Golden Fleece (1911) .
The centra l purpos e o f the nove l was t o sho w th e influenc e of
impersonal an d distan t force s i n controllin g persona l destiny .
DuBois use d cotto n an d it s far-flung , internationa l powe r a s
the forc e tha t frustrate d th e huma n aspiration s o f little peopl e
—poor whit e farmer s a s wel l a s hi s mai n blac k characters ,
Zora an d Bles . Th e nove l thu s parallels Fran k Norris ' Th e Oc-
topus an d Th e Pit, not onl y i n it s us e o f a commodit y a s th e
symbol o f impersona l forc e (Norri s use d wheat ) bu t i n it s na -
turalistic determinism a s well . I t shoul d b e recalle d tha t Nor -
146 Harlem Renaissance
ris' an d DuBois' s novel s cam e a t eithe r en d o f tha t agraria n
Populist upheava l whic h ha d stresse d th e individuals ' impo -
tence unde r th e oppressio n o f industry an d finance. This help s
to explai n thei r simila r preoccupations . Zor a an d Ble s begi n
their stor y a s innocents wh o ar e on e wit h th e lif e an d th e na -
ture that blesses them. Their struggle with King Cotton's empire,
however, force s o n them a sobriety an d sophisticatio n whic h is
at onc e tragi c an d hopeful . Zor a i s a clea r lin k wit h slaver y
and th e past . Sh e is very dark , exuberant , an d "savage " a s th e
novel opens . A s a child , sh e had bee n force d b y her mother , a
slave, to gratif y th e lus t of her forme r master . And, like a slave,
Zora fel t littl e compunctio n abou t lyin g o r stealing . Bu t wit h
the hel p o f Bles an d a Yankee school-mistress , Zora becomes a
respectable heroine—respectin g educatio n an d purposeful in -
dustry. O f course , DuBoi s wa s onl y a ma n o f hi s time s i n
knowing tha t a tru e heroin e coul d no t b e morall y compro -
mised.8 Zora' s an d Bles' s final resolve t o fight the syste m with
black share-croppe r cooperatives , a s well a s the book' s sugges -
tion tha t white-black , poor farme r allianc e wa s the ultimat e so-
lution, ar e suggestiv e o f Populism . I n an y event , DuBoi s ha d
tried t o thrus t hi s blac k character s int o th e mainstrea m o f
American mora l an d politica l values . Whatever thei r historica l
limitations, th e Negroes ' character , virtue , and educatio n wer e
the future' s hope t o destro y artificia l barriers .
Jessie Fause t trie d t o projec t th e Negr o imag e i n ver y con-
ventional terms . Indeed , i t wa s he r intende d purpos e i n writ-
ing novels to place th e Negr o in the contex t of standard Ameri -
can life . He r firs t novel , There I s Confusion (1924) , wil l
sufficiently illustrat e ho w sh e use d th e cliche s o f genteel real -
ism t o construc t storie s o f th e "respectable " Negr o middl e
class. Joann a Marshall comes from suc h a family ; he r fathe r i s
a typica l America n businessman , despit e th e fac t tha t th e
source o f his middle-clas s comfor t i s a caterin g business . Th e
novel turn s aroun d a very erratic an d temperamenta l romanc e
Art: Th e Black Identity 14 7

between Joann a an d Pete r Bye , a young man whose genealog y


is entangle d i n main-lin e Philadelphi a Quake r stoc k (thu s th e
title). Joann a i s muc h enamore d o f her fathe r an d hi s success ,
and sh e ha s a compulsiv e ambitio n t o "amoun t t o something, "
which almos t destroy s he r romanc e wit h Peter . Pete r i s ver y
bitter abou t hi s ancestry ; th e blac k Bye s produce d th e wealt h
that th e whit e Bye s enjoy , yet they ar e not eve n acknowledge d
as par t o f the family . Hi s bitternes s woul d hav e destroye d hi m
except tha t Joann a goad s hi m on, using her lov e an d promise d
marriage a s inducement . Bu t Joanna , too, i s ambitiou s for her-
self an d find s i t har d t o commi t hersel f wholl y t o Peter . Hop -
ing t o mak e himsel f worth y o f Joanna , Pete r put s awa y per -
sonal indifferenc e an d take s u p th e stud y o f medicine, bu t i n
time Joanna' s game s caus e hi m t o brea k of f wit h he r com -
pletely an d t o dro p ou t o f medical schoo l too . Al l to Joanna' s
grief; sh e learn s throug h hi s rejectio n ho w muc h sh e reall y
loves him.
Jessie Fauset' s strong clas s bias i s evident i n her treatmen t of
Joanna's friend , Maggi e Ellersley , wh o help s ru n he r mother' s
boarding house . Maggi e fall s i n lov e wit h Joanna' s brother ,
Philip, an d h e love s her , althoug h he i s much too shy to le t her
know. Joann a become s s o enraged a t Maggie' s socia l presump -
tion tha t sh e write s he r a n ugl y an d hurtfu l letter . Maggi e im-
pulsively run s of f to marr y a n olde r man , who m sh e late r dis -
covers t o b e a gambler . Maggi e remain s thu s degrade d unti l
Peter, o n th e bounc e fro m Joanna , rescue s her . Bu t eve n tha t
ends a s Pete r make s u p wit h Joann a an d goe s of f to joi n th e
war i n Europe .
Miss Fause t resolve d he r conventiona l nove l i n a conven -
tional way . Pete r happen s t o mee t Meriwethe r By e (white )
aboard th e troo p shi p t o France . H e happens , also , t o be pres-
ent a t Meriwether' s deat h o n th e battlefield . Th e patho s an d
the genuin e humanit y o f Meriwethe r softe n Peter' s heart , dis -
solving the las t o f his hatred an d bitterness . Maggi e and Phili p
148 Harlem Renaissance

are als o reconcile d i n Europe—she , a socia l worker , he , a des -


perately il l soldier. The y eac h lear n fo r the first time tha t the y
had love d th e othe r i n thei r youth . An d Maggie , tru e t o th e
Victorian cod e fo r a woma n wit h he r past , devote s hersel f t o
his car e an d t o a lif e o f selfles s service . O f course , Pete r an d
Joanna ar e marrie d o n hi s return fro m th e war ; she i s resigne d
to him. They soon have a child wh o promises t o complete thei r
lives. Ironically , the whit e Bye s are withou t a mal e hei r wit h
the deat h o f Meriwether, an d the ol d family hea d come s to Dr .
Peter By e and offer s t o tak e hi s so n to b e reare d int o th e leg -
acy. O f course , Pete r By e say s no , bu t Jessi e Fause t see s th e
triumph i n tha t h e sai d i t withou t bitterness . For , th e trul y
genteel value s of uplift, self-perfection , and hono r burden al l of
Miss Fauset' s novel s an d giv e al l o f her approve d Negr o char-
acters th e imag e of conventional respectability .
Of course , thes e works , a s woul d b e inevitable , ha d a pur -
pose an d functio n beside s th e purel y artistic . The y al l tried t o
project th e imag e of the Negr o as exemplary within the context
of conventiona l morality . Wher e thos e wh o people d thes e sto -
ries achieve d success , i t wa s simpl e t o understan d a s a matte r
of characte r overcomin g th e unusua l obstacl e o f race . Bu t th e
realities o f lif e force d Negr o writers t o confron t th e frustratio n
of blac k people . I t wa s n o eas y tas k t o handl e tha t proble m
honestly withi n a conventiona l model which ha d stron g stoica l
ingredients an d whic h coul d no t accommodat e bitternes s o r
anger a t persona l misfortune . Everyma n wa s t o bea r hi s bur -
den withou t self-pit y an d complaint . Tha t wa s Uncl e Tom' s
heroism, an d i t coul d b e seen—i f viewe d throug h th e lens e of
tradition—as th e beaut y an d triump h of the Negro .
This imag e wa s utilize d b y Counte e Cullen , amon g others ,
in poetr y havin g a racia l subject . Characteristicall y idealized ,
Cullen's "Simo n th e Cyrenia n Speaks " transform s th e blac k
man's servility—throug h ac t o f will an d sensitivit y t o ultimat e
virtue—into a triumphant act .
Art: Th e Black Identity 14 9

Simon th e Cyrenia n Speak s 9


He never spoke a word to me
And yet He called my name;
He never gave a sign to me,
And yet I knew and came.
At first I said, "I will not bear
His cross upon my back;
He only seeks to place it there
Because my skin is black."
But He was dying for a dream,
And He was very meek,
And in His eyes there shone a gleam
Men journey far to seek.
It was Himself my pity bought;
I did for Christ alon e
What all of Rome could no t have wrought
With bruise of lash or stone.

For Langsto n Hughes , o n th e othe r hand , thi s sam e theme ,


which transform s humiliatin g an d frustratin g labo r int o virtue ,
is mor e earth y an d immediate .

Mother t o So n 10
Well, son, I'll tell you:
Life for me ain't been no crystal stair.
It's had tacks in it,
And splinters
And boards tor n up,
And places with no carpet on the floor —
Bare.
But all the time
I'se been a' climbin' on,
And reachin" landin's
And turnin' corners ,
And sometimes goin' in the dark
150 Harlem Renaissance
Where there ain't been no light.
So, boy, don't yo u turn back.
Don't you set down on the steps
'Cause you finds it's kinder hard.
Don't you fall now —
For I'se still goin', honey,
I'se still climbin',
And lif e for me ain't been no crystal stair.

It i s a very delicat e proble m for , a s on e ca n se e i n thes e


poems, prid e inevitabl y wrestle s wit h pathos . Powe r an d clar -
ity o f image suffe r i n th e uncertainty .
In hi s poetry , Claud e McKa y chos e anothe r wa y o f concep-
tualizing th e blac k man' s existence within oppressio n an d frus -
tration. Th e unfai r restraint s wer e a challeng e t o tes t th e
mettle o f th e unconquerabl e self . McKa y showe d th e un -
daunted wil l triumphant agains t impersona l corruption.

America n
Although she feeds me bread of bitterness,
And sinks into my throat her tiger's tooth,
Stealing my breath of life, I will confess
I love this cultured hell that tests my youth I
Her vigor flows like tides into my blood,
Giving me strength erect against her hate.
Her bigness sweeps my being like a flood.
Yet as a rebel fronts a king in state,
I stand within her walls with not a shred
Of terror, malice, not a word of jeer.
Darkly I gaze into the days ahead,
And see her might and granite wonders there,
Beneath the touch of Time's unerring hand,
Like priceless treasures sinking in the sand.

Here, too , on e reads th e lat e Victoria n stoi c mood; the bravado


of ton e i s mor e tha n reminiscen t o f W . E . Henley: " I than k
Art: Th e Black Identity 15 1
whatever god s ma y be/Fo r m y unconquerabl e soul. " McKay,
here an d i n hi s othe r poems , i s carefu l t o avoi d patho s an d
self-pity. Bu t h e als o consciousl y struggle s agains t projectin g
bitterness. A s he say s i n "Whit e House, " "Oh , I mus t keep my
heart inviolate/Agains t th e poten t poiso n o f your hate." As in
most o f hi s poetry , writte n afte r hi s migratio n t o th e Unite d
States, McKa y assume s th e persona o f th e Victoria n stoi c
activist—Henley, Housman , Kipling—alon e agains t th e rav -
ages o f external , impersona l forces . Although a self-statement,
McKay projecte d himsel f a s exemplary , an d therefor e withou t
violence t o hi s inten t on e ca n understan d thi s poetr y a s th e
idealization o f the Negr o agains t hi s oppression : a blac k Pro -
metheus i n the twentiet h century .
Yet image-makin g an d image-conceptualizin g wer e n o eas y
things. Fo r i f th e Negr o wer e reall y n o differen t fro m othe r
men, if he were a white man with black skin, so to speak, i f the
objective difference s wer e solel y environmenta l an d no t mat -
ters o f character, the n ther e woul d b e nothin g bu t th e biolog y
of colo r whic h se t hi m of f from whites. Ther e woul d reall y b e
nothing tha t h e coul d clai m a s distinctive , excep t fo r histor y
and immediat e condition . Th e futur e whic h unfolde d itsel f i n
inevitable progress would ultimately obliterate distinctions, eve n
these superficia l differences woul d disappea r an d al l would be
as one. No matter how much one wanted t o claim that discrim-
ination agains t Negroe s wa s arbitrar y an d tha t th e societ y
ought to be color-blind , sinc e ther e wer e no differences amon g
people, stil l on e fel t th e nee d t o hol d ont o som e claim o f dis-
tinctive Negr o character . Abandonin g al l distinctio n wa s a
total rejectio n o f th e past , a kin d o f self-obliteration . Thos e
qualities o f American lif e whic h ha d germinate d i n blac k soil
had t o b e explained . Th e spiritual , th e music , the dance , th e
language, wer e distinc t becaus e the y wer e fro m a Negr o
source. Withou t distinc t Negr o character , ther e coul d b e n o
Negro genius .
152 Harlem Renaissance

None o f these writer s woul d hav e denie d th e blac k ma n his


special gift . W . E . B . DuBoi s wa s eloquen t an d movin g i n
evoking th e ger m o f tha t ide a i n Souls o f Black Folk (1903) ,
and Jame s Weldo n Johnso n touche d i t to o i n " O Blac k an d
Unknown Bards. " Th e novel s o f bot h o f thes e author s reflec t
the ambivalenc e tha t grow s ou t o f th e effor t t o balanc e th e
conventional Protestan t Ethi c wit h th e recognitio n an d ap -
proval of a distinctive Negr o spirit.
DuBois, for instance , wa s unabl e t o resolv e th e contraditio n
of Zora's an d Bles' s initia l innocenc e an d th e necessar y sophis -
tication o f th e cooperativ e economi c ventur e whic h i s thei r
tinal strateg y agains t th e civilize d cotto n machine . While h e is
fascinated wit h Zora's primitivism—he r wild , half-nud e dance s
—he mus t bring her , throug h educatio n an d conventiona l vir-
tue, t o conten d wit h her environment . Her primitivism and in-
nocence ha d bee n corrupte d b y he r institutionalize d environ -
ment; th e forme r maste r an d th e plantation—remnant s o f
slavery—are translate d int o th e cotto n empir e a s th e moder n
exploiter. Love , innocence , an d purit y o f sel f wil l no t sustai n
Zora; sh e mus t becom e educate d an d sophisticated—tough .
While, doubtless , DuBoi s approve s o f thi s transformation —
thinks i t imperative—ther e i s nonetheless a trace o f regret over
the los t blac k Eden .
Johnson's nove l shares thi s regret. Description s o f Negro life,
whether i n the Ne w Yor k cabare t o r the souther n rura l revival
meeting, ar e charge d wit h th e sens e o f distinctiv e spiri t an d
color. Marshall' s (a n actua l Negr o socia l clu b i n pre-Harle m
New York ) i s describe d wit h genuin e affection . Whit e enter -
tainers who made a profession of blackface use the clu b to pick
up thei r "authentic " blac k material . Th e nove l als o assume s
that th e protagonist' s quit e remarkabl e musical talent i s really
ethnic. Hi s specia l genius—bein g a margina l ma n betwee n
white an d black—i s tha t h e i s a s fres h i n hi s interpreta -
tion o f ragtim e a s Chopin . Hi s unrealize d ambition—hi s call -
Art: Th e Black Identity 15 3

ing, indeed—i s t o bring tha t distinctiv e blac k genius , whic h


bursts naturall y fro m th e soul s o f ragtim e musicia n o r gospe l
singer, int o a cultivate d musica l statement . Whe n th e prota -
gonist decide s t o leav e th e worl d o f race , h e relegate s hi s
music t o a hobb y an d concentrate s hi s energies o n rea l estate ,
investment, an d money-making . Thus , Johnso n draw s a lin e
between th e humane , artisti c spiri t o f blac k American s a s
against th e har d materialis m o f whites. Th e ton e o f regret tha t
ends thi s narrativ e reiterate s th e los t hope—th e Negr o soul de-
nied.
Langston Hughes' s No t Without Laughter (1930) confronte d
this dilemm a head-on—unfortunately , a s Hughe s himsel f con-
fessed, withou t real success. Sandy, the little boy around whom
the nove l revolves , live s i n th e tensio n betwee n th e fligh t an d
abandon o f music an d laughte r an d th e sobe r dut y o f achieve-
ment. Eac h membe r o f hi s famil y present s a differen t fac e t o
the problem . Aun t Hager , hi s grandmother , i s sobe r an d reli -
gious. Sh e ha s raise d thre e daughter s b y takin g i n washing ,
and no w help s wit h Sandy . O f th e daughters , Tempy , wit h
great self-disciplin e an d energy , devote s hersel f t o gettin g
ahead an d accumulatin g property . Harriet , th e youngest , i s
hurt, an d angere d b y racia l injustice , an d ha s becom e plea -
sure-seeking an d blindl y rebellious . Annjee , Sandy' s mother , is
married t o Jimboy , an itineran t blue s singer an d guitarist , who
comes an d goe s lik e a spirit . Jimbo y i s th e ultimat e artist , a
troubador whos e musi c generate s hi s life , fo r who m lif e an d
joy ar e unite d eve n i n life' s sadness. I t i s his laughte r an d life -
giving spiri t tha t sustai n Annje e despit e hi s irresponsibility .
Harriet's humanity , too , i s sustaine d b y Jimboy , fo r i t i s hi s
music an d he r danc e and son g that fre e he r fro m th e corrodin g
bitterness tha t sh e hold s within . For Tempy , joy an d laughte r
are time-wasting . Pleasure an d pla y ar e th e Negro' s curse , ac-
cording t o Tempy, he r husband , an d thei r friends . Aunt Hage r
had grea t ambition s fo r he r children , hopin g tha t the y woul d
154 Harlem Renaissance

achieve something fo r the race . Annjee an d Harrie t hav e disap-


pointed her , droppin g ou t o f school , s o sh e ha s place d al l o f
her hope s o n Sandy:
"I wants you to be a great man , son," she often tol d him, sit-
ting o n the porc h in the darkness , singing, dreaming, calling
up th e deep past, creating dream s within th e child . "I want s
you to be a great man."

But Aunt Hager was not simply a religious woman who aban-
doned joy. 12 He r fait h ha s bee n he r joy . "Sand y remem -
bered hi s grandmothe r whirlin g around i n fron t o f the alta r a t
revival meetings i n the mids t of the othe r sisters, he r fac e shin-
ing with light , arm s outstretched a s though al l the care s o f the
world ha d bee n cas t away. " Onl y Temp y full y reject s thi s
Negro gif t o f joy an d laughter , and sh e has become enslave d t o
utter materialism . Hughe s wante d th e reade r t o understan d
that Sand y had absorbe d th e uplif t an d th e mora l characte r of
Aunt Hage r whil e stil l bein g possesse d b y th e spiri t an d
beauty o f the Negr o genius . I t wa s thi s combinatio n tha t wa s
the Negro' s hope , i n s o far a s Sandy was the future .
The conventiona l America n ethic prove d inadequat e i n sev-
eral significan t ways when i t was applie d t o th e Negro . I n th e
first place i t was racist. Fo r th e "Custodian s o f Culture," 1 3 th e
Negro wa s no t central . H e wa s a n aberration , a kin d o f Cali-
ban i n a demi-paradise . Whe n th e critic s an d commentator s
considered culture , the y use d Anglo-Saxo n models; America n
literature an d ar t i n th e prewa r year s wer e judge d mainl y in
terms of English models. I f white Americans were merely cous-
ins t o tha t Englis h tradition , blac k American s coul d onl y b e
curiosities. I n th e secon d place , conventiona l values were opti-
mistic. Whil e they migh t b e heavil y moralistic, an d whil e one
might find beauty in the persistentl y moral life without reward ,
the basi c assumptio n wa s tha t progres s wa s inevitabl e and ,
being th e signatur e o f God , tie d t o th e mora l life . Whateve r
Art: Th e Black Identity 15 5

Booker T . Washington's faith, the twentiet h centur y foun d thi s


convention invali d fo r th e Negr o experience . Individua l
achievement aside—i t wa s painfull y smal l an d ofte n bough t a t
a dea r price—th e Negr o wa s experiencin g greate r violenc e
against him , greate r restrictions , greate r oppressio n tha n be -
fore. Indeed , i n th e postwa r year s i t seeme d tha t racis m wa s
being formalized—a s a fac t o f America n life—rathe r tha n
erased b y th e transformin g forc e o f inevitabl e mora l la w an d
principle. Progress , i n fact , was a lie . Wit h suc h a n awareness ,
the poor-but-hones t an d th e moral-but-oppresse d Negr o image
not onl y becam e a bore, i t became irrelevant .
What th e wa r an d th e postwa r year s seeme d t o prove , i f
nothing else , wa s tha t th e America n system ha d n o plac e for
blacks. Wha t al l o f th e restrictiv e legislation , th e riots , th e
lynchings, th e popularit y o f th e K u Klu x Kla n (Nort h a s wel l
as South, urban a s well a s rural) prove d wa s tha t fo r the blac k
man th e America n Drea m wa s fantasy . N o matte r ho w muc h
the Negr o migh t affir m i t an d aspir e t o it , th e Drea m itsel f
seemed t o sa y no . Indominabl e an d awfu l realit y mad e i t im-
possible fo r blac k me n t o projec t themselve s int o som e Ameri -
can futur e tha t the y woul d want . I f the remarkabl e popularity
of the Garve y movemen t tell s u s nothin g else , i t attest s t o th e
willingness of thousands o f Negroes to put thei r dime s an d dol -
lars int o anothe r dream . Decade s later , a white American char-
acter i n dram a echoe s thi s sam e dream-ques t an d th e sam e
frustration: i n Arthu r Miller' s Death o f a Salesman Will y
Loman badger s th e spiri t o f Uncle Ben who ha d gon e int o th e
African jungl e an d com e ou t a ric h man.
But eve n befor e th e war , force s wer e a t wor k amon g white
American intellectual s t o transfor m traditiona l values , a t leas t
superficially. Henr y F . Ma y ha s describe d th e prewa r "inno -
cent rebellion " whic h opene d th e doo r fo r the rathe r spectacu -
lar cultura l eruptio n o f the 1920s . Youn g peopl e ha d gleefull y
and casuall y combine d thei r distortion s o f Dostoevsk y an d
156 Harlem Renaissance

Freud wit h H . G . Wells' s deman d (prediction ) o f rationa l so-


cial reorganizatio n an d Henr i Bergson' s ejaculation s abou t
elan vital. Convention , order , formalis m wer e suspect . Th e
truth o f lif e itself , a s testifie d i n experience , becam e th e mea -
sure. A s May explain s it , th e "Liberatio n was , i n it s ow n way,
pragmatic: i t believed wit h [William ] James that idea s shoul d
be judge d no t b y thei r conformit y t o an y preconceive d trut h
but b y th e qualit y o f lif e the y contained. " l * Thi s "rebellion "
and "liberation " emphasized spontaneity , suspecte d tha t whic h
was too rationa l an d logical , criticize d th e hars h materialism of
American life , an d challenge d conventiona l mora l (especiall y
sexual) standards . Henr y Ma y make s i t clea r tha t thes e "reb -
els" merel y redefine d traditiona l norms ; the y di d no t destro y
them. The y coul d becom e moralisti c i n thei r advocac y o f fre e
love o r sexua l experiment . The y substitute d a n eas y an d naiv e
optimism fo r a belief i n progress. An d while they wer e quick to
abandon th e conventiona l apotheosi s o f Anglo-Saxo n culture ,
they wer e equall y eage r t o accep t authenti c exotics : Italians in
Greenwich Villag e an d Negroe s i n Harlem . Jame s Weldo n
Johnson share d thei r optimis m about culture , believing that ar t
and poetr y woul d b e th e bridg e betwee n race s i n America. 15
The wa r di d muc h to destro y th e optimis m of these peopl e n o
longer young . Yet those wh o had th e greates t influenc e o n Har-
lem intellectual s wer e precisel y thos e wh o hel d fas t t o thei r
prewar innocence : Floy d Dell , Max Eastman, Car l Van Vech-
ten, Car l Sandburg , an d Vache l Lindsay. 16
So th e postwa r year s foun d traditiona l value s i n disarray . A
very articulat e an d sophisticate d segmen t o f the whit e societ y
appeared read y t o stan d everythin g on it s head. Wher e indus -
try, frugality , temperanc e (includin g moderation an d decorum )
had bee n th e touchstones , no w exuberance , spontaneity , irre -
sponsibility (t o b e crazy) , an d sexua l freedo m wer e th e ne w
norms. Th e Negro , wh o ha d lon g fought a whit e impose d ster -
eotype foun d tha t thos e ver y trait s which h e ha d denie d wer e
Art: Th e Black Identity 15 7

now i n vogue. On e need merel y rework the old minstrel model,


and on e ha d a ne w Negr o imag e tha t bot h conforme d t o con -
temporary value s an d lai d clai m to a distinctiv e Negr o self. I t
also provided , fo r thos e wh o rea d realit y a s a denia l t o th e
Negro of the America n Dream, th e illusio n of a half-wa y hous e
between resignatio n an d rejection .

As th e decad e o f the 1920 s cam e to a close, th e ne w wav e of


Negro literatur e chos e t o uneart h th e grotesqu e an d exoti c i n
black men , t o abando n gentee l standard s an d th e embarrass -
ment ove r wha t ha d bee n accepte d a s Negro traits (th e stereo -
type). Indeed , th e ne w effor t wa s to accep t thos e trait s rathe r
than t o den y them , t o conver t the m int o positiv e an d appeal -
ing characteristics . Wit h thi s reversa l o f values , on e coul d
sometimes trea t the Negr o as superior to whit e men .
Nella Larsen , nativ e t o th e Virgi n Island s an d o f African -
Danish ancestry , explore d throug h he r novel s th e uncompro -
mising dilemm a o f th e cultured-primitiv e Negro . He r charac -
ters seeme d alway s t o b e pulle d betwee n th e pole s o f refine d
civility an d passion . I n he r bes t novel , Quicksand (1928) ,
Helga Cran e i s overwhelmed b y the ethni c wa r withi n he r mu-
latto psyche . Helg a move s fro m Naxos— a narrow , regimented ,
authoritarian souther n Negr o college—t o Chicago , t o bour -
geois Harlem , an d the n t o materna l relative s i n Copenhagen .
Cramped a t firs t b y th e provincialis m o f Naxos , the n b y th e
provincialism o f race, sh e i s never able t o fin d peacefu l adjust -
ment. A t firs t Harle m i s liberating . I t ha s a mor e varie d an d
open lif e tha n eithe r Naxo s o r Chicago . And , a t first , th e un -
confused blacknes s o f Harlem i s a welcome relie f fro m th e rac e
specter i n th e South ; i t als o free s he r fro m th e white-blac k ten -
sion o f her mulatt o consciousness . I n Harlem , al l one need s d o
is rela x an d b e black , an d ye t tha t doe s no t mea n denyin g t o
oneself th e fine r thing s o f living—civilized an d cultura l things .
It i s onl y a temporar y pleasure , however , fo r Helga' s whit e
158 Harlem Renaissance

consciousness makes her sens e more keenly than other Negroe s


the narro w provincia l characte r o f Harlem. Th e freedo m from
self-consciousness tha t i t allow s blac k peopl e evaporate s out -
side the geographica l an d spiritua l limit s of Harlem. In Copen -
hagen, Helg a i s warmly received b y he r Danis h relatives . Sh e
becomes somethin g of a phenomenon , dar k an d exotic . Here ,
too, sh e find s pleasur e i n th e comfort s an d eas e o f lif e o f up -
per-middle-class Danis h society. An d she i s honored b y a pro -
posal o f marriage to a highly regarde d an d handsom e portrai t
painter. Sh e i s disturbed , however , no t merel y becaus e Axe l
Olsen exposes , through hi s portrait o f her, Helga' s sensua l an d
primitive nature , bu t becaus e sh e see s b y thi s sudde n insigh t
the ke y to her acceptanc e b y the painte r a s well a s her Danis h
relatives. H e sense s a tiger , a n anima l withi n he r whic h h e
wants t o possess—t o ravis h an d t o b e ravished—throug h mar -
riage if necessary. Even her relative s an d thei r friends are a bit
breathless a t th e smel l of the jungle, th e savage , the primitive ,
that the y sens e t o b e thi s almost-whit e girl' s spirit . Helg a
knows tha t sh e canno t b e free—a n hones t self—an d b e a
lovely frea k fo r cultivated Europeans . She begins t o long again
for Harlem , where sh e can be herself. He r return , she tells her-
self an d everybody , i s onl y t o b e a shor t visit , yet sh e knows
that sh e will never g o back to Copenhagen .
Harlem! Wha t a relief , t o b e abl e t o leav e pretense , t o b e
free! But , no w eve n mor e quickly , th e narrownes s o f Harle m
life (an d Negr o life ) begin s t o stultify , an d Helg a begin s t o
hate th e blac k peopl e aroun d her , an d hat e tha t withi n he r
that seem s alway s t o frustrat e her . Sh e wants , a t least , t o
accept—rather, t o surrende r to—th e sensualit y tha t sh e ha s al-
ways struggle d against . She—submittin g t o he r passion—offer s
herself t o Dr . Anderson , the presiden t o f Naxo s Colleg e wh o
chances t o be i n New York, only to be rejected b y this marrie d
and wholl y prope r man . Helga's humiliation , shame, an d self -
hate driv e he r t o submi t t o Reveren d Green , a just-literat e
Art: Th e Black Identity 15 9
rural, souther n preacher , wh o comfort s he r i n he r anguish .
Helga tell s hersel f tha t he r marriag e t o Reveren d Green , an d
her choic e t o liv e wit h hi m i n th e rura l South , will giv e her a
chance t o d o constructiv e an d usefu l work . But this i s a decep -
tion too , fo r sh e ha s surrendere d mor e t o he r ow n sensualit y
than t o him . Sh e has rejecte d al l pretens e an d ha s resigne d t o
primal an d uncluttered feelings. "An d night cam e at the en d of
every day . Emotional , palpitating , amorous , all that wa s living
in he r spran g lik e ran k weeds a t th e tinglin g thought of night,
with a vitalit y so strong that i t devoure d al l th e shoot s o f rea-
son." Thus , Helga' s lif e end s i n bed, semi-invali d fro m to o fre-
quent pregnancie s an d unattende d deliveries , lookin g forwar d
to death—th e ultimat e o f all surrenders .
Miss Larsen' s lesse r novel , Passin g (1929) , als o treat s th e
schizophrenia whic h result s fro m racia l dualism . Tw o Negr o
women, friend s fro m childhood , eac h ligh t enoug h i n colo r t o
be take n a s white , choos e differen t way s to direc t thei r lives .
Clare Kendr y chooses t o marry a white man (perversel y a rac e
bigot), whil e Iren e Westove r remain s Negro , marryin g a col -
ored ma n wh o i s t o becom e a quit e talente d (bu t frustrated )
physician. These different life-style s reflect differen t characters .
Clare i s adventuresome , risk-taking , exciting, an d cosmopoli -
tan. Irene , o n th e othe r hand , is safe, stolid , a bit frightene d of
adventure, an d provincial . Th e choic e t o becom e white , while
adventuresome an d courageou s o n on e level , turn s ou t t o b e
essentially sterile . Th e Bellew s hav e n o children , an d Clar e is
drawn, a s i f b y a magnet , t o surreptitiou s trip s int o Harlem.
The thril l o f adventure , whic h partl y motivate d th e "decep -
tion" in the firs t place , i s kept aliv e by flirtin g wit h the ris k of
discovery. Bu t he r whit e lif e i s sterile i n another way . There is
something essentia l t o Negr o life—th e gaiety , th e warmth —
that she misses in her white world . Irene Redfield , on the other
hand, ha s bought securit y an d a family—includin g a child—a t
the pric e of adventure, daring , an d risk . She is essentially con -
160 Harlem Renaissance
ventional an d conservative , whic h ultimatel y (an d ironically )
threatens he r marriage . Fo r he r husband , crampe d an d con -
fined b y racia l stricture s i n th e Unite d States , want s t o tak e a
chance o f goin g t o Brazil , wher e h e migh t hav e th e opportu -
nity o f opening ne w path s i n medica l practice . Bu t tha t woul d
mean physica l dange r an d discomfor t and, mor e frightenin g t o
his wife , a n uncertain future . He r fear s an d lac k of taste fo r ad -
venture threate n t o emasculat e bot h he r husban d an d he r son.
Clare's secre t trip s t o Harle m brin g he r clos e t o Bria n Red -
field; both respon d t o th e other' s thirs t fo r adventure, risk , an d
desired freedo m fro m th e restraint s o f ordinar y conventional -
ity. An d thus , a very rea l threa t t o Irene' s lif e i s thrus t upo n
her. He r hysteri a move s her almos t to expos e Clare' s pretense .
But Iren e i s even frightene d o f that, becaus e Clar e free d fro m
her husban d woul d b e a n eve n greate r threat . Nell a Larse n
constructs a perfunctor y an d entirel y unsatisfactor y denoue -
ment. Clare' s husban d wh o ha s ha d he r followe d b y privat e
detectives, burst s int o a Harle m party , an d i n th e confusio n
Clare fall s throug h a windo w an d i s killed . Clare , i n fact , wa s
relieved tha t he r li e wa s discovere d b y he r husband ; sh e was
then free . Bu t tha t freedo m wa s a threa t t o Irene , an d th e au -
thor broadl y hint s tha t Iren e pushe d Clar e throug h th e win -
dow.
In bot h novels , Mis s Larse n move d awa y fro m th e conven -
tional gentee l formula . Ther e wa s somethin g distinctiv e an d
attractive i n Negr o life , an d i t ha d nothin g t o d o wit h Jessi e
Fauset's respectability . Yet , she wa s no t abl e t o abando n her -
self t o a n uncritica l acceptanc e o f blac k primitivism . Th e
Negro had a special warmth, gaiety, an d immediacy . But Nella
Larsen als o sa w Negr o lif e a s peculiarl y stric t an d confining .
Harlem wa s provincial ; i t wa s pleasin g onl y s o lon g a s on e
could envelo p onesel f int o it s geographica l an d psychi c dis -
tricts. Th e cosmopolita n ha d t o b e awar e o f it s restrictions .
Negro lif e wa s conservativ e an d sterile ; i t ha d t o devou r itsel f
Art: Th e Black Identity 16 1

to preserv e itself . Contradicting , therefore , th e faddis m o f


Negro freedom, Mis s Larsen expose d th e psychologica l narrow -
ness o f Negr o life , it s avoidanc e o f experiment , chance-taking ,
and daring . Whil e sh e toye d wit h th e notio n o f th e Negro' s
basic sensuality, sh e could no t let i t overwhelm he r credo . Per-
haps, i t wa s to o difficul t t o projec t th e femal e primitiv e t o
good advantage . An d Mis s Larsen , a nurs e b y profession , wa s
too muc h of a realist t o ignor e the ugliness , pain , an d depriva -
tion whic h nee d resul t fro m a primitive lif e tame d onl y b y th e
rhythm o f one's blood. I t i s this sharp dichotom y o f realist an d
romantic, etche d i n bot h he r novels , tha t make s the m see m
schizophrenic.
No othe r Negr o write r o f the 1920 s wa s more anxiou s to us e
primitive an d atavisti c motif s tha n th e poe t Counte e Cullen . I t
is a bi t ironic , becaus e non e o f the Harle m writer s wa s mor e
formally schooled , non e mor e gentee l i n inclinatio n an d taste ,
none indee d mor e priss y tha n Cullen . Educate d at New Yor k
University, wher e h e wo n the Witte r Bynne r poetr y prize , an d
Harvard University , wher e h e receive d hi s Master' s degree ,
Cullen ha d consciousl y traine d himsel f t o b e a poet . Mos t of
his wor k wa s o f a lyrica l character , occasionall y o n racia l
themes. Hi s Ballad o f a Brown Girl wa s though t b y Lyma n
Kittridge t o b e th e bes t lyri c writte n b y an y contemporar y
American. Culle n wa s clearly nineteenth century , an d English ,
in hi s conceptio n o f poeti c art ; hi s stronges t influenc e wa s
Keats. Th e onl y contemporar y poe t t o influenc e hi s wor k wa s
Amy Lowell , but Culle n never appropriated her "Imagism." He
always too k i t tha t poetr y wa s trul y on e o f th e highes t arts ,
that th e poet' s tas k wa s t o sa y beautifu l things , an d tha t po -
etry, lik e al l art , ha d mora l intent . Thi s formul a mad e fo r th e
bland an d bloodles s vers e whic h wa s characteristi c o f muc h
American poetr y aroun d th e tur n o f the century . S o it i s a bi t
strange t o rea d thos e poem s wher e Cullen—neve r wit h th e
abandon o f Vache l Lindsay—seeme d t o ste p ou t o f characte r
162 Harlem Renaissance

and proclai m som e dee p primitiv e impuls e o f bloo d whic h


threatened t o comman d hi s mind an d body .
Yet, according t o Wallac e Thurman , Countee Culle n was the
most uncritica l o f the blac k writer s i n hi s acceptanc e o f Alain
Locke's instructio n t o tur n t o Africa n an d primitiv e origin s a s
the sourc e o f new work . Culle n trie d ver y har d t o d o that . I n
the rathe r lon g poem , "Heritage, " 17 th e poe t engage d himsel f
in a soliloqu y whic h turn s aroun d th e rhetorica l question ,
"What i s Africa t o me?" Th e questio n i s firs t posed i n a simple
historical contex t b y "One three centuries removed," an d th e
question i s repeate d wit h th e implie d answe r tha t Afric a i s
nothing to th e poet . Bu t thi s i s self-deception:

So I lie, who all day long


Want no sound except the song
Sung by wild barbaric birds
Goading massive jungle herds,
Juggernauts of flesh that pass
Trampling tall defiant gras s
Where young forest lovers lie,
Plighting troth beneath the sky.

The though t tha t Afric a i s nothing comes fro m a willfu l denial ,


yet heritag e i s s o prima l tha t i t wil l no t b e doome d b y mind
and wil l alone :

So I lie, who always hear,


Though I cram against my ear
Both my thumbs, and keep them there,
Great drums throbbing through the air.
So I lie, whose fount of pride,
Dear distress, and joy allied,
Is my somber flesh and skin ,
With the dark blood dammed within
Like great pulsing tides of wine
That, I fear, must burst the fine
Channels of the chafin g net
Where they surge and foam an d fret .
Art: Th e Black Identity 16 3

But th e denia l o f Africa continue s following an assertio n that i t


is merel y "A book on e thumbs/Listlessly , til l slumbe r comes";
there i s a catalogu e o f "unremembered " sight s an d sounds -
jungle images . But , again , th e poe t find s "n o sligh t release "
from a blood-knowledg e tha t make s hi m writh e t o th e rhythm
of th e rain . Th e rain' s "prima l measure s drip/Throug h m y
body, crying , 'Strip'! " Th e soliloqu y find s resolutio n i n th e
statement tha t thi s blac k poe t ha s become converte d t o Chris-
tianity, bu t eve n her e h e draw s bac k fro m ful l commitment .
"Wishing H e I serve d wer e black,/Thinking then i t would not
lack/Precedent o f pai n t o guid e it. " S o the poe t wander s be-
tween th e primitiv e an d th e civilized , betwee n th e Christia n
and th e pagan :

Not yet has my heart or head


In the least way realized
They and I are civilized.
In "Frui t o f th e Flower " 1B Culle n reiterate s som e o f th e
same themes . Thi s tim e th e poe t contrast s himsel f with a fa-
ther, "Wit h sober , stead y ways, " and a "puritan " mother . DP -
spite this th e father' s eye s bespeak "some still sacred sin. " And,
although, hi s mothe r long s fo r heaven , sh e i s frightene d o f
death. S o the poe t wonder s

Why should he deem it pure mischance


A son of his is fai n
To do a naked tribal dance
Each time he hears the rain?
Why should she think it devil's art
That all my songs should be
Of love and lovers, broken heart,
And wild sweet agony?
Who plants a seed begets a bud,
Extract of that same root;
Why marvel at the hectic blood
That flushes this wild fruit ?
164 Harlem Renaissanc e
Of course , Counte e Culle n wa s a n orphan ; th e parent s who m
he kne w most intimatel y wer e no t o f his "blood." Here, Culle n
seemed t o b e confoundin g heredit y i n th e romanti c an d racia l
way tha t wa s characteristic o f those wh o applaude d th e primi-
tive nature s tha t the y ascribe d t o Negroes .
Few o f th e notabl e Negr o poet s o f th e 1920 s worke d wit h
the pagan-primitiv e them e a s muc h a s Culle n (indeed , i t ap -
pears i n onl y a fe w o f his poems) . The olde r generation , me n
like Jame s Weldon Johnson , neve r touched it . While Langsto n
Hughes was prepared t o celebrat e th e beauty, spontaneity , and
creativity o f blac k Americans , hi s poetr y o f thi s perio d wa s
clearly i n th e America n fol k tradition . H e neve r use d "primi -
tive" or Africa n characteristic s to explai n America n Negroes .
And Claud e McKay' s poetr y i s surprisingl y devoi d o f thes e
themes—surprising sinc e his novel s are not . Onl y "Harle m
Dancer" come s clos e t o approvin g atavism . An d th e sonne t
"Africa" i s simpl y a historica l statemen t o f tha t continent' s
grandeur whic h i s no longer :

Cradle of Power! Yet all things were in vain!


Honor and Glory, Arrogance and Fame!
They went. The darkness swallowed thee again.
Thou art the harlot, now thy time is done,
Of all the might y nations of the sun.

And Cullen' s effort s wer e confuse d a s well , becaus e the y


were no t merel y attempts t o explor e th e sourc e o f Africa n na -
tivity, th e wellspring s o f Negro spirit and identity . Bu t fo r that
poet, Afric a an d "paganism " wer e instrument s i n hi s persona l
rebellion agains t th e Christia n church . His religious skepticism
was alway s voice d a s stemmin g fro m rac e consciousness :
"Lord, I fashio n dar k gods , too. " Cullen's attitude s abou t Af-
rica an d primitivis m are enigmati c because the y ar e onl y tools
of thi s deepe r revolt . "Th e Shrou d o f Color, " which i s fre e o f
primitivism, i s a fa r mor e successfu l statemen t o f hi s proble m
Art: Th e Black Identity 16 5

with Christianit y tha n "Heritage. " And while the latte r i s prob-
ably th e author' s bes t know n work, the forme r is far the bette r
poem fo r it s clarity . Actually , even hi s struggl e wit h fait h wa s
emblematic o f a fa r deepe r an d mor e traumati c rebellio n
which hi s trainin g i n th e gentee l conventio n ill-equippe d hi m
to handle . Bot h a s a perso n an d a poet , Culle n trie d t o fre e
himself o f an unusuall y close relationship with hi s adoptiv e fa -
ther, a minister. Hi s personal rebellio n wa s sligh t an d genteel .
Searching always—an d futilely—fo r a n adequat e persona,
Cullen toye d wit h th e self-imag e of th e paga n poet . Eve n so ,
his prett y dictio n neve r quit e matche d th e desire :

Where young forest lover s lie,


Plighting troth beneath the sky.

For severa l reasons , som e ver y personal , Culle n adde d hi s t o


the blac k voices tha t wer e suggestin g the essentia l Negr o spirit
was t o b e foun d i n Africa , i n the jungle, i n th e primitive .

As on e migh t imagine , the Africa n influenc e wa s mos t imme-


diately fel t i n th e work s of Negro painters an d sculptors . Indi -
vidual Negroe s foun d a plac e fo r themselves , with grea t diffi -
culty, i n th e plasti c arts . Henr y Tanne r (1859-1937) , fo r
instance, afte r stud y unde r Thoma s Eakin s at th e Pennsylvania
Academy of Fine Art s an d Benjami n Constan t i n the Academi c
Julian i n Paris , became somethin g of a maste r o f the dyin g ac-
ademic tradition . Hi s contrive d bu t discipline d treatment s of
the Hol y Lan d wo n hi m som e acclaim , an d h e becam e th e
"dean o f America n painters " i n Paris . An d Met a Warric k
Fuller (1877-1968) receive d notic e fo r her sensitivit y to human
suffering i n sculptur e whic h reflecte d th e han d o f he r master ,
Auguste Rodin . Typica l o f thei r contemporar y Negr o artists ,
Mrs. Fulle r an d Henr y Tanne r staye d wel l withi n th e bound s
of studied , conventional , an d conservativ e Europea n imagina -
tion. Beginnin g in the 1920s , however, an d continuin g into th e
166 Harlem Renaissance
1930s, Negr o painters an d sculptor s attempte d t o incorporat e
Africanism an d primitiv e motif s i n their work . Except for Wil-
liam Johnson , sometim e winne r o f Harmo n Foundatio n
awards, an d Jaco b Lawrence , wh o worke d i n th e 1940s , the y
were no t themselve s primitive s i n art . Rather , som e black art -
ists, like some writers, wer e taken with the possibilitie s o f Afri-
canisms (as they understood them ) an d thought somethin g pro-
found i n th e Negro' s lif e an d spiri t coul d b e evoke d b y them.
Richmond Barthe' s sculptur e ha s covere d a wid e rang e of
subjects, from the massive , heroi c man-on-horseback represen -
tation o f the Haitia n Genera l Dessaline s t o th e simpl y repre -
sentational hea d o f Katharine Cornell. Beginnin g in th e 1920 s
and extendin g int o th e nex t decade , Barthe' s treatmen t o f
Negro subject s wa s no t merel y ethni c bu t h e emphasize d th e
primitive. His Flute Boy, which won a Harmon award in 1928 ,
is typical . A standin g nude—lithe , lean , adolescent—suggest s
freedom an d innocence . Th e figur e i s quit e angular—thi n
arms, pointe d elbows , too-thi n fingers holding th e flute to th e
boy's lips . Th e hip s ar e to o smal l fo r th e bon y an d upward -
pointing shoulders . Th e figure' s fac e continue s thes e upwar d
angles wit h bone d cheek s an d almond , almos t feline , slante d
eyes. Al l conspires t o giv e this Pan-like figure a weightlessness,
to mak e him a creature o f air rathe r tha n earth .
Barthe continue d t o us e thes e technique s t o translat e th e
primitive dance into sculpte d form . African Dancer (1933 ) i s a
nude black girl . Th e slightest ornamentatio n a t the hip s accen -
tuates th e sensua l an d rollin g movemen t o f th e dance . Thi s
figure has been caugh t a s if in abandoned movement; the arms,
legs, and head ar e poised, suggestin g the controlled freedo m of
dance. Th e figure' s sensuality , whic h i s asserte d b y th e con -
tracted abdome n an d nubil e breasts , i s climaxe d b y th e dan -
cer's upturne d face , with closed eye s and slightl y parted lips . A
nude dancer, Feral Benga (1935), i s a male counterpart t o Afri-
can Dancer an d similarl y expresse s Barthe's primitivism . Her e
Art: Th e Black Identity 16 7

Barthe's figur e i n fron t vie w hold s i n hi s righ t han d a lon g


curved machet e arche d ove r his head. Th e sword begins a line
continuing wit h th e righ t ar m which move s through a muscu-
lar an d lea n bod y t o th e legs—tightl y closed , tensed , ben t a t
the knees , and restin g o n the ball s of the feet—t o for m a grace-
ful S . O n anothe r plane , th e lef t arm , curve d downward , bal -
ances the figure and reiterate s th e lin e of the sword . Framed in
the ar c forme d b y th e swor d an d th e figure' s arm s i s a small
Negro head, eye s closed an d fac e slightl y contorted. Barth e ex-
emplified thi s Africa n influenc e i n othe r ways . Blackberry
Woman (1932 ) i s somethin g o f a metapho r whic h relate s th e
African to the Afro-America n folk . One basket on her head , an-
other hooke d o n he r arm , thi s almos t exoti c figur e hawk s he r
wares throug h probabl e souther n streets. I n 1938 , Barth e was
commissioned t o d o marbl e relief s fo r th e Harle m Rive r
Houses i n Ne w Yor k City . On e o f th e panels , Dance, was a
strange mixtur e which mimicke d highl y formalize d Egyptia n
art, ye t tried t o depic t th e artist' s conception o f the rathe r ath-
letic contemporar y dance . Th e resul t was curious , but it s deb t
to Africanis m wa s clea r enough .
Some artist s di d n o mor e tha n includ e Africa n object s i n
their works . Palme r Hayden , fo r instance , i n hi s Fetiche e t
Fleurs, include d i n a still-lif e o f wester n furnishing s ( a ciga -
rette i n a n ashtray , tabl e an d chair , etc.) , luxuriantl y leaf y
plants, a n Africa n sculptur e o f a head , an d a fabri c (tabl e
cover) o f distinctive Africa n design . Charle s Alston' s mural for
the Harle m Hospital, Magic an d Medicine, which was commis -
sioned b y the W . P . A. Federal Ar t Projec t in 1937 , include d a
panel which depicte d tha t artist' s conception o f African magic .
It ha s strong elemental an d natura l emphasis: animals, lighten-
ing, an d th e su n shar e th e scen e wit h dancin g an d conjurin g
Africans. Alsto n employe d thes e obviou s symbols—dancing ,
drums, fetishes , etc.—t o embod y th e mural' s message : modern
medicine is better tha n primitive magic. Nevertheless, the Afri -
168 Harlem Renaissance

can pane l wa s mor e effective—mor e romanti c an d magical —


than thos e whic h depicte d moder n doctor s i n whit e smocks .
The Sa n Francisca n Sargen t Johnso n becam e a par t o f th e
Harlem scen e throug h competitio n fo r Harmo n Foundatio n
awards: h e made figures in terracotta, porcelain , an d enamele d
wood. Johnso n did head s o f children, plain , simple , expression -
less masks . Thes e head s wer e strongl y Negroid—full-lipped ,
broad-nosed. Th e eye s wer e large , open , an d almond-shaped ,
and th e head s wer e unadorne d (excep t sometime s hai r wa s
stylized i n the manne r o f Egyptian art) . These open-faced, sim-
ple figures utilize the ide a o f mask to achieve a n uncompromis-
ing purit y and innocence . One standin g figure, Forever Free,
was s o pleasing tha t Johnso n di d severa l rendering s o f it. Th e
work i s o f a n erec t blac k woman , arm s an d hand s straigh t t o
the side , fac e incline d lookin g up . Th e body—clothe d i n a
long plain garment, wit h bar e toe s just visible fro m beneat h the
skirt—is almos t -cylindrical , havin g onl y sligh t definitio n o f
bust an d stiff-straigh t arm s an d hand s whic h ar e fir m t o th e
sides. Tw o childre n ar e mer e relief s o n th e woman' s skirt ,
partly hidde n an d protecte d b y her down-stretched hands . The
figure's kerchiefe d hea d i s anothe r Johnso n mask , pur e an d
open i n it s upward gaze . Th e figur e i s in star k lacquere d blac k
and white , excep t fo r th e childre n wh o ar e brown. O f al l th e
artists o f th e period , Sargen t Johnso n wa s mos t successfu l in .
taking a smal l suggestio n fro m Afric a an d integratin g i t int o
his ow n uniqu e statement .
None o f the Negr o artist s of the postwa r perio d wa s consid -
ered mor e promisin g tha n Aaro n Douglas , an d non e wa s more
influenced b y Africanisms . Dougla s wa s bor n i n Topeka , Kan-
sas, i n 1898 , educate d i n tha t city' s publi c schools , an d too k a
degree i n fin e art s a t th e Universit y o f Nebraska' s Schoo l o f
Fine Arts . H e cam e t o Ne w Yor k Cit y i n 192 5 an d studie d
under Winold Reiss , who was famous a t the time for his delinea-
tion o f folk type s an d fol k character . I t wa s Reis s who encour -
Art: Th e Black Identity 16 9

aged Dougla s t o work with Africa n theme s to achieve a sense of


the fol k root s beneat h th e Negr o people . Douglas ' wor k foun d
immediate recognitio n i n such magazines as Vanity Fair, Oppor-
tunity, an d Theatre Arts Monthly. Hi s wor k als o appeare d i n
short-lived magazine s like Harlem and Fire, Harlem's attempts a t
"little" magazines. Th e Ne w Negro (1925 ) include s si x Douglas
illustrations, alon g wit h illumination s b y hi s mento r Reiss . Of
all th e Harle m writers an d artists , Douglas ' wor k was mos t in
view.
Aaron Dougla s borrowe d tw o thing s fro m th e Africans . H e
thought tha t ar t shoul d b e desig n mor e than subject . An d his
personal prediliction s fo r mysticism encouraged hi m to find ra-
cial unit y an d racia l sourc e i n Africa . Music , th e dance , tha t
spirit beneat h th e substance—soul—wer e a connectiv e tissu e
between th e Africa n an d th e Afro-American . I n hi s art , h e at -
tempted t o achieve tha t metapho r whic h would make that sub-
liminal unit y explicit .
His drawing s wer e highl y stylize d designs : star k blac k an d
white silhouettes . Wha t for m appeare d wa s part o f the design ;
he use d spear-lik e leaves ; hi s huma n form s wer e fla t silhou -
ettes, angular , lithe , long-heade d wit h mer e slit s fo r eyes. Th e
effect wa s alway s savage : felin e huma n figure s crouche d o r
moving a s i n dance .
This Africa n phas e o f Douglas ' wor k culminate d i n th e un -
veiling o f fou r mural s i n 1934 , which ha d bee n complete d
under W . P . A . sponsorship. Thes e panel s attempte d t o wor k
Douglas' idea s abou t desig n an d Afro-America n heritag e ont o
canvas (i n colo r rathe r tha n i n star k blac k an d white) , an d t o
infuse meanin g int o design . Th e firs t pane l ha s hi s Negr o fig-
ures i n a n Africa n setting : dancin g natives , spears, drums , an d
at th e to p cente r a n Africa n symbo l o f ancestry . Th e secon d
panel treat s th e Negro' s emancipatio n fro m slaver y and subse-
quent subjugatio n under th e threa t o f the K u Klu x Klan . Here ,
Douglas use d symbol s o f cotto n an d labo r t o sugges t slavery ,
170 Harlem Renaissance

the reading of the Emancipatio n Proclamatio n t o the jubilation


of musi c an d dance , an d a t th e extrem e lef t o f the pane l th e
hooded figure s o f the Kla n ride on as Unio n soldier s marc h off .
The thir d pane l protray s lif e fo r th e souther n Negro : a t th e
right, figure s labo r wit h hoe ; i n th e center , subdue d figure s
sing bu t ar e groupe d wit h a sense o f sorrow an d restraint , an -
ticipating grievin g figure s a t th e lef t unde r th e horro r o f a
lynching. Th e final ' panel , "Son g o f th e Towers, " bring s th e
Negro int o th e industria l an d urba n world . A t th e righ t a
figure flee s th e clutching hand s o f serfdom . Hi s escape , how -
ever, i s over the stee l cogs of machinery before belchin g smoke-
stacks. Tal l concret e tower s angl e a t th e background . Bu t
one figure, a musician wit h hi s saxophone, dominate s th e cen -
ter o f th e panel . A t th e left , th e smokestack s d o no t bello w
smoke, however , an d a heav y immobilit y seem s t o stifl e life .
Thus th e movemen t fro m righ t t o lef t carrie s th e Negr o fro m
the clutche s o f serfdom int o th e machiner y and sterilit y o f th e
industrial depression .
These fou r panels , then , attemp t t o depic t th e stor y o f th e
Negro fro m his origin s in Africa , throug h slavery , emancipa -
tion, an d oppressio n t o th e mechanize d complexit y o f urban ,
industrial America . Douglas worke d withi n a narro w rang e of
color, tone , an d value . The painting s were compose d o f relent-
lessly fla t qualitie s o f greens , browns , mauve , an d black . Hi s
human figures , alway s silhouettes , wer e unrelieve d blac k or ,
sometimes, darke r shade s o f th e dominan t color . Har d lin e
dominates. Th e paintings achiev e thei r illusio n through symbol
rather tha n throug h representation. Th e African' s hea d shap e is
more spear-like than the Afro-American's , fo r instance. Dougla s
not onl y maintain s the flatnes s o f color, bu t he , excep t fo r th e
last panel , doe s no t wor k i n perspective . No t onl y hi s human
figures but hi s objects ar e two-dimensional . This serve s t o em-
phasize th e desig n qualit y o f the paintings , abandonin g th e il -
lusion o f three-dimensional reality . Because th e huma n figures
Art: Th e Black Identity 17 1

are faceles s an d stylized , the y ar e symboli c rather tha n repre -


sentational, generi c rather tha n personal , ethni c rather tha n in-
dividualistic. Dougla s ask s the Negr o viewer t o lose the partic-
ularity o f eg o i n th e paintings ' generalize d racia l statement .
However fla t an d generalize d thes e painting s were , the y
were surel y no t emotionall y neutral . Amon g othe r things ,
Douglas use d subtl e gradation s o f color, a t firs t glanc e undis -
cernible. Sometime s thes e wer e arrange d i n concentri c circles ,
forcing th e viewer' s focu s t o particula r points : th e readin g o f
the Emancipatio n Proclamatio n (pane l two) , th e ancestra l
symbol (pane l one) . Sometime s the y wer e arrange d i n broa d
wave-like bands , affectin g a pulsatin g an d emotiona l quality .
In pane l three , a thi n shaf t o f light cut s a diagona l acros s th e
painting. Forsakin g a wide rang e o f color an d fullnes s o f form ,
Douglas chos e t o us e thes e shaft s an d circle s an d wave s fo r
compositional ends—t o arrang e th e wor k fo r emotiona l an d
aesthetic impact . I t wa s a remarkabl e achievement . Durin g
this perio d whe n quit e a fe w mural s wer e bein g don e unde r
government support , Douglas ' wer e surel y a s interestin g a s
most. Whil e some of these murals have earned publi c anonym -
ity o n the wall s of U.S. Post Offices , Aaro n Douglas' have been
recently saved fro m obscurit y and ador n th e wall s of the Coun-
tee Culle n branch o f the Ne w Yor k Publi c Library. 19
Aaron Dougla s wanted , throug h hi s art, t o interpret wha t he
understood t o b e th e spiritua l identit y o f the Negr o people. I t
was a kin d o f sou l o f sel f tha t unite d al l tha t th e blac k ma n
was, i n Afric a an d i n th e Ne w World . Song , dance, image , po-
etry wer e to be united i n the visual-emotional statement. Thus,
the object s that h e worked with could only suggest, they could
not b e somethin g tha t wa s palpable. Th e mor e recognizabl e a
thing was—th e mor e particular—th e les s essentia l an d
universal. His work was, thus, necessarily abstract: mer e design
through whic h he wante d on e to see a soul-self (an earlier ag e
might hav e sai d over-soul ) whic h unite d on e wit h race , rac e
172 Harlem Renaissance

with humanity , and ma n wit h God . Eve n today , Aaro n Doug-


las talk s abou t thes e painting s a s stemmin g fro m hi s belie f
that ar t an d cultur e ar e a t th e hear t o f lif e an d ca n b e th e
bridge betwee n peoples . Th e abstraction , th e symbol , shoul d
become th e languag e i n whic h me n o f disparat e origin s ca n
speak t o on e another . Characteristicall y mystical , Dougla s
thought h e sa w i n Gurdjieff' s teachin g (learne d throug h Jea n
Toomer) an d th e "golde n mean " the metapho r wit h whic h t o
make trul y universa l statements . H e wa s abstrac t fo r philo -
sophical no t fo r painterly reasons . A t the cor e o f it all wa s th e
Negro, th e primitiv e soul.
Of al l th e Harle m writer s an d artist s non e graspe d th e lur e
of Negr o primitivis m mor e eagerl y an d aggressivel y tha n
Claude McKay . While th e succes s of Nigger Heaven may have
encouraged hi m t o writ e hi s successfu l firs t novel , Home t o
Harlem (1928), 20 McKa y subsequently transforme d th e ide a of
the Negro' s spontaneit y an d vitalit y into somethin g quit e omi-
nous. Wha t ha d bee n fo r Va n Vechte n an d eve n Rudolp h
Fisher exotic , naughty , an d quain t wa s worked int o a weapon
in McKay' s secon d novel , Banjo (1929) . McKa y crashe d
through int o a statement o f nihilism an d ne w rebellion .
Ray, th e Wes t India n intellectua l fro m Home t o Harlem,
having lef t Harlem , ha s jumpe d shi p i n Marseilles . Banjo i s a
continuation o f Ray' s sojourn and a n amplificatio n of the edu -
cated ma n vs . natura l ma n argumen t fro m th e earlie r novel .
Ray ha s joined th e compan y of black wharf-bums—a n interna -
tional riff-raff , th e blac k residu e o f the shippin g world . Banjo ,
so-called becaus e h e play s tha t instrument , i s from th e Unite d
States an d ha s al l o f Jake's naturalness , instinctive superiority,
and leadership . Banj o an d Ra y an d th e res t o f the blac k me n
spend thei r tim e bummin g an d panhandlin g o n th e docks .
They al l hustle , an d whe n on e i s especiall y successful , h e
shares a t leas t par t wit h the others . Life i s easy and irresponsi -
ble. Ther e i s foo d enough , an d the y "bung-out " win e barrel s
Art: The Black Identity 17 3

for thei r fre e drinks . The y conniv e fo r th e favor s o f th e dis -


trict's vari-colore d whores . Bu t mainl y the y tal k endlessl y
about th e worl d (fro m thei r ver y specia l perspective ) an d th e
black ma n i n that world . The y ar e s o much th e scu m of civili-
zation that McKa y asks the reade r to believe they see life with-
out self-deception—frankl y an d unadorned . Ray , still th e intel -
lectual o f course , struggle s agains t hi s growin g sens e tha t
placelessness i s his ultimat e condition.
Banjo i s subtitled quit e accurately " A Story Without a Plot. "
McKay merel y present s hi s character s (type s really) , an -
nounces tha t Banj o want s t o lea d a pick-up band fo r the sheer
joy o f it an d tha t Ra y i s collecting authenti c storie s fo r a book
that h e is someday t o write , and the n lead s th e reade r through
more-or-less unrelate d episodes . Ther e i s n o development ;
there i s no rea l change . Banj o get s a ban d together , an d fo r a
brief tim e the y pla y ragtim e an d blues—relentles s an d unre -
strained. Havin g serve d it s purpose—instan t joy—th e orga -
nized band fall s apart , bu t th e musi c is always just beneath th e
surface read y t o explod e throug h Banjo , wh o i s himself an in -
strument. An d Ra y think s an d talks , ever y episod e a n
illustration o r a n argumen t abou t th e blac k man' s essenc e an d
his predicament .
Again an d again , th e message : th e huma n an d vita l blac k
man i s alie n i n th e sterile , mechanize d Europea n civilization .
There wa s n o qualification , despit e superficia l nationa l differ -
ences. Althoug h Frenchme n allowe d blac k me n t o fornicat e
with whit e women , the y wer e jus t a s racis t a s Englishme n
or Americans . Indeed , give n th e simpl e black-whit e dualism ,
the Unite d States was much t o be preferred. I t was better, afte r
all, to confron t avowe d racist s than to be lured int o the self-de -
ceptions tha t Senegales e an d other Frenc h subject s entertaine d
because thei r whit e oppressor s allowe d the m blac k representa-
tion i n Frenc h government . Appearance s t o th e contrary , al l
black me n wh o wer e unde r th e hee l o f Europea n civilizatio n
174 Harlem Renaissance

had thei r essentia l character—spontaneity , rhythm , exuberance


—mauled b y the calculate d an d impersona l machine .
There wa s no way that blac k me n could ge t int o tha t dread -
ful mechanis m without destroying their integrity . Ra y had see n
countless peopl e try . H e ha d foun d educate d black s i n ever y
European cit y carrying , always , "heav y literatur e unde r thei r
arms. They tote d these books to protect themselve s fro m bein g
hailed everywher e a s minstre l niggers , coons , funn y monkey s
for th e Europea n audience. " The y neede d symbol s t o b e be -
lievable, eve n t o themselves , a s part o f civilized respectability .
"Some o f them wor e hideou s parliamentar y clothe s a s close a s
ever t o th e patter n o f the mos t correctl y gra y respectability. "
Some black students wor e glasse s "that mad e them sissy-eyed, "
because the y though t glasse s wer e a mar k o f scholarship. And
all the whil e the sel f was lost i n the ma d rus h for costume an d
appearance. O f course , Ray' s problem wa s ho w h e coul d b e a
writer—an intellectua l wit h necessaril y universa l standards —
and a t th e sam e time maintain his ethnic self .
Nor wa s th e proble m wholl y racial . McKa y als o state s th e
issue a s a tensio n betwee n th e machin e an d organizatio n
against humanity . Symboli c o f dehumanize d civilizatio n wa s
the ques t fo r money. This wa s eas y enough t o se e with Ameri -
cans, bu t i n a chapte r title d "Everybod y Doin g It, " McKay' s
characters illustrat e ho w al l th e European s ar e bein g mad e
slaves t o th e machin e throug h money . One o f the whit e bums,
who occasionall y share s drink s with the blac k boys , point s ou t
that he , too , i s bein g tricke d b y whit e people . Althoug h they
sympathize, Ra y conclude s tha t i t i s th e whit e man' s world ,
after all .
The reade r i s mad e acquainted—to o ofte n throug h tediou s
discussions—with th e difference s o f black people, one from an-
other, an d th e variation s i n treatment o f blacks b y whites. Th e
reciprocated prejudice s o f Wes t India n an d America n Negro,
Art: Th e Black Identity 17 5

the variet y of racial attitude s amon g Afro-Americans constitut e


some o f the discussion . Bu t th e delineatio n o f th e whit e men-
ace i s the rea l flesh of the novel . Generalizations abou t peopl e
and nationalitie s abound : Arab s ar e dirty ; Chines e mak e good
pimps (Banj o find s none, however , better tha n Harle m pimps).
There is always the assumptio n of national characte r an d type .
Some o f these generalization s ar e mer e cliches of experience: a
well-dressed whit e bu m can get large "raises" out of Europeans
because the y ar e embarrasse d b y him ; southern "crackers " ar e
more generou s t o blac k America n bums i n foreig n land s than
anyone else. Bu t th e generalizin g we b that hold s th e nove l to-
gether i s th e ide a tha t blac k men , whereve r the y ar e from ,
share a common "soul," a common instinct .
Most frankl y put , McKay' s characters , consciousl y o r not ,
have chosen t o dro p out of civilization. In a conventional view,
they woul d b e failures , socia l rejects . Bu t thes e ar e no t me n
who hav e trie d t o succee d a t something , the y hav e ha d n o
wish t o achieve . The y jus t are—livin g wholl y i n th e presen t
and perfectl y unconsciou s o f a desire d alternativ e withi n so-
ciety. Th e characters themselves, a s well as their speeches , rep -
resent fronta l attack s o n Europea n civilization . The y ar e n o
longer simpl y primitive-exotics, bu t the y foreshado w the radi -
cal alienatio n o f th e mid-twentiet h century . Indeed , a s th e
novel ends, Banjo, who has agreed wit h several o f the other s to
sign o n t o a Britis h shi p fo r the Wes t Indies , draw s a custom-
ary month' s pa y i n advanc e an d invite s Ra y privatel y t o join
him i n fligh t t o som e othe r port . Ra y protest s tha t Banj o ha d
signed hi s name an d take n a n advanc e i n pay , "Yo u can't qui t

now.
"Nix an d a zero for what I kain't do. Go looket that book and
you won't find mah real name no moh than anybod y is gwine
find this nigge r when I tak e mahsel f awa y fro m here . . .. I
know yous e thinkin g i t ain' t right . Bu t w e kain' t affor d t o
176 Harlem Renaissance

choose, because we ain't bor n an d growe d u p lik e the choos-


ing people . Al l we ca n d o i s grab our chanc e every tim e i t
comes our way."
The naiv e romance , th e simpl e anarchy of pleasure-loving peo -
ple has been transformed . The assumption s behin d th e creatio n
of the Scarle t Creepe r hav e bee n hammere d int o a n aggressiv e
social force—criticis m throug h rejectio n an d denial .
The attac k wa s broad-base d an d ofte n confused . Europea n
civilization (McKa y include d America ) was aggressive , materi-
alistic, an d dehumanizing . I t wa s hypocritical , makin g grea t
pronouncements abou t libert y and , i n America , equalit y o f op-
portunity, bu t i t woul d no t tolerat e rea l individualism , an d it s
racism denie d t o non-white s an y rea l chance . I t exclude d
blacks while it crushed thei r souls . Yet it was messianic an d to -
tally compelling ; i t could conceiv e o f no people who would not
be improve d an d delivere d b y it s blessings. McKay , like other
western blacks , ha d struggle d futilel y wit h identit y an d his -
tory. H e wa s greatl y impresse d b y African s who m h e me t i n
Europe. Ray , in Banjo, sa t i n aw e o f the Senegales e an d othe r
West African s wh o spok e thei r ow n dialects , wh o tol d tale s
that bespok e a fol k traditio n tha t wa s timeless. Europea n civi -
lization ha d deracinate d man y black s fro m tha t sourc e and ,
thus, deprive d the m o f personality .
It i s fancie d tha t blac k men , becaus e the y shar e a spiritua l
unity, coul d resis t th e white s an d com e together . The y migh t
see throug h th e fagad e o f white cultur e int o th e fleshless ma-
chine within . The y migh t se e the desperatenes s o f their plight ,
join togethe r t o find the essenc e tha t had bee n lost , an d sa y an
everlasting na y to the myt h of whiteness and th e costume s that
disguised tha t spiritua l fraud . I t wa s dreame d abou t and , i n
the novel , talke d about— a kin d o f Pan-Africanism , perhaps.
Yet, McKay' s fellow Jamaican , Marcus Garvey, i s alway s men-
tioned wit h contemp t a s a kin d of buffoon. An d b y th e en d o f
Banjo, al l th e tal k an d th e dream s hav e dissipate d int o thi n
Art: Th e Black Identity 17 7

air. Ther e is no future , excep t t o drop ou t a s Banjo ask s Ra y to


do, to bu m aroun d endlessly .
Ray want s to escape, but hi s mind, his intellec t tha t tie s him
to tha t whic h h e despises , makes him hesitate. Th e nove l ends ,
and th e reade r i s lef t t o wonde r wha t Ra y decides . Whateve r
his decision , hi s attitude s wer e clear . Th e African s gav e him a
feeling "o f wholesom e contac t wit h racia l roots . The y mad e
him fee l tha t h e wa s no t merel y a n unfortunat e acciden t o f
birth, but that h e belonged . . . to a race weighed , tested , and
poised i n the universa l scheme." The y gav e him a past, i f not a
future. "Eve n thoug h the y stoo d bewildere d befor e the impos -
ing bignes s o f white things , apparentl y unawar e o f the invalu -
able wort h o f their own , the y wer e naturall y defended b y th e
richness o f thei r fundamenta l racia l values. " H e ha d n o suc h
feeling abou t "Afroamerican s who , long-deracinated, wer e stil l
rootless amon g phantom s an d pal e shadow s an d enfeeble d b y
self-effacement befor e condescending patronage , socia l negativ-
ism, an d miscegenation. " An d th e blac k intellectua l i n th e
United State s wa s th e mos t enfeebled , vainl y tryin g t o mov e
into whit e neighborhoods an d to have " 'white neighbor s think
well o f us.'" Onl y amon g th e "workin g boy s an d girl s o f th e
country" di d h e fin d integrity : "that ra w unconsciou s an d the-
devil-with-them prid e in being Negr o that wa s his own natural
birthright. Dow n ther e [amon g workers ] th e idea l ski n wa s
brown skin . Boy s and girl s were prou d o f their brown , sealskin
brown, teasin g brown , tantalizin g brown , high-brown , low -
brown, velve t brown , chocolat e brown. " I t wa s clea r tha t Ra y
had n o plac e wit h th e Americans . Bu t whateve r hi s pleasure ,
Africa gav e hi m n o viabl e choice . S o h e intende d t o escap e
with Banjo .
Reading Banjo today , on e canno t hel p bu t b e struc k b y th e
contemporaneity o f its argument . It migh t wel l b e th e wor k of
a present-da y blac k militan t o r nationalist—racialist , aggres -
sive, rhetorical , an d provocative . On e thing , o f course , ha s
17S Harlem Renaissanc e

changed; Afric a i s n o longe r a gerierality , a n abstraction .


There ar e particula r blac k nation s strugglin g wit h technologi -
cal revolution . One ca n n o longer thin k of Africa a s simply the
home o f black men . Ther e ar e Kenya , Ghana, Nigeria , an d s o
on. W e no w mus t thin k o f particula r African s wit h rea l eco -
nomic an d politica l challenges . On e wonder s wha t differenc e
that woul d mak e t o Ray . Whateve r hi s reaction , som e o f th e
black intellectual s wh o helpe d articulat e Africa n nationalis m
—Aime Cesaire , L . S . Senghor , Semben e Ousmane , Ousman e
Soce—felt themselve s inspire d b y Claud e McKay' s Banjo.
They foun d i n i t th e challeng e to produc e blac k ar t an d litera -
ture tha t ha d it s own integrity, independent o f white Europea n
norms.21
Claude McKa y ha d finishe d bot h Home t o Harlem an d
Banjo whil e i n France , havin g complete d a Europea n tou r
which had include d a visit to the newl y revolutionize d Russia ,
where h e ha d bee n very wel l received . Bu t McKa y wa s no t
taken i n b y th e ne w order ; tha t socialis t stat e wa s merel y an -
other variet y o f Europea n civilization . H e dismisse d th e Rus -
sians alon g with th e French , British , Germans , and Americans.
None mean t th e blac k ma n an y good ; al l corrupte d hi s soul .
McKay returned t o the Unite d States, continuing to write es-
says, a n autobiography , a novel : Banana Bottom (1933) . I n
1943 h e becam e seriousl y ill . H e joine d th e Roma n Catholi c
Church befor e h e die d i n 1948 . Tw o essay s o n hi s conversio n
emphasize hi s complet e alienatio n fro m America n Negro intel-
lectuals, indicatin g hi s intens e bitternes s towar d th e impoten t
black American . H e ha d come , a t last , t o despai r o f remedy
other tha n white benevolence. " I maintain," he said, "that sinc e
in th e Unite d States w e are a most special typ e minority , amid
a majorit y of whites, the rea l issue for us is Adjustment an d no t
Segregation. Fo r whe n w e com e dow n t o bras s tacks , th e
Negro minorit y mus t depend finall y o n th e good-wil l o f white
Art: Th e Black Identity 17 9

America. We , mor e tha n an y othe r peopl e i n th e Ne w World ,


need a Goo d Neighbo r Policy. " 22
Africa an d primitivis m were a cul d e sa c for McKay , as frus -
trating a s al l othe r avenue s t o th e sel f ha d been . Whil e i n
Banana Bottom hi s heroin e Bita— a blac k Jamaica n wh o ha d
been patronize d b y white s an d wa s Europea n educated —
triumphantly an d romanticall y returne d t o the rusti c simplicity
of Jamaica n peasan t life , th e Wes t Indie s coul d neve r recap -
ture him . S o h e die d i n a lan d wher e h e ha d alway s fel t
taunted an d despised .
Not al l of the Harle m writers share d McKay' s compulsion for
Africa an d th e distant , blac k soul-land . Langsto n Hughe s ha d
traveled t o Africa . I t wa s fascinating , i t wa s tragic , i t wa s a
mystery t o him :

So long,
So far awa y
Is Afric a

Hughes coul d never , however , imagin e himsel f as othe r tha n


American. On e o f his difficultie s wit h his patroness wa s that h e
had refuse d t o b e a primitive . "Sh e wante d m e to b e primitiv e
and kno w and fee l th e intuition s of the primitive . But , unfortu -
nately, I di d no t fee l th e rhythm s o f th e primitiv e surgin g
through me , an d s o I coul d no t liv e and writ e a s though I did .
I wa s onl y a n America n Negro—wh o ha d love d th e surfac e o f
Africa an d th e rhythm s o f Africa—bu t I wa s no t Africa . I wa s
Chicago an d Kansa s City an d Broadwa y an d Harlem. " Rather
than searc h abroa d fo r the essenc e o f Negro identity , Hughes' s
conviction o f hi s Americannes s made hi m us e th e material s of
his nativ e land .
While Jea n Toomer' s remarkabl e Cane (1923 ) wa s writte n
early i n th e decade , i t was—mor e tha n othe r contemporar y
novels b y blac k authors— a consciou s exploratio n o f Negr o
180 Harlem Renaissance

identity. Toome r wa s a n artfu l an d imaginativ e write r wh o


found i n symbolis m a mean s o f breachin g th e narro w con -
straints o f conventional language . Th e peopl e i n Cane are gro -
tesques rathe r tha n characters , and , i n thi s sense , ech o Sher -
wood Anderson' s Winesburg, Ohio, an d Edga r Le e Masters '
Spoon River Anthology, Cane combine s mysticism— a lifelon g
source of Toomer's inspiration—wit h a variety of literary natu -
ralism; no t th e "scientific " reportag e o f Zola , Norris , an d
Dreiser, but , rather , th e protraya l o f human continuity with or-
ganic natur e a s i n Turgenev . Toome r differe d i n man y way s
from th e othe r Harle m novelists : indeed , hi s artisti c associa -
tions wer e reall y i n Greenwic h Village . Bu t mainl y h e wa s
self-consciously avant ga/de, - n o othe r Harle m write r was .
Toomer experimente d wit h structure . Cane was a serie s o f vi-
gnettes an d shor t storie s whic h wer e organicall y integrate d b y
symbols. It s styl e move d freel y fro m pros e t o prose-poetr y t o
verse. A t least i n for m an d style , i t was , with E . E . Cummings '
The Enormous Room, amon g th e trul y innovativ e America n
novels o f the decade .
Unlike Anderso n an d Masters , Toome r wa s no t conten t i n
discovering for the reade r th e underlying warp in character; h e
was afte r a deeper meanin g and a positive statement . Cane is a
forthright searc h fo r th e root s o f th e Negr o self : th e so n t o
know th e father .

Song o f th e So n 23
Pour O pour that parting soul in song,
O pour it in the sawdust glow of night,
Into the velvet pine-smoke air to-night,
And let the valley carry it along.
And let the valley carry it along.
O land and soil, red soil and sweet-gum tree,
So scant of grass, so profligate of pines,
Now just before an epoch's sun declines
Art: Th e Black Identity 18 1
Thy son, in time, I have returned to thee.
Thy son, I have in time returned to thee.
In time, for though the sun is setting on
A song-lit race of slaves, it has not set;
Though late, O soil, it is not too late yet
To catch thy plaintive soul, leaving, soon gone,
Leaving, to catch thy plaintive soul soon gone.
O Negro slaves, dark purple ripened plums,
Squeezed and bursting in the pine-wood air,
Passing, before they stripped the old tree bare
One plum was saved for me, one seed becomes
An everlasting song, a singing tree,
Caroling softly souls of slavery,
What they were, and what they are to me,
Caroling softly soul s of slavery.

The narrator , th e son , return s t o Georgi a t o captur e an d sav e


forever th e essenc e o f the pas t tha t i s himself. Th e soi l i s th e
everlasting source ; th e dusk—inevitabl e lik e time—threaten s
to enclos e foreve r i n darknes s th e pas t an d continuity ; pin e
trees stan d a s monuments of that organi c continuity ; th e inor -
ganic saw-mil l which devour s th e pin e trees , convertin g the m
into sawdust , foretell s th e civilized , mechanistic , inhuma n fat e
of th e deracinated ; th e pine-smok e fro m th e sawdus t pile s
drifts lik e ghosts—lik e th e soul-song s o f slaves—throug h th e
valleys an d int o th e air . Thes e ar e th e dominatin g symbol s of
Cane.
Part I o f Cane i s a serie s o f portrait s o f women—signifi -
cantly, women—eac h i n som e wa y incomplet e an d stultified .
Women, lik e fallo w earth , wantin g plantin g an d generation .
They ar e eac h potentiall y th e generator s o f life , bu t onl y po -
tentially. Absen t i s tha t whic h wil l quicke n the m int o fruit .
This wan t o f wholenes s an d fruitio n set s th e ton e o f patho s
which pervade s thei r stories . Men , children , an d familie s ar e
one ste p removed , alway s just ou t o f focus . Me n d o ac t upo n
182 Harlem Renaissance

them, bu t alway s in som e distorte d wa y tha t emphasize s thei r


essential impotenc y an d detachment , whic h leave s thes e
women empty . Karintha , fo r instance , "th e sou l o f he r wa s a
growing thing ripene d to o soon," was taken before her tim e by
young men , achin g fo r he r beauty . Sh e burie d he r fatherles s
child i n a sawdus t pile , prostitutin g hersel f t o repa y the m fo r
her defilement . Beck y was a white woman who had tw o Negro
sons. White s and blacks , to o horrifie d t o acknowledg e thi s spe -
cies o f natura l generatio n (evidenc e o f cover t miscegenatio n
was everywher e t o b e seen) , buil t Beck y a cabi n an d lef t he r
for dea d unti l th e chimne y o f her cabi n collapse d an d burie d
her, makin g their fantas y real . "Carma , i n overalls , an d stron g
as an y man, " wa s responsibl e fo r he r husband' s bein g o n th e
chain gang . She had deceive d him twice . He had accuse d her
of having other men , an d sh e ha d feigne d suicid e i n th e cane -
brake. Hysterical , h e forme d a gan g t o hel p fin d her . I t ha d
been a trick ; sh e wa s alive . "Twice deceived,—an d on e decep -
tion prove d th e other . Hi s hea d wen t off. " He slashe d a man,
and no w h e i s i n th e chai n gang . Esther , th e daughte r o f th e
town's riches t Negro , translate d he r sexua l wishes int o fantas y
about a ver y black itineran t preacher , Kin g Barlo . I n he r ado -
lescence, th e light-skinne d Esthe r imagine d hersel f th e mothe r
of hi s child— a virgina l hysterica l pregnancy . When , a t last ,
she offere d he r bod y t o him , Kin g Barl o rebuffed her , an d sh e
retreated int o frigidity . Louis a has a blac k an d a whit e lover .
The black ma n kills the whit e man an d is , in turn, lynched. All
these feminin e live s ar e crampe d an d limited ; se x fo r the m i s
mere ritual—habitual an d sterile .
The genera l statemen t o f Part I i s brought int o sharp focus
in th e stor y of Fern, whom you would understan d i f "you have
heard a Jewis h canto r sing , i f h e ha s touche d yo u an d mad e
your ow n sorro w see m trivial. " I t wa s he r eye s tha t hinte d a t
the story . The y wer e strang e eye s i n that "the y sough t nothin g
—that is , nothin g tha t wa s obviou s an d tangibl e an d tha t on e
Art: Th e Black Identity 18 3

could see , an d they gav e the impressio n tha t nothing was to be


denied. Whe n a woma n seeks , yo u wil l hav e observed , he r
eyes deny. " Fern' s eye s sough t fo r nothing that on e coul d giv e
her, s o ther e wa s n o reaso n wh y the y shoul d withhold . Me n
were deceive d b y wha t the y sa w in he r eyes ; the y though t sh e
was eas y an d woul d giv e hersel f t o them . "Whe n sh e wa s
young, a fe w me n too k her , bu t go t n o jo y fro m it. " Rather ,
they becam e attache d t o he r t o fulfil l som e "obligatio n whic h
they coul d fin d n o nam e for. " They searche d an d hungere d t o
find th e thin g tha t sh e desired , tha t woul d satisf y her . "Me n
were everlastingl y bringin g he r thei r bodies . Somethin g inside
of he r go t tire d o f them, I guess , fo r I a m certai n tha t fo r th e
life o f he r sh e coul d no t tel l wh y o r ho w sh e bega n t o tur n
them off. " There wa s nothin g a man coul d giv e her, n o matter
how muc h h e wante d to . Sh e desired nothing , o r sh e desire d
something s o gran d an d s o profoun d an d s o essentia l tha t i t
was, i n fact , nothing . " 'Let's tak e a walk. ' I a t las t ventured. "
So the y walke d int o th e cane-brake , followed b y th e eye s o f
knowing people . An d the y sat , an d h e hel d he r i n hi s arm s
until h e looke d int o he r eye s an d wa s carrie d awa y b y emo-
tion.
She spran g up . Rushe d som e distanc e fro m me . Fel l t o he r
knees, an d bega n swaying , swaying . He r bod y wa s torture d
with somethin g i t coul d no t le t out . Lik e boilin g sa p i t
flooded arms and fingers till she shook them as if they burned
her. I t foun d he r throat , an d spattered inarticulately in plain-
tive, convulsiv e sounds , mingle d wit h call s t o Chris t Jesus .
And the n sh e sang , brokenly . A Jewish canto r singing with a
broken voice . A child' s voice , uncertain , o r a n ol d man's .
Dusk hi d her; I could hear only her song. I t seeme d to me as
though sh e wer e poundin g he r hea d i n anguis h upo n th e
ground. I rushed to her. She fainted i n my arms.
And afte r al l o f that , nothin g reall y happened . "Nothin g eve r
came t o Fern , no t eve n I. " Bu t she remains , th e narrato r tell s
us. Sh e is still o n th e Dixi e Pike , lik e the res t o f these women ,
184 Harlem Renaissance

like th e soil : fallow , fecund wit h th e sour-swee t odo r o f unfer -


tilized festerin g seed . "He r name , agains t th e chanc e tha t yo u
might happe n dow n tha t way , is Fernie Ma y Rosen. " Lik e th e
soil, strippe d of its pines, saw-mill s hum and at dus k the pine -
smoke fro m sawdus t pile s drift s dow n th e valley s an d away —
into nothing .
Part I I shift s t o th e cit y an d mark s a differen t kin d o f steril-
ity. Th e threa t t o humanit y her e i s i n people' s attachmen t t o
inorganic object s an d property , i n thei r enslavemen t t o ab -
stractions lik e civilizatio n an d it s conventions , an d i n thei r
alienation fro m th e pas t whic h spawned them . Inanimat e sym-
bols comman d mos t o f thes e stories ; object s dominat e people ,
forcing a kin d o f death. "Rhober t [sound s lik e robot ] wear s a
house, lik e a monstrou s diver' s helmet , o n hi s head. " Propert y
owns Rhobert , an d lik e a diver he sink s under th e weigh t o f it.
"Let's sin g Dee p Rive r whe n h e goe s down. " Socia l positio n
and conventio n stultif y i n severa l ways . Avey' s parent s wan t
her t o b e a schoo l teacher , bu t sh e ha s othe r ideas . Lik e tree s
planted i n boxe s o n V Street , Ave y strain s agains t artificia l
confinement; he r bod y an d he r womanhoo d def y socia l limits .
In "Theater, " Joh n i s inhibite d b y hi s sens e o f propriet y an d
social statu s fro m tellin g Doris— a choru s gir l who m h e think s
moves he r bod y wit h greate r spontaneit y an d abando n tha n
the othe r girls—tha t h e desire s her . S o hi s desire s remai n
dreams. Ironically , Dori s want s Joh n becaus e sh e see s i n hi m
security, a home , an d children . The y dream ; nothin g happens .
For th e soul-healt h o f one' s being , on e ha d t o b e tappe d int o
the organi c past—th e South , slavery—tha t i s th e poin t i n "Box
Seat." Da n Moore , a young black itinerant preacher , illustrate s
it. H e wa s bor n i n a canefield . "Th e hand s o f Jesus touche d
me." H e i s on e o f th e "powerfu l undergroun d races, " fro m
whom wil l ris e th e nex t coming . H e describe s a heav y Negr o
woman wh o sit s besid e hi m i n th e theater : " A soil-soake d
fragrance come s fro m her . Through the cemen t floor her stron g
Art: Th e Black Identity 18 5

roots sin k dow n . . . an d disappea r i n blood-line s tha t wave r


south." An d al l i s denie d t o thos e wh o den y themselves . I n
"Bona an d Paul, " Pau l i s a Negr o studen t wh o i s "passing. "
Love i s frustrated betwee n Pau l an d a whit e girl , Bona—bot h
are southern—becaus e wha t sh e want s i n hi m i s hi s Negro -
ness, whic h he denies .
"Box Seat " i s a centra l story . Da n Moor e love s Muriel , a
school teacher , i n who m h e see s a "stil l unconquere d animal -
ism." Bu t Murie l i s a creatur e o f conventio n an d i s protecte d
by he r landlady , Mrs . Pribby , wh o i s he r super-ego . Muriel' s
instincts ar e t o emasculat e Da n Moor e by making him confor m
by takin g a regula r job . Bu t Dan , th e preacher , see s wha t h e
thinks t o b e th e remnan t o f her sou l and want s to lov e her, t o
save her . Murie l avoid s Da n an d goe s wit h a gir l frien d t o a
vaudeville theate r wher e sh e sit s i n a bo x seat , remove d fro m
the crow d bu t visibl e t o all . Suc h i s her socia l pretensio n an d
her enslavemen t t o convention ; sh e denie s t o hersel f fre e an d
honest human contact, fo r she i s controlled b y society' s vie w of
her. Afte r a bruta l boxin g matc h betwee n tw o dwarf s for th e
"heavyweight championship, " th e victo r o f thi s "act " present s
to Murie l a blood-spattere d rose . Repulsed , sh e refuses , the n
considers, an d finall y sh e accepts . Bu t sh e ha s recoile d fro m
the dwarf , a s sh e recoil s fro m reality , fro m he r people , fro m
her past . Th e dwarf' s eye s searc h hers: "Do no t shrink . Do no t
be afrai d o f me." Dan , wh o ha s observed , see s i n thi s he r pro -
found self-hatred . "JESU S WA S ONCE A LEPER! " Da n th e
preacher scream s an d rushe s fre e o f her.
The aching futility o f the fecun d tha t canno t bear , th e empty
sterile pointlessnes s o f uproote d lives—tumblewee d driftin g
across asphal t streets—i s brough t int o shar p focu s i n th e fina l
story, "Kabnis. " Ralp h Kabni s is a norther n mulatt o wh o ha s
gone t o teac h i n rura l Georgia . H e i s a patheti c figur e wh o
cannot accep t hi s past , wh o ha s a n unreasonable fea r o f bein g
lynched, wh o canno t accep t th e realit y of slavery an d hi s rela-
1S6 Harlem Renaissance

tionship t o it , whos e fea r an d self-hatre d prevent hi m fro m ex -


periencing th e "pai n an d beaut y o f th e South. " Kabni s i s
Toomer's ultimat e statemen t o f th e rasping , withering , dyin g
sterility o f Negr o self-denial , "suspende d a fe w feet abov e th e
soil whos e touc h woul d resurrec t him. " Halse y i s a blacksmit h
who ha s becom e a par t o f the souther n community. His craft ,
and hi s limited aspiration , giv e him a superficiall y trouble-free
life. H e i s a goo d nigge r i n tha t h e expect s n o mor e tha n th e
white South will let hi m have. Kabnis, drifting with no sense of
self, turn s i n hi s dependenc y fro m Halse y t o other s wh o hav e
for hi m the appearance o f definite plac e and purpose. Th e story
culminates i n a surrealisti c debauc h i n the cella r o f the black-
smith shop , wher e Kabni s ha s throw n himsel f fo r emotiona l
support ont o prostitutes . Bu t ther e i n thi s underground , lik e
the hol d o f a slav e ship , sit s Fathe r John , a leather y ol d black
man. Fathe r John , a forme r slave , lik e slaver y i s a mut e wit-
ness, emblemati c o f the Negro' s true an d rea l past . H e i s hid-
den fro m vie w an d almos t forgotten . Lewis , a youth , trie s t o
relate t o Fathe r John , whil e Kabni s characteristicall y denie s
him an d claim s tha t hi s ancestor s wer e souther n blue-bloods .
Father John' s onl y statemen t i s t o charg e th e whit e ma n with
the si n o f slavery . I t i s clea r tha t redemptio n i s t o b e foun d
through Fathe r John . Carri e Kate , a chil d wh o take s car e o f
him, an d Lewi s wh o acknowledge s him, promise tha t th e ne w
generation may find roots and sustenance, vitality and manhood.
Toomer's answe r t o th e ques t fo r Negro identity , then , i s to
find one's root s i n th e homeland , the South , an d t o clai m i t as
one's own . I t i s t o loo k int o th e fullnes s o f th e pas t withou t
shame o r fear . T o be , an d t o reliv e the slav e an d th e peasan t
and neve r b e separate d fro m tha t reality . I t i s to kno w Fathe r
John, th e black , gnarled , ugly , brutalized slave . T o kno w an d
to accep t slavery : th e horro r o f it, th e pai n o f it , th e humilia -
tion o f it. T o absorb i t 'all, this living and dyin g past, a s part of
blood an d breath . Th e Negr o has to embrace the slav e an d th e
Art: Th e Black Identity 18 7

dwarf i n himself. He, lik e a son, despite all , mus t learn t o lov e
his father—fles h o f hi s flesh , bloo d o f hi s blood—t o b e a man .
Of all o f these effort s t o defin e a Negro identity , Jea n Toom -
er's seem s the mos t profound and provocative . Attempt s to find
black model s i n conventio n an d th e Protestan t Ethi c wer e un -
satisfactory becaus e the y ha d t o ignor e th e realit y o f actua l
black people . The y inferentiall y place d a n onu s o n Negroes t o
conform t o standards of behavior an d "civilization " whic h wer e
beyond th e wisdo m o f norma l life . The y containe d withi n
themselves ready-mad e failur e an d necessar y self-depreciation .
But th e reversa l o f conventiona l standard s offere d n o bette r
choice.
The Negr o intellectual' s fascinatio n wit h primitivis m wa s
filled wit h ironies . Contrar y t o assertion s o f th e soul-commu-
nity o f blacks , th e America n Negroe s ha d t o learn t o appre -
ciate th e valu e o f African ar t an d culture . To o ofte n the y wer e
taught b y European s fo r whom Africa ha d a powerful, but lim-
ited, significance . When post-impressionis t painters , sate d wit h
the traditio n o f the academie s an d despairin g o f fresh insight s
and statements , viewe d Africa n sculpture , the y discovere d a
wind tha t woul d blo w throug h th e galleries , museums , an d
academies; i t opene d windows . I t wa s liberatin g fo r these me n
who stoo d squarel y o n a traditio n an d wh o woul d neve r
wholly abando n it . Bu t whe n th e blac k America n intellectua l
got the news , h e wanted t o b e able t o identif y completel y with
Africa, t o fin d hi s traditio n there . No w tha t wa s quit e fanciful .
Consider, too , th e Negr o Aaron Douglas learnin g techniques of
African ar t fro m th e Bavaria n Winol d Reiss . Whil e Dougla s
used th e technique s h e learne d i n thi s association , Africa n ar t
had littl e lastin g influence.
No les s ironic i s the stimulatin g effec t tha t America n "primi-
tives" had o n Africans . I f we ar e to believe th e testimon y of Af-
rican intellectual s lik e Presiden t Leopol d Sengho r o f Senegal,
Harlem writer s (particularl y Claud e McKa y i n Banjo) gav e
188 Harlem Renaissance
them a sens e o f direction . The y looke d t o American s fo r cul -
tural leadershi p a t th e sam e tim e tha t American s lik e McKay
were searchin g abroad . What th e Africa n intellectual s got fro m
books lik e Banjo wa s th e injunctio n to asser t ethni c integrity .
This wa s no t a uniqu e messag e i n tha t ag e o f self-determina-
tion an d proliferatin g nations . I t wa s special, however , i n tha t
it rejecte d th e natura l supremac y o f European civilizatio n an d
championed th e superio r humanit y o f Africa n culture . Thi s
message coul d mea n far les s t o American Negroes than i t coul d
to Africans , becaus e th e Senegalese , th e Ibos , th e Ashanti ,
though colonials , ha d som e cultura l integrit y an d a traditio n
from whic h t o work . Tha t wa s precisel y wha t American s were
looking for ; lackin g it , the y wer e thrus t bac k upo n them -
selves.24 Th e whit e expatriate s o f the 1920 s ha d a remarkably
similar experienc e i n Europe . Fo r a s they explore d Europ e fo r
meaningful culture , Europea n intellectual s wer e turnin g t o
America.25
The primitivis m of Counte e Culle n an d Claud e McKa y wa s
very romanti c an d reste d o n ver y superficial knowledge of Af-
rican life . Cullen' s "Heritage, " wit h rai n beatin g incessan t
rhythms on hi s "body's street, " i s only slightl y mor e intelligen t
than Vache l Lindsay' s "Congo. " Whateve r McKay' s fantas y
was, Africa n triba l lif e i s i n realit y very forma l an d obligator y
to it s members . Jake or Banj o coul d no t survive , fornicatin g at
their pleasur e an d servin g no social function. McKay' s personal
irony i s that i n the las t year s o f his life , hi s mind an d bod y de -
teriorating fro m disease , h e thre w himsel f o n th e mos t tradi -
tional institutio n o f hi s despise d Europea n civilization , th e
Roman Catholi c Church. 26
For th e purpos e o f ethnic identity , primitivism is peculiarly
limited. I t i s especiall y a mal e fantasy . I t i s easie r t o imagin e
men a s roustabouts , vagabonds , bums , an d heroes , harde r t o
draw sympatheti c female s whos e whol e existence i s their bod-
ies an d instinct . I t i s als o difficul t t o creat e th e illusio n of de-
Art: Th e Black Identity 18 9

velopment an d generation ; ther e ar e n o childre n anywher e i n


these works . Perhap s women , whos e freedo m ha s natura l
limitations—they hav e babies—ar e essentiall y conservative . I n
the las t paragrap h o f th e novel , Banj o answer s Ray , wh o
breathed regre t tha t Banjo' s woma n could no t b e take n along .
"Don't ge t sof t ova h an y one wimmens, pardner. Tha's you' big
weakness. A woman i s a conjunction . Gaw d fixed her differen t
from u s i n mo h way s than one . An d theah' s thing s w e ca n gi t
away wit h al l the tim e an d sh e just kain't. " It wa s a differenc e
that wa s hard t o dea l with . McKa y coul d imagin e his English-
educated Bit a willfull y committin g herself t o Jamaican peasan t
life (h e coul d not). Nell a Larsen , o n th e othe r hand , a profes -
sional nurse as well a s a woman, could no t shak e off the realit y
of th e often-too-slo w deat h b y continuou s child-bearin g o f
peasant women . Withou t women , an d withou t children , ther e
could b e n o race o r rac e consciousness .
The rea l powe r o f Jean Toomer' s conceptio n an d it s superi -
ority t o the romanticism s of McKay an d Culle n wa s that Cane,
though symboli c an d mystical , deal t wit h th e pas t a s a palpa -
ble reality . I t face d th e fac t of the Sout h an d slavery . The final,
and perhap s supreme , iron y o f th e primitive s wa s tha t the y
were, i n their ques t fo r Africa, i n their fancy o f Timbuctoo an d
Alexandria, forsaking their actua l past . They wer e i n effec t de -
nying that which wa s immediate , personal , an d discernibl e for
something whic h wa s vague , distant , half-myth . Toomer aske d
to embrac e th e slav e father , whil e Counte e Culle n fancie d
"spicy grov e an d cinnamo n tree. " Fo r al l o f it s searc h fo r an -
cestral roots , th e ques t fo r Africa denie d th e soi l i n whic h th e
particular plan t ha d sprouted . I t i s a supreme iron y because i t
is s o characteristicall y American . Blac k Americans , lik e whit e
Americans, dissatisfie d wit h an d unfulfille d b y th e selve s tha t
they had , sough t escap e i n exotica.
5 Art:
The Ethnic Province

The depression brought an abrupt end to the vogue of Harlem.


Hard time s mad e peopl e concentrat e o n th e immediate , th e
mundane, th e essential s of living, rathe r than o n cultural con -
cerns. Th e en d o f prohibition deprive d Harle m of some of its
exclusive appeal : nightlife , cabarets , illici t amusements . Tha t
could b e ha d anywher e i f one ha d th e purs e an d spirit . Th e
demise o f the vogu e o f th e Negr o als o ende d tha t promote d
culture called th e "Harlem Renaissance." Self-conscious culture
had t o struggl e for relevancy at a time when physical surviva l
was a notable achievement . The industrial apparatus , the capi -
talistic system , th e whit e man' s machine , howeve r muc h de -
spised, ha d neve r bee n doubte d a s th e agen t o f automati c
progress—the promis e o f America n life . Economi c collaps e
was, thus , fa r mor e shocking than coul d hav e bee n imagined .
The intellectua l dispossessed—whit e o r black—coul d no t
avoid th e mixe d feelings of horror an d gle e tha t th e monste r
was fallibl e afte r all . Bu t th e shoc k destroye d th e eas y opti -
mism tha t ha d bee n assume d eve n amon g social critics . Th e
naivete tha t nurture d the belie f tha t blac k poet s an d writers ,

190
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 19 1

painters an d sculptors , would emerg e fro m th e page s of Crisi s


and Opportunity o r fro m th e Harmo n Foundation competition s
as the ne w and genuin e America n culture seeme d patheticall y
innocent a s bread line s lengthened . I t appeare d tha t th e Har -
lem Renaissanc e ha d bee n a false labor . O f course, Negr o art-
ists an d writer s continue d unde r differen t sponsorshi p an d
promotion—sometimes b y th e W.P.A . and sometime s the Com-
munist party .
In th e yea r o f Frankli n Roosevelt' s first presidential victory ,
1932, Wallac e Thurma n publishe d hi s secon d novel , Infants o f
the Spring, Thurma n ha d bee n on e o f those mos t deepl y com -
mitted t o th e birt h o f cultur e i n Harlem . A ver y dar k man ,
whose nervou s an d apparentl y cynica l laughte r onl y imper -
fectly disguise d dee p inner tension s an d anxiety , Thurman ha d
published on e nove l (The Blacker th e Berry, 1928 , abou t a
very blac k girl' s struggl e with colo r prejudic e amon g Negroes)
and tw o plays . H e ha d worke d a s busines s manage r fo r Mes-
senger, had rea d fo r Macaulay' s (Langsto n Hughe s guesse d h e
was th e onl y Negr o reade r fo r a larg e publishin g firm) , ha d
ghosted fo r True Story an d well-know n white writers , an d ha d
almost single-handedl y produce d Fire. Infants o f th e Spring,
which wa s to b e hi s las t an d mos t importan t work , was really
an obituar y of the Harle m Renaissance .
That novel' s Euphori a Blake , a n energeti c woma n wit h a
sense of purpose an d uplift , came fro m th e Sout h charge d wit h
the compellin g dut y t o d o somethin g fo r he r race . Sh e moved
from on e disillusionmen t t o another—th e Negr o leadership ,
the Communis t party , etc.—bu t al l th e whil e sh e ha d con -
verted he r grea t driv e t o mak e mone y throug h busines s suc -
cess. She had becom e convince d tha t th e race' s real futur e an d
salvation la y i n art ; wheneve r sh e migh t fin d tim e fro m he r
business, sh e to o woul d becom e a writer . I n th e meantime ,
however, sh e turne d he r roomin g hous e ove r t o a grou p o f
Negro artists . Raymon d Taylor , th e novel' s protagonist , a
192 Harlem Renaissance

writer, i s a residen t o f wha t h e call s Niggeratt i Manor . Th e


other lodger s ar e Eustac e Savoy , "actor, singer, an d wha t hav e
you"; Pelha m Gaylord, a very infantile semi-literat e wh o has il-
lusions o f becoming a n artis t an d poet ; Pau l Arbian , a deca -
dent wh o wa s ver y talented ; a n actres s lad y wit h daughter ;
and th e "Pi g Woman, " a non-artis t an d permanen t fixtur e i n
the hous e ( a kin d o f Caliba n i n th e worl d o f ideals) . Othe r
characters—white an d black—drif t i n an d ou t o f Niggeratt i
Manor, it s parties an d orgies .
Eustace want s to sin g Schubert but i s denied the chance , be -
cause whit e people , h e thinks , want Negroe s t o sin g only spiri-
tuals. Refusing , h e remain s unemployed . Bu t h e i s strangel y
content, wanderin g i n hi s room s fille d wit h cloisonn e bric-a -
brac, resolutel y singin g Schubert . Bu t Eustac e Savo y i s per -
suaded t o tak e a chanc e a t a n auditio n singin g spirituals . I t
would b e a wa y t o begin ; late r h e coul d d o a s h e pleased .
Once convinced , h e eagerl y enter s th e project , learnin g th e
soul-songs. H e proves , however, not goo d enoug h even a t what
he considere d a n inferio r art ; thi s failure destroy s hi s only illu-
sion.
Pelham Gaylor d i s pathetic . H e trace s illustration s ou t o f
magazines an d write s childis h lov e poems t o th e actres s lady' s
adolescent daughter . Tha t i s hi s art . Sadly , Pelha m take s hi s
maukish sentimentalit y seriously , an d thi s sexua l innocen t i s
seduced b y the rathe r experience d littl e girl . Fo r hi s pains, h e
is convicted o f statutory rap e largel y to gratif y th e mother' s de -
sire t o pla y a courtroo m scen e an d th e Pi g Woman' s compul -
sion t o b e th e voic e o f God.
So ther e i s no t muc h ar t t o spea k o f i n Niggeratt i Manor .
There i s a grea t dea l o f pretens e an d innocenc e o f th e har d
work an d talent tha t goo d ar t requires . Pau l Arbian' s brillianc e
gives hi m facilit y i n severa l arts . Bu t h e i s a sensualis t an d
given t o experiment s wit h sex , drugs, an d th e exotic . Throug h
it all , Raymon d Taylo r attempt s t o fin d soli d ground , i n term s
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 19 3

of th e Harle m Renaissance , fo r hi s ow n artisti c integrity . H e


wonders through th e maze : the Negr o as artist o r advocate, th e
writer a s individual o r rac e man, art a s self-expression or expo-
sition o f ethni c culture . Explicit o r not , thes e wer e th e prob -
lems o f Afro-America n artist s the n an d now . Wallac e Thur -
man, more than an y other write r of the period, tried t o addres s
himself to these issues .
Coming a t th e en d o f an episod e i n Harle m culture , Infants
of th e Spring wa s intende d t o b e a critica l evaluation— a
roman a clef—of th e Harlem Renaissance . A t on e poin t i n th e
novel, Raymon d Taylo r host s a gatherin g o f Harle m literati;
their name s ar e thi n disguises . Dr . Parke s (Alai n Locke )
wanted a permanen t salo n (Taylor' s part y migh t initiat e it )
where blac k intellectual s an d artist s coul d shar e idea s an d
stimulate on e another . Th e group—Sweeti e Ma y Car r (Zor a
Neal Hurston) , Tony Crew s (Langsto n Hughes) , DeWit t Clin -
ton (Counte e Cullen) , Dr . Manfre d Trou t (Rudolp h Fisher) ,
Cedric William s (Eri c Walrond) , Car l Denn y (Aaro n Douglas)
—will mee t onl y thi s on e time , however , fo r thei r attemp t t o
share idea s explode s int o a fight.
Dr. Parke s want s t o discus s th e primac y o f beaut y ove r
truth: ar t shoul d com e befor e propaganda ; th e Negr o shoul d
devote hi s energies t o producin g ar t rathe r tha n arguin g about
race relations . H e als o despair s o f th e post-Victoria n deca -
dence tha t h e detect s i n Negr o a s wel l a s whit e writing . Th e
Negro artis t mus t avoi d th e "post-Victoria n license " a t al l
costs. " 'You hav e too much at stake. You must have ideals . You
should becom e . . . well , le t m e sugges t you r goin g bac k t o
your racia l roots , an d cultivatin g a healthy paganis m base d o n
African traditions.' " DeWit t Clinto n agree s wit h Dr . Parkes ,
but h e insists that the " 'young Negro artist must go back t o his
pagan heritag e fo r inspiratio n an d t o th e ol d master s fo r
form.'" Thi s encourage s Raymon d t o imagin e Harlem' s "poe t
laureate" i n hi s creativ e hours—"eye s o n a pag e o f Keats , fin-
194 Harlem Renaissance

gers o n typewriter , min d franticall y conjurin g Africa n scenes .


And ther e woul d o f course b e a Bible nearby. " Bu t the discus -
sion disintegrate s rapidly . Pau l Arbia n claim s tha t i t i s impos-
sible (an d unrealistic ) t o fin d hi s Africa n root s whe n hi s Afri -
can bloo d i s mixe d wit h German , French , an d othe r blood .
The Wes t Indian , Cedri c Williams , argue s agains t an y stan -
dardized art . The n h e claim s tha t America n Negroe s ar e to o
diluted culturall y to fin d an y lin k wit h Africa . Unlik e West In -
dians, h e says, " 'I have yet to see an intelligent o r middle clas s
American Negr o laug h an d sin g an d danc e spontaneously .
That's a n illusion , a prett y sentimenta l fiction.' " Anyway , th e
spirituals ar e '"mediocr e fol k songs , ignorantl y culle d fro m
Methodist hym n books.' " An d whit e me n ar e a s good a t sing -
ing an d dancin g a s th e America n Negroes. A t this , everyon e
begins t o scream , whil e th e inarticulat e an d stammerin g Carl
Denny trie s to expres s some new insight he has into the natur e
of art .
The disput e clearl y illustrate s Thurman's ow n despair a t th e
idea o f artificiall y impose d norm s fo r art—Dr . Parkes' s curiou s
mixture o f Platonic idealis m an d paganism , o r DuBois' s theory
of uplift b y th e talente d tenth , or an y compelle d obligatio n fo r
ethnic ar t al l shar e th e sam e fault . Th e writer , painter , poet ,
sculptor, musicia n i s in the final analysis a single sensibilit y at -
tempting t o maste r a craf t wit h persona l insight . I t i s th e
height o f folly t o believ e tha t yo u ca n cultivat e Negr o art i n a
hot-house. Th e fat e o f Niggeratt i Mano r i s Thurman' s state -
ment o f that ultimat e futility .
After severa l disappointment s an d som e notoriet y fro m wil d
parties an d Pelham' s trial , Euphori a Blak e ha s a chang e o f
heart. Sh e doe s no t wan t t o ru n a "miscegenate d bawd y
house." Slanderou s gossi p give s th e hous e tha t fame , bu t a s a
business woma n sh e canno t affor d a ba d reputation . " 'I mus t
make money . That' s al l a Negr o ca n do . Mone y mean s free -
dom. There' s nothing t o thi s ar t stuff . I'v e give n up th e ide a of
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 19 5

writing stories. I onl y wan t t o make money.'" So Euphoria un -


wittingly point s he r finge r a t th e artisti c limit s o f th e promo -
tional personality . I t mus t hav e results , success . Bu t sh e ha s
not totall y los t he r idealis m an d he r wil l to do good . Euphori a
intends t o conver t th e hous e int o a dormitory for Negro work-
ing girl s betwee n th e age s o f eighteen an d thirty . " 'It i s some-
thing tha t ha s lon g bee n needed , a ver y seriou s enterprise .
Where i s there a plac e that' s decen t fo r youn g girls , bachelo r
women rather , t o stay? " Th e vogu e ha d pas t a s easil y a s that .
Convert fro m culture-makin g t o money-making , fro m artists '
"digs" t o bachelo r women' s dormitory . Bu t Raymon d Taylo r
knew, a s Wallac e Thurma n knew , th e deepl y troublin g prob -
lems o f Negr o ar t ha d neve r reall y bee n touched . The y ha d
been ther e al l along—notice d bu t unresolved—an d th e Negr o
with artisti c pretension s would , eac h on e i n hi s turn , hav e t o
face the m an d solv e them .

Whatever the difficultie s o f art fo r the whit e man , the Ameri -


can Negr o ha s hi s specia l burdens . Th e Harle m ar t o f th e
1920s shows the strain s that h e lived under. The Negr o artist in
the Unite d State s live s i n a peculia r province— a spiritua l ge-
ography. Hi s ar t i s self-consciously national while , a t th e sam e
time, special—ethnicall y regional . I t attempt s t o spea k wit h
two voices , on e fro m th e stag e o f nationa l cultur e an d th e
other fro m th e sou l o f ethnic experience . No r i s this conditio n
wholly a matte r o f th e artist' s wil l o r intent . I t i s hi s ethni c
fact. I t i s a s i f i t wer e define d i n th e eterna l constitutio n o f
things tha t t o b e a Negr o artis t i n Americ a one must , in some
way, be a race-consciou s artist .
In th e firs t decade s o f the twentiet h centur y especially , th e
phenomenon o f Negr o ar t wa s force d t o signify fa r mor e tha n
poetry, art , an d fictio n ar e ordinaril y obliged t o do . Thi s wa s
partly du e t o th e conventiona l vie w of the rol e o f art an d cul -
ture, an d partl y t o th e Negro' s slav e past. I t wa s assume d b y
196 Harlem Renaissance

the "Custodian s o f Culture, " t o us e Henr y May' s phrase , tha t


the translatio n o f human ideal s int o verse , drama , o r nove l wa s
really th e highes t huma n achievement ; thu s i t wa s emblemati c
of civilization. I t i s an understandable anamol y that th e Unite d
States—that epitom e o f materialis m an d utilitarianism—shoul d
in it s ar t b e Platoni c an d valu e idealis m an d inutility . Conser -
vative critics , me n lik e Stuar t Prat t Sherman , Pau l Elme r
More, an d Irvin g Babbit t wh o presume d t o spea k fo r the cul -
tural establishment , kne w tha t i t wa s no t th e maso n o r indus -
trialist, th e carpente r o r financier , wh o wa s th e measur e o f so-
ciety's excellence . Rather , society' s ultimat e ma n wa s h e wh o
could produc e tha t whic h ha d it s value i n idea—i n abstractio n
—thereby elevatin g huma n experience . An d sinc e tha t ar t
which illuminate d pur e beaut y an d moralit y wa s almos t
wholly fre e o f practical use , wa s mos t universa l an d uplifting ,
it wa s th e fines t mar k of civilized man .
Negro art , i n suc h a n environment , bor e th e specia l weigh t
of provin g racia l civility . Mos t people , blac k an d white , con -
ceptualized Negr o histor y a s th e stor y o f a progressiv e clim b
from slaver y t o freedom . A t issue , always , wa s whethe r th e
Negro ha d achieved , sinc e emancipation , th e leve l o f civiliza-
tion o f other Americans . Thus, i t wa s merely conventiona l wis -
dom tha t Jame s Weldo n Johnso n echoed whe n h e prescribe d
as th e bes t remed y fo r racia l prejudic e th e "demonstratio n o f
intellectual parit y b y th e Negr o through th e productio n o f lit-
erature an d art. " Tha t Pau l Laurenc e Dunba r ha d writte n
poems an d novels , tha t Charle s W . Chestnut t ha d writte n nov-
els, tha t th e expatriat e Henr y Tanner wa s an importan t painter
in Paris, an d tha t Met a Warrick Fulle r wa s one o f Auguste Ro-
din's promising students wer e preciou s milestone s i n that imag -
ined tre k whic h woul d en d whe n Negroe s wer e rightfull y
placed i n the pantheo n o f American civilization. Whateve r th e
art was , it s existenc e wa s it s significance . Each suc h evidenc e
of refinemen t an d cultur e wa s anothe r argumen t agains t big -
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 19 7

otry, was proof o f black humanity . Surely, W. E . B . DuBois be-


lieved that , a s h e defende d th e ar t o f beauty agains t moder n
decadence. Th e Crisis an d Opportunity magazine s supporte d
this ide a i n thei r promotion s o f Negr o artists . Som e writers ,
like Counte e Cullen , neve r ignore d thi s specia l calling .
This attitud e produce d a racia l rathe r tha n a regiona l pro -
vincialism. Bu t sayin g that, on e wonders a t th e difference . Fo r
Henry James' s surpris e tha t Nathanie l Hawthorn e (wit h all his
faults) coul d hav e flourishe d i n New England's thi n soi l i s akin
to Witte r Bynner's , Lyma n Kittredge's, an d W . E . B . DuBois's
pleasure tha t Counte e Cullen' s lyrica l an d classica l artistr y
came fro m a Negro . Ther e wa s a genera l America n artisti c
provincialism tha t cause d th e celebratio n o f James Whitcom b
Riley, whose poetry i s remarkable more for the fac t tha t i t came
from Indian a tha n tha t i t wa s goo d verse . Indeed , Rile y an d
Dunbar nicel y illustrat e th e racial-regiona l parallel . Probably ,
Dunbar ha d highe r aspiration s than Riley . I t wa s the sorro w of
his lif e tha t h e coul d fin d n o critica l appreciatio n fo r his vers e
in literar y English ; Negr o dialec t wa s commercial . I t i s n o
small iron y that Dunba r ha d t o lear n th e technique s o f dialec t
verse from Riley . So both me n achieve d thei r fam e an d define d
their ar t i n a versifie d "local-colo r realism. " Critics , editors ,
and publisher s wer e mor e t o blam e tha n th e writers . Henr y
James wa s quic k t o sa y tha t i t takes a lot o f history to mak e a
literature, and h e might have added tha t on e needs t o be fairl y
steeped i n literar y traditio n t o mak e courageou s critica l judg-
ments. America n critics, intimidate d a s they wer e b y th e Eng -
lish tradition , woul d fin d i t easie r t o encourag e Negro , Hoos -
ier, western , southern , Creole , an d Yanke e voices—whic h
would no t b e take n seriousl y as good art—tha n t o questio n th e
essentially Europea n basi s o f their values .
Here, too , musi c wa s a n exception . Th e practitioner s o f th e
newly developin g jaz z foun d artisti c standard s withi n th e ar t
itself, rathe r tha n i n academi c edict . Me n lik e Loui s Arm -
198 Harlem Renaissance

strong, Rubbe r Miley , Jell y Rol l Morton , Fletche r Henderson ,


Don Redman , an d s o on wer e to o engage d i n essentia l artisti c
definition t o thin k muc h abou t civilization . An d thei r ar t cam e
from thei r ow n ethni c context . Everywher e the y looke d the y
found whit e me n mimickin g them, tryin g t o maste r thei r blu e
notes, thei r slurs , thei r swing , their dartin g arpeggios , thei r ar -
tistic concept . I t wa s a s i f black jazzmen, from th e ver y begin -
ning, sense d tha t the y wer e creatin g a n art , an d th e whol e
world woul d hav e t o fin d the m th e referenc e poin t fo r critica l
judgment. Unlik e Alain Locke , fe w black jazzmen o f the 1920 s
would hav e foun d mor e tha n indifferen t satisfactio n i n th e
knowledge tha t Milhaud , Stravinsky , and Rave l use d jaz z i n
their Europea n music . Althoug h som e highl y schoole d blac k
musicians, lik e th e pianist s Jame s P. Johnson an d Fat s Waller ,
were frustrate d i n thei r desir e t o compos e an d pla y "serious "
music, the y wer e draw n int o th e vorte x o f thi s powerfu l ne w
art i n which the y ha d a distinctive voice .
Significantly, whil e thos e me n who promoted th e Ne w Negro
and th e Harle m Renaissanc e woul d give credi t t o jazz an d th e
dance, i t wa s ofte n becaus e the y evidence d qualitie s i n th e
Negro characte r tha t migh t b e converte d int o somethin g im -
portant. Jaz z was definitely not th e "hig h art " tha t Jame s Wei-
don Johnso n and Alai n Locke wer e hopin g for . Thus, thes e lit-
erary me n wer e encumbere d b y a self-consciousnes s tha t
crippled art . The y wer e provincial s withi n a provincia l Amer -
ica. Ru t whateve r thei r whit e contemporarie s migh t do , blac k
artists coul d no t b e conten t wit h suc h condescension . Bre t
Harte an d Thoma s Har t Bento n migh t happil y commercializ e
the West , Hamli n Garlan d migh t not as k more tha n t o b e th e
plaintive voic e o f th e Middl e Border , bu t a Negr o artis t ha d
more tha n hi s regio n t o thin k about . H e wa s als o a race , a n
issue. H e had t o b e mor e than a curiosity. Betwee n th e aspira -
tion an d th e achievement , however , fel l th e frustratin g an d
doubt-ridden effort .
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 19 9
The burde n o f rac e wa s heavy . I t wa s th e weigh t o f doub t
—societal doub t tha t on e sa w i n whit e men' s eye s an d th e
self-doubt i t kindled . A s th e twentiet h centur y opened , eve n
the Negro' s bes t whit e friend s migh t wel l hav e wondere d ho w
a peopl e almos t fifty years ou t o f slavery coul d produc e a n ar t
which woul d spea k t o al l men , everywhere; afte r all , they were
not convince d tha t whit e American s could. I t ha d taken , the y
would say , centurie s fo r European s t o disti l thei r experienc e
into th e purit y o f a fin e poem . Beyon d th e ominou s doub t
which worrie s al l work s o f imaginatio n an d craft , th e Negr o
had t o overcom e anothe r doub t too—tha t impose d b y histor y
and race . Th e blac k artis t ha d t o convinc e himsel f that h e ha d
something t o sa y worth saying , and tha t h e had th e skil l t o say
it; the n he ha d t o def y th e whit e eyes whic h were to o often hi s
eyes a s well. Al l so that h e coul d en d wit h a work o f art. The n
the worl d migh t say , "hats off ! Hat s of f to you , black man , for
the courag e o f you r journey . Hat s of f t o you , blac k people ,
that, agains t al l odds , yo u have achieve d beauty. "
Such doubt , however , take s a heav y tol l fro m th e traveler .
For wha t i s ar t an d beauty , afte r all , excep t wha t othe r me n
have applauded ? And ' the worl d wil l onl y salut e you , on e
thinks, whe n thos e wh o mak e judgments an d pronouncement s
discover you . Th e mor e profoun d one' s doubt , th e mor e hi s
work i s likel y t o b e recognizabl e echoe s o r reflection s of pas t
greats. Thi s explain s wh y Phylli s Wheatley' s voic e wa s tha t o f
a feebl e Alexande r Pop e rathe r tha n tha t o f an Africa n singer ,
why Henr y Tanner's ar t wa s of the Frenc h Academ y and Met a
Fuller's a derivativ e o f Rodin' s rathe r tha n par t o f th e ne w
wave o f impressionism an d post-impressionis m tha t wa s swell-
ing all around the m i n Europe. Suc h deep doubt make s conser-
vatives and , sometimes , mimics . Wha t a crue l parado x tha t
such a trouble d traveler' s labo r shoul d a t bes t celebrat e th e
past, th e alread y acclaimed . Dea d men !
The Negr o write r als o ha d a proble m definin g himsel f a s an
200 Harlem Renaissance

artist. Wa s he something specia l becaus e o f race? Di d h e have


a primar y commitmen t t o hi s ethni c group , o r wa s h e a fre e
agent? Academic questions, perhaps . Bu t they expos e practica l
and theoretica l question s tha t hav e perplexe d blac k writers .
And th e answer s hav e no t bee n exclusivel y their s t o give .
Charles W . Chestnut t wrot e abou t Negr o character s and , ex-
cept fo r Sport o f th e Gods, Paul Lawrenc e Dunba r use d whit e
subjects. Bu t neithe r autho r wa s fre e t o depar t fro m conven -
tional attitude s towar d color . Thei r mulattoe s followed formula
and wer e a s tragic a s any . Bu t di d the y have any choic e othe r
than t o reiterat e th e messag e s o ofte n expresse d i n American
ficiton, that th e true American tragedy wa s to be less than pure
white? Chestnutt's edito r a t Houghto n Miffli n stil l hesitate d t o
make publi c th e author' s race . Som e writers , lik e Wallac e
Thurman an d Rudolp h Fisher , ghoste d storie s abou t whites .
But i t onl y serve d t o intensif y Thurman' s already ampl e sens e
of guilt. It wa s something aki n t o "passing" fo r a Negro author
to disguis e hi s rac e i n th e choic e o f white subjects . Th e com-
pulsions of racial loyalt y wer e to o real; th e goa d wa s internal. 1
White writer s hav e alway s bee n though t abl e t o mov e bac k
and fort h acros s th e color-lin e without sacrificing loyalt y or de-
tachment. I t wa s a s if white were a neutral color. Th e psychol-
ogy of blackness has made it hard to entertai n suc h an illusion.
There i s n o quarre l tha t grea t literatur e i s generate d b y
ethos. Immigrant s in the Unite d States , as well as blacks, foun d
their specia l conditio n a natura l sourc e o f literature . Immi -
grants, however , seemed t o fee l mor e free tha n black s t o writ e
about themselves . Judgin g b y Mar y Antin , Abraha m Cahan, 2
and Michae l Gold, the y coul d believ e that th e proces s o f their
Americanization wa s reall y the America n story. Blacks , on th e
other hand , wer e plague d b y a sens e of being anamolous . The
artistic questio n remaine d whethe r a wor k o f ar t wa s a win-
dow openin g ont o a n ethni c province—peculia r an d curious —
or whethe r throug h i t th e viewe r could b e draw n int o a geog-
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 20 1

raphy of his ow n humanity , regardless o f ethos. Recen t writer s


—Bellow, Ellison , Malamud , Tolson—exemplif y th e possi -
bilities. Throug h thei r works , th e reade r i s take n throug h
the "province " int o th e worl d a t large . Also , art a s craf t defie s
parochialism. Fo r ther e i s pur e pleasur e i n th e discover y o f a
brilliant artisti c conception , wel l constructe d s o tha t i t hold s
together an d works . Melvi n Tolson's Harlem Gallery give s u s
such delight , independen t o f its ethni c center . Th e jazzme n of
the 1920 s seeme d t o understan d al l o f this perfectl y well. Bu t
for the contemporar y blac k write r to do the same , he woul d
have t o los e th e self-consciousnes s that mad e hi m a black man
who wrot e poem s an d novel s (th e sam e coul d b e sai d fo r th e
Hoosier, th e Yankee , the Jew , th e southerner , th e woman , or
what hav e you) . On e ha d t o los e tha t self-consciousness , or ,
rather, transfor m i t int o th e very instrumen t tha t coul d slic e
through th e boundarie s tha t define d it.

Negro experienc e i n the Unite d State s ha s bee n inseparabl y


tied t o issue s o f social reform , s o one woul d naturall y expect a
Negro ar t wit h a message . This , too , wa s a proble m fo r th e
Harlem writers : ho w coul d a black ma n writ e abou t hi s deep -
est inne r feeling s artisticall y rathe r tha n sociologically ? Car l
Van Vechte n ha d bee n anxiou s to war n Negr o writers agains t
trying to us e literatur e a s a mean s of arguing socia l issues . H e
sensed, quit e accurately , th e readin g public' s disdai n fo r overt
discussions o f rac e i n novel s ari d poems . Sinc e befor e Worl d
War I , ther e ha d bee n muc h discussio n o f th e prope r rol e o f
art, an d thoug h th e argumen t had ofte n bee n heate d ther e was
much agreement . Th e ol d guar d wante d t o se e literatur e tha t
was upliftin g an d pointe d t o som e mora l center , whil e th e
younger an d mor e rebelliou s leane d towar d a n art-for-art's -
sake positio n whic h woul d b e unburdene d o f judgment exter -
nal t o itself . Neither o f these conception s coul d b e comfortable
with what the war had taught men to call "propaganda." Nearl y
202 Harlem Renaissance
everyone woul d hav e joine d Alai n Lock e i n condemnin g tha t
already contemptibl e word . I n "Ar t o r Propaganda? " 3 Lock e
insisted tha t th e Negr o ha d to o many prophet s an d preachers .
"My chie f objectio n t o propagand a . . . i s that i t perpetuate s
the positio n o f group inferiority . Fo r i t .. . speak s unde r th e
shadow o f a dominan t majorit y who m i t harrangues , cajoles ,
threatens o r supplicates. " Art , on the othe r hand , "i s rooted i n
self-expression an d . .. i s self-contained." I t wa s with th e in-
ward an d persona l creatio n tha t "David " coul d confron t th e
"Philistines." "Th e sens e o f inferiority must b e innerl y compen-
sated, self-convictio n mus t supplant self-justificatio n and i n th e
dignity o f this attitud e a convince d minorit y mus t confron t a
condescending majority. " A minority' s convictio n an d self -
esteem, h e felt , woul d com e fro m it s art , whic h distille d an d
illuminated it s beauty. Fo r Locke, beauty wa s to be in the fron t
rank. "Afte r Beauty , le t Trut h com e int o th e Renaissanc e
picture."
Locke's positio n ma y wel l b e take n fo r th e vie w o f those —
white an d black—wh o wishe d t o promot e Negr o ar t i n th e
1920s. I t wa s n o simpl e thing , however, t o follo w thi s neo-Pla -
tonic ideal , t o dea l wit h oppressio n s o indirectly, to le t th e ab -
straction stan d fo r th e concret e experience . Th e disillusione d
public o f a new period, th e depressio n decade , woul d welcom e
a socia l realis m i n ar t tha t woul d reliev e th e Negr o artis t o f a
perplexity whic h demande d tha t hi s self-expressio n avoi d hi s
deepest racia l experience .
In th e sam e article , Lock e unwittingl y glossed ove r anothe r
profound proble m o f the Negr o artist . "In ou r [Negroes' ] spiri -
tual growth, " h e wrote, "genius an d talent mus t more and more
choose th e rol e o f grou p expression , or even a t time s th e rol e
of fre e individualisti c expression . . . . " Thi s rathe r casua l jug-
gling of the grou p an d th e sel f ignored a fundamental dilemma
of creative work . Here, a s in al l o f his commen t abou t th e Har -
lem Renaissance , Lock e wa s quic k t o defin e normativ e models
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 20 3
for Negr o art, justifying Wallace Thurman's characterizatio n o f
him a s Dr. Parkes . Nevertheless , he was equally agil e i n claim-
ing tha t ar t wa s a deepl y individua l an d persona l expression .
Beginning i n th e cor e o f the self , bu t knowin g one's necessar y
debt to history, to condition, an d to group, one can indulge his
private voice . I f one' s mos t hones t statemen t doe s no t appea r
to contribut e t o "ou r spiritua l growth, " doe s som e grou p loy-
alty argu e fo r a highe r honesty ? Indeed , a t wha t poin t i n th e
artist's subservienc e t o th e race , an d simila r non-persona l ab -
stractions, doe s hi s statemen t ceas e bein g individua l an d be -
come propaganda ? I f on e begin s wit h th e highl y idealize d
view o f art tha t Alai n Locke share d wit h many of his contem -
poraries, h e mus t wrestle wit h th e definitio n o f a Negro artist ;
what stres s should b e placed o n the adjectiv e an d wha t on th e
noun? Iris h literatur e attest s tha t thi s i s not a peculiarly Amer -
ican o r Negro problem.
Like Iris h writers , th e Negr o artists ha d t o resolv e th e ques-
tion o f whethe r ther e wa s a specia l Negr o voic e an d art .
Langston Hughe s wa s convince d tha t beneat h th e artific e o f
middle-class Negr o life ther e wa s a n authenti c an d pur e voice
which th e blac k artis t woul d d o wel l t o interpret . I t wa s this
special well-sprin g o f cultur e tha t shoul d fee d th e Negr o ge-
nius. Hughe s argue d agains t th e notio n tha t al l thing s whit e
were goo d an d tha t th e Negr o shoul d emulat e whit e ar t an d
taste.4 "One o f the mos t promising . . . Negro poets sai d to me
once, 'I wan t to write like a white poet'; meanin g behind that ,
'I woul d lik e t o b e white.' " Hughes' s breathtakin g logi c ex-
poses th e quit e treacherou s pat h o f race loyalt y that th e black
artist ha d t o traverse. Becaus e Hughes had a mind that tende d
to simplify—t o reduc e o r ignor e complication—i t wa s a fairl y
easy matte r fo r him . For poet s lik e Claude McKa y o r Counte e
Cullen, o r a novelis t lik e Wallac e Thurman , th e racia l moun -
tain wa s far mor e threatening.
As Hughe s sa w it , par t o f the proble m o f Negro art wa s th e
204 Harlem Renaissance
attitude o f the blac k middl e an d uppe r classes . O f course, an y
art need s a n audience , an d i t i s i n th e natur e o f thing s tha t
paintings, poems , an d storie s ar e sustaine d b y th e patronag e of
those wit h mone y an d leisure . Regrettably , affluen t black s
tended t o identif y wit h whit e culture . "In th e North, " Hughe s
wrote, "the y g o t o whit e theater s an d whit e movie s . . .
[adopt] Nordi c manners , Nordic faces, Nordic hair, Nordi c art
(if any) , and a n Episcopa l heaven. " There wa s no sourc e of art
in suc h artifice.
By romanticisin g th e lowe r classes , Hughe s claime d t o find
the stuf f fro m whic h ar t wa s made . The "low-dow n folks " wh o
"do no t particularl y car e whethe r the y ar e lik e whit e folk s o r
anybody else . Their joy runs , bang! into ecstasy. Their religio n
soars to a shout. Wor k maybe a little today, rest a little tomor-
row. Pla y awhile . Sin g awhile . . . . These commo n people ar e
not afrai d o f spirituals . . . and jazz is their child . They furnis h
a wealt h o f colorful, distinctive materia l fo r an y artis t becaus e
they stil l hol d thei r ow n idividualit y i n th e fac e o f American
standardizations." Hughe s expecte d tha t th e trul y grea t Negr o
artist woul d b e produce d b y thes e people ; h e woul d no t b e a
son o f black , race-denyin g privilege d class . Th e lowe r classe s
would produc e ar t becaus e "the y accep t wha t beaut y i s thei r
own withou t question." Hughe s insisted tha t ther e wa s enough
material fo r the Negr o artist withou t his going outside th e race .
And "i n spit e o f th e Nordicize d Negr o intelligentsi a an d th e
desires o f som e whit e editors , w e hav e a n hones t America n
Negro literatur e alread y wit h us."
Hughes's articl e wa s a solicite d answe r t o Georg e S . Schuy-
ler's "Negro-Art Hokum," which appeared i n a n earlie r number
of th e Nation. 5 Schuyle r als o tende d t o vie w thing s i n simpl e
absolutes. Fo r him , a n artis t ca n onl y us e th e equipmen t fur-
nished hi m by educatio n an d environment . "Consequently, hi s
creation wil l b e French , British , German. . . . The work of an
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 20 5

artist raise d an d educate d i n thi s countr y mus t necessaril y b e


American"; h e di d no t sa y wha t tha t was . Schuyle r wa s to o
cynical t o be take n i n by lower-clas s romanticism . "It i s the Af-
ramerican masses, " h e claimed , "wh o consum e hair-straight -
ener an d skin-whitener . . . . " He coul d fin d very littl e sens e of
race beaut y i n that . Man y year s later , i n a n intervie w fo r th e
Columbia Oral History, Schuyle r reaffirme d tha t view , an d h e
went o n t o repor t tha t "thi s ide a o f a specia l an d separat e
Negro ar t an d literatur e wa s very curren t i n those days , an d a
lot o f people wer e profitin g from it . I n othe r words , the y wer e
making it a sort o f a racket, an d I felt tha t thi s was unscientific
and unsound. "
Beyond wha t Schuyler' s cynicis m exposed, anothe r proble m
with Hughes' s conceptio n wa s tha t hi s beautifu l peopl e would
hardly sustai n a n artist , no r woul d the y provid e a critica l ex -
change tha t woul d hel p define an d refin e th e art . Thus, the fol k
artist wa s especiall y o n hi s own . H e wa s force d t o creat e hi s
own audienc e an d t o generat e almos t wholly from withi n him-
self th e critica l term s o n whic h hi s ar t woul d rest . Lik e i t o r
not, Hughe s woul d hav e t o admi t judgmen t fro m outsid e hi s
folk base . I f one wante d t o be acclaime d a n artist, he could no t
depend o n a particula r ethni c province . Counte e Cullen , thus,
aspired t o be "a poet, no t a Negro poet. "
By th e en d o f hi s life , Counte e Culle n ha d acquire d al l o f
the mark s o f a poet . H e ha d publishe d fiv e book s o f original
poetry, no t includin g O n These I Stand (1947) , whic h collect s
his alread y publishe d work . I n addition , Culle n ha d edite d a
book o f Negro verse , writte n a nove l an d tw o book s abou t hi s
cat, an d collaborate d o n tw o theatrica l works . H e ha d wo n
prizes: th e Witte r Bynne r awar d fo r th e bes t poetr y b y a col-
lege undergraduate , th e Opportunity magazin e contests , th e
Harmon Foundatio n competition , an d a Guggenhei m Fellow -
ship. Fro m th e writin g o f his earlies t verse , i n hig h school , t o
206 Harlem Renaissance

the en d o f hi s life , h e ha d alway s received favorabl e critica l


comment, pointin g t o hi m a s exemplar y o f one whos e ar t ha d
transcended race .
This kind of judgment wa s especially pleasin g t o Cullen , be-
cause h e believe d tha t art—especiall y poetry—shoul d tran -
scend th e mundane, th e ordinary ; b e elevating. His view of art
was quit e conventional—indee d conservative—i n th e postwa r
years. H e believe d poetr y shoul d dea l wit h highe r emotion s
and ideals ; i t shoul d avoi d sensuality—it s languag e mor e pur e
than ordinar y speech , mor e elevate d tha n prose . Whil e thi s
convention ha d bee n unde r attac k i n th e Unite d State s sinc e
before th e war—man y o f Cullen' s whit e contemporarie s ha d
long since throw n ove r thei r obedienc e t o it , an d wer e experi -
menting no t onl y wit h for m bu t wit h poetry' s prope r subjec t
and commo n diction—Cullen , himself , hel d quit e tenaciousl y
to the gentee l tradition.
This conservativ e idealis m wa s educate d int o th e poet . I n
high schoo l an d college, Cullen took the traditiona l pat h t o the
art o f poetry: languages , classics , English literature . H e helpe d
to edi t a s wel l a s contribute d poetr y t o th e DeWit t Clinto n
High Schoo l literar y magazine , Th e Magpie. Whil e a n under -
graduate a t Ne w Yor k University , Cullen publishe d i n severa l
literary magazines , including Bookman and Poetry, an d i n his
senior yea r Harpe r contracte d t o publis h hi s firs t boo k o f
poems, Color (1925) . Hi s acclai m i n hi s colleg e years wa s fo r
poems which varie d i n subjec t i f no t style : "Simo n th e Cy -
renian Speaks " a s wel l a s appreciation s o f Joh n Keats . Hi s
"Ballad o f the Brow n Girl" won th e Witte r Bynne r awar d an d
was considere d b y Harvard' s Lyma n Kittredge t o be th e finest
literary balla d b y a n America n he ha d read . S o Countee Cul -
len wa s alread y publishe d an d praise d ( a Ph i Bet a Kapp a
graduate) whe n h e wen t t o tak e hi s Master' s degre e a t Har -
vard. H e foun d Rober t Hillyer' s semina r in versification just t o
his liking . Hillyer had aske d for exercises in various traditiona l
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 20 7

forms o f English verse ; tha t poet-professo r later was to publish


one o f Cullen' s exercise s a s a rar e America n exampl e o f th e
Chaucerian rim e royal . Culle n wa s foreve r committe d t o th e
formalism tha t thi s educatio n implies . Hi s biographe r attrib -
utes t o him the assertio n tha t hi s poetry just "came out " in me-
tered line s an d rhyme . I n an y case , h e neve r experimente d
with anythin g else , an d tha t i s quit e remarkabl e considerin g
what othe r poet s were doin g i n th e 1920s .
Formalism wa s no t th e onl y mar k o f Cullen's conservatism .
He understoo d Ar t t o b e a slave to Beaut y (he woul d capital-
ize those nouns) . Poetr y mor e than prose was the pur e essenc e
of th e literar y art ; a s essentia l beaut y i t shoul d allo w th e
human imaginatio n t o soar , t o liv e wit h th e gods . H e wa s en-
couraged i n this by the influenc e o f Alain Locke , an d b y W. E .
B. OuBois , whos e view s on ar t an d uplif t woul d vi e wit h an y
other Ne w Englan d Yankee' s for gentilit y an d conservatism .
Furthermore, Counte e Culle n ha d tie d himsel f spirituall y t o
the Romantics , particularly Joh n Keats, who continued t o serve
as models for his verse a s well as inspirations fo r his vision. He
cultivated i n himsel f tha t emotiona l temperamen t tha t ex -
pected t o fin d poem s i n graveyard s an d palm-presse d palpita -
tions on hillsides, an d which saw the body and human condition
as inconvenient harness to the spirit; the muse, genius, the imag-
ination, an d ar t transforme d ma n int o a kind o f immortal, into
a kin d of god. H e visite d Keats' s grave i n Rom e and rea d th e
epitaph tha t Keat s ha d chose n fo r himself : "Her e lie s on e
whose nam e wa s wri t i n water. " Late r Culle n wrot e hi s own.

For Joh n Keats , Apostl e o f Beaut y 6


Not writ in water, nor in mist,
Sweet lyric throat, thy name;
Thy singing lips that cold death kissed
Have seared his own with flame.
208 Harlem Renaissance
One coul d hardl y fin d a mor e perfec t exampl e o f a twentieth -
century poe t marchin g t o a nineteenth-centur y drummer : th e
subject, th e title , th e diction , th e stif f perio d o f th e firs t tw o
lines, th e concei t o f the poet , th e "lyri c throat " an d th e kis s of
"cold death. " Lik e mos t o f Cullen's poetry , thi s epitap h leave s
the reade r wit h littl e doub t abou t wha t i t is . I t look s lik e a
poem, i t sound s lik e a poem , an d i t i s abou t wha t poem s ar e
supposed t o be about .
With al l o f hi s sens e o f idealize d art , Counte e Culle n was ,
nevertheless, ver y consciou s o f the obligatio n tha t rac e place d
on hi m a s a poet . Give n his vie w of the ar t o f poetry, hi s rac e
consciousness wa s quit e a dilemma . Th e problem s o f Negroes
were real , to o real . The y wer e a par t o f this world , th e mud ,
guts, an d stuf f o f life . Lynchings , murder , discrimination, pov -
erty inevitabl y woul d b e th e subject s o f Negr o life . Ye t ho w
could thi s be translated int o vers e that woul d be elevating an d
truly poetic ? Furthermore , Culle n believe d tha t th e ar t o f po-
etry, lik e al l ar t an d tru e culture , wa s abstracte d fro m rac e o r
any othe r conditio n o f life . I t wa s Culle n wh o tol d Langsto n
Hughes tha t h e wante d t o b e a poet , no t a Negr o poet . Fo r
him, ther e wa s n o suc h thin g a s Negr o poetry . How , then ,
could h e remai n true t o hi s sens e of art and , a t th e sam e time,
to hi s strong racial feelings ? Hi s conservative critica l judgmen t
told hi m that h e mus t writ e poems tha t wer e a t leas t onc e re -
moved fro m th e sourc e o f hi s stronges t emotions . N o wonde r
that h e though t Go d ha d don e a curiou s thing : "T o mak e a
poet blac k an d bi d hi m sing. "
Cullen als o wa s neve r fre e fro m hi s sens e o f bein g exem -
plary. Like so many Negroes whose achievement catapult s the m
into the publi c eye , he was a public Negro. H e was not merely
a poet , h e wa s a "credi t t o hi s race. " N o matter ho w muc h he
achieved o r ho w littl e i t depende d o n race , i t wa s inevitabl e
that hi s blacknes s woul d mar k him . O f th e te n initiate s int o
New Yor k University' s Phi Beta Kappa chapter, i t was Counte e
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 20 9

Cullen wh o wa s single d ou t fo r extensiv e pres s coverage—a n


example o f Negro achievement . Whil e h e consicousl y wrot e t o
ensure his acceptance as a good America n poet, and while crit-
ics often remarked that his true achievement was as a poet and
not a s a Negr o poet , h e neve r coul d avoi d bein g define d b y
race. Th e Ne w York Times o f January 10 , 1946 , amplifie d th e
irony wit h it s headline : "Counte e Cullen , Negr o Poet , Dead. "
Nor ca n one say that th e poe t woul d have really wanted i t oth-
erwise. Langsto n Hughes' s simplisti c logi c di d no t recogniz e
that th e motiv e t o writ e lik e a poet ( a white poet ) coul d b e in-
deed quit e th e opposit e fro m wantin g t o b e white . Culle n
wanted t o b e acknowledge d a s a poet s o that h e woul d no t b e
condescended t o a s a Negro, so that he coul d b e a n example of
Negro potential , successfull y competin g o n th e whit e man' s
ground. A s an exemplar , h e coul d poin t th e wa y to others , h e
could b e a symbol o f possibility, an d h e coul d tur n othe r black
boys' eyes to poetry and ar t s o that th e mus e might allow the m
to transcen d thei r conditio n a s he had . Suc h a conceptio n wa s
problematic, ye t Culle n wa s sustaine d b y importan t Negroe s
-Booker T . Washington , W . E . B . DuBois , Jame s Weldo n
Johnson—in thi s vie w o f racial uplif t throug h culture , achieve-
ment, an d example .
In writin g lov e poem s i t wa s easy enoug h fo r Cullen t o han-
dle th e proble m o f rac e an d art . I n hi s art , love , lik e spring ,
was color-blind , an d fo r th e mos t par t thos e poem s coul d b e
addressed t o a lad y of any hue. Cullen sometimes wrote poems
about brow n girl s an d brow n boys , bu t fo r th e mos t par t th e
color wa s only in th e title ; th e poem s themselve s wer e charac -
teristically devoi d o f concretenes s an d specificity . I n " A Son g
of Praise, " Culle n answer s a poe t wh o praise s hi s lad y fo r
being fair , b y alludin g t o Africa n beauty . Th e sam e them e i s
suggested i n "Brow n Bo y to Brown Girl." But , a s with mos t of
his poems, the reade r i s left i n the real m of idea, far from palp-
able reality . "Balla d fo r th e Brow n Girl," however , doe s poin t
210 Harlem Renaissance

to th e difficult y o f emulating , fo r racia l purposes , work s of a n


alien er a an d culture . Culle n mistakenl y though t th e brow n
girl i n th e medieva l balla d wa s Negro , whereas , i n fact , th e
balladeer mean t a peasan t girl . Thi s tal e o f a struggl e fo r th e
affections o f a handsome lor d b y a country girl an d a fair Lon -
don maide n ha d differen t meanin g from wha t Culle n intended .
Tied a s he was to th e stor y a s well a s to form, th e poe m i s only
slight an d confuse d comfor t t o th e Negr o reade r wh o migh t
hope to be elated b y it .
When Counte e Culle n wante d t o writ e seriousl y abou t Ne -
groes, hi s aesthetic forced him to couch his meaning and intent
in classica l o r religious context . The reader woul d hav e to infe r
th" racia l significance , an d i t wa s though t tha t th e classica l
context woul d elevat e the particula r to the universal . H e wrote
"Simon th e Cyrenia n Speaks " t o sho w th e courageou s dignit y
of a humbl e blac k man' s answe r t o th e Christian call . H e
obliquely wrot e abou t prostitute s i n "Blac k Magdalens, " thu s
dignifying Harle m whore s wit h biblica l reference . Th e predic -
ament o f the blac k man , deprived o f justice an d possibility , i s
worked ou t i n "Shrou d o f Color, " a poe m o f passion i n which
the narrato r challenges God to tel l him why he must go on liv-
ing. Go d give s him a series o f visions, but i t i s the fina l choru s
of al l blac k men' s hope s an d aspiration s tha t give s hi m cour -
age, will , and determinatio n t o liv e as one o f these.

And somehow it was borne upon my brain


How being dark, and living through the pain
Of it, is courage more than angels have.

Lynching i s th e subjec t o f "Blac k Christ, " hi s lon g narrative.


Whereas th e sam e subject move d Claude McKa y t o bitternes s
and Jame s Weldo n Johnso n i n "Brothers" t o expos e th e brutal-
ity o f murdering mob s an d thei r kinshi p to th e victim, Cullen
Schomfeiirg Collection, Ne w fork Public Library

Aaron Dougla s and Arthu r Schomburg


before Douglas' mural, "Song of the Towers. "
Schomburg Cnllertion, New YntK Ptihlu l.tlmin/

"African Dancer, "


Bronze bv Richmond Barthe.

Sehomburg Collection, New York Public Library

"Feral Benga."
Bronze b y Richmon d Barthe.
Culver Pictures

Two kinds of pretense: top, the Cakewalk;


bottom: performers at the Bradley Martin Ball.

Brown Brothers
Miilon Mellzer

Fletcher Henderson .

tale Vntoertity Library

Bessie Smith.
Photograph b y
Carl Van Vechten.

tttman Brothers

Edward "Duke " Ellington.


Ctifoer Pictures

Charles Gilpin
in Th e Emperor Jones.

Culver picturfes

Rose McCI/e^^-^/i^WKiWi/Bowm,
ftrflwn Brothers

James Weldon Johnson and Walter Damrosh present the Spingarn


Medal t o Roland Hayes aboard the S.S. Aquttania, April 7,1925.

Paul Robeson,
Photograph b y
Carl Va n Vecbten.

fair VnieenUy Library


Milton Meltser

Bob Cole, James and J , Hosannint! Johnson.

llm I'ttrtl I 'tin i-r*itif Lthrtlrq

Bert Williams and George Walker.


Son Francisco Museum of Art
•"•*, *i

"Forever Free,"
Lacquered woo d sculpture
by Sargent Johnson,

Son Francisco Museu m o/ Art San Francisco Museum o/ Art

"Head o f Negro Woman." "Negro Woman."


Terra cotta by Sargent Johnson. Terra cotta by Sargent Johnson.
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 21 1

characteristically chos e anothe r statement . Bitternes s wa s no t


beautiful o r elevating , neithe r wa s th e bestialit y o f men; these
could no t b e th e voic e o r them e o f a poem . Culle n use d th e
lynching as a test o f faith. Th e brother o f the lynche d ma n los t
his fait h i n God , despit e his mother's unswerving devotion. Bu t
the lynche d brothe r rise s fro m th e dead , redeemin g hi s doubt -
ing brother . Th e resurrectio n also , completin g th e analog y t o
Christ, ennoble s th e murdere d ma n an d th e murder . And even
when Culle n wanted t o explor e the questio n o f his African her -
itage, h e chos e i n "Heritage " t o bin d th e proble m t o th e reli -
gious question o f pagan vs . Christian belief .
These wer e neve r ver y satisfactor y ways of dealing wit h th e
themes tha t prompte d th e poems . Sometimes , one suspects, the
work woul d hav e bee n mor e successfu l a s prose . Alway s th e
reader—the moder n reade r a t an y rate—wonder s wh y th e
poet doe s no t sa y wha t i s on hi s mind . The obliquenes s surel y
does no t help . Ye t Cullen , foreve r tru e t o a gentee l straight -
jacket, seldom i f ever ventured t o tell i t a s it was, or better yet ,
to tel l i t a s h e fel t it .
I quot e her e th e fou r stanza s o f "Harsh Worl d tha t Lashes t
Me" becaus e i t illustrate s Counte e Cullen' s persisten t Roman -
tic vision , and i t serve s a s a sharp contras t t o Claud e McKay' s
treatments o f th e sam e theme s i n "America, " quote d earlier ,
and "Baptism. "

Harsh Worl d tha t Lashes t M e 7


Harsh World that lashest me each day,
Dub me not cowardly because
I seem to find no sudden way
To throttle you or clip your claws.
No force compels me to the wound
Whereof my body bears the scar;
Although my feet ar e on the ground ,
Doubt not my eyes are on a star.
212 Harlem Renaissance
You cannot keep me captive, World ,
Entrammeled, chained, spit on, and
spurned.
More free than al l your flags unfurled,
I give my body to be burned .
I mount my cross because I will,
I drink the hemlock which you give
For wine which you withhold—and still
Because I will not die, I live.
I live because a n ember in
Me smoulders t o regain its fire,
Because what is and what has been
Not yet have conquered m y desire.
I live to prove the groping clod
Is surely more than simple dust;
I live to see the breath o f God
Beatify th e carnal crust.
But when I will, World, I can go,
Though triple bronze should wall me
round
Slip past you r guard as swift as snow,
Translated withou t pain o r sound.
Within myself is lodged th e key
To that vast room of couches lai d
For those too proud to live and see
Their dreams of light eclipsed i n shade.

There is, here, n o real evidenc e that th e poe t i s black, yet on e


has to kno w tha t fac t t o have the romanti c sentiment mak e any
sense. Culle n lik e McKa y speak s o f tormen t i n th e worl d
(McKay call s Americ a a "culture d hell") . Culle n an d McKa y
alike ech o th e lat e Victoria n stoicis m o f W . E . Henle y an d
Kipling whic h find s comfort i n a n indomitabl e soul .
Countee Culle n ha d a genuin e talen t fo r lyri c verse, an d h e
did manag e t o writ e prett y lines . Willia m Gran t Stil l pu t "I f
You Shoul d Go " to music .
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 21 3

If Yo u Shoul d C o 8
Love, leave me like the light,
The gently passing day;
We would not know, but for the night,
When it has slipped away.
Go quietly; a dream
When done, should leave no trace
That it has lived, except a gleam
Across the dreamer's face .

There i s a prettines s her e tha t want s t o liv e i n al l o f Cullen' s


work. He liked softnes s an d liquid sounds . Seldo m di d h e write
anything harsh . "Incident " i s th e on e exception . Fo r i n thi s
poem a whit e bo y o f about eigh t year s call s th e narrato r "Nig -
ger"; nevertheless , th e ton e i s plaintive and innocent .
Countee Culle n like d form , h e like d words , an d h e like d
rhyme, but h e neve r experimente d wit h any of them. One looks
in vai n i n hi s poem s t o fin d departure s fro m convention . Th e
rhymes ar e regular , an d th e reade r i s neve r startle d b y a
strange o r ne w one . H e neve r forgo t hi s forma l exercise s fro m
his Harvar d seminar . H e wa s conten t t o b e goo d a t them , so
his poetr y remaine d exercise s i n verse , neve r experimen t o r
play. An d th e sam e fo r words. Culle n di d no t serv e tha t func -
tion o f poetry whic h mold s th e languag e int o somethin g new .
Surely, h e woul d neve r writ e i n vernacular , an d eve n hi s pre-
cious diction i s never marke d by freshness o f usage. Poetr y wa s
a ver y seriou s busines s t o Countee Cullen ; h e migh t b e ligh t
but neve r funny . Significantly , he lef t hi s sligh t poeti c humo r
for shor t vers e epitaphs .
In 1935 , jus t te n year s afte r hi s first book o f poems, Counte e
Cullen published Th e Medea an d Some Poems, which was to be
his las t boo k o f new poetry . H e di d writ e som e children' s sto -
ries an d tw o book s abou t hi s cat, bu t t o al l intent s hi s lif e a s a
214 Harlem Renaissance

poet ha d ended . H e taugh t i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y publi c


schools, workin g ver y har d t o interes t youn g boy s i n poetry .
This wa s time-consuming , bu t i t fail s t o explai n wh y a youn g
man wh o wa s dedicate d t o poetr y earl y i n hi s yout h shoul d
have los t th e wil l t o write . Sinc e his days i n high schoo l noth-
ing els e ha d mattered . But , despit e wha t h e tol d himself , his
dedication wa s not t o th e art ; h e did nothin g towar d advanc -
ing th e art . A s he tol d Langsto n Hughes , h e wante d t o writ e
poetry, not Negro poetry; h e wanted t o be a poet, not a Negro
poet. I t wa s aki n t o hi s wantin g t o b e firs t i n hi s class , an d
being Ph i Bet a Kapp a (whic h h e was) . I t wa s a mean s o f ex-
celling an d being exemplary . Having several volumes of poetry
to hi s name , several awards , an d critica l recognitio n a s a poe t
among Negroes , th e rea l incentiv e wa s gone . H e alread y ha d
what h e wanted. Of course, hi s health bega n t o deteriorate; he
was trouble d wit h ulcer s an d hypertension—commo n ailment s
of exemplars . Remarkably , i n 1945 , whe n h e wa s jus t forty -
three, Culle n bega n t o arrang e wit h hi s publisher fo r a collec -
tion o f his poetry. H e di d no t pla n t o publis h anothe r boo k of
verse, an d h e wante d a singl e volum e to contai n th e wor k on
which hi s reputatio n shoul d rest . O n These I Stand appeare d
in 1947 , just abou t a year afte r Counte e Cullen' s death .
No on e coul d hav e bee n les s afflicte d b y poeti c prettines s
than Claud e McKay , yet hi s poetry, lik e Countee Cullen's , was
crippled b y a tradition no t truly the poet's own. Ma x Eastman
was surel y excessive when he wrot e i n a biographical not e for
Selected Poems o f Claude McKay (1953 ) tha t th e poe t "wil l
live i n histor y a s the first grea t lyri c geniu s tha t hi s race pro-
duced." A t least Eastma n did discer n McKay' s real talent t o be
lyric. Th e Jamaica n write r i s bes t known , however , fo r hi s
popular novel , Home to Harlem, and—to that specia l audienc e
who ha s followe d Negr o literature—a s th e write r o f militant ,
race-conscious poems . A balanced vie w of McKay' s art woul d
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 21 5

judge hi m a goo d lyri c poet an d i n Harlem: Negro Metropolis


(1940) a n essayis t o f consummate skill.
Claude McKa y began writin g dialec t vers e i n th e Wes t In -
dies. H e ha d acquire d somethin g o f a reputatio n there—th e
Bobby Burn s of Jamaica—befor e comin g to th e Unite d States .
He briefl y attende d college , worke d abou t a t od d jobs, an d fi-
nally joined th e staf f o f Max Eastman's Liberator. McKay pub-
lished hi s verse , no w i n literar y English , i n Spring i n Ne w
Hampshire (1920 ) an d Harlem Shadows (1922) . Bot h o f thes e
volumes containe d man y lyrica l poems , ofte n reminiscen t o f
the Wes t Indies . The y wer e often fresh , poignant , an d reveale d
the poet' s dee p appreciatio n fo r nature . McKay , himself , dis -
claimed influenc e o f an y literar y school . " I hav e adhere d t o
such of the olde r traditions a s I find adequate fo r my most law-
less and revolutionar y passions an d moods. " Like Countee Cul -
len, thi s poe t wa s ver y preoccupie d wit h wha t h e though t t o
be hi s wildness o f character. Bu t unlik e Cullen, McKa y denied
any artisti c commitmen t t o for m fo r it s ow n sake . "I hav e no t
used patterns , image s an d word s that woul d stam p me a classi-
cist no r a modernist . .. I hav e never studied poetics ; bu t the
forms I hav e use d I a m convince d ar e th e one s I ca n wor k i n
with th e highes t degre e of spontaneity an d freedom. " He chos e
to giv e latitud e t o hi s ow n taste : " I hav e chose n m y melodies
and rhythm s by instinct , an d I have favored words an d figures
which flo w smoothl y an d harmoniousl y int o m y compo -
sitions." 9 I n s o fa r a s h e remaine d tru e t o thes e intentions ,
McKay wa s effective . When h e wrot e o f his longin g fo r home,
he could d o nice things .

After th e Winte r 10
Some day, when trees have shed their leaves
And against the morning's white
216 Harlem Renaissance
The shivering birds beneath the eves
Have sheltered for the night,
We'll turn our faces southward, love
Toward the summer isle
Where bamboos spire the shafted grov e
And wide-mouthed orchids smile.
And we will seek the quiet hill
Where towers the cotton tree,
And leaps the laughing crystal rill,
And works the droning bee.
And we will build a cottage there
Beside an open glade,
With black-ribbed blue-bells blowing near,
And ferns that never fade.

There i s a pleasantnes s abou t thi s poe m tha t help s on e t o ig-


nore rhym e problem s (love-grove , there-near ) an d eve n t o
overlook that dea d "poetry-word " rill. But McKa y was not con-
sistent.
In Harlem Shadows, there appeare d a numbe r o f quit e for-
mal fourteen-lin e sonnets . Whil e th e poe t claime d neve r t o
have studie d "poetics, " and while he disclaimed th e inclinatio n
("My intellec t i s not scientifi c enough. . . .") , nevertheless , h e
tried t o writ e in this very formal an d "classical " verse for m an d
persisted i n regular , studie d rhym e patterns , despit e claime d
lawless passion s an d moods . I t i s interesting tha t thes e sonnet s
comprise almos t al l o f his poem s that hav e any clai m t o milit -
ance an d racia l protest .
Few o f these sonnets , however , directly discus s rac e o r rac e
experience. Thei r impute d militanc y is in th e defianc e an d th e
bitter tone . Th e poe t occasionall y wrote o f hatred fo r civiliza-
tion, meanin g European-American culture. Bu t the remarkabl e
thing is the persisten t egocentris m of his poems. Excep t fo r one
or two , th e defianc e an d bitternes s ar e personal—th e poet' s
own agains t th e world . This , again , reiterates th e strongl y stoi -
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 21 7

cal characte r o f his work . I t als o point s t o th e importan t influ -


ence o n McKa y o f that lat e Victorian, James Thomson , and hi s
City o f Dreadful Night. Seldo m doe s McKa y direc t th e reade r
into som e emotional o r visual reality tha t belonge d t o rac e ex-
perience. Occasionally , h e wa s explicit abou t white-blac k con -
flict."

To th e Whit e Fiend s "


Think you I am not fiend and savage too?
Think you I could not arm me with a gun
And shoot down ten of you for every one
Of my black brothers murdered, burnt by you?
Be not deceived, for every deed you do
I could match—out-match: am I not Africa's son,
Black of that black land where black deeds are done?
But the Almighty from the darkness drew
My soul and said: Even thou shalt be a light
Awhile to burn on the benighted earth,
Thy dusky face I set among the white
For thee to prove thyself of higher worth;
Before the world is swallowed up in night,
To show thy little lamp: go forth, go forth!

Ignoring th e rathe r larg e questio n o f art i n thi s poe m w e can


note som e o f th e characteristi c feature s o f McKay' s sonnets .
The defiance , th e militance , i s rhetorica l an d argumentativ e
rather tha n substantiv e an d palpable . Whil e i n thi s poe m
McKay assume s th e persona of th e Negr o people , hi s us e o f
first person ca n hardl y b e extende d beyon d hi s persona l self .
Whatever God' s design , on e read s thi s poe m a s rathe r hollo w
rhetoric.
McKay, lik e Cullen, seeme d t o thin k that seriou s poetry (po -
etry wit h a message ) ha d t o b e lifte d ou t o f the ordinary , th e
recognizable experience s o f man . Suc h poem s neede d t o b e
couched i n design s tha t wer e grande r tha n life . Powerfu l po -
etry wa s hyperbole .
218 Harlem Renaissance

Baptism 13
Into the furnace let me go alone;
Stay you without in terror of the heat.
I will go naked in—for thus 'tis sweet—
Into the weird depths of the hottest zone.
I will not quiver in the frailest bone,
You will not note a flicker of defeat;
My heart shall tremble not its fate to meet,
My mouth give utterance to any moan.
The yawning oven spits forth fiery spears;
Red aspish tongues shout wordlessly my name.
Desire destroys, consumes my mortal fears,
Transforming me into a shape of flame.
I will come out, back to your world of tears,
A stronger soul within a finer frame.

The titl e an d th e las t fou r line s o f thi s sonne t tel l th e reade r


that th e poe m i s about a tria l b y fire, fro m whic h th e fearless ,
stoical narrato r emerge s purifie d an d redeemed . Th e sens e i s
made awkwar d by th e tria l bein g pu t i n th e future , makin g it
the fait h o r fancy o f the first-perso n narrator . Furthermore , th e
trial i s uncertain , sinc e w e ar e neve r tol d wha t i t is . Lin e
eleven serve s t o confus e th e vagueness , because i t appear s tha t
desire is the fire which consume s an d destroys . His own desir e
—such a vagu e word , desir e fo r God , fo r sex , fo r purity , fo r
virtue?—has give n th e poe t a stronge r sou l an d a fine r frame .
McKay i s characteristically indifferen t t o a s well a s careles s o f
image. A furnac e i n on e lin e become s a n ove n i n another .
Since bone s hardl y quiver , lin e fiv e claim s little . Th e us e o f
"flicker" i n lin e si x i s confusing , sinc e flam e i s suppose d t o b e
the conten t o f the furnac e (i f no t th e oven) . Nor i s this loose -
ness o f styl e peculia r t o thi s poem , i t i s characteristi c o f
McKay's sonnets. One nee d merel y observe the collisio n o f dis-
parate image s i n the previousl y quoted "America " to sense th e
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 21 9

limitations o f this poet' s craf t whe n h e struggle s wit h rigorous


form.
Nor ca n i t b e argue d tha t McKa y shoul d no t b e judged b y
conventional standard s sinc e he disclaime d an y intent t o b e a
"classicist." H e trie d t o adher e rigorousl y t o th e iambi c lin e
and t o regula r rhyme . H e wa s not carefu l enough a s a poet t o
work withi n such a harnes s wit h grac e an d style . For m forced
him int o strang e syntax . I t di d no t mak e him spontaneous an d
free. Rather , i t pushe d hi m int o impossibl e inversions : "M y
heart shal l trembl e no t it s fat e t o meet. " This forma l problem ,
coupled wit h hi s characteristi c treatmen t o f racia l theme s b y
means o f self-inflation an d rhetoric , subver t th e powe r o f these
poems. I t i s har d t o believ e hi s statemen t tha t "i n al l m y
moods I hav e strive n t o achiev e directness , truthfulnes s an d
naturalness o f expression. . . . "
McKay's racia l attitude s an d militanc y ar e furthe r con -
founded. "I f We Mus t Die" i s undoubtedly th e poe m fo r which
he i s best known . Also, as a deman d fo r resistanc e agains t op -
pressors, i t ha s alway s bee n take n a s a cal l fo r Negr o mili -
tancy. Yet , when th e poe t rea d tha t poe m fo r Arna Bontemps'
recording o f Negro poets , h e insiste d tha t th e sonne t ha d uni -
versal intent . Th e poem , h e recognize d "make s m e a poe t
among colore d Americans . Yet, frankly, I hav e neve r regarde d
myself a s a Negr o poet. I hav e alway s felt tha t m y gif t o f song
was somethin g bigge r tha n the narro w confine d limit s of any
one people an d it s problems." 1 4 Ho w strang e a statement fro m
the voic e of black defianc e an d bitterness ! McKa y ha d learne d
that a whit e America n soldier , wh o ha d die d o n th e Russia n
front i n World Wa r II , ha d thi s poem amon g hi s belongings. "I
felt profoundl y gratified an d justified . I fel t assuranc e tha t 'I f
We Mus t Die ' wa s just wha t I intende d i t t o be , a universal
poem." Thus, race conscious , yet torn between th e particularity
of rac e an d th e assume d universalit y o f poetry , McKa y re -
220 Harlem Renaissance

sorted t o for m whic h h e coul d no t manag e an d vaguenes s


which obfuscate d an d blunte d hi s statement . Whateve r hi s
claims abou t form , McKa y was , in hi s ow n way , a s tied t o th e
English traditio n an d conceptio n o f poetr y a s wa s Counte e
Cullen. Forma l matter s a s wel l a s persona l attitude s inhibite d
McKay fro m transformin g his bitternes s an d disillusionment—
which n o doubt man y Negroes felt—into memorabl e o r power -
ful art . The Negro-as-artis t dilemma is nowhere better exempli -
fied tha n i n wha t Jame s Weldo n Johnso n calle d th e
"sonnet-tragedies" o f Claud e McKay . Failin g i n th e poeti c
demand—to reduc e t o crystalin e purity th e emotiona l cente r of
experience—they ar e strangle d b y th e arbitrar y restraint s o f
form whic h McKa y coul d no t master . Wha t emerge s i s a ton e
of persona l defiance—echoin g lat e Victoria n attitudes , to o
often a braggadocio—dependin g almos t wholl y o n rhetorica l
and argumentativ e style . I t ma y b e to o preciou s t o say , " a
poem shoul d not mea n bu t be, " nevertheles s a poem shoul d b e
its ow n validity . Non e of these "sonnet-tragedies" achiev e that .
Nor i s this a n argumen t t o den y artisti c meri t t o poem s be -
cause they ar e no t great . Rather , i t i s to point t o thes e particu -
lar failure s a s du e t o a slavis h devotio n t o questionabl e (an d
poorly mastered ) for m an d attitude , confusin g ar t a s wel l a s
meaning. Thos e wh o wer e mor e contemplativ e tha n McKay —
who wrestle d mor e ruthlessl y to sharpe n an d defin e thei r in -
sights an d wh o struggle d t o giv e thei r statemen t it s prope r
form—came close r t o artisti c success , eve n thoug h the y lik e
him migh t no t hav e produce d grea t poetry . "Reapers, " a quit e
modest poe m b y Jea n Toomer , attempt s t o evok e emotio n (not
sentiment) tha t coul d no t b e bette r don e i n prose .

Reapers is
Black reapers with the soun d o f steel on stones
Are sharpening scythes. I see them place the hones
In their hip-pockets as a thing that's done,
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 22 1
And start their silent swinging, one by one.
Black horses drive a mower through the weeds,
And there, a field rat, startled, squealing bleeds,
His belly close to ground. I see the blade,
Blood-stained, continue cutting weeds and shade.

The regula r rhym e schem e i s so natural an d unforce d tha t it s


influence i s subtl e an d unnoticed . Toomer' s "Son g o f the Son "
(previously quoted ) als o ma y b e admire d fo r it s effor t t o com-
bine symbo l an d rhyth m t o expres s a n emotio n o f search an d
prodigal return . Tha t poem , too , ha s it s failings ; the firs t tw o
lines ech o a rousin g Methodis t hym n whic h clatters , unfortu -
nately, agains t th e plaintiv e ton e th e poe t want s t o set . Grant-
ing limitations, such poems approach succes s precisel y becaus e
they attemp t t o expres s themselve s rathe r tha n a n abstractio n
called poetry .
Langston Hughe s ha d a vie w o f ar t an d th e role o f poetry
different fro m bot h Counte e Culle n an d Claud e McKay . Th e
poets who influenced him were Carl Sandbur g and, in a limited
way, Vachel Lindsay. He , along with Sterling Brown, shared th e
American poeti c visio n tha t ra n fro m Wal t Whitma n through
Sandburg—its belie f i n th e validit y o f the intuitiv e sens e an d
the spontaneit y o f art . Hughe s no t onl y believe d tha t ar t
should b e th e immediat e expressio n o f th e self , bu t h e als o
shared wit h Whitman , Sandburg , an d Lindsa y a n open ,
optimistic fait h i n th e commo n man. Hughe s an d Brow n were
democrats, accepting , withou t question , th e Tightnes s o f th e
unadorned an d unpretentiou s expressio n o f ordinar y people .
The acceptanc e o f a n intuitiv e trut h an d a spontaneou s ar t
freed the m fro m an y commitmen t to a necessar y form . Experi -
mentation wa s possible . An y arrangemen t o f word s coul d b e
poetic i f i t capture d th e mystica l essenc e o f the huma n voice .
The measur e o f Tightness ha d mor e to d o with th e closenes s t o
real human experience tha n i t did wit h rules of verse or rhyme.
Hughes neve r studie d versificatio n in an y forma l way . Indeed ,
222 Harlem Renaissance

he prided himsel f that h e di d littl e rewriting . H e remembere d


finishing "The Negr o Speak s of Rivers" on a train crossin g th e
Mississippi.
No doub t I change d a fe w word s th e nex t day , o r mayb e
crossed ou t a lin e o r two . Bu t ther e ar e seldo m man y
changes in my poems, onc e they'r e down. Generally , th e first
two o r thre e line s com e t o m e fro m somethin g I' m thinkin g
about, o r lookin g at , o r doing , an d th e res t o f the poe m (i f
there i s to b e a poem) flows from thos e first few lines, usually
right away . I f there i s a chanc e to pu t th e poe m dow n then ,
I writ e i t down. I f not, I tr y t o remembe r i t unti l I ge t t o a
pencil an d paper ; fo r poem s ar e lik e rainbows : the y escap e
you quickly.16

Hughes believe d th e poe t shoul d no t wrestl e wit h rule s of po-


etics; the y distorted th e freshnes s an d truenes s of the poet' s vi-
sion. A poem wa s a n instan t life-son g froze n int o words.
This belie f i n instinc t gav e Hughe s a grea t respec t fo r th e
common man ; t o him , eve n whe n th e mos t ordinar y perso n
sang, o r danced , o r worked , o r suffered , h e wa s likel y t o b e
making beauty . Hughes' s absolut e fait h i n th e dignit y o f th e
lowest human being skinned his eyes and unstoppe d hi s ears to
folk art . Tha t ver y faith , however , touched hi m wit h a n opti -
mism whic h subtly colore d al l h e wrote, eve n when i t was sad
or tragic. Thus Langston Hughes and Sterlin g Brown were fol k
artists i n tha t the y exploite d th e wealt h o f materia l tha t wa s
provided b y th e commo n people ; an d fo r bot h writer s tha t
meant Negroes , workers , fanners , bums , pimps, gamblers, mu -
sicians, anyon e wh o live d hi s lif e withou t intentiona l deceit .
Langston Hughe s reall y believed tha t thes e peopl e wer e pro-
ducing ar t an d cultur e all of the time, rainbows that had t o b e
captured befor e they vanished.
Hughes envisione d th e poe t a s a kin d of troubadour, bring -
ing experienc e int o ar t an d music . H e though t himsel f quit e
akin t o the jazzmen and th e blue s singers he foun d abou t him.
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 22 3

Like them , h e ha d fait h i n the extemporaneou s expression ; ar t


was innovation . Hughe s sa w himself a s analogous t o th e blue s
singer, wit h hi s guita r an d repertoir e o f songs—standar d
themes—to whic h h e adde d innovation s an d ne w verse s a s
they cam e t o him . Analogou s to o wa s th e stree t languag e o f
black boy s i n thei r verba l games—"dozens " an d "capping" —
which als o honored the virtuosit y o f those wh o coul d innovat e
from standar d an d remembere d verses . A n ora l traditio n tie d
together th e stree t boys , th e fol k preachers , th e blue s singers ,
and th e jazzmen . Hughes' s poetr y exploite d tha t traditio n i n
which storie s ar e tol d agai n an d again , singer s creatin g thei r
own styl e throug h innovation . Whil e freshnes s wa s prized ,
ownership was not. Onc e a blues singe r ha d "published," i t be-
longed t o everyone . Becaus e Hughe s use d thi s model , much of
his poetry appear s common, in the publi c domain , like folk art .
But hi s effort , fro m hi s ow n testimony , was t o captur e vagrant
rainbows o f lif e experienc e an d freez e the m int o a lastin g
form.17
As th e titl e o f hi s firs t boo k o f poem s Weary Blues (1926 )
would indicate , h e wante d t o us e blue s theme s a s poetry .
Many o f his poem s ar e nothin g more o r les s tha n blue s lyrics,
which canno t b e properl y sense d withou t familiarit y wit h th e
blues pattern s an d refrains . Th e a , a , b , a patter n i s obvious,
but a goo d ea r ca n ofte n detec t falsett o break s and othe r blues
characteristics.

Black Mari a 18
Must be the Black Maria
That I see ,
The Black Maria that I see—
But I hope it
Ain't comin' for me.
Hear that music playin* upstairs?
Aw, my heart is
224 Harlem Renaissance

Full of cares—
But that music playin' upstairs
Is for me .
Babe, did you eve r
See the sun
Rise at dawnin' ful l o f fun?
Says, did you ever see the sun rise
Full of fun, ful l o f fun ?
Then you know a new day's
Done begun.
Black Maria passin' by
Leaves the sunrise in the sky —
And a new day,
Yes, a new day's
Done begun !

Poems appea r tha t ar e surel y part s o f the blues-man' s reper -


toire:

Hope 19
Sometimes when I'm lonely,
Don't know why,
Keep thinkin' I won't b e lonely
By and by.

By givin g thes e lines—s o ofte n sun g in on e wa y o r another— a


title an d th e for m o f poetry , Hughe s attempte d t o giv e th e
blues a new dimension .
No Negr o fol k matte r wa s exemp t fro m Hughes' s treatment :
sermons, gospels , spirituals . Sometime s hi s poem s wer e tale s
told i n stree t languag e an d i n a loos e rhyth m an d rhyme , a
kind o f doggerel lik e th e "Balla d o f the Landlord. " Other s ar e
street verse and street wisdom.
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 22 5

Advice 20
Folks, I'm telling you
birthing is hard
and dying is mean—
so get yourself
a little loving
in between.

Nor di d Langsto n Hughe s have to reac h fa r to find form t o ex-


press th e horro r an d terro r o f Negro life i n America. He could
combine call-and-respons e pattern s wit h traditiona l Christia n
symbolism.

Song fo r a Dar k Girl 21


Way Down South in Dixie
(Break the heart of me)
They hung my black young lover
To a cross roads tree.
Way Down South in Dixie
(Bruised body high in air)
I asked the white Lord Jesus
What was the use of prayer.
Way Down South in Dixie
(Break the heart of me)
Love is a naked shadow
On a gnarled and naked tree.

The opennes s o f fol k mode s free d poet s fro m th e arbitrari -


ness o f form . Anythin g tha t wa s authenti c coul d b e written .
Undiluted rac e feeling could be expressed mor e directly i n this
genre. Sterlin g Brown' s poem "Memphis Blues," 22 for instance,
is telling an d remarkabl y modern. Th e poe m i s a sermon-song
in thre e parts . Par t I relate s Memphi s to ancien t an d ruine d
cities:
226 Harlem Renaissance
Nineveh, Tyre
Babylon,
Not much lef
Of either one.
All dese cities
Ashes and rust,
De win' sing sperrichals
Through deir dus' . . .

The poe t remember s Memphi s o n th e Nile , an d suggest s tha t


the moder n cit y o n th e Mississipp i migh t drow n i n floo d o r
blow awa y i n wind. Par t I I i s a series o f verses asking , in turn ,
the preache r man , love r man , musi c man, working man , drink-
ing, man, and gamblin g ma n wha t they wil l do when "Memphis
on fire," and eac h respond s tha t h e wil l do wha t h e does , onl y
better. The n Par t II I concludes :

Memphis go
By Flood or Flame;
Nigger won't worry
All de same—
Memphis go
Memphis come back,
Ain' no skin
Offde nigger's back.
All dese cities
Ashes, rust.. . .
De win' sing sperrichals
Through deir dus'.

This i s no t muc h differen t fro m wha t Claud e McKa y woul d


write, bu t Brown' s statemen t ring s more true , especiall y t o th e
reader today .
Such poem s o f Langston Hughes' s an d Sterlin g Brown' s def y
criticism becaus e the y lac k pretension . The y d o no t as k for ac-
ademic acclaim ; thu s the y ar e exemp t fro m it s contempt . I n
truth, Hughe s wa s no t writin g t o b e approve d a s a literar y
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 22 7

poet (Brow n sometimes did) . Whil e hi s poems appeale d t o a n


audience whic h include d whites , Hughe s create d fo r himself a
black audience , especiall y schoo l children . An d h e expecte d
his poems to be taken o n the simple an d unpretentious leve l on
which the y wer e written . On e woul d b e righ t i n sayin g tha t
Langston Hughe s backe d ou t o f the Negro-artis t dilemm a b y
choosing not to deal with ar t a s serious "high culture." His cas-
ual an d almos t anti-intellectua l attitud e abou t ar t permitte d
him a wid e freedo m o f subjec t an d a persona l honesty . I t al -
lowed hi m to mak e the ver y importan t poin t tha t th e people' s
language, an d voice , an d rhythm s were legitimat e stuf f o f po-
etry. Bu t thi s sam e freedo m deprive d hi m o f th e contro l an d
mastery tha t migh t mak e eac h (o r indee d any ) o f hi s poem s
really singular . Langsto n Hughe s avoide d th e Scyll a o f formal-
ism onl y to founde r i n th e Charybdi s o f folk art .

The dilemma s tha t grippe d Negr o writer s wer e no t mer e


sophomoric argument s ove r th e primac y o f for m o r content .
They wer e muc h mor e profound than that , havin g more t o d o
with th e racia l urgenc y t o b e "culturally " recognized . Jame s
Weldon Johnso n put th e matte r most cogently i n the prefac e to
his Book o f American Negro Poetry (1922) . A people , h e
thought, migh t choos e man y path s t o greatness , bu t "ther e i s
only on e measur e b y whic h it s greatnes s i s recognize d an d
acknowledged." Tha t fina l an d indisputabl e measur e i s th e
"amount an d standar d o f literatur e an d ar t the y hav e pro -
duced." Withou t it, a people's qualit y and stature would be hid-
den fro m th e world ; while , o n the othe r hand , n o "people that
has produce d grea t literatur e an d ar t ha s eve r bee n looke d
upon b y th e worl d a s distinctly inferior. " 23
There ar e man y difficultie s wit h thi s argument ; th e assump-
tion no t only throw s the burde n o f creation o n the artist , bu t i t
also give s hi m th e onu s o f rac e image . An d th e judg e o f
achievement i s the "world, " o r more immediatel y an American
228 Harlem Renaissance

critical establishment . Presumably , a t som e moment the critic s


and pundits would say , "look, some of our best poems, and pic -
tures, an d storie s ar e bein g don e b y blac k people , ther e mus t
be somethin g t o them. " Bu t wh o wer e thes e judges, an d ho w
could yo u pleas e them ? O n th e on e han d the y wer e editors ,
critics, an d professor s who mad e i t their busines s t o comment
on culture. O n the othe r hand , the y were ghost s fro m th e past :
writers an d artist s who m th e "world " ha d acknowledge d a s
great an d wh o held th e rin g for the neophyt e t o grasp . Unsub-
stantial, bu t real , i t wa s traditio n a t whic h thes e blac k artist s
were groping . Bot h Counte e Culle n an d Claud e McKa y se t
their eye s o n th e Romantics . Langsto n Hughe s an d Sterlin g
Brown, o n th e othe r hand , desperat e t o b e th e voic e o f their
people and impatien t wit h formalism, pai d homag e to tradition
by playin g innocen t an d disclaimin g intentio n o f serious art.
But thi s traditio n ha d nothin g t o d o wit h thes e writers , i t
had nothin g t o d o wit h Negroes , and , i n fact , i t reall y ha d
nothing t o d o with Americans . Nothing, that is , other tha n th e
clothes fitted in the school s an d college s to costume a "cultured
man o r woman. " Rea l o r unreal , relevan t o r not , i t wa s awe -
some t o on e wh o wanted t o prov e tha t h e belonged . Literar y
tradition i s lik e a n exclusiv e socia l club ; a candidate' s cer -
tainty o f belongin g permit s a casualnes s abou t details ; ques -
tionable credentials , o n th e othe r hand , encourag e minutes t
observance o f manne r an d style . Th e .notabl e thin g abou t
American literature fro m 190 0 throug h the 1920 s was its appar-
ent comin g o f age . Poet s an d novelist s wer e departin g fro m
slavish dependence o n nineteenth-century English models. Th e
period wa s aliv e with innovation . Yet, except fo r Jean Toome r
and, i n a very special way , Langston Hughes , there wa s no ev-
idence o f literary inventivenes s in Harlem.
Henry May , in writin g abou t th e prewa r cultura l rebellion ,
notes th e larg e an d importan t contingen t o f rebel s t o com e
from th e bastion s o f conservativ e culture: eastern colleges , es -
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 22 9

pecially Harvar d an d Columbia . I t wa s precisel y becaus e me n


like Wallac e S,tevens , Witte r Bynner , Arthu r Daviso n Ficke ,
John Goul d Fletcher , T . S . Eliot , Conra d Aiken , E. E . Cum -
mings, an d Malcol m Cowle y kne w tha t the y "belonged " b y
birth an d trainin g tha t the y coul d dar e adventure . I t wa s also ,
perhaps, becaus e the y wer e steepe d i n a stodgy , historica l lit -
erary trainin g (whic h stoo d fo r tradition ) tha t the y wer e
moved t o rebel. Th e sam e Lyman Kittredg e wh o sent Counte e
Cullen a prize d lette r praisin g th e "Balla d o f the Brow n Girl"
was filling Harvard head s wit h a great dea l o f historical litera-
ture an d borin g som e young men enoug h t o revolt . Innovativ e
though thes e youn g me n were , their wor k grew ou t o f a deep ,
persistent, an d cross-generationa l immersio n i n th e standar d
English booklist . To kno w it well might be t o admir e it , but t o
know i t wel l woul d als o b e t o recogniz e it s forma l irrelevanc y
to moder n needs .
But on e need s thi s intimac y with th e historica l literatur e i n
which on e wishe s t o wor k i n orde r t o mak e innovations -
calibrated an d discrete—whic h becom e style . And , here ,
Negro writers u p t o th e 1930 s wer e a t a distinct disadvantage .
Fifty year s out o f slavery by th e en d o f World Wa r I , harasse d
and restricte d (bot h Nort h an d South) , limite d i n educationa l
opportunity, fe w (i f any ) Negroe s coul d boas t a continuity o f
intellectual engagemen t beyon d thei r immediat e generation.
Surely, n o on e wa s s o steepe d i n th e Englis h literar y cano n
that h e coul d ris k change .
Afro-Americans, however , fo r man y generation s share d i n
America's oldes t "literary " tradition , th e sermon—character -
istically rhetorical , didacti c oratory . Bu t th e blac k traditio n
developed it s ow n peculia r ora l traditio n tha t extende d fa r
beyond th e fol k sermon . O f probabl y Africa n origi n wa s th e
call-and-response patter n whic h engage d th e audienc e i n th e
speaker's art . Sometime s th e respons e wa s littl e mor e tha n a n
amen (right-on) , but ofte n whol e remembere d phrase s woul d
230 Harlem Renaissance

come in unison. This call-and-response pattern ha s been worke d


into th e blues , an d th e attentiv e ea r ca n detect i t a s a primary
feature o f jaz z instrumentation . Th e blac k traditio n i s als o
marked b y the purposefull y repeated phrase. Th e fol k preache r
used th e repeate d phras e t o giv e focus , a n organizin g princi -
ple. Here , too , ar e parallel s i n the blue s an d i n the jazz riff . I t
served th e commo n function o f allowing the artis t t o mark time
while h e "composed " hi s nex t innovation . Speec h an d musi c
also share d th e characteristi c a , a, b, a pattern o f lines. Th e re -
peated secon d lin e give s emphasi s an d allow s fo r innovatio n
in the thir d an d fourt h lines. 24
All o f these characteristic s ar e element s o f a n ora l traditio n
that th e Afro-America n sustained . Thes e device s originall y
served t o mak e the performe r independent o f written word s or
music, bu t eventuall y eve n th e writte n word s an d musi c o f
black American s resonated t o thi s powerfu l tradition . Th e ar t
and technique s o f this "literature " wer e neve r formall y taugh t
in school . Yet , the y wer e "natural " wit h blac k people . Th e
pre-adolescent bo y acquire d the m i n verba l comba t o n th e
street, an d they became his music and hi s speech a s an adult. 25
These technique s becam e par t o f the Negro' s writte n languag e
as well. Sometimes it is a fault; nothin g can be more deadening
to imaginativ e literatur e tha n preaching . Bu t sometime s i t
worked well .
Surely som e of the mos t satisfyin g wor k to com e out o f Har-
lem in the 1920 s was James Weldon Johnson's God's Trombones
(1927), i n whic h h e trie d t o capture , i n th e poet' s words , "th e
genuine fol k stuf f tha t cling s aroun d th e old-tim e Negr o
preacher, materia l which ha d man y time s bee n worke d int o
something bot h artificia l an d false. " 26 Som e of the mos t mov-
ing bit s o f Cullen's poetr y als o ar e generate d fro m thi s source .
"Shroud o f Color " stil l ha s muc h of the Romanti c tradition i n
its concept , bu t Keat s i s less presen t i n thi s dialogu e betwee n
God an d th e narrato r tha n th e churc h peopl e wh o wer e inti -
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 23 1

mates of Cullen's life . An d on e o f the bes t bit s of prose writing


to com e ou t o f Harle m durin g thi s perio d occur s i n Wallac e
Thurman's Infants o f th e Spring whe n Euphoria Blak e tells he r
story. Lik e a goo d sermon , i t i s pungent , forceful , an d ver y
moving. Whateve r th e limitations , what cam e ou t o f th e Ne -
gro's ow n lif e an d experienc e ha d th e bes t chanc e o f bein g
effective art .
Again, James Weldon Johnson voiced th e problem . What the
Negro poe t neede d t o do , h e said , i s "somethin g lik e wha t
Synge di d fo r th e Irish ; h e need s t o fin d a for m tha t wil l ex-
press th e racia l spiri t b y symbol s fro m withi n rathe r tha n b y
symbols fro m without , suc h a s mer e mutilatio n o f Englis h
spelling an d pronunciation. " Dialect , whic h ha d bee n th e
mode, wa s merel y manner , genre ; ther e wa s nothin g i n i t t o
take on e t o th e soul-cente r o f Negroes, o r Italians , o r Jews , or
anyone. Johnso n aske d fo r a for m whic h woul d b e free r an d
larger tha n dialect , ye t "stil l hol d th e racia l flavor ; a for m ex -
pressing th e imagery , the idioms , the peculiar turn s of thought,
and th e distinctiv e humo r and pathos , too , o f the Negro. " But
this for m woul d als o hav e t o b e capabl e o f expressin g th e
deepest an d highes t emotion s an d aspirations , an d allo w th e
widest rang e o f subjects. H e kne w tha t dialec t verse , wit h th e
stereotype tha t i t promoted , coul d no t serve . Yet , he hope d
that ther e woul d b e a for m adequat e fo r Negr o literature. Bu t
one wonders , i f ther e ha d com e a literatur e suc h a s Johnson
dreamed, woul d a worl d an d a whit e natio n whic h viewe d
black me n wit h contemp t o r pit y hav e recognize d i t a s a n ar t
and cultur e t o b e honored ? An d would Johnson , himself , rec -
ognize i t a s the grea t ar t tha t wa s to deliver th e race ?
The alienatio n fro m respecte d tradition , t o whic h I hav e
been pointing , migh t easil y b e understoo d a s one o f the man y
other burden s peculia r t o Negroe s i n America n life . Bu t th e
problem i s mor e complicate d an d mor e interestin g tha n that .
This uncertaint y wa s a proble m o f al l Americans . One nee d
232 Harlem Renaissance
only recal l th e almos t pervers e preoccupatio n o f American s
with th e trave l literatur e o f Europeans, especially whe n i t was
not congratuatory : Alexi s d e Tocqueville , Mrs . Trollope ,
Charles Dickens . Th e questio n wa s alway s bein g asked , "wha t
do yo u thin k of us?" I t mattere d wha t European s thought , be -
cause i t wa s their civilizatio n an d thei r cultur e an d thei r tradi -
tion (improved , o f course , b y democracy ) t o whic h whit e
Americans aspire d t o belong . An y number o f white Americans
could hav e used Jame s Weldon Johnson' s edic t abou t ar t whe n
referring t o th e genera l America n predicament . A numbe r o f
names com e t o mind , bu t conside r merel y Jame s Fenimor e
Cooper, Ralp h Wald o Emerso n i n hi s journals, Henr y Adams,
and eve n Wal t Whitma n in Democratic Vistas. All Americans,
white a s wel l a s black , wer e provincial s o f a Europea n tradi -
tion, Ann e Bradstree t n o les s tha n Phylli s Wheatley , Thoma s
Nelson Pag e n o les s the n Charle s Waddel l Chestnutt . Bu t Ne-
groes, being on e notc h furthe r remove d from "belonging, " were
less likel y (or les s quickly ) to gai n th e perspectiv e tha t woul d
show th e wa y t o transfor m thei r ow n experienc e int o art , fre e
from th e corpselik e clutc h o f pas t formalis m an d manner .
Negro literatur e an d art , o f course, was to free itself , just a s th e
general America n art an d letter s ha d durin g the wa r years, but
that woul d com e i n th e 1930 s an d after .
While w e ar e o n th e subject , i t i s worthwhil e rememberin g
how dee p an d troublin g a problem traditio n an d provincialis m
have bee n t o America n letters. Coope r an d Emerso n discus s it ,
but nowher e i s the issu e spelled ou t mor e clearl y tha n i n Na -
thaniel Hawthorne' s prefac e t o Th e Scarlet Letter. H e keenl y
felt himsel f to b e th e produc t o f an auster e Ne w England past ;
his ancestor s ha d bee n substantia l Puritan divines. Yet , here h e
was, in this world tha t honore d onl y th e usefu l an d th e good , a
writer o f stories. An d h e fel t th e gaz e o f that Purita n pas t o n
him. "Eithe r o f these ster n an d black-browe d Puritan s woul d
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 23 3
have though t i t quit e a sufficien t retributio n fo r hi s sin s tha t
after s o lon g a laps e o f years th e ol d trun k o f the famil y tre e
. . . should hav e borne, as its topmost bough , a n idler lik e my-
self." Hawthorn e feare d tha t n o thin g h e ha d eve r done , n o
value h e trul y cherishe d woul d hi s father s hav e recognized .
" 'What i s he?' murmur s one gre y shadow o f my forefather s t o
the other . ' A write r o f story-books! What kin d o f a business i n
life, wha t manne r o f glorifyin g God , o r bein g serviceabl e t o
mankind i n his day an d generation , may that be ? Why, the de -
generate fello w migh t a s well have been a fiddler!' "
Had Hawthorn e bee n a writer of sermons or thei r offspring ,
history, o r th e didactic , expositor y essay, h e woul d hav e bee n
less troubled . Bu t th e write r o f imaginativ e literatur e coul d
find i t har d t o explai n hi s effort s a s busines s o r worship , th e
two stop s i n traditiona l Yanke e music . Hawthorne als o fel t a n
ambivalence an d restivenes s i n Salem , th e tow n wher e h e
spent mos t o f his writin g years. H e ha d a filial attachment fo r
it—his famil y ha d live d ther e fo r on e hundre d an d sevent y
years—but h e wa s als o overwhelme d by th e cultural , spiritual ,
and emotiona l flatnes s o f th e place . It s "lon g an d laz y street ,
lounging wearisomel y throug h th e whol e exten t o f the penin -
sula, wit h Gallow s Hil l an d Ne w Guine a a t on e end , an d a
view o f the almshous e at th e other—suc h bein g th e feature s of
my nativ e town, i t would b e quit e a s reasonable t o for m a sen-
timental attachmen t t o a disarrange d chequer-board. " Asid e
from thes e problems , Hawthorn e was harasse d b y other , eve n
more aggravating , condition s o f provincia l America n life . H e
had grea t troubl e getting himsel f into print an d receiving intel-
ligent critica l judgment. I n th e 1840s , th e fe w book publishers ,
with thei r stil l primitiv e method s o f promotio n an d distribu -
tion, an d magazin e editor s wer e understandabl y mor e willing
to publis h histor y (whic h ha d becom e th e America n epic) an d
to reprin t substantia l Europea n author s tha n the y wer e t o ex-
234 Harlem Renaissance

periment wit h firs t flower s fro m America n soil . Ther e wa s no t


the guarante e o f audience , no r wa s ther e th e critica l environ -
ment necessar y fo r the developmen t o f a literature.
Some fiftee n year s afte r Hawthorne' s death , Henr y Jame s
published a biograph y o f him . James' s sympath y fo r an d ap -
preciation o f Hawthorn e stemme d fro m wha t h e sa w t o b e
their spiritua l unio n i n th e struggl e wit h th e provincialis m of
American lif e an d it s divorc e fro m literar y tradition . A s James
saw it, the very thing s tha t mad e Americ a great—its newness ,
its rawness , its identit y wit h change , it s innocence—wer e what
made i t poo r soi l fo r imaginativ e literature . Th e cultur e wa s
too thin. I t ha d no t ha d th e tim e or the experienc e t o build u p
the institution s an d convention s tha t ha d t o b e take n fo r
granted i n literar y works . Th e America n setting , i n which
character rested , wa s itsel f to o remarkabl e an d change d to o
abruptly an d fundamentall y to permi t th e write r t o ignor e it .
Context, Jame s felt , absorbe d th e America n novelist's energie s
and stol e focu s fro m character , wher e i t ough t t o be . H e wrot e
of Hawthorne , "i t i s onl y i n a countr y wher e newnes s an d
change an d brevit y of tenure ar e th e commo n substance of life,
that th e fac t o f one's ancestor s havin g live d fo r a hundre d an d
seventy year s i n a singl e spo t woul d becom e a n elemen t o f
one's morality . I t i s onl y a n imaginativ e American tha t woul d
feel urge d t o kee p revertin g t o thi s circumstance , t o kee p ana -
lysing an d cunningl y considerin g it. " 27
What appeale d t o Henr y Jame s abou t Europ e wa s exactl y
what traditio n ha d provided—richnes s an d thicknes s o f institu-
tional elaboration , manner , style , whic h mad e fo r stabilit y a s
well a s corruption . I n suc h a setting , th e contex t coul d b e
taken for granted—i t was known , anticipated, not involve d in
convulsive change—thu s th e write r coul d focu s o n th e peopl e
of hi s nove l rathe r tha n thei r circumstances . Th e novelis t
could, as James thought h e should , explor e the inne r regions of
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 23 5

character: psycholog y an d motivation . In the European setting ,


the slightes t variatio n o f context could b e enoug h to deeply af -
fect huma n motivation . I n th e Unite d States , o n th e othe r
hand, chang e bein g s o much a par t o f the environment , t o af-
fect simila r deep huma n reaction on e had t o alte r th e circum -
stances s o radically a s to overwhelm character altogether . Suc h
artistic consideration s influence d Jame s i n hi s decisio n t o be -
come, lik e Coope r befor e him , a n America n expatriate write r
in Europe . Hi s affectio n fo r American s and Americ a was pro -
found, thu s American s so ofte n ar e th e subjec t o f hi s explora-
tions int o character . Europ e mad e th e tas k possible , h e
thought, wherea s th e Unite d States di d not .
In 1919 , T . S . Eliot wrot e hi s famou s essay , "Tradition an d
the Individua l Talent. " Elio t wa s troubled i n a slightl y differ -
ent way about literary tradition . H e felt tha t th e write r himself
would no t b e abl e t o develo p int o a matur e artis t withou t a
dedicated apprenticeshi p t o tradition . Th e wor k o f th e typi -
cally talente d writer , withou t such devotion, wa s boun d t o b e
erratic an d unfinished . As Elio t sa w it , literatur e wa s a slo w
accretion ont o tradition , lik e a seashel l o r a tree , eac h genera-
tion developin g it s ne w sel f fro m within . Artist s an d writer s
grow int o maturit y an d finenes s b y makin g themselve s th e
growing edg e o f thei r culture—workin g themselve s throug h
and ou t of the past . Withou t such adherence t o tradition , Elio t
thought, one could hardl y expect finished artists. And , by infer -
ence, on e could no t expec t a literary traditio n wher e suc h ap-
prenticeship wa s impossible . Eliot , himself , despaire d o f th e
United State s providin g hi m th e environmen t for hi s ow n art ,
and h e becam e mor e tha n a n expatriate : h e becam e a n Eng -
lishman.28 Eliot , too , ha d recognize d th e essentia l provincial -
ism o f th e Unite d States ; i t wa s foreve r t o b e externa l t o th e
English traditio n whic h h e fel t t o b e essentia l t o hi s art , s o he
went where he coul d "belong. " I wonder, however, if his agony
236 Harlem Renaissance

over Anglo-Catholicis m doe s no t sugges t a continue d alien -


ation fro m th e traditio n tha t h e wante d t o b e a par t of . The
provincial wh o dwells withi n is a hard spiri t t o convert .
Hawthorne's an d James' s agon y abou t audienc e wa s echoe d
in som e wa y b y everyon e wh o dreame d o f contributin g t o a
black literatur e i n th e 1920s . I t i s no t merel y a commercia l
matter, althoug h tha t i s important; a write r ha s t o live , an d a
publisher mus t hav e hi s certainties . Bu t deepe r tha n that , a
writer mus t sens e tha t h e i s bein g understood . Ideally , hi s
readers shoul d kno w enough abou t hi s subjec t s o that h e nee d
not explai n th e obvious . Or , lackin g that , h e need s th e confi -
dence tha t hi s readers wil l work to learn enough to understand
his meaning . Blac k writer s wer e learnin g tha t ther e wa s a
readership fo r Negr o matter . Bu t wha t wa s it ? I t surel y wa s
not eve n substantiall y mad e u p o f Negroes. What di d th e oth -
ers kno w o f Negr o life ? Ho w muc h di d the y wan t t o know ?
What coul d yo u tel l them ? Bu t a bette r question , really , was
how muc h could yo u ris k no t tellin g them ?
The fac t wa s tha t non e o f thes e question s wer e reall y an -
swerable. A writer coul d neve r know , so he ha d t o probe , an d
feel, an d try . Non e o f th e novel s tha t cam e ou t o f Harle m i n
the renaissanc e too k it s audienc e fo r granted. Actually , Toom-
er's Cane i s an exception , an d i f you stretc h a point Thurman's
Infants o f th e Spring ca n b e excepte d too . Bu t fo r th e rest -
including Va n Vechten' s Nigger Heaven—they wer e al l novel s
of circumstance , o f contex t rathe r tha n o f th e character s tha t
peopled them . Nell a Larse n cam e a s clos e a s an y t o treatin g
human motivatio n with complexit y and sophistication . Bu t she
could no t wrestl e fre e o f the mulatt o condition tha t th e mai n
characters i n he r tw o novel s ha d bee n given . Onc e sh e mad e
them mulatt o an d femal e the convention s of American thought
—conditioned b y the tragi c mulatt o and th e light-dar k heroine
formulas—seemed t o tak e the matte r ou t of the author' s hands .
For the rest , environment seems the subjec t of the works . Jessie
Art; Th e Ethnic Province 23 7

Fauset delineate s middle-clas s Negr o life , contrive s problem s


to generat e the stories . Claud e McKay , whethe r writin g abou t
Harlem o r Marseilles , write s abou t a styl e o f lif e which i s
really external t o character . Jake , o r Banjo , o r Ra y coul d b e
anybody. They ar e no t characters , they merely stand fo r points
of view , o r style s o f life . Ra y talk s mor e abou t hi s inne r ten-
sions tha n mos t o f th e peopl e i n thes e novels . Yet , hi s tal k
gives n o insigh t int o him , it doe s no t serv e t o mak e him more
than two-dimensional . I t i s merel y explicatio n o f impersona l
dilemmas tha t woul d likel y b e share d b y an y intellectua l
Negro.
Imagination tha t migh t have been use d t o explor e the inne r
regions o f characte r wa s spen t explainin g t o th e reade r th e
special circumstanc e o f bein g Negro , o r livin g i n Harlem , o r
being mulatto , o r "passing. " Thes e novel s ar e fille d wit h se t
speeches b y characters , whic h hav e n o othe r purpos e tha n t o
place i n the recor d a particular fact o r nuanc e of Negro life. I n
Claude McKay' s Banjo, th e reade r i s face d wit h lon g exposi -
tory statement s that migh t wel l be essay s i n themselves . Eve n
Carl Va n Vechten—white , a n experience d an d sophisticate d
author, presumabl y a s certai n a s anyon e coul d b e o f hi s
audience—was reduce d t o tellin g th e "fact s o f Negr o life " i n
Nigger Heaven. H e dare d no t assum e tha t hi s reader s kne w
that ther e wer e intelligent , "cultured, " an d well-mannere d Ne-
groes. H e coul d no t suppos e tha t thi s audienc e woul d kno w of
the wid e spectru m o f life an d characte r i n Harlem . So he ha d
to sprinkle his novel with reproduction s o f the "Mon a Lisa"; he
had t o make his characters spea k French an d tal k about litera -
ture an d ar t a s on e migh t suppos e intelligen t peopl e would .
And h e had t o have formal discussion s of major racia l preoccu -
pations les t th e nuance s o f ethnic attitud e b e lost . N o art ca n
bear suc h a burden o f the obviou s and th e banal . No important
character or truly artistic creation ca n survive in such a n atmo-
sphere o f preachment . Withou t th e certaint y o f audience , o r
238 Harlem Renaissance

preferably withou t th e luxur y o f indifference t o it , black litera-


ture lik e any literatur e o r ar t woul d be stifle d i n its own atmo-
sphere.
I mentione d tha t Jea n Toomer' s Cane wa s a n exception . I t
was becaus e th e autho r chos e a s hi s focu s th e essential s o f
Negro identit y rathe r tha n th e circumstance s o f Negro life. H e
worked i n symbol s tha t serve d a s th e metaphor s t o allo w a
reader, whethe r whit e o r black , to ente r int o th e cru x of those
tensions tha t tugge d a t th e Negr o self. Cane stands apar t be -
cause i t wa s a self-consciou s artisti c achievement ; th e sam e
cannot b e sai d abou t an y o f the othe r novel s associate d wit h
the Harle m Renaissance . I t i s a mar k o f the proble m o f audi-
ence tha t Cane sold les s tha n five hundred copie s i n th e yea r
that i t wa s issued . Ar t an d literature , whatever Jame s Weldon
Johnson ha d hoped , nee d no t wi n th e acclai m o f th e world .
While som e ma y argu e tha t Americ a ha s lacke d a literar y
tradition, fe w ca n sa y tha t America n literatur e ha s lacke d
greatness. Unlik e the grea t literature s o f Europe, America' s can
not b e measure d b y th e galaxie s of competent t o excellen t ar -
tistic wor k that cluste r i n historical periods. Nor has American
greatness in literature bee n th e mar k o f adherence t o tradition,
or a s T . S . Elio t woul d hav e it , a devote d apprenticeshi p t o
tradition. Rather , a s I hav e argued , traditio n ha s bee n a laby-
rinth throug h whic h onl y th e mos t singula r talen t ca n com e
into hi s ow n distinctiv e art . On e think s o f Herma n Melville ,
Walt Whitman , an d Mar k Twain . Thei r achievemen t wa s i n
their abilit y t o wra p u p essential s o f the America n experience
(the huma n experience ) and wit h colossa l imaginatio n and
boundless energ y brea k throug h th e provincia l bound s o f
American lif e an d literatur e t o produce work s that stoo d apart .
This i s characteristi c o f th e mor e artisticall y successfu l o f
American letters . Anywa y it suggest s that th e Negr o writer, in
creating a Negr o literature , ha d t o b e confiden t enoug h t o b e
free o f slavishnes s t o tradition . Th e creatio n o f a n American
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 23 9
literature an d th e creatio n o f a Negro literature may have bee n
futile effort s fro m th e start . Th e provincia l characte r o f Ameri-
can ar t an d lif e ma y deman d tha t trul y significan t ar t exis t
as individua l expressio n rathe r tha n i n th e constellation s o r
"schools" o f art Henr y James an d T . S . Eliot searche d for .
As tim e passed, beginnin g i n the 1930s , i t becam e mor e an d
more possibl e t o anticipat e a n audienc e tha t woul d kno w
enough abou t Negroe s no t to be told everything . In Native Son
Richard Wrigh t di d no t fee l compelle d t o explicat e Negr o lif e
in Chicag o i n orde r t o mov e Bigge r Thoma s throug h murde r
and hi s trial . Wrigh t did , however , lik e othe r naturalists , us e
the courtroo m speec h a s a devic e t o tel l th e reade r wha t t o
conclude fro m th e evidenc e systematicall y lai d befor e him. But
Negro writers i n the 1950 s and 1960 s have been abl e to assume
that the y hav e a n audienc e tha t ca n understan d (o r want s t o
understand) thei r subject . Or , bette r yet , perhap s Ralp h Elli -
son, LeRo i Jones , an d other s ma y no t care ; wha t the y sa y i s
important enough , an d s o th e audienc e wil l com e t o them .
People, blac k an d white , ma y have to work to understand, bu t
they will . This confidenc e i s partly du e t o thes e men' s sens e of
artistic mastery. Bu t i t i s also du e t o a more sophisticated an d
cosmopolitan genera l readershi p tha n existe d i n the 1920s . And
finally, i t i s du e t o a constellatio n o f sociological an d politica l
developments tha t hav e change d th e attitud e o f white s an d
blacks towar d Negroes . Peopl e wil l rea d abou t Negroe s an d
struggle to understand them , i f they wil l do nothin g else. None
of the writer s i n th e 1920 s coul d hav e had suc h confidence , ei -
ther i n themselves o r i n their society . Thus , they wer e severel y
limited i n their attempt s t o strik e free .
Wallace Thurma n sense d thes e problems . On e migh t say ,
that he , o f al l th e Harle m literati , containe d withi n hi m th e
paradoxes o f Negr o art . Rober t A . Bone , whos e boo k o n th e
Negro nove l i s ofte n faulty , i s nowhere les s perceptiv e tha n i n
his treatment o f Thurman. Bone dismisses Infants o f th e Spring
240 Harlem Renaissance

perfunctorily a s th e vehicl e o f Thurman' s persona l bitterness ,


self-hatred, an d suicida l impulse s directe d t o th e critica l de -
struction o f the entir e renaissanc e generation . "N o one who has
read Th e Blacker th e Berry wil l doub t tha t th e sourc e o f this
self-hatred wa s hi s dar k complexion." 29 Actually , Thurma n
was critica l o f the renaissanc e becaus e i t wa s na'ive , innocent ,
optimistic, an d engage d i n th e promotio n o f art . Afte r al l th e
talking wa s over , Thurma n kne w tha t i t woul d tak e a lo t o f
hard wor k and skil l to writ e goo d novel s an d shor t storie s an d
poems. An d h e kne w tha t littl e trul y goo d ar t ha d com e fro m
theorizing.
None o f th e peopl e connecte d wit h Harle m i n thes e year s
was a s dedicate d t o ar t an d it s excellenc e a s Wallac e Thur -
man. Hi s trouble wa s that h e had a critical mind . H e had rea d
everything, and , a s Langston Hughe s reports , coul d fin d some -
thing wrong with eve n th e things he liked. "He wanted t o be a
very grea t writer , lik e Gork i or Thoma s Mann , and h e fel t tha t
he wa s merely a journalistic writer . Hi s critical mind , compar-
ing hi s pages t o th e thousand s o f other page s h e ha d read , b y
Proust, Melville , Tolstoy , Galsworthy , Dostoyevski , Henr y
James . . . found hi s own pages vastly wanting." H e could als o
see tha t wha t wa s appearin g i n th e page s o f Crisis , Opportu-
nity, an d th e Messenger wa s no t worth y art . Becaus e h e ha d
keen critica l judgment , h e wa s les s vulnerabl e tha n man y t o
the optimisti c rhetori c tha t promote d Negr o art . Tha t di d no t
mean tha t Thurma n wa s indifferent ; h e wa s probabl y mor e
deeply committed , emotionally , than any . When the littl e mag -
azine, Fire, was produced , i t wa s Thurman who insiste d o n it s
perfection. "I t ha d t o b e o n goo d pape r . . . worth y o f th e
drawings of Aaron Douglas. I t ha d t o have beautiful type, wor-
thy o f the first Negro ar t quarterly . I t ha d t o be what w e seven
young Negroes," Langston Hughe s recalls, "dreamed ou r maga-
zine woul d be—s o i n th e en d i t cost almos t a thousand dollars ,
and nobod y could pa y th e bills. " 30
Art: Th e Ethnic Province 24 1
It wa s Thurma n wh o persuade d th e printe r t o releas e th e
copies. An d i t wa s Thurma n who , afte r Fire ha d burne d an d
been reduce d t o ashes— a tota l loss—ha d hi s salar y attache d
to pa y th e bills . Hughe s remembere d tha t "Wallac e Thurma n
laughed a lon g bitte r laugh . H e wa s a strang e kin d o f fellow,
who like d t o drin k gin , bu t didn't lik e to drin k gin; who liked
being a Negro , but fel t i t a grea t handicap ; wh o adore d bohe -
mianism, bu t though t i t wron g to b e a bohemian . H e like d t o
waste a lot o f time, but h e alway s felt guilt y wastin g time . H e
loathed crowds , ye t h e hate d t o b e alone . H e almos t alway s
felt bad . . . . " Onc e Hughe s tol d hi m that, feelin g s o bad al l
the time , h e shoul d surel y produc e wonderfu l books. "Bu t h e
said you had t o know how to write as well as how to feel bad. "
And tha t wa s Thurman' s complain t abou t th e vogu e o f th e
Negro. H e though t i t "ha d mad e u s al l to o consciou s o f our-
selves, ha d flattere d an d spoile d us , an d ha d provide d to o
many eas y opportunitie s fo r som e of us t o drin k gi n an d mor e
gin. . . . " And o f what h e rea d an d saw , little woul d he judg e
good literature .
It i s o n thi s groun d tha t Thurma n satirize d th e Harle m
Renaissance i n Infants o f th e Spring. I t wa s no t merel y bohe-
mianism which was a t fault , bu t th e ver y self-conscious promo-
tion o f art an d cultur e typifie d b y Alai n Lock e an d th e "New
Negro." H e knew, or at leas t som e part o f him knew, that artis-
tic production wa s an extremely personal, individualisti c thing ,
not t o b e turne d o n o r of f by nationalis m o f any kind . And a s
he looke d ove r th e result s o f a decad e o f Negr o art , hi s per -
haps to o critica l min d coul d fin d ver y littl e t o applaud , hi s
own wor k included . S o he wrot e Infants o f th e Spring, on e o f
the bes t writte n an d mos t readabl e novel s o f th e period , t o
bury th e renaissanc e once an d fo r all. Paul Arbian, a decaden t
and on e o f th e fe w trul y talente d character s i n th e novel ,
serves tha t symboli c end. H e ha d bee n throw n out o f Nigger-
atti Mano r b y Euphori a Blake , an d h e ha d move d i n wit h
242 Harlem Renaissance

Greenwich Villag e friends . On e evening , Pau l locke d himsel f


in th e bathroom , pu t o n a crimso n mandari n robe , "wrappe d
his hea d i n a bati k scar f o f his ow n designing, " hun g a grou p
of hi s spiri t portrait s o n th e wall , "an d carpete d th e floor with
sheets o f pape r detache d fro m th e noteboo k i n which h e ha d
been writin g hi s novel . H e ha d then , i t seemed , place d joss -
sticks i n th e fou r corner s o f th e room , li t them , climbe d int o
the bathtub , turne d o n th e water , the n slashe d hi s wrists wit h
a highl y ornamente d Chines e dirk. " Raymon d Taylo r though t
that thi s wa s Paul' s ide a o f delightful publicity t o preced e th e
publication o f hi s exoti c novel : Wu Sing: Th e Geisha Man.
But, ironically , th e wate r ha d overflowe d the tu b an d rendere d
the inke d page s illegible . Suc h gran d display . Suc h futil e ges -
ture.
Only th e titl e pag e an d dedicatio n remained . I t ha d bee n
dedicated:
To
Huysmans' Des Esseintes and Oscar Wilde's Oscar Wilde
Ecstatic Spirits with whom I Cohabit
And whose golden spores and decadent pollen
I shall broadcast and fertiliz e
It is written
Paul Arbian.

Wallace Thurma n burie d th e Harle m Renaissance—o r Nig -


geratti Manor—wit h Pau l Arbian . On e migh t say , th e manne r
was appropriatel y exoti c an d decadent . The nove l ended , how-
ever, o n a positiv e note . Raymon d Taylo r ha d struggle d
through hi s ow n self-doubt ; h e wa s a writer . Hi s nove l was al-
most done ; h e woul d finis h it . Thurman' s messag e wa s deliv -
ered mor e b y Raymon d tha n b y Paul . I t wa s no t talen t mixed
with fa d tha t mad e art . Neithe r was ar t t o com e fro m th e end -
less philosophica l argument s about race, ancestry , form , propa -
ganda, an d s o on. Rather , ar t woul d b e produce d b y individu-
Art; Th e Ethnic Province 24 3

als o f talen t wh o wer e willin g t o wor k har d wit h th e


self-consciousness tha t defie d cripplin g doubt . Thos e condi -
tions coul d no t b e promote d merel y becaus e i t wa s though t
Negroes had com e o f age. No r would i t com e because the rac e
needed a self-image. It woul d come when the individua l artists
made i t come . Tha t i s wha t Wallac e Thurma n wante d hi s
work to say of him. An d because it could not, h e might a s well
destroy himself along with the facade of Niggeratti Manor.

One wee k i n Decembe r 1934 , Harle m intellectual s wer e


sadly reminde d tha t th e er a o f casual ar t ha d passed . I n tha t
week both Rudolp h Fisher an d Wallac e Thurman died. Surely,
they wer e tw o o f th e mos t talente d writer s o f Harlem' s twen -
ties. Yo u may a s well kno w that Thurman—"wh o liked t o drink
gin, bu t didn't lik e t o drin k gin"—die d o f tuberculosi s i n th e
charity war d o f Bellevue Hospital.
6 Personae:
White/Black Faces - Black Mask s

Wallace Thurman' s traged y wa s tha t h e sa w himsel f only to o


well throug h th e eye s o f those wh o coul d no t reall y giv e him
an accurat e measur e o f hi s tru e talent . W . E . B . DuBoi s de -
scribed thi s dilemm a o f Negr o identit y mos t clearl y i n hi s
Souls o f Black Folk. The Negro , he said , was a kin d o f seventh
son, "bor n wit h a veil , an d gifte d wit h a second-sigh t i n thi s
American world. " I t i s a strange, prismati c vision because tha t
world "yield s hi m no true self-consciousness , bu t onl y lets him
see himself through th e revelatio n of the othe r world. " As if in
a roo m o f mirrors, the Negr o stands amon g a collisio n o f im-
ages suc h tha t realit y i s indistinguishable , impalpable , no t
self-determined. "I t i s a peculiar sensation, " DuBois continued,
"this double-consciousness , thi s sens e o f alway s lookin g a t
one's self through the eye s of others, of measuring one's soul by
the tap e o f a worl d tha t look s o n i n amuse d contemp t an d
pity." Thi s remarkabl e an d profoun d statemen t fail s onl y t o
make explici t a n importan t corollary : thi s "double-conscious -
ness" open s t o th e Negro—throug h hi s ow n ques t an d passio n
—a uniqu e insigh t int o th e vulnerabl e an d unfulfille d sou l o f

244
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 24 5

that othe r world ; a possibilit y which , onc e grasped , liberate s


one foreve r fro m th e snarl s o f tha t othe r world' s measurin g
tape.
DuBois's poin t wa s tha t th e Negr o wa s foreve r ^looking a t
himself throug h th e eye s o f white men , tryin g t o b e wha t h e
thought the y were , o r tryin g t o b e wha t h e though t the y
wanted hi m to be. Self-consciousl y o n view, th e Negro' s sens e
of achievement—hi s manhood—depende d ultimatel y o n th e
white man's vie w of him. Carl Va n Vechten misplace d th e the-
atrical imag e whe n h e titled hi s Harlem novel Nigger Heaven.
Harlem wa s n o segregate d balcon y t o Manhattan' s "theater, "
where blac k peopl e sa t u p hig h t o watc h th e sho w o f lif e g o
on. Rather , i t wa s a stage ; th e performer s played fo r al l the y
were wort h t o a white world . Danc e a s no on e can ; sin g with
the humo r or pathos n o one else has ; make jokes abou t oneself
(make oneself int o a joke), anything, everything but wit h style;
turn t o th e audienc e an d bo w deepl y an d smil e broadl y an d
live in that rar e luxur y of applause, approval , love . I f the figure
of theater i s appropriate, then th e Negr o was the performe r in
a strange , almos t macabre , ac t o f blac k collusio n i n hi s ow n
emasculation. Fo r tha t whit e world, itsel f unfulfilled , wa s com-
pelled t o approv e onl y that vie w of the Negr o which served its
image. Th e theatrica l stag e itself , mor e than an y other cultural
phenomenon, open s a perspective int o the patholog y o f Ameri-
can rac e relations . I t expose s th e white-blac k dependenc y
which ha s define d rac e relation s i n th e Unite d State s an d
which persist s despit e all reform .
It ha s bee n a commonplac e amon g black s an d white s tha t
Negroes hav e ha d a specia l theatrica l genius . An d i f w e
broaden th e definitio n of theater t o includ e th e genera l enter-
tainment profession s o f sport s an d music , recognize d Negr o
achievement ha s mos t ofte n occurre d there . Perhap s thi s tell s
us nothin g mor e tha n tha t entertainmen t has bee n on e o f th e
few culturall y acceptabl e avenue s t o Negr o accomplishment .
246 Harlem Renaissance

Nevertheless, Negroe s a s wel l a s white s hav e lon g assume d


that black s coul d mak e i t i n th e worl d o f entertainment. An d
since theate r ha s bee n on e o f th e fe w paths^i t ha s no t onl y
provided read y opportunit y fo r publi c adulatio n t o thos e fe w
black me n and wome n with talen t an d tenacity , bu t i t has also
served t o delimit th e term s o f Negro identit y withi n the popu -
lar cultur e an d t o ensur e th e persistenc e o f thos e limits . W e
must b e prepare d t o conside r no t onl y th e blac k artist' s will -
ingness t o wor k withi n limit s tha t wer e ofte n demeanin g bu t
also th e cultura l conditions whic h mad e th e audienc e tolerate ,
only wit h th e greates t anxiety , breache s o f thos e boundaries .
In wha t is normally understood a s the theater , i n this enter -
tainment worl d broadl y conceived , ther e ha s bee n n o trul y
Negro ethnic theate r unti l the las t decade. There hav e been ef-
forts t o sustai n Negr o actin g group s within black communities ,
but these , a s far a s on e ca n tell , hav e no t bee n ethni c i n th e
sense that th e Yiddis h theater was . This failure is quite instruc -
tive. Bu t we should first recall wha t were the characteristic s o f
ethnic theater i n America. The Yiddis h theater wil l serve as an
example.
Following th e America n Civi l War , durin g th e sam e year s
that Negroe s were makin g a place fo r themselves on the Amer -
ican stage , th e Yiddis h theater blossome d i n Ne w York City. I t
had bee n founde d in Rumani a i n 1876 , bu t i t achieve d it s full -
est flowe r i n Bower y theaters aroun d th e tur n o f the century .
Although th e vernacula r o f the Easter n Europea n Je w was de-
preciated b y many—Je w an d non-Je w alike—Yiddis h wa s a
means o f maintainin g ethnic authenticity . Yiddis h guarantee d
that th e play s woul d b e writte n b y Jew s and , bein g i n a nea r
argot, woul d reac h th e ethni c audienc e rathe r tha n a sophisti-
cated critica l establishment. Ofte n th e play s were treatments of
themes fro m Jewis h history . Bu t th e Jewis h sens e o f
community—common history , presen t experience , an d share d
symbolic an d imagisti c language—permitte d som e play -
White I Black Faces—Black Masks 24 7

wrights, who condemned wha t they calle d "historica l plunder, "


to exploit , i n "realistic" plays, the share d experience s an d emo-
tions o f th e audience . Suc h realism , thoug h ofte n melodra -
matic, touche d dee p emotions . Th e theme s wer e familia r t o
those ne w Americans : the shoc k of adjustmen t for th e "green -
horn," alienatio n o f the newl y uprooted, woefu l lonelines s fro m
untimely death, economi c an d socia l hardship i n a society that
had se t on e fre e o f traditional associations , self-sacrificin g par -
ents wit h ungratefu l children . Al l wa s withi n th e reac h an d
comprehension o f everyone . Ne w play s wer e ofte n n o mor e
than variation s on stoc k forms and ideas . Indeed , th e audienc e
might b e s o familiar wit h th e idea s tha t the y migh t contribute
or criticiz e fro m thei r seats . (Thi s wa s a characteristi c o f th e
Russian theater , wher e th e critic s migh t be s o vocal a s to pre-
vent a performanc e from proceeding. ) Bu t th e audienc e wa s a
vital par t o f the Yiddis h theater , no t becaus e the y laughe d o r
wept o n cue , bu t becaus e the y felt oblige d t o improv e the per -
formances. Finally , wha t mad e th e Yiddis h theate r succee d
was tha t i t ha d a n audienc e tha t woul d suppor t fou r house s
and fou r companie s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y a t on e time , seven days
a week . Whe n on e consider s tha t languag e exclude d mos t
non-Jews fro m th e audience , tha t wa s remarkable . These the -
atrical effort s remaine d s o vital t o th e Jewis h communit y that,
by themselves , Jew s sustained them. 1
The culture-consciou s blac k intellectual s o f th e 1920 s wer e
as anxiou s to produc e a Negr o theater a s to promot e th e Har -
lem Renaissance. While there were notable effort s t o develop a
viable ethni c theate r i n Harlem—effort s whic h helped t o cata -
pult som e individual s t o commercia l success—a n authenti c
black dram a neve r emerged . Man y writers have shared Harol d
Cruse's confusio n an d ange r ove r th e frustration s o f dramati c
enterprises tha t migh t hav e don e fo r Afro-America n imagina -
tion, culture , an d languag e wha t th e Yiddis h theater di d fo r
the Jews . Th e 1920 s seeme d th e righ t time , an d Ne w Yor k
248 Harlem Renaissance
seemed th e righ t place , bu t i t di d no t happen . Actually , thi s
failure i s understandabl e enoug h i f on e consider s th e histor y
and tradition s suc h effort s wer e contendin g against .
Jews, an d othe r immigrant s comin g int o th e Unite d State s
starting wit h th e en d o f th e nineteent h century , wer e essen -
tially alie n t o th e America n culture . Whateve r hostilit y the y
might hav e encountered , ther e wa s n o stron g traditio n fo r
them i n America , thu s the y wer e mor e fre e tha n Negroe s t o
continue (o r t o develop ) popula r cultur e accordin g t o thei r
own need s an d traditions . Blacks , on the othe r hand , ha d bee n
alienated withi n the America n experience; alienatio n presume s
no alternative culture . Furthermore , Negroe s who attempted t o
relate t o American popular theate r fro m th e Civi l War on were
faced wit h a ver y stron g traditio n o f "black theater " extendin g
at leas t int o th e earl y nineteent h century . Th e blackfac e min-
strel reache d fa r back int o the past , fed the most popular imag-
ination, an d serve d very dee p emotiona l needs . H e ha d gon e
far towar d defining , fo r the America n mind, th e characteristic s
of Negr o personalit y an d Negr o theatrical type . Thi s traditio n
was crippling t o Negr o ethni c theate r i n two ways. It provide d
a read y avenu e t o commercia l succes s fo r those black s willin g
to accommodat e themselve s t o it . An d th e ver y powerfu l hol d
it ha d o n America n imaginatio n an d emotio n narrowe d th e
limits o f social toleranc e fo r blac k deviation .
Of course i t wil l be sai d tha t Negroe s wer e onl y incidentall y
related t o th e origin s o f blackfac e minstrelsy . Tha t i s true . I t
developed ou t o f early nineteenth-centur y circu s performance s
by whit e me n wh o blacked thei r faces , an d i t wa s formalized
in th e 1840 s b y whit e performer s lik e Thoma s D . Ric e an d
Daniel Decatu r Emmett . Despit e standar d explanation s tha t
these whit e showme n wer e mimic s of souther n plantatio n Ne -
groes, ther e i s very littl e evidenc e t o suppor t th e claim . Clos e
analysis o f the minstre l show s reveal ver y little Afro-America n
influence i n th e music , dance , o r inspiration . I n fact , th e tw o
White I Black Faces—Black Masks 24 9

principal characte r type s wh o defin e thi s theater—Ji m Cro w


and Ji m Dand y (o r Zi p Coon)—ar e unlik e an y concep t o f th e
plantation blac k o r eve n th e Samb o stereotype . Rather , Ji m
Crow (th e rough , coarse , barbarian ) i s clearl y a par t o f th e
backwoods an d riverboa t tradition , a blackface d Mik e Fink o r
Davy Crockett . Ji m Dand y (urban , dandified , almos t effemi -
nate), on the othe r hand , i s the blackface d counterpar t t o Yan-
kee Doodle . I n short , thes e suppose d mimic s o f slave s wer e
really standar d America n comed y type s underneat h th e burn t
cork.2
The fac t tha t th e "Negr o theatrica l tradition " whic h blac k
performers encountere d i n th e lat e nineteent h centur y wa s of
white creation mad e it , in many ways, all the mor e formidable.
This ver y popula r cultura l phenomeno n pervade d th e Ameri -
can imaginatio n and serve d importan t emotional needs. T o un-
derstand th e failur e o f Negro ethnic theate r i n the earl y twen -
tieth century , i t wil l b e necessar y t o conside r ho w thi s
tradition ha d use d th e "Negro " t o serv e th e whit e psych e an d
why tha t traditio n woul d circumscrib e Afro-America n theatri -
cal developmen t t o allo w onl y grudgin g deviation s fro m th e
model.
By th e en d o f the Civi l Wa r th e minstre l show had becom e
fixed into a rathe r elaborat e for m which persiste d wit h whit e
performers dow n int o th e twentiet h century . Th e curtai n ros e
on blackface d performer s playing a rousin g opening . The y sa t
in a row, facing the audience , costume d i n the extremes ; on the
one hand , th e careles s abando n o f Ji m Crow , whil e o n th e
other, th e ruffled , ultra-stylishnes s o f Dandy Jim—an d al l faces
made u p i n th e mos t grotesqu e burnt-cor k caricature s o f Ne-
groes, wit h painted-o n hug e re d clownlik e lips . Usually , th e
center man , the interlocutor , remained i n whiteface . Th e min-
strels playe d an d san g a n opening , suc h a s "There'll B e a Ho t
Time i n th e Ol d Tow n Tonight, " whil e thei r leg s an d bodie s
moved i n defianc e o f al l rule s o f stag e decorum . Afte r th e
250 Harlem Renaissance

opening, th e interlocuto r woul d pla y th e "straigh t man " to th e


humor of the "en d men, " Mr . Bones and Mr . Tambo. He woul d
engage the m i n a serie s o f shor t conversation s wher e th e en d
men's twist s o f meaning s o r crudenes s woul d forc e th e jok e
back upo n th e pompou s an d pretentiou s interlocutor . Joke s
and conundrum s woul d giv e wa y t o "serious " sermons ,
speeches, o r lecture s o n th e mos t weight y moral , political , o r
scientific topic s b y th e blackface d comedians . An d thi s woul d
be broke n b y th e "specialty " song s o f member s o f th e group .
After th e "firs t part, " there woul d follo w th e "olio, " in which a
mixed ba g o f individua l an d ensembl e son g an d danc e woul d
be presented . Wil d banj o musi c an d abandone d danc e woul d
give wa y t o sentimenta l ballad s an d dance s o f slow, rhythmic ,
insinuating shuffle. Th e "olio" over , the "thir d part " would b e a
grand finale : rousin g music—perhap s a medley—i n which th e
ensemble performed , culminatin g in a "walk-around. "
It wa s this highl y stylize d variet y sho w wit h whic h Negroe s
made thei r firs t appearanc e i n th e commercia l theater . Afro -
Americans wer e thu s face d wit h a "Stage Negro " wh o ha d be -
come a dominan t typ e fo r mor e tha n fort y years . Blac k enter -
tainers playe d thi s whit e creatio n rathe r tha n themselves .
Charles Hicks , a Negro , organize d th e Georgi a Minstrel s i n
1865, bu t h e foun d th e hostilit y t o a Negr o busines s manage r
so grea t amon g theate r peopl e tha t h e turne d hi s troup e ove r
to a whit e man , Charle s Callender . Callender' s Georgi a Min-
strels becam e th e firs t successfu l all-blac k theatrica l group . I t
featured entertainer s lik e Bill y Kersand s an d Sa m Lucas , wh o
were t o becom e grea t name s i n Negr o minstrelsy . Thi s com -
pany, an d blac k entertainer s wh o followe d i n th e lat e nine -
teenth an d earl y twentiet h centuries , remaine d ver y clos e t o
the traditiona l model , eve n t o th e exten t tha t blac k me n
blacked thei r face s int o grotesqu e mask s in th e wa y th e whit e
originators had . Negr o entertainer s ha d littl e commercia l
choice. The y di d mak e change s i n th e model , bu t th e limit s
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 25 1

within whic h the y worke d wer e ver y cripplin g t o thei r art. 3


The discernin g ey e and ea r can detect th e minstre l traditio n
in present-da y whit e comic s (Jac k Benny , Rowa n and Martin ,
the Smother s Brothers ) an d blac k comic s ("Pigmeat " Markam ,
Moms Maberly) ; indeed , th e minstrel s hav e deepl y affecte d
American commercia l humor . But whatever th e tradition' s con-
tribution, i t was hardly a vehicle to create an ethnic theater for
blacks; no t onl y wa s i t white-create d bu t th e audienc e tha t
made i t commerciall y viabl e wa s als o white . Black s were per -
mitted int o this theate r onl y to serve that audience . I t becam e
a place fo r Negro achievement an d thu s siphoned of f black tal-
ent tha t migh t hav e developed a n authenti c ethni c theater .
The audienc e (on e shoul d sa y the popula r culture ) ha d in -
grained i n it s imaginatio n a vie w of the Negr o that wa s comi c
and pathetic . Th e theatrica l dark y was childlike ; h e coul d b e
duped int o th e mos t idioti c an d foolis h schemes ; bu t lik e a
child, too, innocenc e woul d protec t hi m an d tur n the table s on
the schemers . Hi s song s wer e vulga r an d hi s storie s th e mos t
gross an d broad ; hi s joke s wer e ofte n o n himself , hi s wif e o r
woman. Lazy, he wa s slow of movement, or when he displaye d
a quicknes s o f wi t i t wa s generall y i n fligh t fro m wor k o r
ghosts. Nevertheless , h e wa s unrestraine d i n enthusias m fo r
music—for athleti c an d rhythmica l dance. Likewise , he wa s in-
satiable i n hi s bodil y appetites ; hi s songs an d tale s abou t foo d
would mak e one thin k him al l mouth, gullet, an d stomach . In -
deed, performer s gave themselve s grotesqu e lips , creatin g th e
illusion o f cavernou s mouths . Th e stag e Negr o wen t int o ec -
stasy ove r succulen t foods—pork , chicken , watermelon—"lip -
smacking," "mouth-watering. " Whethe r h e playe d i n th e Ji m
Crow o r th e Ji m Dand y tradition , he neve r lef t thes e bounds .
This caricatur e wa s patentl y th e antithesi s o f th e Protestan t
Ethic, a s wa s th e Negr o stereotype . W e mus t wonde r wh y
white me n woul d hav e create d thi s characte r an d resiste d al -
ternatives.
252 Harlem Renaissance

In th e earl y nineteent h century , whe n th e blackfac e imitato r


was emergin g fro m th e circuse s int o wid e publi c appeal , th e
United State s wa s experiencing dramati c expansion not only in
physical territor y bu t als o i n individua l economi c opportunit y
and persona l politica l power . Th e American , who sa w himself
as a man characterize d b y risk-taking , enterprise, an d achieve -
ment, wa s defining th e America n Dream i n terms of individual
success an d upwar d mobility . Bu t crisi s wa s buil t int o suc h a
concept. Fo r a s th e America n Drea m denote d success , i t im -
plied th e possibilit y of failure an d sinc e success mean t individ-
ual achievemen t an y failur e wa s personal. I t coul d b e a fright -
ening an d lonel y road . Bu t th e wa y wa s definitel y marked by
formula, fro m Benjami n Franklin' s prescription s fo r characte r
through the mora l preachments of McGuffey's reader . N o prop-
erly reare d America n boy o r gir l coul d doub t th e essential s o f
character an d success: industry (dedicate d work in some usefu l
calling), orde r (decorum , goo d manners , the avoidanc e o f ex-
cess i n emotion s an d al l othe r things) , cleanlines s (th e honor-
ing o f one's ow n bod y an d possession s bu t als o th e deferenc e
to th e goo d tast e an d sensibilit y o f others), punctuality (indus-
try an d orde r combine d fo r efficienc y an d i n deferenc e t o th e
opinion o f others), frugalit y (negatively , not wasting , bu t posi -
tively, accumulatin g b y deferrin g present consumptio n fo r fu-
ture benefits) .
The dogm a told everyon e to wor k hard , t o restrain , t o deny
pleasures fo r future success . Bu t there wa s a complicatio n tha t
made for great anxiety . It wa s not al l saving. One ha d t o know
how an d whe n t o spend . Fo r econom y an d hoarding , o n th e
one hand, merely anticipated th e proper occasio n an d opportu -
nity fo r ris k an d speculation . Everyon e kne w tha t grea t
achievement require d grea t risks . A ma n wa s allotte d onl y s o
much i n a lifetime; he had t o mak e it count .
The stintin g was no t onl y i n things, but als o i n huma n sub-
stance. O f course, on e save d mone y b y patchin g an d handin g
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 25 3

down ol d clothes ; surel y i t helpe d als o t o serv e cheape r foods,


stretched fo r severa l days . Bu t i t wa s als o necessar y t o hus -
band one' s passion s s o that impulsivenes s woul d no t dissipat e
energy i n frolics . Th e wis e ma n kne w tha t hi s opportunit y
would come , an d h e mus t be read y fo r it. H e shoul d b e lik e a
coiled spring—energ y an d resource s hoarded—read y t o un -
leash hi s full , preserve d powe r a t hi s target , a t hi s chance . A
young ma n migh t wisel y choos e t o remai n i n hi s mother' s
home a fe w year s beyon d adulthood . Perhaps , withou t a gir l
(or wit h th e righ t one ) h e coul d defe r marriag e a fe w years.
Failing i n that, however, ther e wa s twiste d a ne w kno t o f ten-
sion. Fo r althoug h controllin g th e siz e of families was essential,
it wa s troublesome—technologicall y a s wel l a s moralistically .
Sexual abstinence , no t eve n moderation , wa s th e sures t policy ,
because mistakes—unwante d children—woul d b e continuou s
drains o n hi s well-husbande d potential . Th e incontinen t o r
careless ma n might , a t last , fin d himsel f spent , neve r havin g
had a chanc e t o strik e ou t a t hi s opportunit y an d now , i f h e
were to se e it, too encumbere d t o d o so. Could th e fantasie s of
such men hav e bee n othe r tha n the loos e and undiscipline d
creatures o f appetite—Sambo, Ji m Crow, Ji m Dandy ? 4
What woul d be mor e likel y and mor e natura l for men who
were tied u p i n th e knot s o f an achievemen t ethic—dependin g
almost wholl y o n self-sacrific e an d self-restraint—tha n t o cre -
ate a persona which woul d be completely self-indulgen t and ir-
responsible? Whit e me n pu t o n blac k mask s an d becam e an -
other self , on e whic h wa s loos e o f limb, innocent o f obligation
to anythin g outsid e itself , indifferen t t o succes s (fo r whom
success wa s impossibl e b y racia l definition) , and thu s a crea -
ture totally devoi d o f tension and dee p anxiety. The verisimili-
tude o f this persona to actua l Negroes, who were aroun d to b e
seen, wa s at bes t incidental . Fo r the whit e man who put o n the
black mas k modele d himsel f afte r a subjectiv e blac k man— a
black ma n o f lus t an d passio n an d natura l freedo m (license )
254 Harlem Renaissance

which white men carried withi n themselves an d harbore d wit h


both fascination and dread. It was the self that white men might
become—would become—excep t fo r thos e civilizin g re -
straints o f character an d orde r tha t kep t th e tensio n real . How
much bette r i t wa s to have tha t othe r sel f in a mask, on stage,
objectified a s i t were . Ho w tha t tautnes s o f fear an d self-doubt
could b e release d i n explosion s o f laughter onc e on e sa w tha t
the fool—th e animal , th e corruptio n on e feare d most—wa s
nothing more than a prancing darky on a stage. The entire the-
atrical "darky " character—from th e actua l face-mas k itsel f with
its grotesque mouth and lips and eyes, its wool for hair, the color-
ful an d ridiculous clothing, to the actual style of song and dance-
was calculate d t o achiev e th e effec t o f characte r an d person -
ality antithetica l t o respectabl e tast e an d manners. 5
It wa s a cultural doubt, a s well a s personal, tha t compelle d
white American s t o us e a blac k theatrica l persona, definin g
themselves i n contras t t o it . American s anxiousl y measure d
themselves throug h European eyes . And the nineteenth centur y
was filled wit h contemptuou s an d condescendin g observation s
of American character an d manner s by Europeans . N o one was
more critica l o f American s tha n Mrs . France s Trollope . No r
was anyone more taken to heart tha n she. 6 She delighted i n de-
scribing th e coarsenes s an d vulgarit y of men an d thei r wives ,
who, within a few short years , had mad e fortunes or high rank
in the military . But Americans bought he r book, read tha t the y
were crud e an d vulgar , an d wer e deepl y affecte d b y what sh e
said. I t wa s shortl y afte r th e publicatio n o f Domestic Manners
that th e Ne w York Evening Post reporte d a n inciden t whic h
occurred a t a theatrical performance . Between acts , i t seems, a
man i n th e audience , i n orde r t o talk , assume d a sprawlin g
posture o n a box railing:
Hissing arose , an d the n bleatings , an d the n imitation s o f the
lowing o f cattle : stil l th e unconsciou s disturbe r pursue d hi s
chat—still th e offendin g fragmen t o f hi s coat-tai l hun g ove r
White/Black Faces —Black Masks 255
the side . A t las t ther e was a laugh , an d crie s o f "Trollope !
Trollope! Trollope! " with roar s o f laughter , stil l mor e lou d
and general. 7

Americans wer e awar e tha t civilize d eye s wer e constantl y


appraising them . American s wer e consciou s tha t wha t wa s
really bein g riske d i n th e ne w worl d an d it s adventure—afte r
all o f th e materia l achievement , th e possibility , th e opportu -
nity, th e individual freedom—wha t wa s i n jeopardy wa s civili-
zation itself . Americans, fro m th e seventeent h centur y on , a t
least thos e o f Europea n origin , ha d neve r los t sigh t o f th e
threat o f chaos onc e th e restraint s of traditional order wer e un-
done. Democratizatio n an d expansio n i n th e earl y nineteent h
century seeme d t o b e sweepin g awa y propriet y an d orde r
faster tha n peopl e could accept . Nothin g could b e done to stop
the revolutio n (surel y nobod y woul d hav e wante d to) , bu t i t
made one wonder i f the ne w America n in the makin g was civi-
lized enoug h to measure up to traditional judgments of culture.8
Here, too , the blackfac e minstrel provided a surrogate whose
character combine d th e grotesque s o f manners that woul d b e
offensive t o civilize d taste . Ji m Crow' s ragge d costume , Ji m
Dandy's dres s whic h wa s alway s beyond th e heigh t o f fashion,
were bot h vulgar . Illustration s o f performin g minstrels —
indeed, direction s o f stag e actio n dow n int o th e twentiet h
century—always demande d tha t th e performer s brea k al l o f
the rule s of stage decorum. No t only were their bodie s t o move
in ver y exaggerate d ways—arm s an d leg s flailing , hea d bob -
bing an d rocking—bu t th e performer s wer e t o si t wit h thei r
legs sprea d wid e apart , vigorousl y ta p thei r fee t t o th e musi c
while makin g their face s grimac e an d contor t beyon d imagina -
tion. Th e minstrel' s dialect , whateve r it s relationshi p t o tru e
Negro speech , wa s coarse , clumsy , ignorant, an d stoo d a t th e
opposite pol e fro m th e sof t tone s an d grac e o f what wa s con -
sidered cultivate d speech . Whateve r else , th e minstrel' s danc e
256 Harlem Renaissance
utterly obliterate d th e highl y formalize d dance tha t wa s famil -
iar t o fashionabl e society .
The blac k mas k tha t whit e men pu t o n wa s the antithesi s of
proper characte r an d prope r manners . Thes e whit e face s i n
black mask s were , on e migh t say , their ow n alter-egos . Havin g
Americans o f African origi n i n the Sout h an d i n norther n citie s
was a grea t convenienc e t o whit e men . The black-whit e polar -
ity wa s to o dramati c a symbo l to ignore . B y objectifying one' s
horror throug h blacknes s on e attributed t o whiteness a qualit y
of Tightness , bu t i t coul d no t remov e th e self-doub t tha t ha d
caused th e anxiety . Persona l an d societa l doub t wa s deep an d
required continuou s i eassurance. Yet, if there had been no black
men around , whit e Americans , lik e thei r Englis h cousins ,
might hav e foun d distan t model s t o serve . Th e English , afte r
all, delighte d i n th e America n blackface performers ; the y ha d
their "Littl e Blac k Sambo, " thei r India n niggers , thei r Africa n
niggers, thei r Polynesia n niggers—all , wit h sligh t variation s o f
the sam e stereotype . Bu t th e America n whites, wit h th e blac k
man i n their ow n home, so to speak , foun d themselve s wit h th e
additional anxiet y tha t thei r blac k countryma n shoul d no t de -
stroy hi s objectifie d fantasy . Negroes , i n rea l lif e a s wel l a s o n
the stage , shoul d no t ge t out o f character. I f Negroes were men
like othe r men , what then ?
But a s long a s everyone knew his role an d kep t withi n it, th e
blackface minstre l wa s no t merel y a kin d o f catharsi s bu t h e
was als o a pleasurabl e escap e int o naturalness . I t wa s surel y
much easie r t o b e a fool—t o le t onesel f go—fro m behin d th e
mask, fro m withi n one's blackness, than a s a white man . It wa s
also easie r fo r the audienc e t o escape int o the grotesquenes s o f
a blac k persona a t a circu s o r o n th e stag e tha n t o identif y
with a n undiscipline d whit e ma n for whom n o such stereotyp e
existed.9 Th e Negr o stereotype an d th e blackfac e minstrel pro -
vided performe r an d audienc e wit h a way o f being themselve s
—part o f themselves a t least .
White/Black Faces—Black Masks 25 7

Thus th e blackfac e minstrel objectified an d therefor e created


a distanc e betwee n whit e men' s normativ e selve s (wha t the y
had t o be ) an d their natura l selve s (wha t the y feare d bu t wer e
fascinated by) . With suc h a creation , on e coul d almos t a t wil l
move i n or ou t o f the blackfac e character. I t i s not har d t o be -
lieve tha t th e whit e performer s di d fin d remarkabl e freedo m
behind thei r blac k masks .
When blac k me n pu t o n blac k mask s it wa s no t reall y a dif-
ferent affectation . Afte r all , America n Negroe s wer e n o differ -
ent i n thei r value s an d expectation s tha n thei r middle-class ,
white countrymen . I f anything , blac k American s i n th e lat e
nineteenth century , wit h slaver y i n thei r recen t past , wer e
more anxiou s t o prov e themselves—t o achieve—tha n wer e
whites. An d th e formul a fo r the m wa s th e sam e a s i t wa s fo r
other Americans . Booker T. Washingto n i s only a darke r Ben -
jamin Franklin , a poore r Andre w Carnegie. I f anything , ther e
was mor e a t stake , fo r the blac k ma n carrie d no t onl y the bur -
den o f self but als o tha t o f race. I t wa s thought, an d expected ,
that ever y individua l succes s wa s exemplary . B y th e sam e
token, ever y failure was no t onl y an individua l tragedy bu t ev -
idence o f racia l limitation . One' s surrende r t o appetites—self -
indulgence—might thu s see m mor e frightenin g an d guilt-pro-
ducing, o r i t migh t see m inevitable , i n th e bloo d s o to speak .
Thus, Negroe s migh t b e mor e compulsiv e i n thei r reinin g th e
animal withi n them , o r the y migh t b e resigne d t o th e inevita -
ble: "We'l l neve r ge t anywhere, " or "Black men ar e more natu-
ral; w e hav e mor e fun." Whether strivin g to achiev e o r surren-
dering t o racia l inevitability , whethe r submittin g t o "blood "
with elatio n o r despair , blac k me n accepte d th e Protestan t
Ethic an d it s term s fo r achievement .
So th e blac k mask s that blac k me n wore , place d o n stage-
externalized, objectified—thos e ver y qualitie s whic h certifie d
failure i n a commercia l an d industria l society . Blac k men, like
white men , coul d us e th e theatrica l grotesque s a s way s o f
258 Harlem Renaissance

marking distanc e betwee n themselve s an d thei r horror . Bu t


since thes e wer e racia l delineations—whit e fantasy' s conscrip -
tion o f black men t o serv e it s needs—the problem o f maintain-
ing distanc e fo r th e Negr o wa s crucial an d difficult . Ber t Wil-
liams an d Georg e Walker , probabl y th e mos t talente d tea m of
black theatrica l performer s a t th e tur n o f the century , trie d t o
push beyon d th e limit s of the minstre l character. The y tried t o
use th e stereotyp e a s a n instrumenta l satire . Or , whe n thi s
team bille d themselve s a s "Tw o Rea l Coons, " the y wer e no t
portraying themselves o r any other Negroe s they knew . Rather,
they were intending to give style an d comi c dignity t o a fiction
that white men had create d an d fostered and with which black
men (o n an d of f stage) conspired , bein g on e o f the fe w public
selves tha t the y wer e permitted .
Some black performers attempted t o achiev e the distanc e be -
tween th e stag e characte r an d themselve s b y the ver y extremi-
ties o f th e exaggeration . Grotesques , themselves , coul d allo w
black men , a s they di d whit e men, the assuranc e that th e fool -
ishness o n stag e wa s no t them . Thu s Bill y Kersands , popula r
with Negro as well as white audiences around 1911 , mad e him-
self int o a frea k entertainer . Claimin g t o hav e th e larges t
White/Black Faces —Black Masks 25 9

mouth i n th e world—"I f Go d eve r wante d t o mak e my mouth


any bigger , H e woul d hav e t o mov e m y ears"—di d a dancin g
act wit h tw o billiar d ball s i n his mouth. An d the ver y popula r
Ernest Hoga n pushe d th e dark y characterizatio n t o th e limit s
of unctio n an d denigration . Neithe r he , no r anyon e h e coul d
have known , at e watermelo n th e wa y hi s stag e characte r
claimed to . Hoga n an d Kersand s prided themselve s on playing
at it s most extreme what the audienc e wanted . Tha t coul d b e a
personal insulation .
"You hav e to b e on e t o kno w one " goe s th e commo n riposte
in name-callin g games . Muc h humor, indeed , assume s this, to-
gether wit h the opposit e insight that t o recogniz e a foo l makes
one not a fool an y longer ; an d that is very pleasing. Surel y this
is true of ethnic humor, whether on o r of f stage, especiall y as it
is performe d by member s o f the characterize d group . Fo r th e
comic accept s a demeanin g characterizatio n o f hi s group , as -
suming t o improv e upo n i t wit h hi s clai m o f authenticity .
Thus, h e become s superio r becaus e hi s perspectiv e allow s him
to judg e himsel f an d hi s peopl e an d becaus e hi s pos e place s
him abov e eve n thos e wh o ha d disdai n fo r hi m t o begi n with .
Such a postur e i s commo n to bot h th e professiona l ethnic hu -
morists an d th e amateur s wh o inten d merel y t o amus e other s
and pu t the m a t thei r ease . Jewish , Negro, Italian , they ar e as
much a s saying , "Ye s you ar e righ t abou t us , bu t eve n yo u
don't kno w ho w right . Le t m e tel l you. " No r nee d on e b e a
performer t o pla y tha t game ; the ethni c audienc e i s served a s
well. To watch a slow-witted blackfaced incompetent on stage,
or a Negr o wh o stumble s throug h foolis h predicaments , i s a t
once t o recogniz e a n identit y an d t o assum e a superiorit y a s
viewer an d critic . I n thi s regard , ther e wa s n o differenc e be -
tween a Negro whose anxieties were released throug h laughter
at a blackface d simpleto n wh o canno t manag e hi s lif e an d a
Jew wh o laughe d himsel f into tear s a t a "greenhorn's " incom-
petences a s portraye d o n th e Yiddis h stage. I t i s al l a kin d of
260 Harlem Renaissance

masochism whic h convert s self-natred—throug h it s indulgenc e


—into gratificatio n an d th e pleasur e o f self-esteem. Bu t the ru b
is tha t th e contemp t fo r sel f an d rac e o n whic h suc h humo r
turns mus t b e ever-presen t t o mak e i t work . Lurkin g beneath
the surfac e o f amuse d accommodatio n wa s th e uneasiness —
"you hav e t o b e on e t o kno w one"—whic h migh t a t an y mo-
ment bubbl e up , twistin g th e smil e int o a grimac e o f hurt .
Truth t o tell , it was laughing to keep fro m crying .
The blac k mas k of the minstrel—it s most figurativ e represen -
tation o f the ethni c stereotype—wa s a substantiv e shiel d pro -
tecting mor e tha n self-esteem . Th e mas k wa s a mean s o f
survival—only b y wearin g i t i n som e for m coul d blac k enter -
tainers fin d work—and , eve n more , i t wa s a defens e agains t
violence. Th e vetera n comi c Tom Fletcher recalle d tha t many
of the smal l southern town s his company performed in were so
hostile t o Negroe s tha t violenc e wa s alway s threatening , mur-
der seeme d i n th e shado w o f whit e men' s eyes . Sign s whic h
warned, "Nigger , Rea d an d Run " chilled th e heart s o f Negro
performers wh o playe d there . Yet , they hi t upo n a way . The y
would ente r suc h town s i n privat e Pullma n cars, whic h wer e
parked a t a siding . Then , wit h thei r band , th e entertainer s
would parad e fro m th e railroa d ca r t o whateve r serve d a s th e
theater; an d afte r th e performance , the y woul d strik e u p th e
band and'parad e back t o their Pullman . Whatever th e number
of shows—i f ther e wa s a matine e o r two-da y stand—the y
would marc h t o rousin g musi c o r the y woul d no t b e o n th e
streets o f that town . And the y seldo m ha d doubt , Fletche r re -
ports, a s to wha t tune woul d d o them th e mos t good . "A s soon
as al l th e member s o f th e compan y wer e o n th e groun d w e
would star t playin g 'Dixie.' N o matte r ho w man y differen t
tunes w e ha d i n ou r ban d books , w e coul d pla y tha t son g in
any key. " 10 I t wa s a s i f th e modus Vivendi depende d o n th e
Negroes continuin g to pla y their parts , of f stage a s well as on.
And thes e blac k performers knew tha t thei r ver y existence de-
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 26 1

pended o n their neve r pretendin g t o b e othe r tha n thei r stag e


characters. Suc h a n experienc e i s emblematic o f the grea t cha -
rade tha t white s an d black s joine d in . Th e stereotype—th e
mask—defined th e Afro-America n a s white American s chose t o
see him ; outsid e th e mas k the blac k ma n wa s eithe r invisibl e
or threatening. Negroes , acceptin g th e pretense, wore the mask
to mov e in an d ou t o f the whit e worl d wit h safet y an d profit .
Tom Fletche r knew , withou t understanding , tha t th e magi c of
the mas k would work . He tell s o f entertaining alumn i gather-
ings fo r Princeto n University . He wa s barrage d wit h hot-do g
buns b y th e hostil e audienc e i n hi s firs t appearanc e i n 1902 .
But Fletche r hel d hi s ground , played an d sang , an d wa s asked
back ever y yea r afte r h e ha d "broke n th e ice. " H e neve r ha d
trouble playin g fo r whit e people , onc e the y kne w wha t h e
could do .
What To m Fletche r describes—findin g accommodatio n
within th e rol e tha t wa s acceptable t o whites—wa s little differ -
ent fro m wha t othe r blac k peopl e wer e doin g throughou t
American society . Th e dualit y o f sel f wa s everywher e com -
mented o n b y Negroes . Th e domesti c servant—sou l o f defer -
ence a t hi s employer' s Lon g Islan d estate—swun g i n th e Har -
lem cabaret s o n weekends ; th e placid-face d coo k brok e int o
shrieks o f ecstasy i n th e store-fron t church; everyon e played a
role. Pau l Laurenc e Dunba r ha d sai d it :

Why should the world be overwise


In counting al l our tears and sighs?
Nay, let them only see us while
We wear the mask.

And th e them e i s echoed i n the blues :

Got one mind for white folks to see,


'nother for what I know is me;
he don't know , he don't kno w my mind.
262 Harlem Renaissance

But a s muc h a s i t wa s a passpor t int o th e whit e man' s con-


sciousness, a s muc h a s i t wa s a n assuranc e o f safet y fo r tha t
private sel f behin d th e mask , it wa s als o a dissemble r t o one' s
own eye . Fo r t o fee l force d t o parad e i n disguis e befor e men
who ar e hostil e t o al l bu t thei r charad e canno t bu t distor t th e
hidden face . Ther e i s a dange r o f corrosio n o f the sel f i n thi s
pretense, an d surel y a rendin g o f integrity . How , an d whe n
does one call upon th e rea l sel f to dispe l th e make-believ e and
claim humanit y and dignity ? How could on e make it clear tha t
the publi c sel f wa s onl y a facad e tha t covere d a rea l ma n o r
woman?
Ernest Hogan , just befor e hi s death, tol d To m Fletcher of an
incident whe n hi s character s becam e confused . Forgettin g h e
was i n th e Dee p South , Hoga n wen t t o th e wron g (white )
box-office t o collect mone y owed to him . He was accosted b y a
white man ; Hoga n recalled , h e " 'started cursin g a t m e an d
raised hi s fist but I bea t hi m t o th e punc h an d knocke d hi m
down.'" Hoga n wa s smuggle d ou t o f th e tow n an d remem -
bered, " 'I didn' t ge t mysel f together agai n unti l I wa s in Aus-
tralia wit h my own company.'" u Hoga n not only forgot where
he was , but mor e importantly, he forgo t wh o h e was . And that
is th e poin t o f th e story—th e poin t tha t Hoga n wante d t o
make. Because , apocrypha l o r not , i t wa s mean t t o asser t th e
reality o f that sel f which , indeed , wa s mos t ofte n forgotten . In
the late r year s o f hi s life , To m Fletche r ha d com e t o believ e
that hi s characterization s wer e o f authenti c Negr o "folk. " H e
saw effort s o f "reformers " t o eliminat e th e racia l stereotyp e
from sho w busines s a s simpl y hurtfu l t o blac k entertainers .
Criticism cam e fro m "outsiders " wh o di d no t understand . I n
fact, Fletche r insisted , thes e me n an d wome n wh o ha d don e
darky characterization s fo r a living , ha d don e thei r par t i n
changing conditions affectin g Negroes :
All o f u s kne w wha t w e wer e u p agains t but w e jus t kep t
plugging along , mindin g ou r ow n business , doing ou r wor k
White I Black Faces—Black Masks 26 3

and alway s lettin g th e othe r fello w ope n th e conversation


rather tha n forcin g ourselve s upon him . When th e othe r fel-
low di d th e asking , our answer s were alway s direct, an d po -
lite. Thi s tende d t o mak e hi m forge t a lo t o f things he ha d
read o r hear d an d t o tak e u s a s we reall y were. A s a result,
season afte r seaso n we coul d see barriers being let down , and
in a wa y whic h would insure tha t the y woul d not b e raised
again.12
Doubtless, To m Fletche r an d other s wh o ha d joine d i n th e
charade coul d answe r question s s o tha t th e whit e ma n would
"forget a lo t o f thing s h e ha d rea d o r heard, " forge t wha t h e
feared. Th e whit e ma n coul d b e pu t a t hi s ease , "t o tak e us as
we reall y were." At least , s o it would appear , but th e profoun d
question wa s never aske d an d neve r answered : who were these
black me n really? I t wa s just possibl e tha t th e tric k ha d bee n
too perfect ; legerdemain ha d undon e itsel f i n a disappearanc e
act wher e th e sel f ha d vanished , bu t als o th e incantatio n t o
call i t bac k again .

This wa s th e atmospher e i n whic h a Negr o theate r woul d


have t o surviv e i n th e firs t decade s o f th e twentiet h century .
James Weldo n Johnso n wa s righ t whe n h e observe d tha t th e
theatrical Negr o wa s reduce d t o tw o voices , comed y an d pa -
thos. Thi s convention , too , define d th e limit s o f possibilities.
Actually, travest y wa s th e singl e comi c mod e i n th e minstre l
tradition. An d travesty , broadl y speaking , continue d t o de -
scribe th e Negr o theatrica l comedy . Travesty, recall , turn s on
the disparit y betwee n th e acto r an d hi s costum e whic h thinly
disguised pretense . Th e smal l girl wit h he r fac e powdere d an d
rouged, i n th e hig h heels , furs , an d bauble s o f her mother ; th e
jester wearin g th e king' s crown ; the peasan t i n the robe s o f no-
bility; transvestite s (me n i n choru s lines , wome n actin g a s
"toughs") ar e classica l source s o f comedy . T o mak e travest y
work, however , th e disproportio n mus t b e obvious . N o matter
how sh e stretches an d strut s and preen s herself , it i s impossible
264 Harlem Renaissance
for th e littl e gir l to b e he r mother . Knowing that, th e audienc e
finds the pretens e funny . I t i s possible t o laug h a t a jester's an -
tics a s h e wear s th e crow n o f his king , bu t wer e h e t o hav e
more than th e symbo l of authority, were h e eve n for a moment
to b e th e actua l sovereig n tha t th e crow n represents , hi s ac -
tions woul d b e something othe r tha n comic . So, too, th e femal e
impersonator whos e malenes s i s i n doub t ma y b e a comedia n
but hi s humo r wil l depen d o n somethin g othe r tha n travesty .
American Negr o humo r 13 ha s bee n mainl y travesty , i f th e
term i s considere d i n it s mos t figurativ e sense . Fo r i t i s no t
only clothe s an d othe r suc h costume s whic h symboliz e classes .
Language, o r eve n a name , migh t do. I n th e Sout h befor e th e
Civil War , fo r instance , slaveholder s foun d a commo n sourc e
of amusemen t in th e namin g of their servants . Blac k butlers o r
waiters, haphazardl y liveried , slo w an d inefficien t ( a common
complaint), migh t b e name d Cicer o o r Caesar . A small blac k
child, collectin g woo d fo r th e kitchen , migh t answe r t o th e
name of Pompey o r Maceo . Blac k slaves with suc h name s were
walking, livin g travesties eve n to thos e wh o kne w Roman clas-
sics imperfectly. Suc h exaggeration deftl y emphasize d th e right-
ness o f the servant' s condition. Fo r wha t distorte d min d coul d
place Africa n slave s o n a parit y wit h whit e men , heir s o f tha t
grand civilizatio n thos e Roma n name s denoted ? Les t ther e b e
doubt abou t tha t augus t heritage , whit e American s ha d bor -
rowed othe r name s fro m th e Roma n republic—"congress, "
"senate," an d "republic " itself—these , o f course , withou t
humorous intent .
On stage , th e name s give n t o Negr o character s hav e bee n
important t o comed y fro m th e earlies t blackface d minstre l
down int o th e twentieth century . Borrowing names fro m classi -
cal antiquity , fro m th e Ol d Testament , o r fro m th e heroi c na -
tional past , blackfaced comic s prance d abou t drawin g laughte r
every tim e thei r name s wer e spoken . Sometime s th e preten -
tiousness o f th e name s wa s simpl y du e t o th e pomposit y o f
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 26 5

sound. Rastu s i s suc h a name , bu t als o Ol d Testamen t name s


such a s Rufus , Amos , and Mose s had th e sam e effect . S o com-
mon, a s humorou s characterizations o f Negroes , di d thes e
names become , connotin g th e stag e personalit y mor e readil y
than th e historical character , tha t the y becam e embarrassment s
for genuin e bearer s an d almos t fel l ou t o f us e amon g Afro -
Americans. Bert Williams and George Walker, with characteris -
tic inventiveness , wen t beyon d simpl e travest y i n thei r stag e
names. I n Dahomey, fo r instance , the y playe d privat e detec -
tives Shyloc k Homestead an d Rarebac k Pinkerto n respectively .
In th e sam e play , th e presiden t o f the Dahome y Colonizatio n
Society carrie d a name , Cicer o Lightfoot , which reste d a s
much o n well-know n souther n aristocrac y a s o n classica l
Rome. Surely , th e poin t wa s mad e whe n Rosett a Lightfoo t
(Mrs. Georg e Walker ) sang "I Wan t T o B e a Rea l Lady. "
Language—a symbo l o f civilizatio n an d socia l class—wa s
another cloa k o f travesty fo r the stag e Negro . The use , o r mis-
use, o f ponderou s latinat e words , th e stiff , formal , pompou s
diction o f the minstrels ' interlocuto r (tha t nam e itself , indeed )
served th e pretens e an d expose d i t al l a t once . Th e audienc e
was aske d t o loo k a t blackface d performers (Ethiopia n Deline -
ators a s the y sometime s calle d themselves ) occasionall y pre -
tending to b e civilized , an d the y laughe d becaus e th e frequent
malapropisms an d misunderstanding s made th e pretens e ludi -
crous. Th e languag e o f the minstre l was , throughout , th e lan -
guage o f social pretense . Th e first thing that happened , i n fact ,
was tha t al l th e blackface d character s wer e calle d "Gentle -
men," and tol d t o be seated. The conundrums and th e reparte e
that flowe d betwee n th e interlocuto r an d th e en d me n wer e
almost wholl y plays on words , figures of speech, etc . Mr . Inter-
locutor migh t as k Mr . Bone s i f a sentimenta l balla d jus t sun g
had no t touche d him . Mr . Bone s woul d giv e a serie s o f an -
swers, alway s missin g Interlocutor' s specifi c metaphorica l us e
of touch . "Th e ma n nex t t o m e touche d me , an d I'l l hi t hi m if
266 Harlem Renaissance

he doe s i t again." "Tamb o touched m e for five dollars, an d he' d


better pa y m e back. " Interlocuto r woul d the n shif t t o othe r
sentimental figures—t o b e moved , t o hav e a heart—wit h th e
apparent hop e tha t Bone s would someho w catc h hi s meaning.
But, o f course, Bone s would alway s lead hi m throug h intricat e
verbal frolics , neve r touchin g th e point , an d leavin g the audi -
ence in stitches whil e Mr. Interlocutor shrugge d wit h exaspera-
tion an d relie f a s the nex t musical number started .
The minstre l traditio n alway s include d a parod y o f forma l
oratory, agai n pointin g u p th e importanc e o f language . Fro m
the ver y firs t o f hi s minstre l performances , Da n Emmet t in -
cluded lon g disquisition s o n a collectio n o f topical , political ,
and religiou s subjects . A ma n i n th e grotesqu e o f blackfac e
make-up woul d stan d center-stage , and , wit h th e mos t seriou s
expression an d intent , delive r a speec h whic h migh t tos s to -
gether th e Mexica n War , women' s dres s styles , an d th e nee d
for soun d leadershi p i n Washington . An d despit e th e postur e
of seriousness, the oratio n would be lade n wit h al l of the mala -
propisms an d jarrin g collisio n o f image s tha t woul d a t onc e
emphasize th e distortion , an d ridicul e th e genuin e politica l or
clerical orator . Thi s for m o f humor , too, wa s quit e traditional
in American culture, reaching into the backwoods, Davy Crockett
tradition. American s had alway s seeme d to find grea t
amusement i n th e eleganc e an d inflatio n o f language an d pos -
ture. An d here , too , wa s somethin g o f travesty , fo r th e lan -
guage an d speec h o f great oratio n comin g from th e mout h of a
blackfaced minstre l wa s humorou s in it s disproportion. 14
Significantly, muc h of American oratory i n th e earl y years of
the nineteent h centur y cam e ver y close t o self-ridicul e when i t
was mos t serious . Orator s lik e Danie l Webste r wer e usin g
speech an d forma l rhetori c t o cloth e thei r meanin g (a s wel l as
their personalities ) i n greatness . Th e lon g rhetorica l periods ,
the flouris h o f elegan t figure s wer e stylisti c emblem s o f
grandeur—put-on i n republica n pretense—jus t a s thos e pre -
White/Black Faces —Black Masks 26 7

tentious name s o f senator , congressman , an d presiden t lifte d


quite ordinar y me n ou t o f the pedestrian . Muc h wa s i n doub t
in a ne w republi c tha t wa s tryin g t o liv e th e greatnes s o f it s
idealism. Ofte n i t wa s language , posture , pretens e tha t stoo d
for th e differenc e betwee n th e conventionalit y o f everyday po -
litical lif e an d th e epoch-makin g (nation-making) challenge o f
their historica l moment—tha t stoo d fo r th e differenc e betwee n
the common-ma n origin s whic h everyon e jealousl y remem -
bered an d th e statesmanlik e postures politician s anxiousl y as -
sumed. Oratorica l styl e mad e th e difference . Danie l Webster ,
that Yanke e wh o wa s born i n rusti c New Hampshir e an d live d
to serv e Ne w Englan d bankin g an d textil e interests , foun d i t
important t o soun d lik e a Roma n orato r sounded . H e ha d th e
language an d th e styl e to make tariffs an d mos t mundane selfish
interests soun d gran d an d monumental . Orator y fo r Ameri -
cans wa s lik e th e name s the y chos e t o giv e thei r politica l
institutions an d th e Gree k column s they place d o n thei r banks
and othe r publi c buildings , costume s fo r greatness . Parodie s o f
Webster's speec h i n blackface not onl y ridiculed th e posturin g
of th e politica l orato r bu t th e fantasti c pretense o f blac k me n
playing th e rol e o f statesmen . Th e minstre l orato r coul d sati -
rize curren t event s throug h th e assume d ridiculousnes s o f
black pretense . Th e mos t popula r speec h o f Byro n Christ y
of th e famou s Christ y Minstrel s wa s a direc t parod y o f Daniel
Webster's Sevent h o f March speech whic h supported th e Com -
promise o f 1850 :
What d o d e folk s mea n talkin ' "bou t d e Nor f and d e Souf ?
Do de y wan t t o separat e u s fro m ou r brederi n i n d e sun -
shiney Souf ? D o dey ? Eh ? umph ? D o des e peopl e (what s
roamin' roun d lik e hungr y lion s seekin' whom de y ma y de -
vour) wan t more ? Eh ? umph ? I t de y d o le t 'e m ha b Ne w
Jersey, Hardscrable, or—or—or any other man.
Do des e peopl e wan t to tea r up dat magnificen t and mag -
niglorious America n fla g what' s ravelin ' ou t i n d e breeze s ob
de atmospher e o n d e to p o b d e St . Nichola s Hotel ? Eh ?
268 Harlem Renaissance
umph? D o de y wan t t o stri p i t u p an d gi b d e star s t o d e
Souf, an d d e stripe s t o d e Norf ? I answe r yo u i n clarion
tones dat I hope may be heard fro m d e risin' place ob de sun
to d e cheer in which he set s down. De y can't do it, nor—no r
any other man.15

Of course , ofte n th e travest y o f th e minstre l an d hi s heir s


was mor e direct, les s figurative . Blackface d characters , dressed
as policemen , businessmen , politicians , b y th e 1920 s ha d be -
come standar d materia l fo r stag e comedy . Th e humo r alway s
depended on the disparit y betwee n th e blac k ma n and th e cos-
tume h e wor e a s muc h a s o n th e comi c situatio n itself . Pres -
ent-day popula r comed y ha s revive d thi s kin d o f travest y i n
television performance s o f "Pigmeat " Markha m (a n ol d
trooper, whos e caree r goe s bac k int o th e activ e day s o f Tom
Fletcher) an d hi s recording succes s o f "Here Comes d e Judge. "
It woul d see m tha t th e "camp " vogu e ha s discovere d a ne w
humor i n a parody o n a parody .
But th e cultura l phenomeno n o f th e minstre l travest y
reaches deep int o th e racia l patholog y o f Americans. For wha t
white me n i n blackfac e objectifie d o n stag e wa s th e concep -
tualization o f the Negr o as naturally foolish i n role s tha t whit e
men envisione d themselve s playin g in real life . A black ma n a s
mayor, senator , policemen , o r clergyma n wa s utte r fantasy .
But more, one step beyond the backwoodsman, the black man as
human wa s fantas y too ; o r s o i t woul d see m fro m th e perfor -
mance o f the theatrica l Negro. 16
Lest w e ignor e th e tragi c aspec t o f thi s psychology , w e
should remembe r tha t th e compulsiv e racis m i n thi s travest y
suggests potentia l crisi s i n white men's identity. Hi s ow n feasi -
bility a s human , eloquent, an d gran d depende d o n th e farce .
The whit e commo n man , whateve r hi s distanc e fro m power ,
could sens e hi s belongin g t o a civilized , democrati c societ y t o
the degre e that h e could se e the Negr o as ludicrous i n it. Nota-
bly, th e whit e consensu s abou t th e traged y o f Reconstructio n
WhitelBlack Faces—Black Masks 26 9

in th e Sout h followin g the Civi l Wa r ( a concensu s o f histori -


ans, novelists , an d journalists , whic h n o amoun t o f contradic -
tory scholarshi p ha s manage d t o destroy ) ha s i t tha t radica l
Republicans force d upo n souther n societ y tha t ver y travest y
which ha d bee n unthinkable—Negr o rule . Th e si n was to have
imposed, i n rea l life , wha t becaus e o f it s absurdit y wa s comi c
on stage . On e nee d onl y recal l D . W . Griffith' s Birth o f a Na-
tion (1915 ) t o understan d th e powe r o f the minstre l myth . All
of th e whit e me n i n blackfac e wh o playe d i n tha t fil m wer e
merely playin g minstre l types . I t woul d hav e bee n funn y t o
those whit e audience s ha d i t no t bee n distortin g real histor y
and ha d i t no t provoke d horribl e fantasie s abou t th e politica l
future o f norther n communitie s followin g th e migratio n o f
southern blacks . Reconstructio n wa s simpl y th e othe r sid e o f
the minstrel coin. Nor were black men free o f the effect s o f trav-
esty an d the minstrel myth . Intellectual black s were horrified a t
Marcus "Aurelius " Garve y 17 i n th e 1920 s (hi s uniforms , titles ,
bombastic rhetoric , an d seemingl y wild fantasie s abou t Africa )
precisely becaus e they saw him through the eye s "of others, who
looked o n i n amuse d contemp t an d pity. " Me n lik e DuBoi s
saw Garve y as a minstrel; perhap s whit e me n di d too .
One furthe r characteristi c o f travesty wil l complete thi s con -
sideration o f the theatrica l Negr o a s part o f American popula r
culture. S o far, it ha s onl y bee n suggeste d tha t travesty , asid e
from keepin g th e pretende r i n hi s place , ma y b e a vehicl e fo r
social satir e o f th e audience' s betters . Tha t i s clearl y withi n
this comi c mode . Fo r a s the chil d preen s an d posture s lik e an
adult, an d a s th e jeste r swagger s an d bellow s lik e th e king ,
each, throug h exaggeration , i s discoverin g th e laten t pretens e
and assumptio n o f thos e the y mimic . So , travest y ofte n cut s
both ways , makin g commen t o n th e highe r a s wel l a s lowe r
order.
This i s eas y enoug h t o se e i n th e Ji m Dand y character . Al -
ways a stabl e par t o f the minstrel , h e wa s a n obviou s travest y
270 Harlem Renaissance

of urba n Negr o elegance , alway s i n hi s "long-taile d blue. " H e


apparently ha d hi s real-lif e model . For , on e travele r recorde d
seeing i n Bosto n a blac k dand y "loungin g dow n th e street . H e
was a Sable Count d'Orsay . Hi s toilet wa s the mos t elaboratel y
recherche yo u ca n imagine . H e seeme d intensel y an d harm -
lessly happ y i n hi s coa t an d waistcoat , o f th e fines t possibl e
materials; an d th e carefu l carelessnes s o f the adjustmen t of th e
wool [hair ] an d ha t wa s no t readil y t o b e surpassed. " 1 8 Th e
ultra-elegant, almos t effeminat e Ji m Dand y was a s much a rid-
icule o f th e pretension s o f th e gentlema n o f fashion , particu -
larly th e parvenu , a s h e wa s o f th e urba n Negro . Fran k Du -
mont, th e famou s Philadelphi a whit e man wh o di d blackface d
minstrels, expose d th e dua l satir e o f his performances . Demon-
strating t o a reporte r hi s costumin g technique , dresse d finall y
in whit e ruffle d colla r an d cuffs , brigh t blu e velve t pants , an d
red velve t jacket , Dumon t sai d wit h a gran d gesture , "Thi s i s
very genteel , dress y an d i n keepin g wit h minstrelsy . I t i s als o
full evenin g dres s a s adopte d b y th e Tou r Hundred, ' s o you
see we are 'in it' so to speak." 1 9 It was this possible, ye t incred-
ible, juxtapositio n tha t provide d th e broa d forma t o f theatri -
cal Negr o humor.
In th e las t decade s o f th e nineteent h century , uppe r clas s
Americans wer e ver y vulnerabl e t o ridicule . Man y wh o ha d
only recentl y acquire d wealt h tried , throug h conspicuou s con -
sumption an d borrowe d taste , t o dra w socia l distinction s
which woul d defin e the m a s th e America n aristocracy . Th e
very socia l fluidity that ha d permitte d thei r ris e mad e th e task
difficult; ther e wa s littl e satisfaction in a n aristocrac y base d o n
money alone . Therefore, as the centur y came to a close, Ameri -
can societ y (especiall y Ne w Yor k City ) witnesse d th e mos t
grandiloquent spectacles , orchestrate d b y impresario s lik e
Ward McAllister . Socia l distinctio n neede d promotio n an d
show.20
Without th e "families " o f Europea n society , th e American s
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 27 1

had t o create an elit e a s they went along ; War d McAlliste r set


himself that tas k fo r New York. During the flush and expansiv e
1880s and 1890s , New York society define d itself by giving par-
ties o f fashio n an d dinner s o f exquisit e (mainl y expensive)
taste. The socia l event s wer e patterned, as much as they coul d
be, afte r Englis h society . Bu t social definitio n rested o n publi c
acceptance; peopl e ha d t o kno w wha t wa s goin g on , no t
merely thos e playin g th e gam e but th e genera l publi c a s well.
McAllister's geniu s (a s well a s his downfall ) wa s i n his willing-
ness to exploi t popula r interes t i n the uppe r classe s b y holding
press conference s an d providin g new s for societ y pages . Thus ,
he gav e publi c definitio n to th e America n aristocracy (accord -
ing t o hi s design ) b y makin g thei r antic s a spectacle . I t wa s
from McAlliste r that a Ne w Yor k Tribune reporte r mine d th e
gold of the Four Hundred label. "Why, there are only about 400
people i n fashionable Ne w Yor k Society . I f you go outside tha t
number yo u strik e people wh o ar e eithe r no t a t eas e i n a ball-
room o r else mak e other peopl e not a t ease. Se e the point ? . . .
When w e give a large ball lik e the las t Ne w Year's ball for 800
guests, w e g o outsid e o f the exclusiv e fashionable set , an d in -
vite professiona l men, doctors, lawyers , editors, artist s an d th e
like." 21 The labe l stuck . The general publi c seeme d t o have an
insatiable appetit e fo r thi s kin d o f socia l news . Societ y wa s
doing al l tha t i t coul d t o prov e itsel f fashionabl e wit h gran d
balls an d grande r dinne r parties . An d everythin g wa s give n
great coverag e b y th e press , s o that i t woul d no t b e to o much
to sa y that "society" was on stage .
The mos t notoriou s o f th e socia l display s wa s th e Bradle y
Martin fanc y dres s bal l o f Februar y 10 , 1897 . Dixo n Wecter ,
writing abou t th e even t lon g after , estimate d i t cos t $369,20 0
by the tim e it was over. The Waldor f Hotel had t o be boarde d
up t o kee p th e curiou s fro m lookin g in . Couturier s i n Ne w
York an d Pari s wer e engage d fo r month s designin g costume s
from th e Renaissanc e o r th e Elizabetha n period , o r followin g
272 Harlem Renaissance

the style s o f Van Dyck , Madam e Pompadour, o r Mari e Antoi-


nette. Mrs . Bradle y Marti n hersel f cam e a s Mar y Quee n o f
Scots. Sh e wor e " a bodic e o f blac k velve t line d wit h ceris e
satin, a n overdres s opene d ove r a whit e sati n petticoat , a
richly jewelled stomacher , an d a pointed ca p o f silver, togethe r
with a massive ruby necklac e wor n by Mari e Antoinette an d a
cluster o f diamond grape s whic h ha d belonge d t o Loui s XIV."
Mr. Bradle y Marti n cam e as Loui s XV. But probabl y Augus t
Belmont outdi d th e me n i n a ful l sui t o f stee l armo r inlai d
with gol d whic h cos t hi m $10,000 . Excitemen t wa s kep t hig h
when ther e wer e report s o f crises : Jame s Va n Ale n decide d
that mournin g a relative's deat h woul d prevent hi s dancing the
quadrille dhonneur "whic h ha d bee n rehearsin g fo r day s a t
Mrs. Aster' s unde r th e scrutin y of Professor Kar l Marwig. " But
all the problem s of production seeme d minor ; the Bal l came off
as scheduled an d ver y much as planned. I t wa s such a success,
indeed, tha t th e Bradle y Martin s remove d themselve s perma -
nently t o Englan d unde r th e pressur e o f the notoriet y tha t fol-
lowed.22
Surely, ther e wa s n o greate r travesty , o n o r of f stage, tha n
the Bradle y Marti n ball . I suspec t tha t it was this qualit y tha t
excited th e publi c interes t an d amusement . Yet, that affai r wa s
only a n exaggeratio n o f wha t "society " ha d bee n doin g sinc e
the Civi l War. Significantly , ther e ar e severa l parallel s be -
tween thes e socia l function s an d th e minstre l theater : th e cos -
tuming, the pretense , th e excess , and the gluttony . And like the
minstrel, th e publi c performanc e o f "society " wa s important .
Whereas Ernes t Hoga n mad e publi c th e connoisseu r tech -
niques o f watermelon eating—th e righ t soun d whe n thumped ,
the righ t smell , th e righ t wa y t o savo r it—War d McAlliste r
was n o less public i n his expertnes s about th e mouth-watering,
lip-smacking delicacie s a t Delmonico's . I t wa s mor e a differ -
ence i n clas s tha n style . Lik e th e minstrels , th e uppe r classe s
had abandone d som e o f th e mos t compulsiv e feature s o f th e
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 27 3

Protestant Ethic . S o whe n lookin g a t "society " an d th e min -


strels i n th e 1880 s an d 1890s , the y see m t o b e parodie s o f one
another. A t least , "society's " pretense s ar e n o les s grotesqu e
than thos e o f th e blackface d minstrels , an d i t seem s t o m e
more tha n likel y tha t th e lowe r middle-clas s whit e audience s
made th e connection . Fran k Dumont' s expansiv e associatio n of
minstrelsy an d th e Fou r Hundre d reveal s a dimensio n o f th e
minstrel a s socia l commentary . Certainly , th e blackfac e min-
strels' origin s i n th e Yanke e Doodl e an d Mik e Fink character s
would suppor t suc h a n idea an d help t o explai n the contagiou s
popularity o f this theatrica l form .
The fa d o f th e Cakewal k i s just anothe r face t o f th e sam e
idea. Thi s danc e wa s th e final e o f Sam T. Jack' s Creole Show
(1890), whic h wa s th e firs t notabl e instanc e o f its performance
on stage . I t becam e somethin g of a craz e fo r th e remainde r of
the decade . Al l Negr o show s feature d th e dance ; town s an d
cities throughou t th e countr y ha d Cakewal k contests. Madiso n
Square Garden , indeed , hel d th e annua l nationa l champion -
ship, wher e very large prize s wer e given , an d the to p perform-
ers coul d b e assure d o f a professiona l theatrica l future . Th e
traditional explanatio n o f the origin s of the danc e tel l o f slaves
prancing befor e th e "bi g house " o n Christma s o r simila r holi -
days t o wi n th e prize— a cake . Ther e i s doubtles s som e trut h
to this—suc h dance s probabl y di d occu r o n larg e plantation s
—but th e danc e o f the 1890 s i s related onl y in nam e an d idea .
The Cakewal k feature d Negr o couple s i n fanc y dres s i n larg e
numbers (5 0 t o 6 0 couple s a t Madiso n Squar e Garden) . Th e
couples prance d an d strutte d an d twirle d t o livel y music . I t
was spectacular . Th e winner s were thos e who had style , flashi-
ness o f manner, eleganc e o f costume , an d coul d execut e intri -
cate figures and struttin g steps t o th e rousin g music. Whatever
the dance's origins , surel y in the 1890s , thi s dance parodied th e
quadrille dhonneur tha t climaxe d th e fanc y dresse d ball s o f
the Fou r Hundred , a s th e Cakewal k climaxe d th e minstre l
274 Harlem Renaissance

show. An d th e contemporarie s di d no t mis s this point . Fo r th e


Cakewalk was being don e by "society," and reporte d on the so-
ciety page s o f th e dail y press . Ber t William s an d Georg e
Walker mad e advertisin g capita l ou t o f a repor t tha t Willia m
K. Vanderbil t ha d don e the Cakewal k at a ball. Wit h du e pub -
licity, th e comedians , "dresse d a point o r two above th e heigh t
of fashion," lef t a lette r at Vanderbilt' s Fift h Avenu e mansion
as a forma l challeng e t o a "cake-walkin g match. " Thei r lette r
placed th e stake s a t $5 0 because , a s William s said , "It' s a
shame t o tak e th e money. " O f course , th e matc h neve r cam e
off, bu t a n appropriat e poin t wa s made . The y were , afte r all ,
performers o n a publi c stage—al l pretenders. 23
Americans wer e No-Ma n an d Everyman ; th e newnes s an d
the opennes s o f societ y create d it s specia l anxieties . Whit e
men's selve s depende d o n black s bein g les s tha n men ; th e
wholeness o f the blac k person to o often reste d o n his acceptin g
that whit e judgmen t an d achievin g applaus e throug h self-de -
nial an d self-depreciation . Bu t real achievemen t fo r white men,
too, meant an acknowledgmen t o f a superior Europea n culture ,
and, thus , a self-denia l an d self-depreciatio n o f a differen t
kind. Al l was a jumble o f masks and costume s coverin g nake d
uncertainties. Whit e me n pretende d t o b e blac k me n o f thei r
fantasy, blac k me n pretende d t o b e th e grotesque s tha t whit e
men ha d created , whil e othe r whit e me n an d wome n pre -
tended t o be aristocrats, cour t jesters, knight s in $10,000 armor ,
Mary Quee n o f Scots, an d s o on. The dee p realities fro m whic h
they wer e al l fleein g wer e doubtles s mor e horribl e tha n th e
acts tha t the y pu t on . I t al l was a theate r o f the absurd .

Certainly th e theatrica l Negr o wa s a formidabl e act t o fol-


low. Blac k performer s accommodated themselve s t o th e tradi -
tion, whil e a t th e sam e tim e the y trie d t o innovat e an d fin d
more room for their talent s within the convention ; they moved
toward th e musica l review . Sa m T . Jack' s Th e Creole Show
White/Black Faces—Black Masks 27 5

opened a t Boston' s Ol d Howar d Theate r i n 1890 . I t feature d


girls fo r th e firs t tim e i n a majo r minstrel . The y wer e light -
skinned dancer s whos e danc e an d burlesqu e accommodate d
the styl e o f th e "olio " t o standar d variet y acts . Followin g a
very successfu l run i n Boston , Th e Creole Show playe d i n Chi-
cago throug h th e World' s Fai r i n 1893 .
John W . Isham' s Th e Octoroons (1895) wa s billed a s a musi-
cal farc e i n minstre l pattern . Isha m transforme d th e "olio "
(which als o feature d a girls ' chorus ) int o a burlesqu e sketch ;
specialty number s wer e strun g o n a thi n threa d o f plot . Th e
rousing minstre l final e remaine d a Cakewal k jubilee, minstre l
drill, an d choru s march. But in the followin g year, Isha m aban-
doned th e minstre l final e I n Oriental America fo r one i n which
singers performe d operati c selections : solo s an d choruse s fro m
Faust, Martha, Rigoletto, Carmen, an d / / Trovatore. An d i n
the sam e year, tw o white producers engage d Bo b Cole to write
a review aroun d th e singin g talent o f Sissieretta Jones, who had
made somethin g o f a singin g sensatio n i n 1892 . Mme . Jone s
was quickl y promoted a s "Black Patti," after th e whit e operati c
star Adelin e Patti . I n "Black Patti's" Troubadours (1896 ) th e
minstrel for m wa s still discernible , bu t th e finale was calle d a n
"Operatic Kaleidoscope " an d feature d Mme . Jone s (wh o took
no othe r par t i n th e show ) an d a chorus ; the y san g selection s
from operas . Comed y an d blackfac e remained , bu t th e for m
and som e part o f the conten t o f the minstre l was giving way t o
innovative Negr o talent .
In 189 8 Bo b Cole produced A Trip t o Coontown, which ha d
several path-breakin g features . I t wa s th e firs t sho w t o hav e
been organized , written , produced , an d manage d b y Negroes .
The sho w ha d a stor y an d continuity , wit h a cast o f character s
who worke d ou t th e plo t fro m beginnin g t o end . I n truth ,
therefore, thi s wa s th e first commercial Negr o musica l comedy .
Also i n 1898 , Clorindy—The Origin o f th e Cake-Walk wa s
produced, combinin g th e musica l talent s o f Will Mario n Coo k
276 Harlem Renaissance
with th e lyric s o f Paul Laurenc e Dunbar , Jame s Weldon John -
son reporte d tha t "Clorindjj wa s th e tal k o f New York . I t wa s
the firs t demonstratio n o f the possibilitie s o f syncopated Negr o
music. Coo k wa s th e firs t competen t compose r t o tak e wha t
was the n know n a s ragtim e an d wor k i t ou t i n a musicianly
way. Hi s choruse s an d finale s i n Clorindy, complet e noveltie s
as the y were , sun g b y a lust y chorus, wer e simpl y breath-tak -
ing. Broadwa y had somethin g entirely new. " 24
But thes e changes , notabl e a s the y were , remaine d essen -
tially formal ; th e stag e characterization—th e theatrica l Negr o
—improved onl y slightly . Man y blac k performer s were conten t
to ad d onl y styl e t o th e caricature . Indeed , som e seeme d t o
have discovered tha t th e formul a fo r success wa s Negr o depre-
ciation, an d the y capitalize d o n it . Ernes t Hoga n wa s a n ex -
tremely talente d blackfac e comedia n wh o reache d th e heigh t
of hi s caree r i n th e las t decade s o f the nineteent h century . H e
is described b y Jame s Weldon Johnso n as having been a genu-
ine riva l t o Ber t Williams . "H e ha d greate r unctio n tha n Ber t
Williams an d b y tha t ver y toke n lacke d Williams' s subtlet y
and finish." 25 Indeed , hi s mos t notabl e an d lastin g contribu -
tion wa s th e introductio n o f a ne w genr e o f popular music . I n
the lat e 1880s , Hoga n lifte d a tune fro m a ragtime pian o playe ^
in a Chicag o brothel , gav e i t ne w lyric s an d a new name , an d
profited fro m wha t becam e on e o f th e mos t popula r song s o f
the 1890s . "Al l Coons Loo k Alik e to Me " was not onl y popular ,
it introduce d tru e ragtim e t o theatrica l music , an d i t wa s th e
first o f wha t cam e t o b e know n a s "coon songs. " Ragtim e was
still associate d wit h brothel s an d "low-life, " and i t wa s thought
something of an even t t o mak e i t par t o f Tin Pa n Alley . "Coon
songs" wer e merel y ragtim e song s tha t ha d lyric s abou t Ne -
groes, calle d coons . Apparently , i t wa s th e derisio n o f th e
Negro tha t seeme d magicall y t o mak e th e musi c acceptable .
They wer e ver y popular. "Al l Coons Look Alike to Me, " Hogan
claimed, earne d royaltie s secon d onl y t o "Afte r th e Bal l I s
White/Black Faces —Black Masks 27 7
Over." Hi s othe r favorite s wer e "Rufu s Rastu s Johnson, " an d
"Won't Yo u Come Hom e Bil l Bailey" ; the latter , wit h modern-
ized lyrics , i s still sun g today.
Aside fro m "coo n songs, " Hoga n leane d heavil y o n anothe r
pillar o f th e Negr o stereotype . Creature s o f appetite , blac k
people wer e alway s presente d a s slave s t o food , particularl y
watermelon, chicken , pork chops , an d ham . Ernes t Hoga n no t
only wrote songs abou t thes e foods , bu t hi s routine always con-
sisted o f song s lik e "Watermelo n Time. " Whil e th e orchestr a
would play the melody , Hogan would pantomime the eatin g of
that fruit , an d h e woul d explai n to th e audienc e th e bes t way
to ea t it . An d Hogan' s succes s inspire d other s t o writ e suc h
songs a s "Who I s Dat Sai d Chicke n In Di s Crowd. " 26
Apparently, Hoga n ha d misgiving s about thi s kin d of perfor-
mance and , especially , hi s rol e i n th e "coo n song " phenome -
non. I f no t misgivings , a t leas t h e ha d bee n mad e sensitiv e
enough b y th e criticis m o f other blac k performer s that h e fel t
moved t o justif y himself . Tom Fletche r report s a conversatio n
with Hogan in 1907 , th e yea r before Hogan's death . H e was se-
riously il l an d convalescing . "Al l Coon s Loo k Alik e t o Me, "
Hogan admitted , " 'caused a lo t o f trouble i n an d ou t o f show
business. . . .'" But , h e insisted , i t wa s als o goo d fo r sho w
business becaus e i t wa s popular , i t stimulate d business , and i t
earned mone y fo r performers . Furthermore, h e pointe d out ,
that i t " 'opened th e wa y fo r a lo t o f colored an d whit e song-
writers. Findin g th e rhyth m so great, the y stuck to i t changing
the lyrics , and no w you get song hits from m y creations without
the wor d "coon."'" Hoga n believe d tha t h e had mad e ragtime
possible. " 'The ragtime players were the boy s who played just
by ea r thei r ow n creation s o f musi c which woul d hav e bee n
lost t o the world if I had no t put i t on paper.' " 27 According to
Fletcher's repor t o f th e conversation , Hoga n emphasize d th e
commercial matte r ove r tha t o f racial self-esteem.
Black performer s helped t o perpetuate th e "darky " traditio n
278 Harlem Renaissance

in othe r ways . Fro m th e beginning , th e blackfac e character s


wanted nothin g mor e tha n t o get bac k t o "dear ole " massa." In-
deed, th e minstrel s contributed greatl y t o th e myt h of the Ol d
South an d th e nostalgi a tha t sentimentalize d muc h American
literature an d drama . Notably , thi s sentimen t antedate s th e
Civil Wa r an d th e "Los t Cause" ; Da n Emmett' s "Dixie," for in-
stance, wa s firs t performe d i n Ne w Yor k Cit y o n Apri l 4 ,
1859.28 Apparently, northern white s (perhaps mor e than south-
ern) foun d som e genuin e satisfactio n in th e myth . Blac k per -
formers wer e a s eage r t o capitaliz e o n tha t commercia l possi -
bility a s any other .
Probably n o one went t o the lengths that th e blac k promote r
Billy McClai n did t o exploi t th e ide a o f the sentimenta l South .
His firs t effor t wa s a minstre l review calle d Th e South Before
the War. Bu t fa r th e mos t remarkabl e wa s I n Black America,
which opene d i n Brooklyn' s Ambros e Park i n th e summe r of
1896. Wit h th e suppor t o f a whit e producer , Nat e Saulsbury,
McClain reproduce d a souther n plantatio n int o which h e
worked a Negro show. I n the en d he used five hundred people .
Cotton plant s (wit h buds ) wer e transplanted , bale s o f cotto n
and a rea l cotto n gi n wer e se t up . Ther e wa s livestoc k an d
cabins fo r th e "fiel d workers" ; som e o f th e cas t actuall y live d
in th e cabin s fo r th e summer . Thi s propert y wa s arrange d
throughout th e par k t o provid e "atmosphere, " an d th e patron s
could wande r through, watchin g the blac k actor s preten d to be
slaves i n th e South . A t a signal , al l woul d assembl e unde r a
tent fo r a standar d musica l revie w i n th e minstre l tradition .
The succes s o f I n Black America might hav e bee n du e t o th e
novelty, to the lac k o f theatrical entertainmen t during th e sum-
mer's off-season , t o th e circu s atmosphere; nevertheless, it i s re-
markable tha t Ne w Yorker s woul d mak e th e rathe r difficul t
trip to Brookly n to watc h a mock-u p of a mythica l plantation .
7n Black America was just a n extrem e example of a rather gen -
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 27 9

eral phenoenon : blac k performer s perpetuatin g rathe r tha n


changing th e theatrica l stereotype .
Some Negro performers, however, did mak e conscious effort s
to brin g abou t substantiv e a s well a s formal change s i n the ra -
cial proscription s o f the America n stage. Thei r effort s ma y ap -
pear sligh t t o u s today , bu t the y ar e significan t nonetheless .
The struggle s o f the famou s tea m o f Bert Williams and Georg e
Walker wil l illustrate th e narro w limits within which blac k en-
tertainers ha d t o wor k an d th e meage r innovation s that would
seem victories .
A vetera n o f the stage , Leig h Whipper, claime d tha t Egbert
A. William s was bor n Marc h 11 , 1875, i n Riverside , California ,
of Bahamia n immigrant parents . Littl e i s know n o f Ber t Wil-
liams' earl y life , bu t h e wa s eighteen whe n h e teamed u p with
George Walke r i n Sa n Francisco . Walke r described hi m a s "a
gaunt fello w ove r si x feet , o f orange hue ; leanin g o n a banjo ,
haggling wit h a manager. " Tha t wa s i n 1893 . Th e tw o stage -
struck youngster s forme d a vaudevill e team whic h was to be-
dazzle Broadwa y and, afte r Walker' s death, t o mak e Bert Wil-
liams th e firs t Negr o sta r o f the Ziegfeld Follies.
George Walker coul d no t remember a time when he was not
a par t o f th e theater . A s a boy , h e joine d a compan y o f
amateur colore d minstrel s in hi s nativ e Lawrence , Kansas . H e
left Lawrenc e fo r the West , goin g bit b y bit , joining one circus,
musical show , o r medicin e sho w afte r another . A s Walke r re -
membered it , i n th e Wes t ther e wer e man y "quac k doctors "
who travele d fro m tow n t o tow n an d use d entertainer s t o at -
tract larg e crowd s i n orde r t o sel l thei r medicines . "Whe n a
boy," Walker recalled, "I was quite a n entertainer. I could sing
and dance , an d wa s goo d a t face-making , beatin g th e tambou -
rine, an d rattling th e bones. " Thes e were the talents that would
draw crowd s i n th e sundr y wester n town s throug h whic h th e
medicine wagon s passed . Walke r learned tw o lesson s from thi s
280 Harlem Renaissance

experience: "whit e peopl e ar e alway s intereste d i n wha t the y


call 'darky ' singin g an d dancing ; an d th e fac t tha t I coul d en -
tertain i n tha t wa y a s n o whit e bo y could , mad e m e valuabl e
to the quack doctors a s an advertising card." For whateve r rea-
son, commo n ordinar y whit e peopl e woul d pa y mone y t o se e
antic blacks o n stage . An d Walker asked himsel f the mos t nat-
UK-.1 medicine-show question , wh y shoul d th e publi c settl e for
less than a genuin e fraud? 29
The publi c was paying well to se e many team s of white per-
formers doin g blackfac e vaudeville . Mclntir e an d Heath ,
George Primrose, Al G. Fields, Lew Dockstadter, Press Eldridge,
and Nei l Moore were some of the most popular of the numerous
vaudervillians wh o mad e thei r reputatio n a s blackfac e come -
dians. Walker saw these white men who "blacked up" as a barrier
to Negr o performers . "W e finall y decided, " Walke r recalled ,
that "a s whit e me n wit h blac k face s wer e billin g themselve s
'coons,' Williams and Walke r would d o well to bill themselve s
the 'Two Real Coons,' and so we did." It was in this way that the
team go t th e attentio n o f manager s an d achieve d succes s i n
the Wes t Coast vaudevill e houses. They wer e called ou t o f the
West i n 1896 t o play in a New York production, Th e Gold Bug,
which wa s unsuccessful. But the y were engage d b y Koste r an d
Bials in what turned ou t to be a record ru n o f forty weeks . Not
only wa s th e tea m successful , thei r performanc e create d th e
Cakewalk fad . Everyone began t o do this dance that ha d bee n
associated wit h Negr o shows ; William s an d Walker , wit h a
great flai r an d sens e o f publicity, wer e largel y responsibl e fo r
making i t the vogue. 30
Williams an d Walke r struggle d wit h severa l show s until ,
combining talent s wit h Jess e Ship p an d Wil l Mario n Cook ,
they produce d thre e substantia l musica l comedies . Eac h ha d
original music , a reasonabl y stron g plot line , an d very elabo -
rate scener y an d properties . Tw o o f th e production s wer e
placed i n Africa , wit h William s and Walke r playin g American
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 28 1

Negroes wanderin g throug h exoti c lands . Th e Africa n scene s


greatly expande d th e possibilitie s o f blac k theatrica l perfor -
mances, sinc e the y brok e the minstre l stereotypes, th e produc -
tions tha t mounte d thes e show s wer e als o large r i n scop e an d
richer tha n an y Negr o shows had bee n before .
In Dahomey (1902 ) wa s th e firs t o f these musica l comedies .
In tha t pla y tw o privat e detective s fro m Boston , Shyloc k
Homestead an d Rarebac k Pinkerto n (William s an d Walker )
are calle d b y th e presiden t o f th e Dahome y Colonizatio n So-
ciety, Cicer o Lightfoot , t o fin d a silve r caske t whic h h e ha s
lost. Th e whol e compan y ha s t o searc h i n Dahomey , wher e
they encounte r Africa n royalty , fal l int o difficultie s an d ar e
sentenced t o b e executed , bu t the y ar e save d b y th e fac t tha t
the tw o detective s hav e mad e friend s wit h th e King. 31 Abyssi-
nia (1906 ) i s onl y slightly different . Thi s tim e th e comedian s
lead a grou p o f Negr o pilgrim s fro m Kansa s t o Jersuale m
through Addi s Ababa , wher e the y fal l i n an d ou t o f trouble .
Both o f these play s anticipat e th e "road " films of Bing Crosby
and Bo b Hope . Bandanna Land (1908) , th e las t appearanc e o f
the William s an d Walke r team , wa s th e stor y o f a minstre l
comic, heir t o a fortune in a southern town , turnin g th e table s
on shrew d an d connivin g whit e an d blac k townspeopl e an d
tricking the m to hi s own advantage . All three of these produc -
tions were outstanding commercia l and critica l successes . The y
each proved , in their limite d ways , that Negr o shows could de -
viate fro m th e minstre l formula . Georg e Walke r fel l il l during
the ru n o f Bandanna Land, an d h e neve r recovered .
While thes e production s di d no t mak e radica l departure s
from th e conventiona l Negr o comedies , the y serve d t o shif t
focus fro m th e ari d an d artificia l minstre l stereotype s an d t o
give th e Negr o a contex t i n which t o wor k that wa s mor e cul-
turally an d historicall y rich . Th e character s wer e stil l Africa n
stereotypes, tru e enough, an d to a large exten t they wer e white
determined, ye t Negroe s could , throug h them , dea l wit h a
282 Harlem Renaissance

black royalty , a blac k power , a blac k elegance , an d a blac k


beauty eve n a s they continue d t o hol d themselve s u p fo r ridi-
cule. Tha t wa s George Walker' s though t abou t i t anyway . The
inspiration abou t Afric a firs t cam e to him i n 1893 . Sa n Francis -
co's midwinte r fai r o f that yea r planne d t o us e som e African s
from Dahomey . They wer e lat e to arriv e for the Fair' s openin g
and, t o us e Georg e Walker' s language , "Afro-American s wer e
employed an d exhibite d fo r nativ e Dahomians. " William s an d
Walker wer e amon g th e sha m Africans . Bu t i t wa s ther e tha t
Walker wa s first to se e real African s whe n the y finally arrived.
He and William s studied the m very closel y an d "were not long
in decidin g tha t i f we eve r reache d th e poin t o f having a show
of ou r own , w e woul d delineat e an d featur e nativ e Africa n
characters a s fa r a s w e could , an d stil l remai n American, and
make ou r actin g interestin g an d entertainin g t o America n au-
diences." Walke r sa w the additio n o f Africa n theme s t o b e a
real freedo m fo r th e blac k performer . Managers , h e claimed ,
were unwillin g t o accep t th e notio n tha t Negroe s coul d act .
"All tha t wa s expecte d o f a colore d performe r was singing an d
dancing an d a littl e stor y telling . . . . " H e recognize d th e im -
mediate caus e o f th e problem . Whit e performer s i n blackfac e
"used t o mak e themselve s loo k a s ridiculou s a s the y coul d
when portraying a 'darky' character. I n thei r 'make-up' they al-
ways ha d tremendousl y bi g re d lip s an d thei r costume s wer e
frightfully exaggerated . Th e on e fata l resul t o f this t o th e col -
ored performer s was that the y imitate d the whit e performers in
their make-u p a s 'darkies. ' Nothin g seemed mor e absur d tha n
to se e a colored man making himself ridiculous in order t o por-
tray himself. " 32
Walker's wor d i s a goo d one , "absurd." Her e i s a reiteration
of W . E . B . DuBois' s observatio n tha t th e America n Negro' s
predicament "yield s hi m n o tru e self-consciousness , bu t onl y
lets hi m se e himsel f throug h th e revelatio n o f the othe r worl d
. . . . a worl d tha t look s o n i n amuse d contemp t an d pity. "
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 28 3

Walker though t tha t Africa n theme s wer e a way out . Yet , they
too had t o be adapte d t o the America n stage an d mad e "inter -
esting an d entertainin g t o America n audiences. " Tha t wa s a
"catch" that mad e rea l escap e impossible .
Bert William s waited i n vai n for George Walke r t o recove r
from hi s illness . Th e tea m ha d develope d a modern expressio n
of th e classica l "darky " comics—Georg e Walke r a s th e sleek ,
smiling, prancing dandy , an d Bert Williams as the slow-witted ,
good-natured, shufflin g Negro—heir s t o th e Dand y Jim s an d
the Ji m Crows o f the mid-nineteent h century . Withou t Walker,
Williams drifted . H e wen t ou t alon e i n Mr . Lode o f Kole
(1909), whic h wa s t o b e hi s las t Negr o show . H e joine d th e
Ziegfeld Follies i n 191 0 an d remaine d wit h tha t sho w fo r te n
years. I n 1920 , William s wa s the sta r o f the review , Broadway
Brevities, and i n 1922 , sufferin g fro m wha t wa s to prov e a fatal
illness, h e too k th e star' s rol e i n Th e Pink Slip (late r Under th e
Bamboo Tree). Fallin g il l o n th e roa d tri p o f this las t produc -
tion, h e was returned t o New York City, where h e died , March
4, 1922 . Durin g thi s tim e a s a singl e performer , Williams re -
flected continuousl y o n hi s dea d partne r an d th e tea m whic h
had bee n reachin g fo r a perfectio n o f th e blackfac e comedy .
Walker ha d no t onl y been entertaining , but h e had als o been a
very intelligen t an d purposefu l man . H e ha d see n unerringl y
into the racia l implication s of traditiona l blackfac e comedy ,
and h e sa w th e tea m a s movin g blac k performer s ou t o f th e
narrow, racis t restraint s o f conventiona l theater . I t ma y hav e
been a n illusion , bu t th e tea m share d it . William s could find
no partne r t o tak e Walker' s place , an d i t seem s tha t h e los t a
sense of his own purpose i n the year s following Walker' s death .
Yet, i t wa s i n thi s period , whe n William s was performin g as
a singl e i n th e Ziegfeld Follies, that h e achieve d th e greates t
popular acclaim ; th e Ber t William s of thi s perio d i s mos t re -
membered. No r should i t be surprising , for he brought hi s style
of loose-limbe d danc e an d pantomim e an d plaintive-voice d
284 Harlem Renaissance

patter son g t o it s perfection . H e move d o n stag e i n th e mos t


casual way—arms , hips , legs , feet , al l part s o f hi s body , seem-
ingly indifferen t t o th e whole—hi s burnt-cork clow n mas k with
wide, innocen t eye s o r sad-cynica l mouth . And , so , h e woul d
perhaps d o hi s famous pantomim e skit of a terribly unfortunate
poker player , an d surel y h e woul d g o int o on e o f hi s patte r
songs accompanie d b y the mos t liqui d an d subtl e dance.
And th e songs , themselves, gav e William s the mean s o f pro-
viding a distinctive dimensio n to "darky" humor. They wer e in
dialect, bu t neve r a s gros s a s som e blac k an d al l whit e per -
formers used . Hi s song s coul d b e ligh t i n thei r humor , "Bon
Bon Buddy , The Chocolat e Drop" ; ofte n the y wer e cynical , " I
May B e Crazy, but I Ain't No Fool" and "The Darktow n Poker
Club."33 Ber t Williams ' voic e wa s plaintive ; hi s song s wer e
heavy wit h pathos . Yet , it wa s a pathos tha t aske d fo r and ex -
pected n o pity . H e simpl y tol d o f the isolate d an d vulnerabl e
condition o f men; he spok e fo r hi s audienc e a s well a s himself.
The song , "M y Landlady, " tol d th e universa l stor y o f the ten -
ant i n th e ruthles s an d impersona l clutches o f the femal e man-
ager of the house . Coul d sh e b e mother and wif e a s well? As in
the song, "Nobody," 34 he sang those words—land-laid-DEE and
no-bud-DEE—so tha t thos e frai l fina l syllable s wer e almos t
tears. Th e art , however, wa s in the complet e lac k of sentiment,
the absenc e o f self-pity. I n "Nobody, " afte r eac h vers e describ -
ing hi s frailty , hunger , or hurt , he woul d as k wh o woul d help ,
and hi s answe r wa s alway s "no-bud-DEE. " The n h e woul d
sing th e refrain :

I ain't never done nuh-thin for no-bud-DEE


I ain't never got nw/i-thin , from no-bud-DEE— no time
Until I can get sum-thin from—sum-bud-dee sum-tim e
I don't intend—to do nufo-thi n fo r no-bud-DEE—no time.

Or, again , Ber t William s woul d sin g "Wh y Ada m Sinned. " 3S
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 28 5

I heeard d a ole folks talkin' in our house da other night


'Bout Adam in da scripchuh long ago
Da lady folks all "bused him, sed, "He knowned it was'n right. "
An' 'cose da men folks dey all sed, "Dat's so. "
I felt sorr y fuh Mistah Adam, an' I felt like puttin' in,
'Cause I knows mo' dan de do, all 'bout what made Adam sin:
Adam nevuh had no Mammy, fuh to take him on her knee
An' teach hi m right fum wrong an' show him
Things he ought to see.
I knows down in my heart—he'd-a let dat apple be
But Adam nevuh had no dear old Ma-am-my.
He nevuh knowed no chilehood roun' da ole log cabin do',
He nevuh knowed no pickaninny life.
He started i n a great big grown up man, an' whut is mo',
He nevuh had da right kind uf a wife.
Jes s'pose he'd ha d a Mammy when dat temptin' did begin,
An' she'd a come an' tole him,
"Son, don' eat dat—dat's a sin."
But, Adam nevuh had no Mammy fuh to take him on her knee
An' teach him right fum wrong an' show him
Things he ought to see.
I knows down in my heart he'd a let dat appl e be,
But Adam nevuh had n o dear old Ma-am-my.

This son g i s achingl y funn y whe n on e think s beyon d th e sur -


face theology . For , th e lyric s satiriz e the sentimen t o f mother -
hood an d souther n nostalgia . Bu t the y als o evok e th e gam e of
ridicule amon g Negroes , "Th e Dozens, " i n whic h th e ultimat e
"put-down" i s to tel l a man , "you don' t hav e n o momma."
George Walker' s deat h an d Ber t Williams ' defectio n fro m
the all-blac k production s see m t o hav e halte d a n apparen t de -
velopment towar d a genuin e black , sophisticated musica l thea-
ter. Fo r i n th e year s tha t William s an d Walke r wer e doin^
their Africa-inspire d productions , anothe r promisin g tea m was ,
writing th e materia l fo r their ow n shows . Bo b Cole ha d joine d
J. Rosamon d Johnso n (th e musicia n brother o f James Weldon )
286 Harlem Renaissance

in wha t prove d t o b e a fruitfu l partnership . Col e an d Johnso n


wrote th e boo k and musi c and playe d i n Th e Shoofly Regiment
(1906) an d Th e Re d Moon (1908). Jame s Weldo n Johnso n de -
scribes thes e play s a s operetta s "wit h a well-constructe d boo k
and a tuneful , well-writte n score. " H e believe d tha t William s
and Walke r an d Col e an d Johnso n ha d bee n makin g distinc -
tive step s awa y fro m th e grotesqu e blackfac e o f th e minstre l
tradition. Th e greates t tabo o o n the whit e stage , h e noted, was
against a blac k mal e an d femal e i n trul y romanti c roles . H e
believed tha t Re d Moon mad e a sligh t ste p towar d Negr o ro-
mance.36 But , alas, Bob Cole to o fel l il l and ende d tha t promis-
ing association .
Present-day reader s wil l doubtles s fin d th e modes t innova -
tions o f th e William s an d Walke r an d th e Col e an d Johnso n
teams feebl e chang e indeed . The y wer e stil l i n blackface , an d
they stil l performe d wha t ha s t o b e calle d "darky " material .
Yet, i n eac h instance , thes e team s trie d t o giv e th e conven -
tional form s greate r variet y an d sophistication . A t least , the y
wanted t o creat e a Negr o humo r tha t wa s no t dependen t o n
self-ridicule. I n smal l ways they were successful.

Little wonde r tha t th e Negr o did no t develop a recognizabl e


ethnic theate r i n th e twentiet h century . As this rathe r lon g di -
gression o n th e minstre l traditio n demonstrates , th e Negr o (at
least a representatio n o f him ) ha d a ver y substantia l plac e i n
the America n theatrical tradition , a characterizatio n tha t could
not b e displace d b y whi m o r will . Th e theate r tha t wa s most
authentic t o th e America n ethos wa s largel y Negr o albei t dis -
torted an d grotesque ; thu s unlik e th e immigrant , i n tryin g t o
establish ethni c theate r th e Afro-American s ha d a traditio n t o
contend with . Whatever th e advantage s i n and th e justification
for findin g a genuine blac k theatrical voice an d form , th e over-
whelming pressur e o f traditio n (no t t o mentio n nationa l char -
acter) wa s agains t it . Needles s t o say , commercia l success —
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 287

always a powerfu l lure—pulle d blac k performer s awa y fro m


their furtiv e effort s a t trul y ethni c drama . An d eve n th e smal l
theater group s tha t developed , abandonin g th e standar d musi-
cal revie w an d comedy , tende d t o mimi c th e whit e "serious "
theater.
There i s on e very importan t exceptio n t o thi s failur e o f
Afro-American drama . A t leas t on e person , Jame s Weldo n
Johnson, ha s pointe d t o th e dramati c characte r o f th e Negr o
church.37 Johnso n describe d a rura l "bi g meeting " wher e th e
preacher develope d an d extemporize d a sermon o n Ol d Testa -
ment texts , creatin g a "primitive " poetr y a s h e wen t along —
providing visua l an d dramati c experienc e fo r a n audienc e
which participate d i n son g an d spoke n word . Asid e fro m th e
preacher, ther e wa s a leader of the gospel songs, wh o knew the
songs, created the m a s he wen t along , and chos e th e righ t dra -
matic moment to break th e servic e with th e right song, leadin g
the congregatio n a s a choru s t o punctuat e an d heighte n th e
dramatic effect . Th e Negr o churche s (th e unsophisticate d an d
unpretentious ones ) embodie d a livin g drama . Throughou t
black Ne w Yor k City , an d othe r citie s an d town s wher e black
men an d wome n me t t o worship , thi s mos t essentia l theate r
could b e seen , an d i t wa s purel y ethnic. Blac k men ha d take n
the orthodo x theolog y an d th e Ol d Testamen t storie s an d
transformed the m int o vivid , powerful , an d exciting literar y
statements—it wa s par t o f their ora l tradition . An d the congre -
gations wer e welde d int o th e dramati c performance—a s actors ,
audience, Gree k chorus—thei r bodies , voices , an d spirit s fuse d
into th e mos t emotional , demandin g experience . S o valid wer e
these dramati c event s (weekly , sometime s nightly ) that , fo r
many, th e image s an d character s tha t the y witnesse d an d
"played" wer e mor e rea l tha n th e ofte n sordi d live s that inter-
rupted thei r glory. 38
Harlem, however , mad e severa l effort s t o produc e uptow n
drama wit h blac k performers . Ther e wer e severa l companies .
288 Harlem Renaissance

The Anit a Bush Players used th e Lincol n Theater a t 135t h an d


Lenox, bu t th e mos t notabl e grou p wa s th e Lafayett e Players ,
which bega n i n 1914 . Simila r group s starte d i n othe r cities .
The Peki n Theate r manage d t o perfor m serious dramati c pro -
ductions fro m abou t 190 1 t o 190 9 o n 30t h an d Stat e Street s i n
Chicago.39 An d mos t notably , th e Karam u Theate r o f Cleve -
land ha s promote d Negroe s int o dram a sinc e it s foundin g i n
1916. Importan t a s the y wer e i n providin g theatrica l experi -
ence fo r blac k technician s an d actors , thes e theater s wer e
hardly ethnic . Fo r th e mos t part, the y manage d t o d o uptown
performances o f whit e melodrama : Madame X , Dr . Jekyll an d
Mr. Hyde, Th e Count o f Monte Cristo, Shakespearea n plays ,
and eve n gran d opera. 40
However much one may regret th e lac k of a theater o f Negro
writers, producers , directors , actors , an d technician s orientin g
their talent s t o th e servic e o f a Negr o audience , thes e smal l
theater group s ha d thei r value . Ther e wa s n o othe r plac e for
Negroes t o ge t theatrica l experience . Thos e wh o wer e t o find
fame i n whit e commercia l dram a generally gaine d thei r initia l
experience i n thes e theaters : Charle s Gilpin , Abbi e Mitchell ,
Inez Clough , t o nam e a few. Downtown theater alway s expro-
priated uptow n talent wheneve r it had nee d o f it, but o f course
white commercia l theate r sa w n o nee d t o trai n an d develo p
black performers. 41
By al l odds , th e mos t importan t theatrical Negr o enterpris e
in th e 1920 s wa s Shuffle Along (1921) , the blac k extravaganza
that Langsto n Hughe s remembere d t o hav e symbolize d Har -
lem t o hi m an d t o hav e bee n a greate r attractio n t o hi m than
Columbia University . After a hiatu s o f Negr o musical reviews,
spanning th e wa r years , Flourno y Mille r an d Aubre y Lyle s
(who ha d begu n writin g play s together a t Fis k University ) di d
the boo k fo r Eubi e Blake' s an d Nobl e Sissle' s music . Shuffle
Along wa s t o reintroduc e t o Ne w Yor k th e popula r Negr o re-
view. Updated , an d wit h fres h material , this theate r wa s little
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 28 9

different fro m th e olde r William s an d Walke r an d Col e an d


Johnson productions . I t ha d a thi n plo t abou t a n electio n fo r
mayor i n th e all-blac k Jimtown , Mississippi . Bu t neithe r wa s
the plo t o f consequence , no r th e comi c routines , whic h in -
cluded a pantomime d boxin g bout betwee n Mille r an d Lyles ,
and a grocer y stor e scen e i n which a custome r wit h n o money
wanted t o buy good s fro m a proprietor wh o could no t coun t t o
make change . B y al l reports , th e rea l powe r o f the productio n
was i n the musi c and th e dancing . "And how they al l danced,"
said th e reporte r i n th e Ne w York Sun, "especially th e chorus ,
which i s ful l o f dash an d ginger. " Th e worl d neede d cheerin g
up i n 1921 , an d i t appeare d tha t Shuffle Along wa s jus t th e
right tonic . So , a t least , though t th e write r i n th e Ne w Yor k
Herald: "Bu t i t i s when the choru s and th e principal s o f a com-
pany tha t i s sai d t o contai n th e bes t negr o trouper s i n thes e
parts get s goin g i n the dance s tha t th e worl d seem s a brighte r
place t o liv e in . The y wriggl e an d shimm y i n a fashio n t o
outdo a congress o f eels, an d the y fling their limb s about with-
out stoppin g t o mak e sur e tha t the y ar e securel y fastene d
on." «
The Jaz z Ag e ha d arrived . Th e postwa r hangove r tha t en -
couraged a generatio n o f Americans to los e themselves i n cab -
arets, rhythms , dances, an d exotic a coul d no t hel p bu t approv e
this livel y Negr o musical . Th e jazz-hungry publi c wa s ecstati c
about Shuffle Along, which was produced o n a shoe-string, an d
which thrive d a t a makeshif t theate r o n 63r d Street . I t was ,
like Harle m itself , infectious ; i t mad e everyon e wan t t o forge t
his trouble s an d d o it , lik e the choru s o f dancers. "Tal k abou t
pep!" wrot e Ala n Dal e i n th e American, "thes e peopl e mad e
pep see m something different t o [sic ] th e tam e thing we know
further downtown. " That , afte r all , wa s wha t Harle m an d Ne -
groes wer e al l about . Perhap s n o on e pu t i t mor e simply than
Dale: "The y revelle d i n their work ; they simpl y pulsed wit h it,
and ther e wa s n o let-u p a t all . And gradually an y tired feelin g
290 Harlem Renaissance
that yo u might have bee n nursin g vanished i n th e su n of their
good humo r an d yo u didn' t min d ho w lon g the y 'shuffle d
along.' Yo u eve n fel t lik e shufflin g a bi t wit h them. " Yet , i t
would tak e som e doin g fo r whit e me n t o duplicat e th e blac k
rhythm an d abandon . "Ho w the y enjoye d themselves ! Ho w
they jigge d an d prance d an d cavorted , an d wriggle d an d
laughed. . . . Ever y sine w i n thei r bodie s danced ; ever y ten -
don i n their frame s responde d t o their extrem e energy." 43 The
Negro musical theater wa s tuned i n to help jazz up th e Ameri -
can scene .
Shuffle Along produced som e good origina l songs ; "I' m Jus t
Wild Abou t Harry" is the onl y one that th e presen t generatio n
would recognize . Th e sho w also launched some important the-
atrical careers . Josephin e Baker started i n it s chorus, and Flor-
ence Mills' s shor t bu t spectacula r caree r reall y bega n i n thi s
show. Notably , too, Shuffle Along ushered i n a vogue of Negro
singing and dancing that laste d unti l the Grea t Depression. No
year seeme d complet e withou t it s Negr o show. I n 192 2 came
Strut Miss Lizzie and Seven-Eleven. Maceo Pinkard wrote the
score fo r Liza, which was a hit i n 1923 . Florenc e Mill s starre d
in Dixie to Broadway i n 1924 , an d i n the sam e year Mille r an d
Lyles opene d wit h Runnin Wild, which becam e a sensatio n
partly becaus e i t introduce d th e Charleston . Sissl e and Blake's
Chocolate Dandies began a lon g ru n i n 1925 . Florenc e Mill s
made a great hi t i n Blackbirds i n 1926 , an d i n 192 7 Ethel Wa-
ters starre d i n Africana. Bil l "Bojangles " Robinso n starre d i n
518 Broadwa y performances of Blackbirds i n 1928 , an d i n th e
same year, ridin g th e cres t o f a wave they ha d started , Mille r
and Lyle s trie d agai n wit h Keep Shuffling. Thi s vogue , lik e
most other s o f th e time , ende d i n 1929 ; bu t i n tha t yea r Ho t
Chocolates mad e a hi t o f Fats Waller' s "Ain' t Misbehavin'. " 44
The Negro vogue of the twenties served to bring to commercial
success man y Negroe s of talent. Yet, as in ar t an d letters , littl e
that wa s origina l an d permanen t wa s added . O f course , eac h
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 29 1

musical brough t ragtime , jazz, and blue s to the public ; an d th e


shows brough t ne w dances—fro m th e Cakewalk , Charleston ,
Black Bottom to the Lindy Hop. But except for music and dance ,
which wa s afte r all , th e rea l substanc e o f these performances ,
the Negr o show s faile d t o refin e blac k theatrica l arts ; the y
mainly continue d t o exploi t a corrupt tradition .
Nor wa s this exploitation restricte d t o the downtow n shows .
The 1920 s wer e th e heyda y of the blac k reviews at th e Apollo
and Lafayett e Theaters . Thes e Negr o shows were littl e differ -
ent fro m thos e downtown , excep t the y wer e a littl e mor e rau-
cous, broad , an d dirty ; therefor e they wer e probabl y funnier .
Midnight show s a t th e Lafayett e were reall y community social
events; th e rea l dram a wa s in the audience . Wallac e Thurman
described th e scene: "Ther e wa s much noise . . . much passing
to and fro, much stumbling down dark aisles. . . . Then peopl e
were alway s lookin g fo r som e on e o r fo r something , always
peering int o th e darkness , emitin g cod e whistles , an d callin g
Jane or Jim or Pete or Bill. At the hea d o f each aisl e . . . peo-
ple wer e packed i n a soli d mass , a grumbling , garrulous mass,
elbowing thei r neighbors , cursing the management , and stand-
ing o n tipto e tryin g t o fin d a n empt y intac t seat—intac t be -
cause every other sea t . . . seemed to be broken." That wa s the
Lafayette, accordin g t o Thurman , "th e Jew' s gif t t o Harle m
colored folks." 45 Whil e i t i s probabl y tru e tha t th e Yiddis h
theaters wer e just a s disorderly , Jew s di d no t hav e Thurman's
sense tha t the y wer e bein g exploite d b y other s fo r profit . Thi s
exploitation wa s perceive d b y som e i n Harle m t o b e tha t o f
white me n usin g blac k talen t fo r thei r ow n gain ; s o i t wa s
downtown, bu t uptow n Negroe s felt doubl y used becaus e the y
were th e audienc e a s wel l a s th e performers . An d whil e th e
white promoter s mad e money , the y wer e doin g ver y littl e t o
contribute t o th e developmen t o f black theatrica l arts . Suc h a
complaint wa s a stron g undercurrent in what wa s essentially a
labor disput e o f Negr o operator s a t th e Lafayett e Theate r i n
292 Harlem Renaissance

1926 an d 1927. 46 Whil e the grea t majorit y o f Harlem resident s


seemed perfectl y conten t t o b e entertaine d a t th e Apoll o an d
Lafayette wit h th e typica l review , som e Negr o intellectual s
wanted thi s commercia l exploitatio n o f Harlem b y whites to a t
least resul t i n some permanent cultura l development .
Those wh o wer e closes t i n spiri t t o th e "Ne w Negro " move-
ment fel t a n urgen t nee d fo r a n authenti c Negr o theater— a
"folk theater " some called it . For a brief time, the Krigw a Play-
ers Littl e Negr o Theater trie d t o serv e that end . W . E . B . Du-
Bois wa s on e o f it s stronges t promoters . H e believe d tha t rea l
Negro dram a ha d no t bee n calle d fo r i n America n history .
Such coul d onl y b e "evoke d b y a Negr o audienc e desirin g t o
see it s ow n lif e depicte d b y it s ow n writer s an d actors. " Thi s
let ou t o f consideratio n thos e "excellen t group s o f colore d
amateurs" wh o adapte d Shakespear e o r Syng e o r successfu l
Broadway play s fo r Negr o audiences . A s DuBoi s sa w it , th e
Negro theate r movemen t ha d fou r fundamenta l principles .
"Negro theater, " he wrote , "must be: I . About us . That is , they
must have plots whic h revea l Negro life a s it is. II. B y us. That
is, the y mus t b e writte n b y Negr o author s wh o understan d
from birt h an d continua l associatio n just what i t means to be a
Negro today. III . Fo r us. That is , the theatre must cater primar-
ily t o Negr o audience s an d b e supporte d an d sustaine d b y
their entertainmen t an d approval . IV . Near us . Th e theatr e
must b e i n a Negr o neighborhoo d nea r th e mas s o f ordinar y
Negro people." *7 The first main problem wa s to ge t plays. Th e
Krigwa grou p manage d remarkabl y well . I n 1925 , i t pu t o n
several shor t play s whic h wer e written , acted , directed , an d
viewed b y Negroes . On e o f thos e play s ha s survive d i n Th e
New Negro; Willi s Richardson' s one-ac t tragedy , "Compro -
mise," wa s published i n that volume.
Of course , ther e wa s mor e t o i t tha n play s an d actor s an d
audience. Th e rea l threa t t o Negr o (theater wa s success . Tha t
was, afte r all , th e nam e of the America n game, an d i t wa s im -
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 29 3

possible fo r people who had alway s had ver y littl e t o resist th e


temptation t o mak e it big . Thi s worke d i n tw o ways to under-
mine effort s t o sustai n a n ethni c theater . First , sinc e play s
which wer e writte n b y Negroe s were scarce , i t wa s alway s a
temptation t o borrow or adap t whit e plays . Condition s di d no t
encourage th e sufferin g throug h o n thi n o r limite d materia l
with th e hop e o f forcing the developmen t o f playwrights in th e
long run . Also , th e audienc e woul d hav e t o b e educate d int o
being supporter s o f such a theater. Afte r all , the y wer e Ameri-
cans an d affecte d b y th e goo d an d ba d tast e o f their country -
men. Lik e other Americans , blacks knew a commercial succes s
—even whe n the y migh t no t kno w whether o r no t i t was goo d
—and thei r entertainmen t wa s tailore d t o th e standard s o f
mass culture . N o one , no t eve n DuBois , wa s willin g t o hol d
ethnic theate r effort s a s superio r o r preferabl e t o Gilpi n o r
Robeson i n Th e Emperor Jones. Ther e wa s somethin g t o b e
proud o f whe n a blac k perso n mad e i t bi g i n an y field ; th e
theater wa s n o exception . A s long a s that wa s so , i t wa s futil e
to tal k of folk theater . An d finally, Negro performers were ulti-
mately pulle d int o th e commercia l sta r system . Succes s wa s
tangible an d important ; i t was acclaim, an d i t was money. It is
unreasonable, i f no t unfair , t o expec t me n o r wome n of talen t
to pas s u p thei r "chance " i n order t o sustai n a n ethni c theate r
which wa s problematic a t best . Suc h tension s wer e a constan t
pull an d explai n wh y Krigw a an d late r effort s a t ethni c (o r
"community" a s i t wa s sometime s called ) theate r hav e found -
ered.48
White interes t i n the Negr o was evidenced i n th e theate r a s
well a s in literature an d nigh t life . Beginnin g just befor e Amer-
ica's entr y int o Worl d Wa r I , downtow n play s abou t Negr o
subjects becam e standar d fare , an d continue d throughou t th e
decade o f the 1920s . The poet Ridgel y Torrence brough t thre e
plays—The Rider o f Dreams, Granny Maumee, an d Simo n the
Cyrenian—to th e Garde n Theate r i n April 1917 . Jame s Wei -
294 Harlem Renaissance

don Johnso n though t th e even t th e mos t importan t i n th e en -


tire histor y o f th e Negr o i n th e America n theater, 49 becaus e
they were serious drama , an d a s he saw them, smashed the his-
torical stereotypes . Whil e the play s were critical successes , th e
entry o f th e Unite d State s int o th e Europea n wa r seeme d t o
cast a pal l o n theate r fo r th e season . Bu t followin g th e war ,
dramatic production s wit h importan t Negr o character s an d
with Negr o subjects increased .
This wa s no t s o muc h a wav e of liberalis m i n th e theater' s
attitude towar d rac e a s i t wa s th e developmen t o f theatrica l
realism i n the Unite d States . Unti l abou t 1915 , th e gentee l re -
straints o n America n theate r wer e almos t total . Respectabl e
drama was European o r melodramatic. Realism and naturalism
entered cautiousl y through European s suc h a s Ibsen. 50 Ameri -
can realis m i n th e theater , however , wa s a mor e difficul t mat -
ter. I t appear s tha t the Negr o subject permitted a n easier entr y
for American s into sordi d an d "realistic " subject s tha n coul d
any possibl e whit e counterpart. Th e kind s of subjects that Eu -
ropean playwright s ha d lon g treated—crime , passio n (lust) ,
human limitation—coul d mor e comfortabl y b e give n t o Negro
characters tha n to white in these years. One might say that th e
treatment o f traged y wa s impossibl e i n a n America n mytho -
logy whic h insiste d tha t mora l and energeti c me n an d women
always triumphed—spiritually , i f not materially . The dogm a o f
the America n Dream denie d tru e dramati c tragedy , becaus e it
held tha t humanit y wa s perfectible . Th e ver y arroganc e o f
such a conceptio n converte d hubri s int o simpl e personal faul t
or error . Th e Negro , on the othe r hand , a s he was traditionally
conceived, fitte d perfectl y int o pathos , i f not tragedy . Hi s ef -
forts a t manhoo d had necessaril y t o fal l short ; th e traditio n of-
fered n o othe r possibility . So , whe n America n dramatist s
wanted t o com e clos e t o reality—huma n limitation—th e Negro
was more readily availabl e a s a subject tha n whites . I n thi s re-
spect, the theate r followe d along behin d genera l America n lit -
White/Black Faces —Black Masks 29 5

erature. Man y writers—Hawthorne , Melville , Twain , Dreise r


—had struggle d agains t th e America n euphori a t o reac h tru e
human experience. Bu t even in the nove l the Negro' s presumed
inability wa s give n considerabl e mileag e i n "realistic " theme s
like the tragi c mulatto .
James Weldo n Johnso n wa s applaudin g th e adven t o f th e
popular theater' s doin g wha t th e mor e pedestria n novel s ha d
been doin g for some time, treating th e Negr o as a serious sub-
ject althoug h i n stereotype d ways . Whatever els e ma y be sai d
about play s like Torrence's Granny Maumee an d DuBos e Hey-
ward's Mamba's Daughters (1927), they wer e variations on th e
tragic mulato o theme . Pau l Green' s Abraham's Bosom, which
won the Pulitze r Priz e i n 1926 , wa s produced b y the Province-
town Players , an d cam e a s clos e t o dramati c realis m a s any -
thing i n the decade . Ye t the powe r o f the pla y (an d the terro r
of it ) relie d o n th e audience' s recognitio n tha t th e Negro' s
plight wa s impossible. Fo r th e traged y reste d o n th e disparit y
between th e Negro' s limite d circumstance s an d hi s unlimite d
dignity. Th e mor e sentimental, and th e ultimatel y mor e popu-
lar, Porgy manipulate d stereotype s o f Negr o primitivis m an d
impotence t o grea t emotiona l effect . Thi s moralit y pla y wa s
seen a s beautiful by countles s America n audiences (i n it s origi-
nal dramati c presentatio n a s wel l a s th e musica l adaptation ,
Porgy an d Bess). Th e beaut y was i n the simple , ingenuous folk
of Catfis h Row—indifferen t t o thei r povert y an d simplicity -
struggling towar d a natura l goodnes s agains t raw , pur e evil .
Bess's hol d o n virtu e (an d self-respect ) i s alway s frai l an d
wholly dependen t o n Porgy' s protectio n an d love . And tha t i s
the selfles s lov e o f a cripple , wh o coul d no t corrup t he r i f h e
would. Althoug h Porgy's strengt h i s sufficient t o overcom e th e
evil o f Crow n (t o kil l him) , i t i s no t enoug h t o mak e hi m a
man. I t i s his superstitio n an d irrationa l fear o f white law tha t
causes hi s arres t (ironically , fo r contemp t o f court ) an d hi s
final los s of Bess. And Bess , without he r Porgy , could no t with-
296 Harlem Renaissance

stand th e on e gul p o f liquor an d he r ultimat e abando n t o sail -


ors who take her away . The Negroe s i n Porgy ar e treate d wit h
sympathy (a s they ar e i n many of the play s of the decade) , bu t
it i s a sympathy for mythica l figures—stereotypes . Thi s wa s re -
alistic theate r onl y i n so far a s the "blac k mask " permitted por -
trayal o f dimension s o f huma n lif e no t likel y i n othe r guise .
Eugene O'Neil l attempte d somethin g different . Hi s earl y
plays shoul d no t b e considere d par t o f th e popula r dram a o f
the time . The y wer e mor e special , avant garde. O'Neill's inter -
est was something othe r tha n realism . August Strindberg's nat -
uralism wa s th e grea t influenc e o n him , "super-naturalism" a s
the America n chos e t o cal l it . Hi s effor t wa s t o loo k beneat h
the surfac e realism s t o th e quic k o f human experience . "Ye t i t
is onl y b y mean s o f som e for m o f 'supernaturalism,' " O'Neil l
wrote, "tha t w e ma y expres s i n th e theatr e wha t w e compre -
hend intuitivel y o f tha t self-defeatin g self-obsessio n whic h i s
the discoun t w e modern s hav e t o pa y fo r th e loa n o f life. "
Realism (o r naturalism , a s tha t ter m ha d com e t o b e use d i n
the theater ) wa s inadequate . "I t represent s ou r fathers ' darin g
aspiration towar d self-recognitio n by holdin g th e famil y koda k
up t o ill-nature. But to us their ol d audacit y i s blague; we have
taken to o man y snap-shots o f each othe r i n every graceles s po -
sition; w e hav e endure d to o muc h fro m th e banalit y o f sur -
faces." O'Neil l proclaime d himself , an d th e ne w theater , t o b e
breaking wit h th e ol d habit s o f keyhol e peepin g realism ,
"squinting alway s a t heavy , uninspire d bodies—th e fa t facts —
with no t a nud e spiri t amon g them ; w e hav e bee n sic k wit h
appearances. . . . " Strindber g showe d ho w t o pee l awa y th e
facile realitie s an d t o expos e th e quiverin g spirit-fles h which
was livin g essence. 51 I n O'Neill' s hand s thi s "super-naturalism"
sometimes appeare d t o b e primitivism .
The Emperor Jones, first produced i n 192 1 wit h Charles Gil -
pin i n the titl e rol e (revive d i n 192 5 wit h Pau l Robeson) , must
be understoo d i n thi s context . Fo r her e wa s n o stereotyp e o f
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 29 7

Negro character. Emperor Jones' s ultimate fall , althoug h super -


stition i s involved , occur s becaus e th e artifice s tha t hav e
propped hi m u p hav e bee n removed . So , exposed an d defense -
less, Jones—lik e an y othe r man—fall s victi m t o hi s fea r an d
his essential , primitiv e nature . I n certai n ways , therefore , thi s
is onl y incidentall y a Negr o play; i t coul d wel l hav e use d an y
man. O'Neill' s insigh t int o the huma n conditio n is , if anything,
marred b y th e pla y havin g a Negr o subject . Th e analogie s t o
Othello were too temptin g for the reviewer s to miss, and few of
them understoo d th e pla y a s more than a n artfu l an d powerfu l
treatment o f travesty o f Negro pretense. Th e Hairy Ap e (1922 )
treats th e sam e insigh t i n a differen t way , thi s tim e wit h a
white subject . An d o n thi s occasion , th e reviewer s reveale d
that the y ha d misse d th e origina l poin t entirely . Lawrenc e
Remner, writing i n the Ne w York Herald (Marc h 10, 1922), fel t
that Th e Hairy Ap e lacke d convincin g motivation . H e note d a
"dramatic form " simila r t o Th e Emperor Jones, but confessed ,
"it wa s a muc h mor e excitin g gam e t o se e th e negr o usurpe r
beaten b y fate . H e wa s a cleve r rasca l i n hi s way . Th e hair y
ape i s only a feeble gian t wh o is bowled ove r by the first blow
of fate. " See n a s conventiona l tragedy , th e Negr o wa s mor e
convincing becaus e of this "clever " pretense . But th e hair y ap e
was assumin g to b e a ma n an d civilized , an d onc e th e prop s
that sustaine d hi m ha d bee n challenged—take n away—h e wa s
reduced t o hi s essentia l animal . Perhap s Remner' s failur e was
that h e coul d no t se e that fo r a white ma n humanit y might b e
a pretense . Notably , n o critics complaine d abou t Th e Emperor
Jones fo r it s reductio n o f th e Negr o t o primitivism ; that , o f
course, wa s no t strange . Bu t J . Ranki n Towse , writin g i n th e
New Yor k Post (Marc h 10 , 1922) , wa s offende d b y Th e Hairy
Ape; h e sa w i t a s a n attac k o n th e workin g class . I t wa s a
"crude realism, " h e said , " a travest y whic h on e woul d thin k
would b e mor e displeasin g t o labo r tha n i t i s libelous o n capi -
tal." O'Neil l used Negr o character s i n Th e Emperor Jones (and
298 Harlem Renaissance

in a mor e confuse d wa y i n Al l God' s Chillun Go t Wings) t o


make genera l statement s abou t humanit y throug h them . Th e
fact tha t th e critica l audienc e di d no t alway s perceiv e tha t
(and th e fac t tha t th e statement s wer e sometime s confused ) i s
a testimon y t o th e dee p an d unshakabl e traditio n o f Negr o
stereotype i n the theater .
Whatever th e intentio n an d qualit y of the whit e play s in th e
1920s, th e remarkabl e thin g wa s tha t Negr o performer s wer e
getting a n unprecedente d chanc e t o d o respectable , seriou s
drama i n downtow n theaters . Ine z Clough , Opa l Cooper ,
Frank Wilson , Ros e McClendon , Pau l Robeson , Charle s Gil -
pin, Jule s Bledsoe , Clarenc e Muse , Leig h Whipper , an d many
others ha d thei r momen t i n th e Broadwa y bright light s afte r
long drudger y i n stoc k companie s like th e Lafayette . Howeve r
much on e might regre t th e failur e o f an authenti c ethni c thea -
ter, i t i s impossible t o challenge thei r righ t to grasp th e chanc e
to contribut e t o the America n stage.
Appropriately, the decad e o f the 1920 s ende d wit h the great-
est commercia l succes s an d th e mos t perfec t charad e o f them
all, Th e Green Pastures (1930) . Mar c Connelly' s allegor y (o r
fantasy o r dream ) wa s a simple translatio n o f orthodox Protes -
tant theolog y int o th e imagine d dream-fantas y o f souther n
Negro children . A black Sunda y school class , unabl e t o under-
stand it s Bibl e lesson , i s tol d a serie s o f parable s whic h us e
local fol k a s heavenl y creatures—th e ol d preache r i s "D e
Lawd," Heave n become s a familia r neighborhoo d tha t i s filled
with pleasures : fish-frys, conviviality, joy. Th e biblica l story -
Genesis, th e creation , th e fall , th e flood , th e decisio n t o sav e
man throug h Christ—i s transforme d into the assume d southern
Negro idio m an d imag e an d (furthe r still ) int o th e imagina -
tions o f little blac k children.
The Green Pastures wa s a remarkabl e success ; onl y Abie's
Irish Rose surpasse d i t i n thos e years . Doubtless , par t o f it s
popularity was due to the hig h qualit y of performers; the Hal l
White I Black Faces —Black Masks 29 9

Johnson Choi r mad e i t a stirrin g musica l production . Ther e


was a cas t o f hundreds o f black performers . Richard B . Harri-
son wa s perfec t a s De Lawd . H e wa s over 6 5 when h e go t th e
role; hi s onl y theatrica l experienc e ha d bee n a s a dramati c
reader fo r Negr o clubs , schools , and churches . H e learne d th e
dialect fro m a white coach an d steppe d righ t int o the rol e that
he wa s t o pla y fo r 1,56 8 straigh t performances . Harriso n ha d
become so much identified with the rol e that when some of the
cast, protestin g th e Nationa l Theater's (Washington , D.C.) pol-
icy o f excludin g Negroe s fro m th e audience , wer e fire d fro m
the sho w afte r havin g gon e o n strike , D e Law d playe d on .
Playing Go d wa s no t t o b e take n lightly . He coul d no t g o on
strike.
The Green Pastures wa s no t jus t a play , i t wa s a phenome-
non. It s success , o f course, wa s i n the whit e Americans ' accep -
tance o f it. An d whites seemed unabl e to se e enough. Why ? It
was beautifu l an d moving , everybod y said . I t wa s th e mos t
beautiful, simple , an d innocen t pla y aroun d (except , perhaps ,
for Abie's Irish Rose). Ther e mus t hav e been somethin g more
to it . Woul d the y hav e bee n equall y move d b y Paradise Lost
done i n choru s wit h whit e performers ? Surely not . Th e reli -
gious elemen t wa s very important, but s o was the minstre l tra-
dition an d th e blac k masks through which the whit e audienc e
projected itself .
Notably, th e postwa r year s wer e marke d b y a dee p Ameri -
can awarenes s o f religious crisis . Man y sign s wer e pointin g to
the irrelevancy of traditional faith . Th e Protestantis m tha t ha d
sustained mos t American s throughou t thei r histor y ha d bee n
shaken. I t wa s bot h liberatin g an d frightening . Everywher e
there wer e sign s o f it. Th e Scope s Trial , fo r instance , demon -
strated wher e th e sophisticate d stoo d o n the matte r o f Genesis
and fait h (no w sometimes calle d superstition) . Wh o dare d no t
be sophisticated i n the 1920s ? But on a deeper leve l ther e was
evidence tha t th e crisi s of faith wa s troubling. Theologians an d
300 Harlem Renaissance

social commentator s wrot e an d worried . Walte r Lippmann' s


Preface t o Morals (1929 ) wa s th e mos t concis e discussio n t o
appear i n these year s whic h explored th e troublin g question of
what mora l orde r coul d exis t wher e traditiona l religio n ha d
become a victim of science an d skepticism . Th e cornerston e o f
traditional America n cultur e seeme d undermined . I n th e
twentieth centur y an d especiall y sinc e Worl d Wa r I , science ,
Freud, an d th e realitie s o f huma n experienc e ha d mad e reli -
gious belie f see m a luxur y o f innocence . Whil e i t migh t have
been difficult , i f not impossible , t o believe i n the ol d way , peo-
ple desperatel y wante d to . Th e failur e o f faith carrie d a heavy
burden o f guilt an d anxiety .
The beaut y o f The Green Pastures was that, for a moment, it
made fait h possibl e an d vicariousl y experienced . Th e produc -
tion made it the fait h o f those who had n o pretense o f sophisti-
cation an d who , therefore, coul d believe i n a n uncluttere d an d
simple way . Doubt seeme d impossibl e in th e blac k child' s fan-
tasy. I n this , th e pla y relie d o n th e standar d an d theatrica l
stereotype o f th e Negro , child-lik e an d credulous . D e Lawd ,
after all , wa s merely a transmute d Uncle Tom . And lik e white
audiences tha t ha d watche d blackfac e ministrel s throughou t
the history of the America n stage, these foun d i n the blac k sur-
rogate th e possibilit y o f bein g transporte d int o blac k inno -
cence. Throug h th e suppose d fantasie s o f black childre n i t was
possible t o experience the beauty of a fading faith , t o be credu-
lous again . The stage Negr o served t o provide whit e audiences
with occasion s t o pla y role s throug h projectio n behin d th e
Negro mas k tha t seeme d impossibl e fo r white s t o manag e i n
their ow n right . Here , again , i t wa s th e qualitie s tha t white s
had investe d th e Negr o with, qualitie s tha t the y ha d insiste d
on throug h th e perpetuatio n o f the stereotype , tha t mad e th e
emotional an d religiou s experienc e possible . Th e blac k mas k
again wa s a wa y t o psychi c peace . Harlem , a s we hav e seen ,
White I Black Faces—Black Masks 30 1

also serve d suc h ends . That , too , i s wha t th e histor y o f th e


black mas k in America n theate r seem s t o tel l us .
W. E . B . DuBois sa w th e matte r keenly . Blac k identit y ha s
been, too often, th e projectio n o f white visio n an d whit e needs.
The me n (wh o b y traditiona l assessmen t woul d hav e bee n
called ordinary) , wh o created a society ou t o f a wilderness, ex-
perienced a crisi s o f civilization. Th e cultura l doub t o f provin-
cialism, th e fluidit y an d impermanenc e o f statu s i n a democ -
racy, th e phanto m o f identit y wher e institution s an d orde r
were alway s i n flux , th e anxiet y o f a n achievemen t ethic , th e
possible terro r i n som e view s of change itself , thes e hav e bee n
the trauma s o f American life . Realit y ha s bee n th e mor e shad -
owlike an d doubtfu l the mor e landmark s an d al l tha t i s famil -
iar chang e withi n one' s view . I n thes e contexts , identit y ha s
been a desperat e issu e fo r whit e an d blac k Americans . On e
view of the whit e man' s Negr o is to se e him a s a manufactured
point o f referenc e i n a scen e o f radica l flu x an d change , th e
one permanen t an d unchangin g thing . Th e blac k myth , lik e
that o f the Ol d South , was a create d tradition . Willia m Faulk-
ner ha s been quit e explicit i n asserting that th e Negro , like the
land, wa s permanenc y an d orde r (tha t autho r though t i t a
compliment t o blacks , thoug h i t deprive d the m o f hop e i n
American life) . Faulkne r wa s no t alone . S o many whites hav e
genuinely "loved " thei r Negroe s becaus e the y hav e bee n th e
only selve s they know . The persistenc e o f the Negr o stereotyp e
has tende d t o mak e th e Negr o th e on e constant , throug h al l
change an d variou s guises . I t has been a grea t convenienc e for
those wh o hav e wante d t o fin d o r los e themselve s behin d th e
mask.
Epilogue

Taken al l i n all , i t become s eas y t o dismis s a s mer e vainglory


the celebratio n o f Harle m cultur e followin g Worl d Wa r I . O n
balance i t appears that Wallac e Thurman wa s more correc t i n
his cynicis m tha n Alai n Lock e wa s i n hi s eage r optimism . But
such a col d vie w ignore s wha t thos e Harle m literat i lef t t o th e
generation tha t followed . Suc h rud e rejectio n als o fail s t o se e
the phenomeno n a s natural , give n th e perplexin g paradoxe s of
American, particularl y Afro-American , life . Mor e than this , th e
episode in the 1920 s placed th e black experience clearl y withi n
general America n cultura l history . I t ha d bee n a remarkabl e
conspiracy o f event s tha t cause d Harle m t o blosso m a t th e
close o f Worl d Wa r I . Rar e luc k cede d t o Negroe s a prim e
portion o f Manhattan real estat e s o that ther e coul d b e a black
enclave i n th e hear t o f the biggest , best , and busies t American
city. Th e Negr o migratio n int o citie s lik e Ne w Yor k dramati -
cally shifte d th e Afro-America n imag e fro m rura l t o urban ,
from peasan t t o sophisticate . An d th e urba n crossroad s ac -
quainted blac k Americans with their international brotherhoo d
of bloo d an d color . An d everythin g wa s pollenate d b y th e

302
Epilogue 30 3

spirit o f self-determinatio n whic h pervade d th e worl d a t tha t


time. Littl e wonde r Harlemite s anticipate d th e flowerin g o f
Negro cultur e int o a racial renaissance .
Dreams aside , the y coul d no t escap e thei r histor y an d cul -
ture i n thei r attemp t t o creat e a ne w one . Whateve r it s exoti-
cism, th e "renaissance " echoe d America n progressivis m i n it s
faith i n democrati c reform , i n it s extraordinaril y hig h evalua -
tion o f art an d literatur e a s agents of change, an d i n it s almost
uncritical belie f i n itsel f an d it s future . Th e creatio n o f th e
"New Negro " failed, but i t wa s an American failure, havin g its
counterpart i n countless simila r frustrated promotions. Harlem-
ites coul d believ e i n th e futur e o f th e "Ne w Negro " becaus e
they accepte d th e syste m withou t question. Jus t like their con -
temporary whit e intellectual s who , thoug h ofte n grudgingly ,
took th e America n economi c an d industria l apparatu s fo r
granted, thes e blac k intellectual s seeme d unprepare d fo r tha t
rude shoc k whic h wa s t o mak e their paean s t o blac k ar t an d
identity ech o false . Nobod y could hav e anticipate d th e Grea t
Depression, bu t th e Negr o renaissance wa s shattered b y i t be-
cause of na'ive assumptions about the centrality of culture, unre-
lated t o economi c an d socia l realities . The y wer e comrade s i n
this innocence wit h many white intellectuals o f the time . When
the decad e o f the 1930 s opened , th e innocen t Harle m Renais-
sance ended .
Yet, th e experienc e o f Harle m i n th e 1920 s wa s no t fo r
naught. It lef t it s mark as a symbol and a point o f reference for
everyone t o recall . O f cours e th e plac e remained— a par t o f a
city—but i t wa s still mor e than that . Th e ver y name continued
to connot e a specia l spirit , ne w vitality , blac k urbanity , an d
black militancy . Throug h th e activities , th e writings , the pro -
motion o f Negroes i n th e 1920s , Harle m ha d becom e a racia l
focal poin t fo r knowledgeabl e blac k me n th e worl d over . T o
them, Harle m ha d com e t o mea n wha t n o othe r place-nam e
could. An d s o i t remained , fo r a time , a rac e capital . Wha t
304 Harlem Renaissance

Claude McKa y ha d learne d i n hi s travel s wa s tha t Senegales e


and Haitians , Cameroon s an d Martiniquai s coul d com e to -
gether i n thei r commo n awarenes s o f th e "Blac k Metropolis. "
That wa s one o f the importan t thing s that McKa y wante d th e
Marseilles dock s t o illustrat e i n Banjo. McKa y himsel f ha d
needed n o nove l o r trave l t o tel l hi m that . Afte r all , Harle m
was tha t ver y magne t whic h ha d pulle d hi m ou t o f the Wes t
Indies, a s i t ha d Marcu s Garvey. An d tha t sam e forc e wa s t o
draw Africans , Wes t Indians , an d Afro-American s fro m th e
South an d Wes t o f the Unite d States fo r some time to come . So
many an d s o varied wer e thos e wh o cam e an d wrot e abou t i t
that Harle m continued t o attrac t blac k men long afte r th e ren -
aissance aborted .
Alain Lock e ha d bee n righ t i n a way , seein g Harle m a s a
necessary stag e i n race-building . T o him , th e ke y wa s urba n
pluralism, yo u will recall . "Th e peasant , th e student , th e busi-
nessman, th e professiona l man , artist , poet , musician , adven -
turer an d worker , preacher an d criminal , exploite r an d socia l
outcast," he ha d observed , "eac h grou p ha s com e wit h it s own
special motive s . . . but thei r greates t experienc e ha s been th e
finding o f on e another. " Fo r i t require d th e complexit y of th e
urban settin g fo r blac k me n t o trul y appreciat e th e variet y of
black life . Th e rac e consciousnes s tha t Lock e an d hi s genera -
tion hope d fo r required tha t share d experience .
Doubtless, Harle m contribute d t o a maturit y o f racia l
concept—a ne w sens e amon g blac k peopl e tha t the y ha d
something o f value i n common . I t surel y encourage d th e ne w
appreciation o f fol k root s an d cultur e tha t wa s par t o f th e
spirit o f the renaissance . The exploitatio n of peasant fol k mate -
rials an d spiritual s provide d no t onl y a ric h sourc e fo r racia l
imagination, bu t i t als o attested t o a sophistication tha t wa s at
least partl y free d fro m embarrassmen t o f past condition . Har -
lem thu s bequeathe d a ne w self-appreciatio n t o black s a s well
Epilogue 30 5

as its too naive fait h i n the possibilit y o f creating a n ethnic cul-


ture.
It wa s no t t o blac k me n alon e tha t Harlem was to continu e
to symbolize a new freedom. Whit e me n and wome n continued
for a whil e t o find , a s Car l Va n Vechte n had , th e sam e emo-
tional releas e i n Harle m tha t earlie r white s ha d discovere d i n
the fantasy-become-realit y o f th e minstre l personality . Whil e
the en d o f prohibition dulle d muc h o f the excitemen t and "sin "
of Harlem , white wome n (sometimes in "ermine s an d pearls" )
and thei r escort s continue d t o enjo y uptow n nightlif e unti l
poverty mad e i t to o dra b an d th e poverty-induce d violenc e
made i t to o dangerous . Increase s i n violenc e an d crime , how-
ever, ar e no t th e onl y reasons fo r changes i n the entertainmen t
patterns o f affluent whites . Harle m has bee n replaced . Th e ex-
otic islan d paradise s i n th e Caribbea n ar e to o clos e an d to o
cheap fo r Harle m t o compet e with , eve n i f peace wer e t o re -
turn t o it s streets . N o longe r servin g th e exoti c fantasie s o f
whites, Harle m ha s bee n reduce d t o th e stone-col d realitie s
which ha d earlie r bee n obscure d b y drea m gossamer.
Harlem's legac y t o ou r tim e i s necessaril y limite d b y th e
character o f the renaissance . For, regardles s o f its rhetoric, th e
whole momen t an d plac e ha d bee n imprisone d i n it s inno -
cence. Despit e claim s to th e contrary , it ha d bee n very much
bound t o a n emulatio n of whites. Political spokesme n who ha d
prided themselve s o n thei r militan t and forcefu l languag e had
echoed th e value s an d th e conceptua l limitation s of American
progressives. Thei r technique s o f expose an d deman d fo r dem-
ocratic refor m ha d denie d bot h the realitie s of American urban
politics an d th e implication s of racism that hav e mad e practi -
cal refor m irrelevan t t o Negr o life. Eve n the exception , Marcus
Garvey, whil e correctly findin g refor m withi n th e syste m to b e
unreal, ha d bee n force d t o champio n an alternativ e whic h had
rapidly becom e escapis m an d fantasy . An d th e socia l mimicr y
306 Harle m Renaissance
of white s ha d bee n equall y pronounced . Th e Harle m intellec -
tuals ha d bee n anxiou s to mak e those clas s distinction s whic h
would mar k the m a s different fro m thei r blac k brother s furthe r
down. S o whil e proclaimin g a ne w rac e consciousness , the y
had bee n wearing the clothe s an d using the manners of sophis-
ticated whites , thereb y earnin g the epithet "dict y niggers" fro m
the very people the y were supposed t o be championing. When,
for instance , W . E . B . DuBois' s daughter , Yolande , had mar -
ried Counte e Cullen, i t ha d bee n bille d a s the marriag e o f the
age. N o expense ha d bee n spare d t o mak e it that , eve n t o th e
doves tha t ha d bee n release d t o fly through th e churc h a t th e
proper nuptua l moment . I t wa s a parod y o r travest y o f cere-
mony, n o les s strikin g i n it s mimicr y tha n th e pomp-fille d pa-
rades o f Marcu s Garvey. Th e marriag e itsel f ha d bee n a sa d
pretense. I t ha d no t bee n mad e i n heaven, a s their contempo -
raries wante d t o think , bu t i t ha d bee n mad e u p b y th e sam e
imaginations tha t ha d promote d th e renaissance . A s we hav e
seen, thi s enslavemen t t o whit e form s an d value s ha d bee n
most pronounce d i n tha t ar t whic h wa s to hav e been th e rea l
evidence o f the Negro' s comin g of age. A t a tim e whe n som e
American literatur e an d ar t wa s trul y innovativ e an d fresh ,
men lik e Countee Culle n an d Claud e McKa y were boun d t o a
literary pas t whic h ha d littl e t o sa y fo r thei r ow n experienc e
and thei r ow n vision. The grea t innocenc e o f the renaissanc e i s
most clearl y see n i n th e iron y that , wher e it s proponent s ha d
wanted t o develop a distinctiv e Negr o voice, the y ha d bee n of
necessity mos t derivative .
It i s hard t o imagin e that i t could have been otherwise . See n
through blac k men' s eyes—whethe r i n acceptanc e o r rejectio n
—the whit e eminenc e ha d bee n overwhelming . A white com-
merce ha d determine d wha t wa s t o b e considere d succes s i n
business, industry , an d art . A whit e establishmen t ha d reall y
defined ar t an d culture . A s long a s th e whit e norm s remained
unchallenged, n o matter wha t the Negro' s reaction t o them, he
Epilogue 30 7

always neede d t o retur n t o th e whit e judg e t o measur e his


achievement. I t woul d hav e require d a muc h mor e profoun d
rejection o f whit e value s tha n wa s likel y in th e 1920 s fo r Ne -
groes t o hav e free d themselve s fo r creatin g th e desire d self -
generating an d self-confiden t Negr o art . I a m no t suggestin g
that black s neede d t o acquir e a rac e hatred ; ther e wa s evi-
dence o f that already . I mea n merely that Negroe s had t o see
whites—without th e aw e o f lov e o r th e aw e o f hate—an d
themselves truly , withou t myt h o r fantasy , i n orde r tha t the y
could b e themselve s i n lif e an d i n art .
So it wa s a n encumbere d legac y tha t th e renaissanc e lef t t o
the followin g decades o f Afro-America n culture . O f course , i t
was a symbol , tha t i s clear enough . A t leas t unti l World Wa r
II, i t wa s the claime d "golde n age " o f Negro literati. Actually ,
however, nothin g tha t wa s produce d the n ca n compar e with
the fruit s o f recent years . Som e black writer s an d artist s have
since tha t tim e become les s provincial, mor e masterful o f craft ,
less tied t o the whit e patron. Recen t black artists have enjoyed
a fa r wide r audienc e tha n coul d hav e bee n expecte d i n th e
1920s. There i s a sizable blac k audience; bu t als o many whites
are interested i n the Negr o experience, and the y ar e willing to
learn whateve r is necessary t o understand th e blac k artist. For
these reason s th e bes t blac k craftsme n hav e bee n free d fro m
the weigh t of the didacti c whic h had s o crippled th e ar t o f the
1920s. While many of the issues and problems are the same now
as then, thes e circumstance s alon g with th e greate r sophistica-
tion an d cynicis m that hav e resulted fro m hi s own frustration s
and th e clea r perception of the general America n cultural mal-
aise have mad e i t possibl e fo r the America n Negro to produc e
a mor e genuin e ar t tha n eve r occurre d i n th e renaissance .
Writers a s differen t a s Melvi n Tolso n an d Eldridg e Cleaver
have explode d int o th e America n mind . The y shap e thought,
image, an d language . Tha t i s something that th e Harle m liter-
ati coul d no t hav e dared . Nevertheless , a s on e look s today,
308 Harlem Renaissance
there i s a simila r rac e promotio n an d self-consciou s searc h fo r
identity whic h canno t hel p bu t perpetuat e th e ethni c province .
Whatever tha t provincialis m ma y contribut e t o identit y an d
sociology, i t wil l constric t th e vision , limitin g th e possibilitie s
of personality . Needles s t o say , tha t wil l produc e a cripple d
art.
It i s in the parado x o f ethnic provincialis m tha t w e discover
the mos t importan t gif t tha t th e renaissanc e ha s lef t t o us : a
lesson fro m it s failures . Th e dilemm a i s a toug h one : th e rac e
consciousness tha t i s so necessary fo r identity mos t likel y lead s
to a provincialis m whic h foreve r limit s possibility o f achieving
good art ; bu t withou t i t th e perplexitie s o f identity ar e exacer -
bated b y confusio n o f legitimat e heritage . Nowher e i s thi s
problem bette r illustrate d tha n i n the strang e separation o f the
Negro fro m America n culture . Excep t for a few blacks , the n
and now , th e mos t strikin g thin g abou t the m i s that the y ar e
native American . Th e negativ e implication s o f tha t fac t hav e
been easil y graspe d b y mos t Negroes : they , unlik e th e immi -
grants, ha d n o immediate pas t an d histor y an d cultur e t o cele-
brate. Bu t th e positiv e implication s o f American nativity have
never bee n full y appreciate d b y Afro-Americans . I t seem s to o
simple: th e Afro-American' s histor y an d cultur e i s American,
more completel y s o than mos t others i n thi s country . Wh y ha s
that no t bee n enoug h t o say ? O f course , fe w American s have
been conten t t o res t o n tha t alone . Mos t have sough t cultura l
validity i n older traditions . No t only hav e Negroes faile d t o ex-
ploit th e trut h o f their birth , the y hav e voice d a strange alien -
ation fro m tha t culture . The y wrote about i t a s if they were not
a par t o f it , o r i t a par t o f them . America n culture—thei r na -
tive culture—wa s a pronoun , it. Sometime s blac k intellectual s
made claim s for th e Negr o contributio n to it . Sometime s they
tried t o fashio n thei r wor k i n it s image . Occasionally , the y at -
tempted t o den y i t an d t o adop t som e other cultur e an d tradi -
tion t o wor k within . Whatever , i t wa s somethin g tha t wa s no t
Epilogue 30 9
them. Wha t a perverse conception ! Th e trut h was (and is ) that
black me n an d America n culture have been one—suc h a seam-
less we b tha t i t i s impossibl e t o calibrat e th e Negr o within i t
or to ravel him from it . To know that i s one thing, but t o fee l i t
and t o asser t i t i s somethin g else . A t leas t th e decad e o f th e
1920s seems to have been to o early for Negroes to have felt th e
certainty abou t native culture that would have freed the m fro m
crippling self-doubt . I thin k that i s why th e ar t o f the renais -
sance wa s s o problematic, feckless , no t fresh , no t real . Th e les-
son i t leave s u s i s tha t th e tru e Negr o renaissanc e await s
Afro-Americans' claimin g their patria, their nativity.
Notes

INTRODUCTION
1. Jame s Weldo n Johnson , Black Manhattan, Ne w York , Knopf ,
1930, pp . 156—59 . Bu t eve n th e mos t enthusiasti c champio n of
the renaissanc e wa s sobered by the depression. See Alain Locke,
"Harlem: Dar k Weather-Vane, " Survey Graphic, XXV (August
1936), pp. 457-58. I am indebted t o Mr . John Samue l Jordan, a
graduate studen t a t Columbi a Teacher' s College , fo r bringin g
this article t o my attention.

CHAPTER 1
1. Jame s Weldon Johnson , Autobiography o f a n Ex-Coloured Man,
New York , Hill an d Wang, 1960 , pp . 103-9 , describes the early
Negro cabaret s i n Ne w Yor k City . Se e also , Johnson , Black
Manhattan, pp. 75-77.
2. Ther e ar e severa l description s o f th e emergenc e o f blac k Har -
lem. Johnson , Black Manhattan, chap . 13 ; Set h M . Scheiner ,
Negro Mecca: A History of the Negro in New fork City,
1865-1920, New York , Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , 1965 , pas -
sim; Gilber t Osofsky , Harlem: Th e Making o f a Ghetto, Negro
New fork, 1890-1930, New York, Harper an d Row , 1966, espe -
cially pp. 81-123.

310
Notes 31 1

3. Jame s Weldo n Johnson , Along This Way, New York , Viking ,


1961.
4. W . E . B . DuBois , Dusk o f Dawn: A n Essay Toward a n Auto-
biography of a Race Concept, New York , Harcourt , Brac e and
World, 1940 ; W. E . B . DuBois , Souls of Black Folk, New York ,
Fawcett, 1965 ; Franci s L . Broderick , W . E , B . DuBois: Negro
Leader i n Time o f Crisis, Stanford , Calif. , Stanfor d Universit y
Press, 1959 ; Ellio t N . Rudwick , W . E . B . DuBois: A Study i n
Minority Group Leadership, Philadelphia , Universit y o f Pennsyl-
vania Press, 1960.
5. Charle s Flin t Kellogg , NAACP, Vol . I (1909-20) , Baltimore ,
Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1967 , is th e officia l histor y o f
the Association . O f course, th e stor y o f its origin s i s quite famil -
iar an d appear s in-severa l o f th e book s cite d i n th e previou s
footnote.
6. Edmun d Davi d Cronon , Black Moses: Th e Story o f Marcus
Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association,
Madison, Universit y o f Wisconsi n Press , 1955 , is stil l th e mos t
scholarly stud y o f this intriguin g figure . Se e als o Am y Jacques-
Garvey, Garvey an d Garveyism, Kingston , A . Jacques-Garvey ,
1963; Am y Jacques-Garvey , ed. , Philosophy an d Opinions o f
Marcus Garvey, Ne w York , Atheneum , 1969 . Fo r interestin g
judgments b y Garvey's contemporaries see : Johnson, Black Man-
hattan; Claud e McKay , Harlem: Negro Metropolis, Ne w York ,
Dutton, 1940 ; an d E . Frankli n Frazier , "Th e Garvey Move -
ment," Opportunity, I V (Novembe r 1926) , pp . 346-48 , re -
printed i n Augus t Meie r an d Elliot t Rudwick , eds. , Th e Making
of Black America, Vol . II, Ne w York , Atheneum , 1969 , pp .
204-8.
7. Observation s fro m a n intervie w wit h Mrs . Louise Thompso n
Patterson.
8. Langsto n Hughes , Th e Bi g Sea, New York , Hil l an d Wang ,
1963, pp. 72-89.
9. Claud e McKay , A Long Wa y from Home, Ne w York , Harcourt ,
Brace and World, 1970, chap. 1 .
10. Fro m a n interview wit h Mrs . Regina Andrews.
11. DuBois , Dusk o f Dawn, pp. 234-35.
12. Ibid. , p. 235.
13. Johnson , Along This Way, pp. 300-301 .
14. Stephe n R . Fox, The Guardian of Boston: William Monroe Trot-
312 Notes

ter, Ne w York , Atheneum , 1970 , pp. 179-85 ; DuBois , Dusk of


Dawn, p. 236; Grists, IX (1914-15), pp. 119-20 .
15. DuBois , Dusk o f Dawn, pp. 233-38 . Se e also Marti n L . Kilson ,
Jr., "Political Change i n the Negr o Ghetto, 1900-1940s," in Na-
than I . Huggins , Marti n L. Kilson , Jr., an d Danie l M . Fox, eds. ,
Key Issues o f th e Afro-American Experience, Vol. II, Ne w York ,
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971 .
16. Crisis , X V (January 1918), p. 114.
17. Crisis , XV I (Jul y 1918) , p . Ill ; DuBois , Dusk o f Dawn, pp .
253-55.
18. Fro m an interview with A. Philip Randolph.
19. DuBoi s implie s a s much in Dusk of Dawn, p. 255; DuBois cite s
Newton Baker's indifference o n p. 251.
20. Frederic k Douglass , Th e Life an d Times o f Frederick Douglass,
New York, Collier, 1962, chap. 11.
21. W . E . B . DuBois , "M y Evolvin g Program fo r Negr o Freedom,"
in Rayfor d W . Logan , ed. , What th e Negro Wants, Chape l Hill ,
University of North Carolina Press , 1944 , pp . 31—70 , quoted pp .
58—59. Fo r America n arm y violenc e agains t Afro-America n
combat troop s se e Arthur W. Little, From Harlem to the Rhine,
New York, Covici-Friede, 1936 , chap. 46 and passim .
22. Se e Cronon , Black Moses, passim; an d McKay , Harlem: Negro
Metropolis, pp . 143—80 , for descriptions o f Garvey's style.
23. Ther e i s evidenc e tha t Garve y trie d t o mak e commo n caus e
with th e K u Klu x Klan . Cronon , Black Moses, pp . 103-9 ,
189-90; McKay, Harlem: Negro Metropolis, pp. 159-60.
24. Crisis , XL (April 1933), p. 93.

CHAPTER 2
1. Henr y F . May , Th e En d o f American Innocence: A Study o f
the First Years o f Ou r Ow n Time, 1912-1917, Ne w York ,
Knopf, 1959 , for a n excellen t interpretatio n o f assumption s o f
the generation o f Americans who went into World Wa r I.
2. W . A . Domingo' s articl e appear s i n Messenger, H I (Augus t
1920), pp. 73-74.
3. Arthu r W. Little , From Harlem to the Rhine, chaps . 4 7 and 48 ;
John Hop e Franklin , From Slavery t o Freedom, Ne w York ,
Knopf, 2n d ed. , 1960 , pp. 453-62 , for the experienc e o f Negro
military in Europe .
Notes 31 3

4. Alai n Locke , ed. , Th e Ne w Negro: A n Interpretation, Ne w


York, Albert an d Charle s Boni , 1925, for the clario n o f the Har -
lem Renaissance . Se e Locke' s attemp t a t definition , "The New
Negro," pp. 3-16 .
5. Malcol m Cowley , Exile's Return, Ne w York , Viking , 1962, pp.
3-36.
6. Hughes , Th e Bi g Sea, pp . 53-56 ; "Th e Negro Speak s o f Riv-
ers," firs t appeare d i n Crisis , XXII (Jun e 1921) , p. 71 , an d was
published i n Langsto n Hughes , Weary Blues, New York , Knopf ,
1926, p . 51.
7. Hughes , Weary Blues, p. 43.
8. Counte e Cullen, Color, New York, Harper, 1925 , p. 3.
9. Culle n assume s her e tha t th e ar t o f the poe t i s ideall y neutra l
(he would sa y universal) an d not boun d t o culture (i.e. the sum
of personal-group-huma n experience) . Thus , i n Cullen' s eyes ,
the perplexit y i s no t i n th e makin g of a black poet, bu t i n th e
making of a poet black.
10. McKay' s poem wa s firs t publishe d i n Ma x Eastman's Liberator,
II (Jul y 1919) , p. 21, an d later appeare d i n Messenger, II (Sep-
tember 1919) , p. 4, an d in McKay , Harlem Shadows, New York,
Harcourt, Brace and World, 1922, p. 53.
11. McKay' s introductor y remark s t o hi s readin g o f "I f W e Mus t
Die," fo r Arn a Bontemps, ed. , Anthology o f Negro Poets, Folk-
ways Record, FP91.
12. Locke , ed., The New Negro, pp. 231-67.
13. Zor a Neal e Hurston , Dust Tracks i n th e Road, Philadelphia ,
Lippincott, 1942 , passim. Th e basi s fo r thi s judgmen t wil l b e
discussed i n Chapter 3 , below.
14. Locke , "Th e Negro Spirituals, " i n Locke , ed. , Th e Ne w Negro,
pp. 199—210 ; se e also , Jame s Weldo n Johnson , Th e Book o f
American Negro Poetry, New York, Harcourt, Brac e and World ,
1922; se e hi s Preface , a s wel l a s hi s Prefac e i n Jame s Weldo n
Johnson an d J . Rosamun d Johnson , Th e Books o f American
Negro Spirituals, Ne w York, Viking, 1925-26.
15. Locke , "The Legacy o f Ancestral Arts," in Th e Ne w Negro, pp.
254-67.
16. "Heritage, " from Cullen , Color, p. 36.
17. Firs t appeared i n Crisis, XXXVI I (July 1930), p. 235.
314 Notes

CHAPTER 3
1. May , End o f American Innocence, p. 86 .
2. Osca r Handlin , Th e Americans, Boston , Little , Brown , 1963 ,
chap. 17 , for an interesting discussion of these questions .
3. May , End o f American Innocence, pp. 232—36 .
4. Pau l Morand , Ne w York, Ne w York, H . Hol t an d Co., 1930, pp.
269-70.
5. Car l G . Jung , "You r Negroi d an d India n Behavior, " Forum,
LXXXIII (Apri l 1930), pp. 193-99.
6. Seymou r Krim , Views o f a Nearsighted Cannoneer, New York ,
Excelsior, 1961 , pp. 44-58; Milto n "Mezz" Mezzrow, Really th e
Blues, New York , Ne w American Library, 1964 ; see a more re -
cent accoun t i n Norma n Mailer , Th e White Negro, Sa n Fran -
cisco, Cit y Lights , 1969 . Originall y i n Dissent, I V (Summe r
1957), pp. 276-93.
7. Hughes , Th e Bi g Sea, pp . 268-72 . Edward Lueders , Carl Va n
Vechten, New York, Twayne, 1964, is a good literary biography
and les s academi c tha n tha t author' s Carl Va n Vechten an d th e
Twenties, Albuquerque , Universit y of New Mexic o Press, 1955.
By fa r th e bes t biograph y o f Va n Vechte n an d hi s time s i s
Bruce Kellner , Carl Va n Vechten an d th e Irreverent Decades,
Norman, Universit y o f Oklahoma Press , 1968 . I hav e use d Va n
Vechten's intervie w fo r the Columbi a University, Columbia Oral
History i n 1960.
8. Harol d Cruse , Th e Crisis o f th e Negro Intellectual, Ne w York ,
Morrow, 1967 , p. 35 . Crus e think s that Harle m ultimatel y pai d
the greate r price . Hughes , Jame s Weldo n Johnson , an d Va n
Vechten's biographers think he gave more than he got.
9. Va n Vechten' s judgment s abou t ar t an d cultur e ar e ver y wel l
treated i n the biographies previousl y cited.
10. Ne w York Evening Post, December 31 , 1921 ; Carl Va n Vech-
ten, Excavations, New York, Knopf , 1926 , pp. 57-80 ; Lueders ,
Carl Va n Vechten, pp . 55-57 ; Kellner , Carl Va n Vechten, pp .
180-82.
11. Edmun d Wilson, "Violets from th e Nineties, " in Shores of Light,
New York, Vintage, 1961, pp. 68-72.
12. Davi d Daiches , Some Late Victorian Attitudes, Ne w York , Nor-
ton, 1969.
Notes 31 5

13. Se e Lueders , Carl Va n Vechten an d th e Twenties, fo r a ful l dis-


cussion o f the relationshi p betwee n Peter Whiffle an d th e deca -
dent novels , J . K . Huysmans' A Rebours an d Osca r Wilde' s Th e
Picture o f Dorian Gray. I think , however , tha t Peter Whiffle
lacks th e stron g mora l charg e o f Dorian Gray. I t i s the absenc e
of real mora l tensio n tha t make s Van Vechten's decadence a fee-
ble ech o o f London's yin de siecle. If comparison mus t be made,
the characte r o f Peter Whiffl e come s clos e t o Ernes t Pontife x i n
Samuel Butler's Th e Wa y o f All Flesh.
14. Mabl e Dodg e Luhan , Intimate Memories, Vol. Ill , Ne w York ,
Harcourt, Brace and World, 1936, pp. 79-80.
15. Morand , New Yorfc , pp. 269-70.
16. Lueders , Carl Van Vechten, p. 103.
17. Hughes , Th e Bi g Sea, pp. 168-72 ; Jame s Weldo n Johnson ,
"Romance an d Traged y i n Harlem— A Review, " Opportunity,
III (Octobe r 1926) , pp. 316-18, 330.
18. D . H . Lawrence , Phoenix, Th e Posthumous Papers o f
D. H. Lawrence, New York, Viking, 1936, pp. 361-63.
19. W . E . B . DuBois, "Books, " Crisis, XXI V (Decembe r 1926) , pp .
31-32.
20. Henry Nas h Smit h i n Virgi n Land, Ne w York , Vintage , 1950,
chap. 6 , discusses th e proble m o f the heroin e in James Fenimore
Cooper's novels.
21. Fro m Ma x Eastman's introductio n t o Selected Poems of Claude
McKay, Ne w York , Bookma n Associates , 1953 , p . 110 , late r
comments from a n interview wit h Max Eastman.
22. Claud e McKay , " A Prayer, " i n Harlem Shadows, p . 58 . Ma x
Eastman aske d tha t th e printe d dedicatio n b e droppe d becaus e
he though t i t inappropriat e t o dedicat e a prayer t o a man , and
to a n atheis t a t that . Fro m a n interview with Ma x Eastman. See
also, McKay , A Lon g Wa y from Home, Par t I , fo r McKay' s at -
tachments to white patrons .
23. Wallac e Thurman , Infants o f th e Spring, Ne w York , Macaulay,
1932, pp . 229-30.
24. Hughes , Th e Big Sea, p. 239.
25. Zor a Neal e Hurston , Dus t Tracks i n th e Road, pp . 183-85 .
When I interviewe d Langsto n Hughe s (onl y a few weeks before
his death) h e wa s stil l quite upse t b y th e memor y of his experi-
ence wit h thi s lad y patron ; h e stil l honore d hi s trust no t t o di -
vulge he r name . Zor a Hurston , however , tell s u s tha t sh e wa s
316 Notes

Mrs. R . Osgoo d Mason . Mrs . Louise Thompso n Patterso n con-


firms her identity and these impressions.
26. Hughes , The Big Sea, pp. 324-30.

CHAPTER 4
1. Rober t A. Bone, Th e Negro Novel in America, New Haven, Yale
University Press , 1965 , however , attempt s t o evaluat e blac k
writers in terms of this dichotomy. See also Irving Howe , "Blac k
Boys and Native Sons," Dissent, X (Autumn 1963), pp. 353-68 ,
and Th e Ne w Leader, XLVI I (Februar y 3 , 1964) , pp . 12-22 ,
which attempts t o answer Ralph Ellison's criticism . Ellison' s crit -
ical essa y an d fina l rejoinde r appea r i n hi s Shadow an d Act,
New York, Signet, 1964, as "The World in a Jug," pp. 115-47.
2. Edwi n S . Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist an d Back-to-
Africa Movements, 1890-1910, Ne w Haven , Yal e Universit y
Press, 1969 ; as wel l a s tha t author' s "Th e Flowering o f Black
Nationalism: Henr y M . Turne r an d Marcu s Garvey, " i n Hug-
gins, Kilson , an d Fox , eds., Key Issues, Vol. II, pp . 107-24 ;
Cronon, Black Moses; E . U . Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism: A
Search for a n Identity i n America, New York , Dell , 1964 ; Theo-
dore Draper , Th e Rediscovery of Black Nationalism, New York ,
Viking, 1970.
3. Se e May , End o f American Innocence, pp. 9—51 , but especiall y
p. 51, for definition.
4. Pau l H . Buck , Road t o Reunion, Boston , Little , Brown , 1937;
see als o Willia m R . Taylor , Cavalier an d Yankee: Th e Ol d
South an d American National Character, New York , Braziller ,
1961. Me n like George Washingto n Cable wer e a s much stifle d
by norther n indifferenc e an d publishers ' hostilit y a s by souther n
anger.
5. Se e the brillian t descriptio n an d analysi s of Uncl e Tom a s Mrs.
Stowe's "Blac k Christ " i n Kennet h S. Lynn , Mark Twain an d
Southwestern Humor, Boston, Little, Brown , 1959, pp. 107—11 ;
also Ellen Moers , "Mrs. Stowe's Vengeance," Th e Ne w York Re -
view of Books, XV (September 3, 1970), pp. 25-32.
6. Johnson , Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Man, p. 190.
7. Bone , Th e Negro Novel, wrongl y stresses tha t th e protagonis t
was plague d wit h guil t fo r hi s cowardice . Thi s clearl y wa s no t
Notes 31 7

Johnson's meaning . I t rathe r reflect s Bone' s consisten t sens e o f


revulsion at what he thinks to be race rejection.
8. Theodor e Dreiser' s Sister Carrie ha d bee n suppressed , remem-
ber, becaus e o f the portraya l of the disintegratio n of Hurstwood
and the corruption of Carrie without redeeming moral uplift.
9. Fro m Color, p. 14.
10. Fro m Weary Blues, p. 107.
11. Fro m Harlem Shadows, p. 6.
12. Agai n Bone, Th e Negro Novel, pp. 76-77, misses the poin t and
thinks Aunt Hager ha s lost joy.
13. Henr y May' s phras e t o defin e th e conservativ e establishmen t
that defended the genteel tradition.
14. May , End o f American Innocence, p. 248.
15. Johnson , The First Book o f American Negro Poetry, Preface .
16. Georg e Schuyler' s thinkin g an d writin g styl e showe d th e influ -
ence o f H . L . Mencken ; the y share d a fascinatio n fo r H . C .
Wells a s wel l a s a cynical , feist y attitude . Har t Cran e wa s a
close frien d o f Jean Toomer's , wh o wa s mor e closely relate d t o
Greenwich Village than to Harlem.
17. Fro m Color, p. 36.
18. Ibid. , p. 24.
19. I a m gratefu l t o Mr . Wendel l Wra y fo r having arrange d fo r my
viewing o f Douglas ' mural s whe n the y wer e stil l hidde n away .
Mr. Wray , who i s librarian a t the Counte e Culle n Branc h o f the
New Yor k Public Library , i s largely responsibl e fo r having saved
these work s fo r presen t viewing . Muc h o f m y commen t abou t
Aaron Douglas ' wor k i s base d o n interview s wit h tha t artist . I
was als o blesse d b y th e opportunit y t o tal k wit h th e lat e Met a
Warrick Fuller when she was in her ninetieth year .
20. McKay denie d an y influenc e from Va n Vechten's novel. A Long
Way from Home, pp. 282-83.
21. Lilya n Kesteloot, Les fccrivains noirs de langue frangaise: naiss-
ance dune litterature, Bruxelles , Universit e Libr e d e Bruxelle s
(2me ed.), 1965, pp. 63-82.
22. Claud e McKay , "On Becoming a Roman Catholic," The Epistle,
XI (Spring 1945), pp. 21-22.
23. Fro m Jea n Toomer , Cane, New York , Boni-Liveright , 1923 , p.
21.
24. I n fac t thes e qualities an d spirit, which cam e to b e summe d u p
as "negritude " an d sometime s "soul, " sinc e the y lau d non-in -
318 Notes

dustrial an d non-commercia l characteristics , wer e makin g th e


best ou t o f postwar Africa n realit y an d whit e racism. "So we ar e
not industriou s an d frugal, " the y wer e saying , "w e ar e better ;
we ar e natural ; w e ar e human. " I n th e 1970s , however , many
Africans ar e impatien t wit h Senghor' s "negritude " becaus e the y
see i t a s denying th e possibilit y o f African industrial , economi c
development. Primitivism has its price.
25. Cowley , Exile's Return, chap. 3.
26. Ma x Eastman said it was for medical care.

CHAPTER 5
1. Thi s attitud e persists , strangel y i n th e mind s o f white critic s o f
Negro writers . I t i s a t th e botto m o f Irvin g Howe' s exchang e
with Ralp h Ellison (se e Chapte r 4 , footnot e 1) . See also Robert
Bone's treatment o f this question; not e especiall y hi s assessment
of Frank Yerby.
2. Althoug h differen t i n man y ways , i t i s interestin g t o compar e
The Rise o f David Levinsky, 1917 , with Th e Autobiography o f
an Ex-Coloured Man. In bot h novel s acceptance an d succes s i n
American society come at the cost of a rich cultural heritage .
3. Alai n Locke, "Art or Propaganda?" Harlem, I (Novembe r 1928) ,
P- 12'
4. Langsto n Hughes, "Negro Artis t an d the Racia l Mountain," Na-
tion, CXXII (June 23, 1926), pp. 692-94.
5. Georg e S . Schuyler, "Negro-Ar t Hokum," Nation, CXXII (Jun e
16, 1926) , pp. 662-63. Schuyler resented tha t th e editor, Fred a
Kirchway, solicite d Negr o opinio n abou t hi s articl e befor e sh e
printed it . " I thin k a n edito r ough t t o b e abl e t o mak e up hi s
mind, o r he r mind , abou t wha t they'r e goin g t o carr y withou t
questioning everybod y in town." George S . Schuyler's interview
for th e Columbia Oral History, pp. 76-77 of typescript.
6. Fro m Color, p. 68.
7. Ibid. , p. 106.
8. Ibid. , p. 78.
9. McKay , Harlem Shadows, pp. xx—xxi.
10. Ibid. , p. 20.
11. McKay , A Long Way From Home, pp. 18-19.
12. Fro m Selected Poems of Claude McKay, p . 38 .
13. Fro m Harlem Shadows, p. 52.
Notes 31 9

14. Arn a Bontemps, ed., Anthology of Negro Poets.


15. Fro m Cane, p. 6.
16. Hughes , Th e Big Sea, p. 56.
17. Ibid. , p . 56 . A n intervie w wit h Langsto n Hughes . I n th e las t
years o f hi s life , Hughe s ver y successfull y combine d th e reli -
gious format , gospe l singers , an d moder n danc e int o effectiv e
theater: Tambourines to Glory, Th e Nativity, an d Th e Prodigal
Son are the most notable.
18. Fro m Selected Poems o f Langston Hughes, Ne w York , Knopf ,
1966, p . 118 .
19. Ibid. , p. 35.
20. Ibid. , p. 237 .
21. Fro m Fine Clothes to the Jew, New York, Knopf, 1927 , p . 75.
22. Fro m Sterlin g Brown , Southern Road, Ne w York , Harcourt ,
Brace and World, 1932 , p . 59.
23. Johnson , Th e Book o f American Negro Poetry, p. 9 . Strangely,
Johnson goe s o n t o argu e tha t i t coul d b e done, tha t th e Negro
could produc e th e ar t an d literatur e tha t woul d plac e hi m o n a
par wit h whites . Indeed , h e point s ou t tha t Negroe s hav e al-
ready produce d al l that coul d be considere d distinctivel y Ameri-
can, especiall y i n musi c and dance . Bu t hi s preferenc e fo r high
culture an d serious art tie d hi m t o scale s o f value whic h wer e
not i n th e determinatio n o f Afro-Americans . Curiously , h e di d
not wonde r tha t despit e a creativ e histor y i n th e Ne w World,
the Negro' s rac e imag e ha d no t improved . H e migh t als o hav e
asked i f American whites; themselves, had a criterion whic h was
distinctive enoug h (no t European ) t o recogniz e excellenc e an d
originality when they found it .
24. Se e Roge r D . Abrahams, Deep Down i n th e Jungle, Philadel -
phia, Aldine, 1970 , fo r an excellent discussion of street languag e
of Negr o boys . Bruc e A . Rosenberg , Th e Ar t o f th e American
Folk Preacher, New York , Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1970 , i s a n
excellent an d scholarl y treatmen t o f the ora l traditio n a s mani-
fested i n Negr o fol k sermons . Ther e ar e severa l work s o n th e
blues an d it s tradition , bu t se e Charle s Keil , Urban Blues, Chi-
cago, Universit y of Chicago Press, 1966 ; Lero i Jones , Blues Peo-
ple, New York, Morrow , 1968; an d Pau l Oliver, Th e Meaning o f
the Blues, New York, Collier, 1963 .
25. Abrahams , Deep Down in the Jungle.
26. Johnson , The Book of American Negro Poetry, p. 6.
320 Notes

27. Henr y James , Hawthorne, Ithaca , Cornel l Universit y Press ,


1956, p . 11.
28. Se e Warne r Berthoff , American Literature: Traditions and Tal-
ents, Oberlin, Ohio , Pres s o f the Time s 1960 , fo r a n interestin g
discussion o f this question . I a m grateful t o Davi d an d Margery
Cuillet for bringing this pamphlet to my attention .
29. Bone , The Negro Novel, p. 93.
30. Hughes , Th e Big Sea, pp. 233-41.

CHAPTER 6
1. Hutchin s Hapgood , Th e Spirit o f th e Ghetto, Ne w York ,
Schocken, 1966 , pp . 118-75 . Althoug h first published i n 1902 ,
this remains the best description o f the Yiddish stage.
2. Thi s backface parallel t o traditional America n comic types seems
obvious, bu t n o on e t o m y knowledg e ha s observe d i t an d ac -
cepted th e implications . Fo r the standar d interpretatio n se e Carl
Wittke, Tambo an d Bones, New York , Greenwood , 1968 . Fo r
the bes t discussion see Hans Nathan , Da n Emmett an d the Rise
of Early Negro Ministrelsy, Norman , Oklahoma , Universit y o f
Oklahoma Press , 1962 . Fo r discussion s o f the traditiona l comi c
types see : Kennet h S . Lynn , Mark Twain an d Southwestern
Humor; an d Constanc e Rourke , American Humor, Ne w York ,
Doubleday, 1953 .
3. To m Fletcher , Th e To m Fletcher Story: 10 0 Years o f th e Negro
in Show Business, Ne w York , Burdge , 1954 ; Johnson , Black
Manhattan; Johnson , Along this Way; Loften Mitchell , Black
Drama, The Story of the American Negro in the Theatre, New
York, Hawthorne , 1967 ; al l includ e goo d genera l discussion s o f
the history of the Negro in the theater .
4. Osca r Handlin, The Americans, chap. 1 7 is suggestive.
5. Nathan , Da n Emmett, passim, give s detaile d description s whic h
makes thi s point. Notice , here , th e animalisti c an d savag e char -
acteristizations an d th e us e o f animal bone s fo r instruments. Se e
also, th e numerou s "Ho w t o pu t o n a Minstrel " books lik e tha t
of Fran k Dumont , Th e Witmark Amateur Minstrel Guide, Chi-
cago, Witmark and Co., 1899 .
6. France s Trollope , Domestic Manners o f th e Americans, Ne w
York, Vintage , 196 0 wa s firs t publishe d i n 1832 . Mar k Twai n
pointed ou t tha t sh e had bee n taken in by just the kin d of back-
Notes 32 1

woods humor that mad e up minstrelsy, Mark Twain, Life o n th e


Mississippi, Hil l and Wang, 1963, p . 219 .
7. Dixo n Wecter , Th e Saga o f American Society, New York , Scrib -
ner's, 1937 , p . 160 . Th e even t occurre d i n Septembe r 1832 ;
Wecter quotes from th e New York Evening Post.
8. Kennet h S . Lynn , Mark Twain and Southwestern Humor; Wil -
liam R. Taylor, Cavalier and Yankee.
9. Osca r Handlin , however , mention s the elaborat e promotio n o f a
lunatic whit e bo y name d Danie l Prat t b y sociall y prominen t
New Englander s fo r th e humo r o f it : Th e Americans, pp .
238—39. A number o f luminaries indulged themselve s a t th e ex -
pense o f th e eccentri c o r feebleminded ; Sa n Francisco' s Em -
peror Norton is another example.
10. Fletcher , Th e To m Fletcher Story, p. 58.
11. Ibid. , p. 141 .
12. Ibid. , p. 322 .
13. I mea n b y this , America n humo r tha t use s th e Negr o an d i n
which Negroe s ma y participate . Thi s i s probably differen t fro m
an indigenous Negro humor.
14. Rourke , American Humor, chaps. 1—3 ; an d Lynn , Mark Twain
and Southwestern Humor, passim,
15. Fro m a stum p speech , "An y Other Man " written an d delivere d
by Byro n Christy. Printed i n Byron Christy, Christy's Ne w Song-
ster an d Black Joker, Ne w York , Dic k & Fitzgerald , pp . 9—11 .
16. Severa l studie s hav e demonstrate d tha t th e wester n frontier , a s
it becam e organized , couple d democrati c fervo r wit h intens e
racism: Leo n Litwack , North of Slavery, Chicago , Universit y of
Chicago Press , 1961 ; Eugen e Berwanger , Th e Frontier Against
Slavery, Chicago , Universit y of Chicago Press , 1969 ; V . Jacque
Voegeli, Free Bu t No t Equal, Chicago, Universit y o f Chicag o
Press, 1969 ; Forres t G. Wood, Black Scare, Berkeley, University
of California Press, 1968 .
17. Ther e i s an argument whether or not Garvey's middle name was
"Aurelius." I t wa s use d widel y b y contemporarie s withou t ap -
parent complain t fro m him . Claud e McKa y use d i t i n Harlem,
Negro Metropolis. Mrs . Am y Jacques-Garvey , however , insist s
that hi s middle nam e wa s "Mosiah." Nevertheless , th e common
use of Marcus Aurelius illustrates my point about travesty.
18. Lad y Emmelin e Stuar y Wortley , Travels i n th e United States
. . . During 1849-1850, New York, 1885, chap . 12.
322 Note s

19. Dumont , The Witmark Amateur Minstrel Guide, p. 15.


20. Wecter , Th e Saga o f American Society, especially chap . 9 ; Han -
dlin, The Americans, pp. 285-91.
21. Ne w York Tribune, March 25,1888.
22. M y description o f the Bradle y Marti n ball is taken fro m Wecter ,
The Saga o f American Society, pp. 368—70 .
23. Johnson , Black Manhattan, p. 105, the letter is quoted.
24. Ibid. , give s a n excellen t summar y of this theatrica l history . Th e
quote i s from pag e 103 . Langston Hughe s an d Milto n Meltzer,
Back Magic: A Pictorial History of the Negro in American En-
tertainment, Englewood Cliffs , Ne w Jersey, Prentice-Hall , 1967,
contains mor e written descriptio n an d analysi s than th e titl e im-
plies. Mitchell , Black Drama, has a brief discussio n o f the sam e
period bu t focuse s o n mid-twentieth-centur y theater ; An n
Charters, Nobody, Th e Story o f Bert Williams, London , Mac-
millan, 1970 , give s som e specia l insigh t int o tha t performer' s
life.
25. Johnson , Black Manhattan, p. 103.
26. Fletcher , The Tom Fletcher Story, pp. 139-40.
27. Ibid. , pp. 142-43.
28. Nathan , Dan Emmett, pp. 265—66 ; Kennet h Lynn observes tha t
the souther n nostalgi a bega n earl y an d ha d significan t powe r in
the North , Mark Twain and Southwestern Humor, passim; also,
Taylor, Cavalier and Yankee.
29. Georg e W . Walker , "The Real 'Coon' o n th e America n Stage, "
The Theatre Magazine, VI (1908), pp. i-ii, 180.
30. Ther e wa s a serie s o f dances tha t becam e fad s fo r white s an d
blacks: th e Blac k Bottom , th e Charleston , th e Lind y Hop , and
Truckin' ar e notable . Eac h cam e fro m th e Negr o stag e an d
swept white and black societies .
31. Thi s accoun t o f In Dahomey, which I hav e take n fro m contem -
porary playbills an d newspape r clippings , differ s i n an important
way fro m description s i n Charters, Nobody, p . 70 . Mrs . Charters
gives n o commen t abou t Africa n scene s i n thi s sho w an d i n
Abyssinia wherea s contemporar y accounts make Africa th e focu s
of the shows.
32. Walker , "The Real 'Coon' on the American Stage," pp. i—ii .
33. Th e las t son g wa s revive d b y th e whit e orchestr a leader , Phi l
Harris, in the 1940s .
Notes 32 3
34. "Nobody, " word s b y Ale x Rogers , musi c b y Ber t Williams ,
copyright 190 5 by th e Attuck s Musi c Publishing Co. , copyright
1932 b y Lavini a Rogers , an d assigne d t o Edwar d B . Mark s
Music Co.
35. "Wh y Ada m Sinned," was first sung in I n Dahomey (Marc h 21,
1905), copyrigh t 190 4 the Attuck s Music Publishing Co . While
this son g wa s first sung by Mrs . George (Ad a Overton) Walker ,
Bert William s sang i t a s well. Ale x Rogers ' lyric s ar e printe d i n
Johnson, Th e Book o f American Negro Poetry, pp . 158—59 .
Rogers als o wrot e th e lyric s t o "Th e Jonah Man, " "Bon Bon
Buddy, th e Chocolat e Drop, " "I Ma y be Crazy , Bu t I Ain' t No
Fool" among other songs that Bert Williams sang.
36. Significantly , *his tabo o ha s persisted int o ou r ow n time, for it is
only wit h Fo r th e Love o f Iv y (1968 ) tha t a majo r dramati c o r
cinematic productio n permitte d sexua l or romantic love between
black couples .
37. Johnson , Autobiography o f an Ex-Coloured Man, pp. 174—81 .
38. Langsto n Hughes was successful in transforming this insight into
effective commercia l theater.
39. I am grateful to Mrs . Katherine Gerhardt Pinel o whose research,
while a n undergraduat e a t Lak e Fores t Colleg e i n Illinois , dis-
covered man y ol d playbill s o f th e Peki n Theate r an d som e of
the still living performers as well.
40. Hughe s and Meltzer , Black Magic, pp . 121-2 2 for the Lafayette
Theater and pp. 189—9 1 for the Karamu Theater.
41. Cruse , Th e Crisis o f th e Negro Intellectual treats th e whit e ex-
propriation o f Afro-American theater throughou t the book.
42. Ne w Yor k Sun, May 23 , 1921 ; Ne w Yor k Herald, Ma y 24 ,
1921.
43. Ala n Dale, New York American, May 25, 1921.
44. Hughe s and Meltzer , Black Magic, pp. 97—105 .
45. Wallac e Thurman, Th e Blacker th e Berry, New York, Macauley,
1928, pp . 200-201.
46. Cruse , Th e Crisis o f th e Negro Intellectual, pp . 73-82 ; Th e
Amsterdam News, September 192 6 through April 1927.
47. Crisis, XXXII (July 1926), p. 134.
48. Harol d Crus e feel s strongl y that thi s failur e throug h succes s ha s
been ver y self-defeatin g fo r black ethni c theater. Present-da y ef -
forts a t communit y theate r probabl y hav e a greate r chanc e o f
324 Note s

surviving. Ther e ar e mor e blac k playwright s an d a n audienc e


potential that did not exist in the 1920s .
49. Johnson , Black Manhattan, pp. 175-77.
50. May , End o f American Innocence, pp. 185-87.
51. Eugen e O'Neill , "Strindber g an d Ou r Theatre, " Provincetown
Playbill (1923-2 4 Season), No. I, pp. 1 and 3.
Index

Abie's Irish Rose, 298, 29 9 179; McKay , 179; Ne w Negro


Abraham's Bosom (Paul Green), 295 influences, 59 ; UNI A negoti -
Abyssinia, 281 ations, 45-46
Academic Julian, 165 "Africa" (McKay), 164
Achievement, 140-42 , 155 , 195-97 , African art , 79-80 , 187 ; beauty ,
227-28, 301 , 306-7 ; an d 209; cubism , 80 , 88 ; culture ,
American Dream , 252-54 ; 187; influenc e o n Afro-Amer -
"coon" songs as , 277; Counte e icans, 80-8 1
Cullen and , 208-9 ; cultur e African culture , 7-8 , 63 , 187-88 ;
and, 8-9 ; progressivism , 27 , and America n folklore , 73 ;
48-49; rejectio n i n Banjo, 17 5 influence on Europe, 88
Adams, Henry, 23 2 African Dancer (Barthe) , 166-67 ;
Addams, Jane: foundin g of NAACP, see also illustration s
20; Progressive party , 3 1 African influence , 162-63 ; Banjo,
"Advertisement fo r th e Waldorf - 176-77; Douglas (Aaron) , 169 -
Astoria" (Hughes), quote d 72; plasti c arts , 165-72 ; Wil -
from, 13 5 liams and Walker, 281-82
"Advice" (Hughes) , quoted, 225 African legacy , 80-8 1
Aestheticism, 96-97 ; McKay , 126 - African Legion , se e Universa l Ne-
27; se e als o Victorians , late ; gro Improvemen t Associatio n
and Daiches, David African Zion Church, 32
Africa, 178 , 189 , 193-94 ; Afro - Africana, 29 0
American attitud e toward , 40 - Afro-American, compare d wit h im-
42; Cullen , 164-65 ; cultura l migrant, 137-89 ; se e als o Ne -
source, 79-83; Garvey's gro, and Identit y
schemes, 44-46 ; Hughe s on , Afro-American art , 195-97 ; patrons,

325
326 Index

Afro-American ar t (continued) 64-65; Nigger Heaven, 107 -


127; socia l commentary , 201- 8; rejectio n o f fol k culture ,
3; se e als o Negr o art, an d In - 63-64; white Americans , 60 -
fants of the Spring 61; see also Expatriate s
Afro-American artists , 192-95 ; se e "All Coon s Loo k Alik e t o Me "
also Infants o f th e Spring (Hogan), 276, 277
Afro-American character , 139-42 ; All God's Chillun Got Wings
names and , 264-65 ; self-de - (O'Neill), 116,298
ception, 261-63; see also Iden- Alston, Charles, 16 7
tity, and Negro character "America" (McKay) , 211, 218-19 ;
Afro-American culture , 229-31, quoted, 15 0
247-48, 307-8 ; alienation , 82- American character, 8-9 , 11-12 , 85-
83, 107-8 ; folk sources , 72-78 ; 86, 139-42 , 189 , 252 ; black s
need fo r history , 62-63 ; Ne w related to , 257 ; provincialism,
Negro, 59-60, 64-65; ora l tra- 82-83; theater , 286 ; Uncl e
dition, 229 ; preache r rhetori c Tom and, 143-44 ; white/
and, 77-78; promotio n of spir- black dependency, 27 4
ituals, 75-76 ; rol e o f art , 31 9 American civilization , 8-9 , 196 ;
note 23; search for, 78-80 Harlem and , 85-86 ; Ne w Ne-
Afro-American drama, 287 gro and, 59-60
Afro-American folklore: African American culture , 126 , 154-57 ,
links, 73; Hurston, 74-75 190-91, 234-38 , 302-3 , 308 -
"Afro-American Fragment " 9; Afro-America n fol k mate -
(Hughes), quoted , 82 ; quote d rials, 72-78 ; ar t a s bridge for ,
from, 17 9 156; blac k accommodatio n to ,
Afro-American history , 61-62, 138 - 137-39; Europeandependency,
39; alienation , 63-64; as prog- 60-62; identit y crisis , 137-39 ;
ress, 196-97 ; se e also Identity in schools , 60-65 ; Negr o ar t
Afro-American identity , 179 ; Cane, in, 31 9 not e 23 ; religiou s cri-
179-87; dilemmas , 151-55; sis, 299-301 ; self-doub t im -
primitivism, 188-89 ; Toomer , plied, 70-71 , 254-55, 301; se e
186-87; see also Identity also Identity
Afro-American theater , 287-9 3 American Dream , 137 , 139-42 ,
Afro-American thought , 41-42 155, 157 , 252-54 ; paradox ,
"After th e Ball Is Over," 276-77 141-42; theater , 294-95 ; se e
"After Fift y Years " (J . W . John - also Progressivism , an d Prot -
son), 16 estant Ethi c
"After th e Winter " (McKay), American Federatio n o f Labor , 5 0
quoted, 215-16 American Folklore Society , 7 3
Aiken, Conrad, 229 America's Coming of Ag e (Brooks) ,
"Ain't Misbehavin 1 " (Waller), 290 52, 70-71
Alexandria, 189 Anderson, Marian, 63
Alienation, 82-83 , 137-40 , 231-32 , Anderson, Sherwood, 116,18 0
247, 308-9; African s fro m Eu - Andrews, Regina, 25-26
ropeans, 176-77 ; Banjo, 174 - Anita Bush Players, The, 288
76; Cane, 181 -87; Elio t Antin, Mary, 200
(Thomas Stearns), 235-36; Apollo Theater, 29 1
McKay, 178-79 ; Negr o intel- Aristocracy, 270-74; see also Elitism
lectuals, 61-65 ; Ne w Negro , Armstrong, Louis, 197-98
Index 327
Art: a s racial accommodation , 118 ; Bellow, Saul, 201
as socia l comment , 201-3 ; Belmont, August, 272
ethnic, 199-201 ; intuitio n in , Benny, Jack, 251
221; se e als o Afro-America n Benton, Thomas Hart , 19 8
(art, artists , culture) ; Negr o Bergson, Henri , 155-5 6
art; Painting; an d Sculptur e Bierce, Ambrose , 86
"Art or Propaganda" (Locke), 20 2 Big Sea, Th e (Hughes) , 130 ; Hurs -
Ashanti, 188 ton in , 131-32 ; patro n in ,
Assimilation, 139-40 133-36
Astor, Mrs. William, 27 2 Birth control, 252-5 3
Atlanta University, 19, 21 Birth of a Nation (Griffith), 26 9
Atlantic Monthly (magazine) , 11 8 Black Bottom, 29 1
Audience: primitivis m and , 127 ; Black Christ, 316 note 5
whites as , 236 , 239 ; William s "Black Christ " (Cullen) , discussed ,
and Walker , 282-83 210-11
Autobiography of an Ex-Coloured Black Cros s Nurses , se e Universa l
Man (J . W . Johnson), 16 , 152 - Negro Improvemen t Associa -
53; discussed , 144-45 ; jazz in, tion
10 "Black Magdalens " (Cullen), 210
Austen, Jane, 63 Black Manhattan (]. W. Johnson), 4
"Black Maria " (Hughes) , quoted ,
Babbitt, Irving , 196 223-24
Babbittry, 91, 117 Black Mass, 95,109-11
Backwoods tradition, se e Comedy Black Muslims, 140
Baker, Josephine, 29 0 Black nationalism, 14 2
Baker, Newto n (Secretar y o f War) , "Black Patti, " see Jones, Sissierett a
39 Black Patti's Troubadours, 275
"Ballad o f th e Brow n Girl , The " Black psyche : blackfac e minstrels ,
(Cullen), 161 , 206 , 209 , 22 9 256-61; white s influence , 274;
"Ballad o f the Landlord " (Hughes), see als o Afro-America n char -
224 acter, and Identit y
Banana Bottom (McKay) , 178; dis - Black Sta r Line , 43 , 44-45 ; se e
cussed, 179 also Universal Negro Improve-
Bandanna Land, 281 ment Associatio n
Banjo (McKay) , 126 , 178 , 187-88 , Blackberry Woman (Barthe) , 167
237, 304 ; discussed , 173-78 ; Blackbirds, 290
and Jak e (Home t o Harlem), Blacker th e Berry, Th e (Thurman) ,
172-73; Banjo (character), 188 , 191, 24 0
189, 237 ; influence s Africans , Blackface minstrels , 11 , 84 , 152 ,
177-78, 317 note 24 156-57,248-63,300-301; as sat-
"Baptism" (McKay) , 211 ; quote d ire, 269-74 ; black s use , 256 -
and discussed, 21 8 61; described , 248-63 ; devel -
Barnard College, 74, 132 opment from , 275-86 ; Ik e
Barthe, Richmond , 80 ; Africa n in - Hines's place , 13 ; parody ,
fluence, 166-67 ; Va n Vechten, 266-68; travesty, 263-74 ;
93 vaudeville, 280; vulgarity ,
Beardsley, Aubrey , 95 255-56
Beauty, African ar t a key to, 79-80 Blake, Eubie, 28 8
Bellevue Hospital, 24 3 Bledsoe, Jules, 298
328 Index
Blind Bow-Boy, Th e (Va n Vech - Cakewalk, 273-74, 291
ten), 95 , 97 Call-and-response, 229 ; se e als o
Blues, the , 10-11 , 205 , 230 , 261 , Tradition, oral
291; alienation , 63 ; America n Callender, Charles , 25 0
culture and , 77 ; Hughes , 222 - Callender's Georgi a Minstrels , 25 0
24; Van Vechten, 9 4 Cane (Toomer) , 189 , 236 , 238 ,
Boas, Franz , 133 ; Hursto n (Zora) , discussed, 179-87
74; Opportunity, 2 8 Carnegie, Andrew , 142, 257
Bolito King , se e Pettijohn , Ran - Carr, Sweetie May , 130-31; see also
dolph; and Nigger Heaven Hurston, Zora Neale; and
"Bon Bo n Buddy , Th e Chocolat e Thurman, Wallac e
Drop," 284 Catholicism, 178 , 188 ; se e als o
Bone, Robert A. , 239-40 McKay, Claud e
Bontemps, Arna , 219; antholog y of Cedar Rapids , Iowa, 93, 98, 100
Negro poets, 72 Cerf, Bennett, 10 0
Book of American Negro Poetry Cesaire, Aime, 178
(J. W. Johnson), 227 Charity organizatio n movement , 28
Bookman (magazine), 206 Charleston (dance) , 107 , 290 , 291
Bradley Marti n ball , the, ' 271-72 ; Chestnutt, Charles W. , 200, 23 2
see also illustration s Chicago, Illinois , 25 , 53 , 100 ; se e
Bradstreet, Anne , 232 also Riots, race
Brancusi, Constantin, 80 Chicago World's Fair, 275
Braque, Georges , 8 0 Chocolate Dandies, 290
Broadway Brevities, 283 Christ, Black, 316 note 5
Brooklyn, New York, 278 Christianity, 69 , 230-31 ; Cullen ,
Brooks, Va n Wyck, 52 , 60 , 65 , 70 - 210-11; Hughes, 225
71 Christy, Byron, 267-68
Brotherhood o f Sleepin g Ca r Port - Christy Minstrels, 267-68
ers, 27 Church, as theater, 28 7
"Brothers" (J. W. Johnson), 210 City o f Dreadful Night (Thomson),
Brown, Charles Brockden, 8 6 217
Brown, Sterling, 78 , 221, 222 , 225 - Civil War, 14 3
27, 228 Civilization, 87-88 , 187 , 196 , 216 ,
"Brown Bo y t o Brow n Gir l (Cul - 254-56, 301 ; Banjo, 173-74 ;
len), 209 Morand, Pau l on, 90-91; trav-
Brownsville (Texas) Affray , 31 , 39 ; esty, 264-74
see also Riots, race Cleaver, Eldridge , 30 7
Bryan, Willia m Jenning s (Secre - Cleveland, Ohio , 24, 38, 65, 288
tary of State), 3 3 Clorindy—The Origin of the Cake-
Buffalo, Ne w York, 19-2 0 walk, 275-76
"Bull Moose " party, 3 1 "Close Ranks" (DuBois), 39
Bunche, Ralph, 28 Clough, Inez, 288, 29 8
Burleigh, Harry T., 76 Cocteau, Jean , 106 , 11 7
Bynner, Witter , 197 , 229 ; se e als o Cole, Bob , 15-16, 275, 285-8 6
Witter Bynner Poetry Priz e Cole (Bob ) an d Johnso n (J . Rosa -
mund), 285-86 , 289 ; se e als o
illustrations
Cabell, James Branch, 86 Collectivism, racial, 142
Cahan, Abraham , 200 Color (Cullen), 102 , 20 6
Index 329
Color consciousness , 191 ; i n Banjo, Crockett, Davy , 249, 266
177 Crosby, Bing , 281
Columbia Oral History, 98 , 113 , Crow, Jim , 249-50, 251 , 253 , 255 -
118,205 56, 283 ; se e als o Blackfac e
Columbia University , 24, 131 , 229 , minstrels
288; Hurston , 74 Crowninshield, Frank, 102
Comedy, 249-63 ; backwoods , 249 - Cruse, Harold , 247, 323-2 4 note 48
50, 266 ; ethnic , 259-60 ; par - Cullen, Countee , 69-70 , 102 , 108 ,
ody, 266-68 ; psychi c release , 148-49, 171, 189 , 197, 205-14 ,
253-55; rhetoric , 265-68 ; se e 217, 220 , 221 , 228 , 229 , 230 -
also Blackfac e minstrels , an d 31, 306 ; Africa n legacy , 81 -
Travesty 82; Locke' s (Alain ) influence ,
Committee o n Publi c Information , 162; Negr o art , 203 ; o n re -
38 ligion, 164-65 ; primitivism ,
Communist Party, 19 1 161, 165 , 188 ; rac e conscious -
Compromise (W. Richardson), 292 ness, 208-12 ; satirized , 193 ;
Confederacy, 39-40 stoicism, 148-49 ; Va n Vech -
"Congo" (Lindsay), 81, 188 ten, 93 ; se e also Counte e Cul-
"Congo Lov e Song , The " (Col e len Branc h (Ne w Yor k Publi c
and Johnson) , 1 6 Library), and illustrations
Congressional Record, 72 Culture: African , 73 , 79-81 , 162 -
Connelly, Marc , 298 63, 165-72 , 187-88 ; Afro -
Conrad, Joseph, 115 American, 59-60 , 62-65 , 75 -
Constant, Benjamin , 165 80, 82-85, 107-8, 229-31, 247-
Cook, Wil l Marion, 275-56, 280-81 48, 307 , 308 , 31 9 not e 23 ;
Coon, Zip , 249-50 ; se e als o Black- American, 60-65 , 70-71 , 72 -
face minstrel s 78, 126 , 137-39 , 154-57 , 190 -
"Coon" songs, 276-77 91, 234-38 , 254-55 , 299-303 ,
Cooper, Jame s Fenimore, 125 , 126 , 308-9, 31 9 not e 23 ; an d civil-
232, 234-35 ization, 8-9 ; inter-racia l bond ,
Cooper, Opal, 29 8 5
Corinto, Nicaragua , 16, 33 Cummings, E . E. , 97 , 116 , 125 ,
Cornell, Katharine, 166 180, 22 9
Cotton Clu b (nightclub-cabaret) , "Custodians o f Culture," 19 6
101
Count of Monte Cristo, The, 28 8
Countee Cullen Branc h (Ne w York Daiches, David , 96-97 ; se e als o
Public Library), 171 Victorians, lat e
Cowley, Malcolm , 60-61, 63 , 139 , Dale, Alan , 289
229 Dance (Barthe), 167
"Creation" (J . W . Johnson) , se e Dandy, Jim, 249-50, 251, 253 , 255 -
God's Trombones 56, 269-70 , 283 ; se e als o
Creole Show, 273, 274-7 5 Blackface minstrels ; and Coon ,
Crevecoeur, Hector St. John de, 8 Zip
Crisis (magazine) , 23 , 24 , 27-28 , Dark Laughter (Sherwoo d Ander -
30, 32 , 37-38 , 191 , 197 , 240 ; son), 116
"Close Ranks," 37-38; DuBois, "Darktown" (pre-Harle m Ne w
editor, 21; muckraking, 28-29; York), 13,17
poetry, 2 9 "Darktown Poke r Club , The, " 28 4
330 Index
Darwinism, 29 ; se e als o Socia l tity, 152 ; "Clos e Ranks, " 37 -
Darwinism 38; Crisi s (editor) , 21 ; Demo -
Day, Carita, 99,113 cratic party, 32; Garvey , Mar-
Death of a Sidesman (Miller), 15 5 cus, 22 , 44-45 , 46-47 ; John -
Debs, Eugen e Victor, 31, 34 son, Jame s W. , 21-22 ; leader -
Decadence, 121 , 193 , 197 , 241 , ship, 30-41 ; move s t o Ne w
315 not e 13 ; McKay , 126-27 ; York, 18-21 ; Nigger Heaven,
Nigger Heaven, 109-11 ; Va n 115-16; Socialis t party , 31 ;
Vechten, 95-98 spirituals, 76 ; Pan-Africanism ,
Dell, Floyd , 15 6 40-41, 46-47 ; paradoxe s of ,
Delmonico's, 272 29, 40, 47-49; political tactics ,
Democratic party , 16 , 32-33 30-35; pragmatism , 34-35 ;
Democratic Vistas (Whitman) , 232 primitivism, 152 ; Progressiv e
Depression, the , 134-35 , 190 , 290 , party, 31 , 48-49 ; progressiv -
303 ism, 34-35, 49-50; rac e image ,
Des Moines , Iow a (office r train - 141-42; theater , 292, 293 ; wa r
ing), 36-37 issue, 35-39 ; se e als o illustra-
Dessalines, Jean Jacques, 166 tions
Dett, Nathaniel, 76 DuBois, Volande, 306
Dewey, John, 20 Dumont, Frank, 270, 27 3
DeWitt Clinton High School, 206 Dunbar, (Mrs. ) Alice , o n Nigger
Diagne, Blaise, 41, 45 Heaven, 11 3
Dialect, 197, 231 , 255 , 284 Dunbar, Pau l Laurence , 196 , 261 ,
Dickens, Charles, 120 , 232 276; Riley , James W., 197
Dinesen, Isak , 101 Duncan, Isadora, 9 4
"Dixie" (Emmett), 260, 27 8 Dvorak, Anton, 77
Dixie to Broadway, 290 Dynamic Sociology (Lester Ward) ,
Dockstadter, Lew , 280 29
Dr. Jekyll an d Mr . Hyde, 28 8
Dodge, Mable , se e Luhan , Mabl e Eakins, Thomas, 16 5
Dodge East St . Louis , Illinois , 72; se e also
Domestic Manners of the Ameri- Riots, race
cans (Trollope), 25 4 Eastman, Crystal, 25
Domingo, W. A., 53-54, 72 Eastman, Max , 25 , 127-28 , 156 ,
Dostoevsky, Fedor, 155-56, 240 214,215
Douglas, Aaron , 80, 101 , 187 , 240 ; Eldridge, Press , 280
African themes , 169-72 ; sati - Eliot, Thomas Stearns, 229, 235-36,
rized, 193 ; wor k discussed , 238-39
168-72; see also illustrations Elitism, 5-6 , 48-50, 270-74, 305-6 ;
Douglass, Frederick, 39-40 , 61 see als o Aristocrac y an d "tal -
Dozens, the , 285 ; se e als o Tradi - ented tenth "
tion, ora l Ellington, Edwar d "Duke, " 10 ;
"Dream Variations " (Hughes), see also illustrations
quoted, 67; discussed, 67-69 Ellison, Ralph, 201, 23 9
Dreiser, Theodore, 180, 29 5 Emancipation Proclamation , 169 -
DuBois, Willia m E . B. , 23 , 27-28 , 70, 17 1
29, 49 , 114 , 145-46 , 194 , 197 , Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 85,86,232;
209, 244-45 , 269 , 282 , 301 , self-reliance an d th e Ne w Ne-
306; alienation , 62 ; black iden- gro, 59
Index 331

Emmett, Danie l D. , 248, 266 , 278 ; Fisher, Rudolph , 118-21 , 127 , 172 ,
see also Blackface minstrels 200, 243 ; satirized , 193 ; so -
Emperor Jones, Th e (O'Neill) , 116 , cial satir e of , 120-21 ; Va n
293, 296-9 8 Vechten, 9 5
Employment opportunitie s (Worl d Fisk Jubilee Singers , 75
War I) , 36, 37 Fisk University , 17, 19, 288
English literature (influence), 63-6 4 Fitzgerald, F . Scott, 52
Enormous Room, Th e (Cummings) , Fletcher, John Gould, 229
116,180 Fletcher, Tom , 260-261 , 262-63 ,
Ethnic, se e Art , Provincialism, an d 268; "coon " songs, 277
Theater Flower Beneath th e Foot, The (Fir-
Europe, Lt. James, 55-56 bank), 95
European civilizatio n (i n Banjo), Flute Bo y (Barthe), 166
187-88 Folk, 132-33
Ewing Lectures , 1967 , 96 ; se e Folk art : L . Hughe s an d S . Brown,
also Daiches, Davi d 222-27; jazz , 10-11 ; J . W .
Exile's Return (Cowley), 60-61, 139 Johnson's God, 230; spirituals ,
Exotic, the , 156 , 189 , 181 , 305 ; 10
Harlem, 85-86 , 89-92 ; Va n Folk traditions (Ne w Negro), 72-78
Vechten, 95-96 Folklore, 131 ; A . H. Fauset, 73-74 ;
Expatriates, 61, 188 , 196 , 234-3 6 J. C. Harris, 73-74; Z. N. Hurs-
ton, 74-75; theater, 292
Faulkner, William , 100, 30 1 "For Joh n Keats, Apostle of Beauty"
Fauset, Arthur Huff, 73-74 , 75 , 76 (Cullen), quoted, 207
Fauset, Jessie, 146-48, 160, 23 7 Forever Free (Sargen t Johnson) ,
Federal Ar t Project , W.P.A. , 167 , 168; se e also illustrations
169; se e als o W.P.A. , an d Formalism, 220 , 232 ; Cullen , 207 ;
Works Progres s Administra - Hughes, 221-22; McKay , 215
tion Four Hundred , 270-7 4
Feral Benga (Barthe), 166-167 ; see Frank, Waldo, 11 6
also illustrations Franklin, Benjamin, 85, 252, 257
Fetiche et Fleurs (Palmer Hayden), Frazier, E . Franklin, 28
167 French Army , se e 369t h Infantr y
Ficke, Arthu r Davidson, 22 9 Regiment
Fielding, Henry , 120 Freud, Sigmund , 7, 155-56, 300
Fields, A l G., 28 0 Freudianism, 87-88
15th Infantr y Regimen t (Ne w "Fruit o f th e Flower " (Cullen) ,
York), see 369th Infantry Regi- quoted from, 16 3
ment Fuller, Meta Warrick, 165,196, 199
Fine, Rabb i Stephen, 2 0
Fine Clothes t o th e Je w (Hughes) , Garvey, Marcu s A., 22 , 34, 35 , 41 -
78 47, 48 , 50 , 140-41 , 155 , 176 ,
Fink, Mike , 249 , 273 ; se e als o 269, 304 , 305 , 306 , 32 1 not e
Comedy 17; an d critics , 44-45 ; K u
Firbank, Ronald, 113 , 11 5 Klux Klan , 47 ; Liberi a colon -
Fire (magazine), 169, 191,240-4 1 izing scheme , 45-46 ; se e als o
Fire i n th e Flint (Walte r White) , illustrations
99 Galsworthy, John, 240
Firecrackers (Van Vechten), 9 7 Garland, Hamlin , 198
332 Index

Genteel tradition , 143 , 157 ; Cullen , Harlem Hospital, 167


206;DuBois, 115 Harlem: Negro Metropolis (McKay),
Georgia Minstrels, 99, 250 215
Gershwin, George, 1 0 "Harlem o n My Mind," 85
Ghana, 17 8 Harlem Renaissance, 190,191, 202,
Gilpin, Charles, 288, 293 , 296, 298; 238,240-43,247-48; jazz, 198 ;
see also illustrations legacy, 302-8 ; questioned , 9 ;
"Go down Death," see God's Trom- satirized, 241-43 ; Va n Vech -
bones ten, 93 ; se e als o Infants o f th e
God's Trombones (] . W . Johnson), Spring
17, 77-78, 230 Harlem Shadows (McKay) , 72 ,
Gold, Michael , 25, 200 127,215,216
Gold Bug, The, 280 Harmon Foundation, 166,168,191 ,
Gorki, Maxim, 240 205
Gospel o f Wealth, Th e (A . Car - Harper (publishers), 206
negie), 142 Harris, Frank, 25, 126, 12 7
Gospel songs , 63 Harris, Joel Chandler, 73-74 , 75
Granny Maumee (R . Torrence) , Harrison, Richard B., 299
293, 29 5 "Harsh Worl d tha t Lashes t Me "
Great Harrington, Massachusetts, 18 (Cullen), quoted from , 211-1 2
Green, Paul, 295 Harte, Bret, 198
Green Pastures, The (M. Connelly), Harvard University , 19 , 56 , 161 ,
298-300 206, 22 9
Greenwich Village, 180, 24 2 Hawthorne, Nathaniel , 197 , 232 -
Griffith, D . W., 269 34, 236, 29 5
Guardian, The (Boston), 33 Hayden, Palmer, 167
Guggenheim Fellowship , 20 5 Hayes, Roland , 63 , 76 ; se e als o il-
Gurdjieff, George s I. , 172 lustrations
Hearn, Lafcadio, 86
Hairy Ape, The (E. O'Neill), 297-98 Henderson, Fletcher , 10 , 198 ; se e
Haiti, 91 also illustrations
Hall Johnson Choir, 298-99 Henley, W . E. , 96 , 150-51 , 212 ;
Hampton Institute, 23 quoted from, 151
Harlan, Justice John, 140 "Here Comes de judge," 268
Harlem, 14 , 15 , 26 , 169 ; exotic , Hergesheimer, Josepn, 86
85-86, 89-92 , 113-14 , 115 ; "Heritage" (Cullen), 188, 211; dis -
ghetto, 4-5 ; migratio n to , 14 - cussed, 81-82 , 162-63 ; quote d
15, 17, 18, 21-22; Negr o lead- from, 81 , 108 , 162 , 163 , 16 5
ership, 22 , 30 , 47 ; Ne w Ne - Hero, black , 143-48 , 149-51 ; se e
gro, 57-58 ; Nigger Heaven, also Identity
102-4, 112-13 ; primitivism , Herskovits, Melville, 28
89-92; provincialism , 157-61 ; Hey ward, DuBose, 116, 117, 295
self-determination, 6-7, 58, 82- Hicks, Charles, 25 0
83; theater in , 247-48, 287-88; Hillyer, Robert, 206- 7
whites discover , 11 , 84-85 , Himes, Chester, 9 5
89-92,93,100,117 History, Afro-American , 61-64 ,
Harlem Club (cabaret), 101 138-39; see also Identity
"Harlem Dancer, " (McKay) , 164 Hogan, Ernest , 99 , 259 , 262-63 ,
Harlem Gallery (M . Tolson), 201 272; "coon" songs, 276-7 7
Index 333

Holiday (W . Frank), 11 6 American culture, Negro ,


Home t o Harlem (McKay) , 118 , Race, and White psych e
172, 178 , 214 ; bestseller , 118 - "If W e Mus t Die " (McKay) , 29 ,
19; discussed , 121-28 ; Va n 219; quoted , 71 ; discussed ,
Vechten, 125-2 6 71-72
"Homesick Blues " (Hughes) , 78 "If You Should Go " (Cullen),
Hope, Bob, 281 quoted, 212-13
"Hope" (Hughes), quoted, 224 Ike Hines' s Place , 13
Horatio Alcer , 145 "I'm Jus t Wil d Abou t Harry, " 290
Hot Chocolates, 290 "Imagism," 161
Houghton-Mifflin (publishers) , 20 0 Immigrants, 308 ; identity , 137-38 ;
Housman, A . E., 96 , 151 ; se e als o literature, 200-201 ; theater ,
Victorians, lat e 259-60; Yiddis h theater , 246 -
Houston, Texas , 37 , 39 , 55 , 72 ; 47, 248
see also Riots, race Impressionism, 19 9
Howard University , 74 Impressionism, post-, 88, 187, 199
Howells, William Dean, 20 In Black America, 278-79
Hughes, Langston , 5 , 10, 29, 65-69, In Dahomey, 265 , 28 1
78, 82 , 102 , 130 , 132 , 191 , In Oriental America, 27 5
208, 209 , 214 , 228 , 240 , 288 ; "Incident" (Cullen), 213
Africa, 179 ; Afro-America n Individualism, 142 , 252-54 ; i n art ,
identity, 153-54 ; art , 221-27 ; 202-3; Johnson' s novel , 144 -
formalism, 221-22 ; jazz, 9-10 ; 45; see also Progressivis m
moves t o Harlem , 24 ; Negr o Infants o f th e Spring (Thurman) ,
art, 203-5 ; Mgge r Heaven, 130-31, 231, 236 , 239-40 , 241-
113; patron, 129 , 133-36 , 179 ; 43; discussed, 191-9 5
satirized, 193 ; stoicism , 149 - Integration, 139-40 , 177
50; Thurman , 240-41 ; Va n Intuition, 97, 221
Vechten, 93 , 95 ; se e als o il - Irish literature, 203 , 23 1
lustrations Isham, John W., 275
Hurst, Fanny, 133
Hurston, Zor a Neale , 132-33 ; folk - Jack, Sam T., 273, 274-7 5
lorist, 74-75 ; Hughe s on , 131 - Jacksonville, Florida , 15-17 , 74
32; patro n of , 129-33 ; sati - Jake, 121-28 , 188 , 237 ; o n educa -
rized, 193 ; Thurma n on , 130 - tion, 123-24 ; o n Harlem , 124 ;
31; se e als o Carr , Sweeti e primitivism, 124-25 ; se e als o
May; and illustrations Home to Harlem
Huysmans, Joris-Karl, 117 , 242 James, Henry , 60 , 197 , 234 , 236 ,
240
"I Ma y B e Crazy , bu t I Ain' t N o James, William, 156
Fool," 284 Jazz, 197-98 , 204 , 222-23 , 230 ,
"I Wan t To Be a Real Lady," 265 289-90, 291 ; alienation , 64 ;
Ibos, 188 anti-conventional, 91 ; Eu -
Ibsen, Henrik , 294 rope's (Lt . James) , band , 55 -
Identity, 301 ; Afro-American , 137 - 56; overlooked , 9-11 ; primi -
39, 244-45 ; i n Banjo, 174 ; i n tivism, 89-92; source of Amer-
Cane, 179-87 ; white , 137-38 ; ican culture, 77
see also , Afro-America n cul - Jazz Age, 13, 23-24, 52, 289-9 0
ture, American character , Jazz musician, 97
334 Index
Jim Crow , see Crow, Jim Kelley, Florence, 20
Jim Dandy, se e Dandy, Jim Kenya, 17 8
Johns, Gareth , 97 , 106 ; se e als o Kersands, Billy, 250, 258-5 9
Van Vechten, Car l Kipling, Rudyard, 151,212; quoted,
Johnson, Charles W. , 28-29 96; see also Victorians, fat e
Johnson, Hall , 76 ; se e als o Hal l Kittridge, Lyman , 161 , 197 , 206 ,
Johnson Choir 229
Johnson, J . Rosamund , 15-16 , 17 , Knopf, Alfred, 95, 99, 102
285-286; spirituals, 76; see also Koster and Bial s (theatricals), 28 0
illustrations Krigwa Player s Littl e Negr o The -
Johnson, James P., 10, 198 ater, 292, 29 3
Johnson, Jame s Weldon, 5, 152-53 , Ku Klu x Klan , 155 , 169 ; Garvey ,
156, 196 , 209 , 210 , 220, 230 - 47; post-war revival, 56
31, 232 , 238 , 276 , 286 , 287 ;
art a s uplift, 227 , 31 9 note 23; Labor, 291-92
Autobiography of an Ex-Col- Lafayette Players, 288 , 29 8
oured Man, 144-45 ; culture , Lafayette Theater, 291-92
118, 31 9 not e 23 ; DuBoi s Larsen, Nella , 157-61 , 189 , 236 ;
supports, 21-22 ; Fis k Univer - Van Vechten , 95 ; se e als o il -
sity, 17 ; Foreig n Service , 16 - lustrations
17, 33 ; Garvey, . 22 , 44-45 ; Lawrence, D. H., on Nigger Heaven,
Harlem, 4,15-17; Jacksonville, 114-15
Florida, 15-17 ; jazz , 10 , 198 ; Lawrence, Jacob, 16 6
NAACP, 17 ; Nigger Heaven, Lawrence, Kansas , 279
113; pre-Harle m Ne w York , Leadership, se e Negro leadership
13; primitivism, 164 ; progres - League of Nations, 41
sivism, 48-50 ; spirituals , 17 , Legree, Simon, 143
76, 77-78 ; theater , 263 , 293 - Lembruck, Wilhelm, 80
94, 295 ; Va n Vechten, 93 , 95, Le Negre, Jean, 116 , 117 , 125
99-100; Yal e Universit y Li - Lerner, Max , 8
brary, 93; see also illustrations Lewis, Meriwether, 86
Johnson, Sargent, 16 8 Liberator (magazine) , 25, 29 , 118 ,
Johnson, William, 166 127, 21 5
Jones, Eugen e Kinckle , 28 Liberia, 140 ; Garvey' s schemes ,
Jones, LeRoi, 239 45-46
Jones, Sissieretta, 275 Lincoln, Abraham, 32, 39-40
Jung, Car l G. , 91 ; se e als o Primi - Lincoln Theater, 288
tivism Lincoln University , 129
Justice Department, The, 37 Lindsay, Vachel , 81 , 95 , 156 , 161 -
62, 188 , 22 1
Lindy Hop, 29 1
Karamu Theater (Cleveland , Ohio), Lippmann, Walter, 300
288 Liza, 290
Kasson, Byron , 104-5, 106 , 107-11 , Local-color realism, 197
112-13, 116 , 117-18 , 126 ; se e Locke, Alain , 65 , 241 , 302 , 304 ;
also Nigger Heaven African art , 79-81 ; cultur e cri-
Keats, John , 63 , 161 , 193-94 , 206 , sis, 60; influence s Cullen, 162 ,
207, 230-3 1 207; jazz , 10 , 198 ; Ne w Ne -
Keep Shufflin, 29 0 gro defined , 56-60, 65; propa -
Index 335

ganda, 201-2 ; satirized , 193 ; Magpie, Th e (magazine), 206


spirituals, 77 "Maiden wit h th e Dream y Eyes ,
Lodge, Senator Henr y Cabot, 72 A" (Cole and Johnson), 16
Logan, Rayford , 4 0 Malamud, Bernard, 20 1
Longfellow, Anatole , se e Scarle t Mamba's Daug/iters(Heyward) ,
Creeper, and Nigge r Heaven 116,295
Longview, Texas , 53 ; se e also , Mann, Thomas, 24 0
Riots, race Mardi (Melville) , 94
Lorillard, Campaspe , 97 , 98 , 109 , Markham, "Pigmeat," 251, 26 8
113 Marseille, France , 172 ; se e als o
Love, Mary , 104-5, 107 , 111 , 121 ; Banjo
see also Nigger Heaven Marshall Hotel, 1 7
Lowell, Amy , 161 Martin, Bradley , se e Bradle y Mar -
Lucas, Sam , 250 tin ball
Lueders, Edward , 105, 113 Mason, (Mrs. ) R . Osgood : patro n
Luhan, Mabl e Dodge, 99 of Negr o artists , 129-36 , 31 5
Lyles, Aubrey, 288 note 25; primitivism, 132-33
Massachusetts 54t h an d 55th Regi-
McAllister, Ward, 270-71, 272 ments, see Douglass, Frederic k
McClain, Billy , 278-79 Masters, Edgar Lee , 18 0
McClendon, Rose, 100,298; see also May, Henr y F. , 155-56 , 196 , 228 -
illustrations 29; "amoralists," 95-96
McGuffey's (William ) reader, 252 Medea an d Some Poems (Cullen),
Mclntire and Heath, 28 0 213
McKay, Claude , 29 , 71-72 , 118 , "Melanctha" (Gertrude Stein), 105 -
121, 127 , 187-88 , 189 , 210 , 6
211, 214-20 , 221 , 226 , 228 , Melville, Herman, 86, 94, 113 , 238 ,
237, 304 , 306 ; aestheticism , 240, 295
126-27; Africa , 176-77 ; Ca - "Memphis Blues" (Sterling Brown),
tholicism, 127-28 , 178 , 188 ; quoted from, 226
decadence, 126-27 ; denies Ne- Mencken, H. L., 107- 8
gro poetry , 72 ; denie s formal - Messenger, Th e (magazine) , 27-28 ,
ism, 215 ; denie s rac e con - 30, 33-34, 72, 191 , 240 , muck-
sciousness, 219-20 ; Ma x East- raking, 28-29 ; Ne w Negro ,
man, 25 ; Europea n civiliza - 53-54; poetry , 29 ; socialism ,
tion, 188 ; Fran k Harris , 25 ; 29; war issue, 38
moves t o Harlem , 24-25 ; Ne - Migration from South , 14 , 57-58
gro art , 203 ; patrons , 127 ; Mike Fink , se e Fink , Mike ; an d
primitivism, 124-28 , 164 , 172 - Comedy
74, 188 ; Russia , 178 ; stoicism , Miles, Bubber, 198
150-51; Van Vechten, 124-26 ; Milhaud, Darius, 77 , 198
Victorian influence , 126-27 ; Militancy, see New Negro
see also illustrations Miller, Arthur, 155
Maberly, "Mom," 251 Miller, Flournoy, 28 8
Macaulay (publishers), 191 Miller (Flourney ) an d Lyle s (Au-
Madame X , 28 8 brey), 290
Magazines, "little," 169 Mills, Florence, 290
Magic an d Medicine (Charle s Al - Mr. Lode ofKole, 28 3
ston), 167 Mitchell, Abbie, 288
336 Index

Moby Dick (Melville), 94 321 not e 13 ; name s as , 264 -


Moore, Neil, 280 65; travesty , 263-74 ; se e als o
Morand, Paul , quoted , 90-91, 101 , Blackface minstrels , Comedy ,
106 and Travest y
More, Paul Elmer, 196 Negro leadership , 191 ; America n
Morton, Ferdinan d "Jell y Roll, " Dream, 140-42 ; conflict
64, 198 among, 19-20 , 22 , 38 ; depen -
"Mother t o Son " (Hughes) , 78 ; dency, 50-51 ; elitism , 48-50 ;
quoted, 149-50 failure o f reform , 34-35 , 50 -
Muckraking, 28-29 51; Garve y on , 44-45; Garve y
Mulattoes, tragic , 200 , 236 , 295 threat, 46-47 ; impotence , 30 ,
Muse, Clarence, 29 8 34-35; paradoxe s of , 30 , 35 ,
"My Landlady," 28 4 47-49; progressivism , 26-29 ,
34-35, 48-50 , 141-42 ; wa r is -
Nation, Th e (magazine), 204 sue, 36-39
National Associatio n fo r th e Ad - Negro migration, 14, 57-58
vancement o f Colore d Peo - Negro press: attacks DuBois, 33-34 ;
ple, 23 , 27 ; founding , 20-21 ; editors' conference, 38 ; on
J. W . Johnson, 17 ; progressiv - Nigger Heaven, 113
ism, 28 ; satirized , 120 ; Va n Negro Republicans, 31-32
Vechten, 101-2 ; wa r issue , Negro soldiers : Civi l War , 39-40 ;
36-38; white influence, 50; see deny stereotype , 36; harassed,
also DuBois , Willia m E . B. ; 40; officia l discriminatio n
and Johnson, James Weldon against, 36-37 ; se e als o 369t h
National Theater, 299 Infantry Regiment ; an d Riots ,
Native So n (Richard Wright), 239 race
Naturalism, 145 , 239 ; i n theater , Negro stereotype , 57 , 156-57 , 231 ,
296; i n Toomer, 18 0 259-61, 262-63 , 281-82 , 295 -
Negritude, 186-89, 317 note 24 96, 297 , 301 ; blac k accom -
Negro, see Afro-American, an d modation to , 277 ; blac k sol -
Identity diers, 36 ; black us e of, 257-61;
Negro art, 196-197 , 199 , 240 ; Cul - exotic, 86 ; Nigger Heaven,
len, 208-9; McKa y denies , 72 ; 102-3; primitivism, 87-88;
patronized, 118 , 128 ; rac e Protestant Ethic , 142-43 , 251 ;
consciousness in , 199-201 ; theater, 245,248-63,298, 300 -
George Schuyle r on , 204-5 , 301; se e als o America n char -
318 not e 5 ; Va n Vechte n acter, Blackfac e minstrels, and
promotes, 102 ; whit e marke t Identity
for, 116-18 ; se e als o Afro - Negro theater, 292-93
American art , Painting , an d "Negro-Art Hokum" (George
Sculpture Schuyler), 204-5, 318 note 5
Negro character , 142-43 ; se e als o Negro in Chicago, The, 29; see also
Afro-American character , Riots, race
American character, Blac k "Negro Speak s o f Rivers , The "
psyche, Identity , an d Whit e (Hughes), 24, 29, 222; quoted ,
psyche 66; discussed, 66-6 7
Negro culture , see Afro-America n Negro World (Newspaper) , 42, 44 ,
culture 53
Negro humor : defined , 264-74 ; New Hampshire , 267
Index 337

New Negro , 11 , 14 , 18 , 111 , 133, Old Howard Theater, 275


241, 303 ; alienation , 64-65 ; Old Testament drama , 287
defined, 7-8 , 53-54 , 56-60 ; On These I Stand (Cullen) , 205 ,
folk roots , 72-78 ; influence s 214
Africans, 59 ; jazz, 10-11 , 198; O'Neill, Eugene, 116 , 296-98
military influence , 54-56 ; old- Opportunity (magazine) , 4-5 , 27 -
er generation , 18 ; self-asser - 28, 104 , 130 , 169 , 191 , 197,
tion, 71-72 ; self-doubt , 64-65 , 205, 240 ; Z. N . Hurston , 74 ;
68-69, 70-71 ; spirituals , 77 ; literary contests , 29 ; socia l
theater, 291-9 2 science influence, 28-29
New Negro, Th e (Locke , editor) , Oral tradition, 22 3
56, 169, 292 Othello, 297
New Vork , 15t h Infantr y Regi - Ousmane, Sembene, 178
ment, see 369th Infantr y Regi - Ovington, Mar y White, 2 0
ment Owen, Chandler , 27-28 ; progres -
New York Ag e (newspaper), 17 , 33 sives, 48-49 ; socialism , 29 ;
New York Evening Post (news - war issue , 28 , 38 ; whit e influ -
paper), 254-55 ence, 50
New fork Times (newspaper), 209
New York Tribune (newspaper), 271
New Yor k University, 161, 206, 209 Paganism, 193-94 ; anti-Christian ,
Niagara Movement, 20, 49 164-65; Cullen, 211
Nigeria, 178 Page, Thomas Nelson , 232
Nigger Heaven (Va n Vechten), 25 , Painting, 165-66 ; see also Douglas,
97, 98 , 118 , 121 , 122 , 172, Aaron; Hayden , Palmer; John-
236, 237 ; Afro-American crit - son, William ; Lawrence , Ja -
ics, 113 ; discussed , 107-12 ; cob; an d Tanner, Henr y O.
Home t o Harlem, 125 ; prim- Pan-African Congresses , 40-4 1
itivism, 111-12 ; sales , 114 ; Pan-Africanism, 29 , 30 , 40-41 , 46 -
title, 112-14 , 245 ; Walls o f 47, 176
Jericho, 120 Paradise Lost, 299
Nigger Jim, 125 Parties (Van Vechten), 96, 98
Niggers, Th e (Edwar d Sheldon) , "Passing," 144-45 , 159-61 , 237 ;
112 artistic, 200 ; i n Cane, 182 ;
Nihilism, 172 in Nigge r Heaven, 106 , 107;
"Nobody," 284 in Walls o f Jericho, 120; whites
"Nobody's Lookin ' bu t th e Ow l become Negro , 92-93 ; see also
and th e Moon " (Col e an d Blackface minstrels , and Iden -
Johnson), 16 tity
Norris, Frank, 145-46, 180 Passing (Nell a Larsen) , discussed ,
Not Without Laughter (Hughes) , 159-61
129; discussed , 153-5 4 Patrons, white , 118 , 127, 315 notes
22 an d 25 ; McKa y advocates ,
"O Blac k an d Unknow n Bards " 178-79; primitivism, 179
(J. W . Johnson), 16, 52 Patti, Adeline, 275
Octopus, Th e (Frank Norris), 145 Pearson's Magazine, 25, 12 7
Octoroons, The, 275 Pekin Theater, Chicago, 28 8
"Odyssey o f Bi g Boy " (Sterlin g Pennsylvania Academ y o f Fin e
Brown), 78 Arts, 165
338 Index
Peter Whiffle (Va n Vechten) , 97 , stereotype, Protestan t Ethic ,
98, 99, 109 and Whit e psyche
Pettijohn, Randolph , se e Nigger Primrose, George , 28 0
Heaven Princeton University , 261
Picasso, Pablo, 80 Progress, 196-9 7
Pierre (Melville), 94 Progressives ("Bul l Moose " party) ,
Pin* Slip, The, 283 31
Pinkard, Maceo, 290 Progressivism, 34-35 , 140-42 , 154 -
Pit, Th e (Frank Norris), 145 55, 303 , 305 ; Garvey , 46-47 ;
Pittsburgh Courier(newspaper) ,101 Negro achievement , 49-50 ;
Platonic idealism, 194 , 196 , 202- 3 Negro leadership , 5 , 26-29 ,
Plessy vs. Ferguson, 140, 14 1 48-50, 141-42 ; rac e guilt , 49-
Poe, Edga r Allan , 86 50; racism , 50; see also Ameri-
Poetry (magazine) , 206 can Dream , an d Protestan t
Poetry a s art, Countee Cullen , 206- Ethic
7 Prohibition, 19 0
Pope, Alexander, 199 Propaganda, ar t as, 201-3
Populism, 145-4 6 Protestant Ethic , 85, 152 , 187 ; Ne -
Porgy (Heyward) , 116, 295-96 gro acceptance , 257 ; Negr o
Porgy an d Bess, 295-96 stereotype, 142-43 , 251 ; "so -
Post Office Department , The , 2 8 ciety" and , 272-73 ; se e als o
Port-impressionism, 88, 187 , 19 9 Achievement, American
Poverty, 133, 190 , 191 , 208 , 30 5 Dream, Identity , an d Progres -
Pragmatism, 156 sivism
Prancing Nigger (Firbank), 112 Proust, Marcel, 106 , 24 0
"Prayer, A" (McKay), 127-28 Provincetown Players, 29 5
Preface t o Morals (Lippmann) , Provincialism, 52, 82-83, 197 , 232 -
300 38, 301; Afro-American , 9 , 64;
Press, se e Negro press American, 9 ; T . S . Eliot, 235 -
Primitivism, 7 , 111-12 , 121 , 124 - 36; ethnic , 160-61 , 195-201 ,
26, 127,172-74, 188-89; alien- 307-8; Nathanie l Hawthorne ,
ation, 174-76 ; Cullen , 162-64 ; 233-35; Nell a Larse n and ,
E. E . Cummings , 116 ; dis - 157-61; se e als o America n
cussed, 187-89 ; Aaro n Doug - character, America n culture ,
las, 169-72 ; DuBois, 146 , 152 ; Expatriates, and Identit y
female and , 161 ; Harlem , 89 - Public Schools, 60-65
92; Home t o Harlem, 122-28 ; Puerto Cabello, Venezuela , 16
Hughes, 135-36 ; Z . N . Hurs- Puritanism, 52, 59, 79 , 85-86, 163 ;
ton, 132-33 ; influence s Afri - exotic, 86 ; Harle m and , 89 ;
cans, 187-89 ; jazz and , 89-92 ; Nathaniel Hawthorne, 232-34 ;
Carl G . Jung , 91 ; Nell a Lar - Uncle Tom , 143-44 ; se e als o
sen, 157-59 , 160-61 ; McKay , American character , Identity ,
179; Pau l Morand , 90-91; Ne- and White psyche
gritude, 186-89 , 31 7 not e 24 ;
Negroes though t free , 87-88 ; Quadrille d'honneur, 272, 273-74
Nigger Heaven, 102-3 , 108 ; Quest of the Golden Fleece, The
painting, 165-66 ; patrons' , (DuBois), 152 ; discussed , 145 -
130-36; theater , 295-96 , 297 - 46
98; se e also Alienation, Black- Quicksand (Nell a Larsen) , dis -
face minstrels , Exotic , Negr o cussed, 157-5 9
Index 339
Race assertion, 15 1 Realism, theatrical, 294 , 296
Race building , 82-83 , 304-5 ; Afri - "Reapers" (Toomer), quoted, 220-21
can ar t and , 79-83 ; alienation , Reconstruction (Civi l War), 18 , 32,
61-62; Harlem, 58-59; see also 112,268-69
Collectivism, an d Self-deter - Red Cross , 3 8
mination Red Moon, Th e (Col e an d John -
Race consciousness , 82-83 , 304-5 , son), 286
308-9; achievement , 6 ; art , Redmon, Don, 10 , 198
195, 199 , 204-5 ; Banjo, 174 - Reid, Ir a D e A., 28
75; "coon" songs, 277 ; Cullen , Reiss, Winold, 168-69, 187
208-12; dilemm a o f progres - Remner, Lawrence, 29 7
sivism, 35 ; Aaro n Douglas , Republican party , 31-32 ; J . W .
170-71; Marcu s Garvey , 44 - Johnson, 16-17 ; B . T . Wash -
47; image , 141 ; McKay , 214, ington influence, 1 9
216, 219-20 ; Ne w Negro , 57 - Rhetoric, 266-68
58; "passing, " 23 ; Quicksand, Rice, Thomas D., 248
157-59; self-determination , 6 - Richardson, Willis, 292
7; self-doubt , 64-65 , 68-69 , Rider o f Dreams, Th e (R . Tor -
70-71; spirituals , 76-78 ; se e rence), 293
also Collectivism , Identity , Riley, James Whitcomb, 197
and Individualism Riots, race: Brownsville , Texas, 31 ,
Race denial , 144-45 , 151 , 188-89 ; 39; Chicago , Illinois , 29 , 53 ;
in Cane, 185-86; McKay , 178 - East St . Louis , Illinois , 72 ;
79; self-ridicule , 282-83 ; se e Houston, Texas , 37 , 39 , 55 ,
also Identit y 72; Longview , Texas , 53 ;
Race depreciation , "coon " songs , Washington, D.C., 5 3
276-77 Riverboat, see Comedy
Race doubt, art, 19 9 Riverboatmen, 78
Race guilt, 49-50, 61-6 2 Riverside, California, 279
Race hate , 108 , 259-60 ; i n Nigger Robeson, Paul , 293 , 296 , 298 ;
Heaven, 105 ; i n Walls o f spirituals, 76 ; Va n Vechten ,
Jericho, 120 93, 100 , 102 ; se e also illustra -
Race identity, Banjo, 174-75 tions
Race pride, Banjo, 17 7 Robinson, Bill "Bojangles," 290
Race unity, Banjo, 176-7 7 Rodin, Auguste, 165, 19 6
Racialism, 173-74 Romantics (English) , Countee Cul-
Racism, 155 , 30 5 len, 70
Ragtime, 276 , 291 ; alienation , 64 ; Roosevelt, Franklin , 191
"coon" songs, 276-7 7 Roosevelt, Theodore, 16, 31
Randolph, A. Philip, 27-28; DuBois Rowan and Martin , 251
on politics , 33-34 ; Garvey , "Rufus Rastu s Johnson " (Hogan) ,
44-45; progressives , 48-49 ; so- 277
cialism, 29 ; wa r issue , 28 , 38; fitmnin' Wild, 290
white influence, 50
Ravel, Maurice, 19 8 "St. Loui s Blues" (Handy), 100
Ray (character) , 122-123 , 189, 237 ; Salem, Massachusetts , 23 3
in Banjo, 172-73; o n sex, 125 - Saltus, Edgar, 9 5
26; se e als o Banjo, an d Home Sambo, 249 , 253 ; se e als o Black -
to Harlem face minstrels , an d Negr o ste-
Realism, local-color, 19 7 reotype
340 Index
San Francisco, California, 279 , 28 2 Sheldon, Edward, 112 , 115
Sandburg, Carl , 156 , 22 1 Shelley, Perc y B., 63
Sartoris, Lasca , 105 , 107 , 108 , Sherman, Stuar t Pratt , 196
109-12, 113 ; se e als o Nigge r Shipp, Jesse, 280-81
Heaven Shoofty Regiment, The, 28 6
Satire, see Blackface minstrels "Shroud o f Color " (Cullen) , 164 7
Saulsbury, Nate, 278 65, 230-31, quoted from ,
Scarlet Creeper , The , 103-5 , 109 , 210
111-12, 122 , 176 ; se e als o Shuffle Along (Mille r an d Lyles) ,
Nigger Heaven 24, 288-90
Scarlet Letter, The (Hawthorne) , Simon th e Cyrenian (R . Torrence) ,
232-33 293
Schoenberg, Arnold , 94, 11 3 "Simon th e Cyrenian Speaks " (Cul-
Schuyler, Georg e S. , 30 , 47 , 31 8 len), 206 , 210 ; quote d from ,
note 5 ; Negr o art , 204-5 ; o n 149
Nigger Heaven, 113 ; Va n Sissle, Noble , 28 8
Vechten, 10 1 Sissle (Noble ) an d Blak e (Eubie) ,
Scopes Trial, the, 29 9 290
Sculpture, 165-68 ; see also Barthe , Sisyphus, 70
Richmond; Fuller , Met a War - Smith, Bessie , 94 , 102 ; se e als o il -
rick; and Johnson, Sargen t lustrations
Second Par t o f the Nigh t (cabaret) , Smith, Clara, 94 , 107
101 Smothers Brothers, 25 1
Secret Information Concerning Soce, Ousmane, 17 8
Black Troops, 54-55 Social comment i n art, 201- 3
Segregation, 139-40 ; arme d ser - Social Darwinism , 85 ; se e als o
vices, 36-37 ; Federal facilities, Darwinism
33; McKay , 178-79 Socialist party, 31 , 34, 50
Selected Poems of Claude McKay "Society, Ne w York, 270-74
(McKay), 214 Soldiers, Negro , se e Negr o soldier s
Self-determination, 83 , 187-88; "Song fo r a Dar k Gh T (Hughes) ,
New Negro , 5 8 78; quoted, 225
Self-doubt, 68-69 ; America n cul - "Song of Praise, A" (Cullen), 209
ture, 70-71 ; Ne w Negr o im - "Song o f th e Son " (Toomer) , 221 ;
plies, 64-65 ; se e als o Identit y quoted, 180-81
Self-hate, 108 ; i n Nigge r Heaven, "Song of the Towers" (Aaron Doug-
105; se e als o Blac k psyche , las), 170 ; se e als o illustration s
and Identit y Sorrow i n Sunlight (Firbank) , se e
Senegalese, 188 Prancing Nigger
Senghor, Leopold , 178, 187-88 Souls o f Black Folk (DuBois) , 19 ,
Seven-Eleven, 29 0 20, 142 , 152 , 244 ; spirituals ,
Sexual attitudes , 86-88 , 252-54 ; 76
Home t o Harlem, 122 , 123 ; South Before th e War, The, 27 8
Jake, 125 ; McKay , 188-89 ; Southern legend, 278-79
Nigger Heaven, 104 , 109-11 ; Spider Boy (Van Vechten), 96, 98
Watts o f Jericho, 120 , 121 ; Spingarn, Joel, 31, 36-37
whites towar d blacks , 91-93 ; Spirituals, 105 , 192 , 194 , 204 ;
see also Black psyche, Identity , alienation, 63; folklore , 75-77;
Primitivism, and White psyche influence o n Hughes , 66-69 ;
Index 341

literature on , 76-77 ; Ne w Ne- Thompson, Louise , 132 ; move s t o


gro and, 77 Harlem, 22-23 ; patronized ,
Spoon River Anthology (E . L . Mas- 129-30
ters), 18 0 Thomson, James, 217
Sport o f th e Gods (P . L . Dunbar) , Three Lives (Gertrude Stein) , 105- 6
200 369th Infantr y Regiment , 14 , 54 -
Spring in New Hampshire (McKay), 55; see also illustrations
215 Thurman, Wallace , 133 , 191-95 ,
Stein, Gertrude, 94 , 105-6 , 113 200, 203 , 231 , 236 , 239-43 ,
Stereotype, see Negro stereotype 291, 302 ; Negr o art , 203 ; o n
Stevens, Wallace , 94, 105 , 22 9 Cullen, 162 ; o n Hurston , ISO -
Still, William Grant, 212-13 SI
Stoicism, 96 ; Cullen , 148-49 , 212 ; Timbuctoo, 189
Hughes, 149-50 ; McKay , 150 - Tin Pa n Alley, 16, 276-7 7
51, 212 , 216-17 ; Uncl e Tom , "To th e Whit e Fiends " (McKay) ,
143-44; se e als o Daiches , Da - quoted, 21 7
vid; an d Victorians, lat e Tocqueville, Alexis de, 232
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 143-4 4 Tolson, Melvin , 201, 307
Stravinsky, Igor, 77 , 94, 105 , 19 8 Tolstoy, Leo , 24 0
Strindberg, August , 296 Toluca, Mexico , 65-66
Strut Miss Lizzie, 29 0 Toomer, Jean , 172 , 179-87 , 189 ,
Sugar Cane (cabaret), 10 1 220-21, 228 , 236 , 238 ; iden -
Synge, John M., 231, 292 tity, 186-87
Topeka, Kansas , 168
Torrence, Ridgely, 293-94, 29 5
Taft, Willia m Howard , 16, 31 Towse, J . Rankin, 297
"Talented tenth, " 49 , 194 ; aliena - Trade unio n movement, 50, 53
tion, 62; se e also DuBois, Wil- Tradition, 287 ; backwoods , 249 -
liam E. B.; and Elitism 50; literary , 197 , 228-29 , 234 -
Tanner, Henry O., 165, 196 , 19 9 38, 238-39; minstrel, 299; Ne-
Tantalus, 70 gro theatrical , 248-49 , 286 ;
Tattooed Countess, Th e (Van Vech- oral, 229-30, 287 , 31 9 note 24
ten), 98 "Tradition an d th e Individua l Tal-
Tender Buttons (Gertrude Stein), 94 ent" (T. S. Eliot), 235-36
Thackeray, Willia m M., 63 Tragedy, 295-9 6
Theater: medicin e show , 279-80 ; Travesty, 263-74 ; Bradle y Marti n
naturalism an d realism , 296 ; ball, 271-74 ; costume , 268 ;
see also Blackface minstrels DuBois/Cullen wedding, 306 ;
Theater, ethnic : Afro-American , language, 265-68; names, 264-
245, 249 , 251 , 262-63 , 274 - 65, 32 1 not e 17 ; Eugen e
75, 286 , 287-93 ; DuBois' s O'Neill and , 297-98 ; Recon -
principles, 292 ; Negr o stereo - struction as , 268-69 ; satir e
type, 251,255-56; social satire, and socia l comment , 269-74 ;
270-74; Yiddish , 246-47 , 248 , see also Comedy
259-60, 291 Trip t o Coontown, A, 275
Theatre Arts Monthly (magazine) , Trollope, (Mrs ) Francis, 232, 254
169 Trotter, Monroe , 33
There i s Confusion (Jessi e Fauset) , True Story (magazine) , 191
discussed, 146-4 8 Truth, Sojourner, 61
342 Index

Tubman, Harriet, 6 1 tivism, 111-12 ; tour s o f Har -


Turgenev, Ivan, 180 lem, lOOf f
"Tuskegee Machine, " se e Wash - Victorians, late , 193 , 216-17 , 220 ;
ington, Booker T. Cullen, 212 ; McKay , 126-27 ,
Twain, Mark, 60, 125, 238 , 29 5 150-51; Va n Vechten , 95-97 ;
24th infantr y Regiment , 37 , 55 ; see also Daiches, David
see also Riots, race Villard, Oswald Garrison, 2 0
"Two Rea l Coons, " 258 , 280 ; se e Violence, racial : Ne w Negr o and ,
also Williams and Walke r 53-54; post-wa r increase , 56 ;
see also Riots, rac e
Uncle Remus tales, 73-74 Virgin Islands, 157
Uncle Tom, 143-44 , 148 ; d e Lawd ,
300 Waldorf Hotel , 27 1
Uncle Tom's Cabin (H. B . Stowe) , Walker, George , 258, 265 , 279-86 ;
143-44 Cakewalk, 274
"Under th e Bambo o Tree " (Col e Walker, Ida Overton (Mrs. George),
and Johnson) , 16, 283 265
Unity, race , 176-77 ; se e als o Rac e Walker, Madame C. J., 26
building, an d Rac e conscious - Waller, Thoma s "Fats, " 10 , 198 ,
ness 290
Universal Negr o Improvemen t As - Walls o f Jericho (R . Fisher) , dis -
sociation, 22, 42-43, 45-4 6 cussed, 119-21; Nigger Heaven,
University of California, 2 3 120
University of Chicago, 98-99 Walrond, Eric, 193
University o f Nebraska , Schoo l o f Walters, Bishop Alexander, 32
Fine Arts , 168 War Department , the , 38 ; blac k
University of Pennsylvania, 104 officers, 36-37 ; racia l policy ,
Up From Slavery (B . T . Washing - 36-37
ton), 142 Ward, Lester, 2 9
Urban League , 27 , 28 , 130 ; Op - Washington, Booker T., 38, 49, 61,
portunity, 4-5 155, 209 , 257 ; alienation , 62 ;
Urbanization: changin g mores , 87 - DuBois, 19-20; influences Gar-
88; Ji m Dandy , 269-70 ; folk- vey, 22, 41; progressivism, 49 ;
lore, 75 ; Ne w Negro , 57-58 ; race image , 141-42 ; "Tuske -
"Song o f th e Towers, " 17 0
and illustration fee Machine, " 31 ; whit e in -
uence, 50
Washington, D.C. , 53 ; se e als o
Van Alen, James, 272 Riots, race
Vanderbilt, Willia m K., 274 "Watermelon Time " (E . Hogan) ,
Vanity Fair (magazine) , 95 , 102 , 277
135, 16 9 Waters, Ethel , 290 ; Va n Vechten ,
Van Vechten , Carl , 25-26 , 93ff , 93,102
113-14, 118 , 121 , 126 , 156 , "Weary Blues " (Hughes), 78
172, 201 , 236 , 237 , 245, 305 ; Weary Blues (Hughes), 78, 95, 102 ,
decadence i n Nigger Heaven, 223
109-11; DuBoi s and , 115-16 ; Webster, Daniel , 266-68
Home t o Harlem and , 125 - Wecter, Dixon , 271
26; Negr o parties, 101 ; patro n Wells, H . G., 155-56
of Negr o art , 128-29 ; primi - Westfield, New Jersey, 129
Index 343

What th e Negro Wants (Rayfor d Witter Bynne r Poetr y Prize , 161 ,


Logan), 40 205, 206 ; se e als o Bynner ,
Wheatley, Phyllis, 199, 23 2 Witter
Whiffle, Peter , see Peter Whiffle "Won't Yo u Com e Hom e Bil l
Whipper, Leigh , 279, 298 Bailey?" 277
White, Walter , 9 9 Works Progres s Administration ,
"White House , The " (McKay) , 151 167, 169 ; se e als o Federa l
White psyche : nee d o f blacks , 91 - Art Project, an d W.P.A .
93, 117 , 135-36 , 245 , 250-63 , World Wa r I , 155 ; effect s o n rac e
274, 299-301 , 305 ; travest y consciousness, 6-7 ; DuBoi s
in blackface , 268-69 ; se e als o on, 30 ; migration , 14 ; Negr o
American character, Blackface participation, 35-39 ; Ne w Ne-
minstrels, Identity , Protestan t gro, 54 ; reaction s to , 86-88 ;
Ethic, and Puritanism U.S. polic y towar d Negr o sol-
Whiteman, Paul, 10 diers, 54-55
Whitman, Walt, 221, 232 , 23 8 W.P.A., 167 , 169 , 191 ; se e als o
"Who I s Da t Sai d Chicke n i n Di s Federal Art Project, and Works
Crowd?" 277 Progress Administration
"Why Ada m Sinned," quoted, 28 5 Wright, Richard , 239
Wietand (Charle s B . Brown), 86 Wu Sing: Th e Geisha Man, 242 ;
Wilberforce College , Pennsylvania, see also Infants o f th e Spring
19 Wylie, Elinor, 94
Wilde, Oscar, 95-97, 242
Williams, Egber t "Bert, " 99 , 258 ,
265, 276 , 279-86 ; a s single , Yale University, 93
283-86; Cakewalk, 274 Yankee Doodle , 249 , 273 ; se e als o
Williams (Bert) and Walker Comedy
(George), 280-86, 289 "Yet Do I Marvel" (Cullen), quoted
Wilson, Edmund, 95 and discussed, 69-7 0
Wilson, Frank, 298 Yiddish theater, se e Theater, ethni c
Wilson, Woodrow , 16 , 28 , 30 , 37 ;
Negro support for , 32-33; rac-
ism charged , 33 ; segregate s
federal facilities, 3 3 Ziegfeld Follies , 279, 28 3
Winesburg, Ohio (Sherwoo d An - Zip Coon, see Coon, Zip
derson), 18 0 Zola, Emile, 180

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