The Stracheys and Psychoanalysis

The Stracheys and Psychoanalysis
Author(s): Barbara Caine

Source: History Workshop Journal, No. 45 (Spring, 1998), pp. 144-169
Published by: Oxford University Press
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James and Alix Strachey at Lord's Wood, 1946.

Left: James sporting his newly grown beard, c. 1915.
Right: Alix by Barbara Ker-Seymer, c. 1935.
The Stracheys and Psychoanalysis*

by Barbara Caine
As the major English translators of Freud, James and Alix Strachey have
recently become the subject of extensive debate. For some, the Stracheys'
Standard Edition is as authoritative as the King James Bible.' But analysts,
cultural theorists and historians from many countries are deeply divided
over its merits and its problems. James's invention of new terms like
'cathexis' and 'anaclitic', which established a specialized and technical lan-
guage for psychoanalysis in place of Freud's own practice of using both liter-
ary and conversational German, has been particularly controversial, while
the emphasis the Stracheys put on the scientific nature of his work has been
seen as hiding the cultural and humanist aspects of Freud's thought.2
While this debate provides the background to my own work, it is not the
subject with which I am most concerned. I am interested rather in the other
side of this question: in what Freud and psychoanalysis meant to the
Stracheys. Why were James and Alix Strachey so attracted to psycho-
analysis? Having taken it up in the early 1920s, why did they choose trans-
lation, rather than clinical work or the development of their own ideas? I
am concerned also to attempt to break up this composite entity 'James and
Alix Strachey' which often transmutes into 'James', leaving Alix a shadowy
figure without a life of her own. Is it possible to explore the life and work
of Alix Strachey within the framework of the history of feminism: to explore
History Workshop Journal Issue 45 C History Workshop Journal 1998

146 History Workshop Journal
her rejectionof the feminismof her mother,MarySargant-Florence, and to

see whetherpsychoanalysisoffered her a better way of understandingthe
problemsof emancipatedwomen than did feminism?
This project is part of a wider study of the Stracheyfamily and the
meaningof modernismon whichI am engaged.The Stracheysseem to me
to offer a particularlyinterestingcase-studyof the complexitiesof modern-
ism in Britain.I plan to explorethe waysin whichmembersof a prominent
Victorian family negotiated their past as they sought, articulatedand
attemptedto live what they understoodas a 'modern'life. In this essay, I
want to focus on the role of psychoanalysisin this context.
* * *
JamesStracheywasthe youngestof the ten survivingchildrenof SirRichard

Strachey(1817-1908)andJaneMariaGrant(1840-1928).Both sides of the
familywere veryconsciousof theirlong anddistinguishedhistories,extend-
ing back over severalcenturies.The Stracheyswere an uppermiddle-class
family,known primarilyfor their success as colonial administrators.3 The
Grantstoo hadbeen closelyinvolvedfor manydecadesin imperialadminis-
tration. Thus the family was closely bound up with Victorian imperial
expansion,derivingits prestige and its income primarilyfrom its involve-
ment in India.
Sir RichardStracheywas seventywhen Jameswas born in 1887- a fact
whichfascinatedthe psychoanalyticcommunity.Sir Richardwas in a state
of semi-retirementby this stage. Nonetheless,his personality,his interests
and his extraordinarycareer seem to me important in understanding
James'sideas and approach.He was a versatileand exceptionallyable man.
Trained as an engineer, he had a distinguishedmilitarycareer in India
duringthe 1840sbefore becomingactivelyinvolvedin publicworksfirstas
Under-Secretaryof the PublicWorksDepartmentin Calcuttaand then as
consultantengineeron railways.He advisedthe BritishGovernmenton a
numberof mattersabout India and had a seat on the councilof India.He
arrangedthe termsfor the purchaseof the East IndiaRailwayin 1877and
in 1889 became Chairmanof the extremelysuccessfulEast India Railway
Company.Sir Richardspent time alternatelyin Englandand India,using
the time in Englandto pursuehis interestsin mathematics,botany,geology
and meteorology.Here too he made his mark,laying the foundationsfor
the studyof Indianmeteorology;designingnew sliderules;inventinginstru-
ments for the observationof clouds. He was a respectedmember of the
world of Victorianscience:a Fellow of the Royal Society,Secretaryof the
Royal GeographicalSociety from 1887-9;and a memberof the Managing
Committeeof Kew Observatory.He numberedmany distinguishedscien-
tists amonghis friends,includingT. H. Huxley and JohnTyndall.4
LadyJane Stracheytoo led an active and interestinglife. Indeed,in the
eyes of MichaelHolroyd,she wasthe moresignificantparentforheryounger
children,who lived in a world dominatedmore by her literaryand social
intereststhan by their father'sscientificand managerialones.5She was an

TheStracheysand Psychoanalysis 147
activefeministwho took a significantrolein the women'smovement,serving

for a numberof years as chairman(sic) of the Women'sLocal Government
Society.6She was also active in the National Union of Women'sSuffrage
Societies,givinga numberof speechesfor that organizationon the question
of empireand on the importanceof understandingthe imperialobligations
of feminists.7
An excellent linguist, she not only spoke but wrote and translated
French, acting as examiner for oral French at her daughters'school. A
womanof considerablewarmthand vitality,she devoted muchof her time
to her childrenand her enormousextended family leaving the details of
domestic organizationto her variousdaughters.But of course, like most
other feministsof her day, this belief in women'srightsdid not mean that
she ever questionedthe idea that it was women who should undertakeall
domesticandfamilialresponsibilities- or thatthe needs of men shouldtake
precedenceover those of women.Whenthe familywas in slightlystraitened
circumstancesin the 1880s,therewasinsufficientmoneyto sendone of their
daughters,Pippa,to school - but there was no suggestionthat her brother
Olivershouldsharethe same fate.8
Like his older brother Lytton, James Strachey had a complicated
relationshipwiththe worldof his parents.He dislikedthe conservativepoli-
tics, the narrowand rigidmoralvalues,the imperialistassumptionsand the
militarismand jingoismof this world.But of course it protected,financed
andsustainedhim.Jamesleft Cambridgein 1908withfew qualificationsand
no specificambitionsor desires.Seekingemploymentfor him, his mother
contactedher nephewSt Loe Strachey,who madeJameshis assistanton the
Spectator.9 While loathing the politics and values of the Spectator, and refer-
ringscornfullyto his activitiesthere as panderingto the bourgeoisie,James
relishedthe almost daily lunches at the Savoy which served as a meeting
place for him and his boss.10
The brotherto whomJameswas closestwas Lytton,and the two of them
had an extremely close and intimate relationshipfrom childhood until
Lytton's death in 1932. The seven-year age gap between them meant
nothing,even in theirearlyyouth. As an adolescent,JamessharedLytton's
intellectual,literaryand sexual tastes - even his passion for their cousin,
Duncan Grant.Jamesfollowed Lyttonto Cambridge,was elected to the
Apostles Society and moved in very much the same homosexualcircles.11
For much of his school and universitylife, Jameswas passionatelyin love
with his school friend, Rupert Brooke.12James had a numberof homo-
sexual relationshipsboth at Cambridgeand after. In the yearsjust before
the War,however, his sexual orientationapparentlychanged.In 1910 he
met both his future wife, Alix Sargant-Florence,and Noel Olivier - with
whom he fell in love. These two women became the centralfiguresin his
emotionaland sexuallife.
This change in orientationdid not make James'ssexual life any less
complex.In fallingin love withNoel Olivier,Jameschose a womanwho was
also being pursuedby RupertBrooke.13Moreoverwhile James'spursuitof

Noel was constantand even relentless,she saw him as adoptinga passive

and femininerole. Noel's letters to Jamesrefer constantlyto his meekness
and devotion - characteristicswhich roused her to acts of cruelty.14While
Jameswanderedaimlesslyaround,Noel followed her intellectualand pro-
fessionalinclinationsby becominga doctor.It was she who instructedhim
in the use of condoms and who seems to have introducedhim to hetero-
sexualintercourse.15
The relationshipbetween James and Noel was a life-long one. In the
1920s,Noel becameboth James'sand Alix's doctor.In the early1930stheir
relationshipchanged, however, as Noel, then a young mother with a
growingfamily,fell suddenlyin love with James.They had a passionate
affairthroughoutthe 1930s- and duringthis period, Jameswas anything
but meek or passive.Theirrelationshiphadchangedstructurallytoo:by this
time, havinginheritedLyttonStrachey'scopyrights,Jameswas quite com-
fortablyoff and he lent Noel and her husbandsubstantialsumsof money.16
While Noel Oliviermoved in and out of James'slife, his constantcom-
panion after about 1918 was Alix Sargant-Florencewhom he marriedin
1920. Alix came very much from the same social and economic world as
James.Her Americanfatherdied in 1892whenshe wasonly a babyandAlix
wasbroughtup entirelyby hermother.MarySargant-Florence (1857-1954)
was a womanof considerablewealthwho devotedherlife to feministactivi-
ties and to painting.She had two children:Alix and an older son, Philip,17
both of whomreceivedthe samekindof education.Alix spentseveralyears
at the progressive public school, Bedales, and then in 1911 went to
NewnhamCollege, Cambridge,where she read modernlanguages.18
AlthoughAlix refusedever to take up her mother'sinterestin feminist
campaigns,she was alwaysunconventionaland refusedto accepteitherthe
dresscodes or the conductexpectedof youngwomenof her class.She wore
trousersand drabcoloursand often followed what were regardedas mas-
culine pursuits.She was the only girl in the cricketeleven at Bedales, for
example.Dora Carringtonoften commentedon how unusualAlix was, 'so
unlikeother women,so impersonalmore like a man'.19
Alix was a more enthusiasticstudentthan James,but she too left Cam-
bridgein 1914with no clear idea about a futurecareer.She thoughtabout
studyingpsychologyin the future- but embarkedimmediatelyon a long
tripto Germanyand Russia.20On her return,Alix took her place as one of
the youngergenerationof emancipated'cropheads'who were closely con-
nected with the Bloomsburygroup, and who rejected marriageand any
formof bourgeoispropriety,engagingratherin a hecticroundof socialand
sexualrelationships.Whiledemandingfreedomfromtheirfamiliesand the
conventionalbehaviourof theirclass,most of these womenwere,like Alix,
dependenton allowancesfrom those familiesto pursuethis kind of life.
The most detailedportraitof Alix is to be foundin the lettersanddiaries
of the painterand long-termcompanionof LyttonStrachey,Dora Carring-
ton. In her lettersto LyttonStrachey,Carringtondescribedat lengthAlix's

The Stracheys and Psychoanalysis 149
moodiness,her self-dramatization,her love of coffee, cigarettesand open

fires,her rejectionof freshair and exercise- andher generosityand charm.
For manyyears, Alix was Carrington'sclosest friend- indeed, as Carring-
ton madevery clear,next to LyttonStrachey,Alix was the personshe loved
most - and the one whom she saw as havingthe greatestimpactand influ-
ence on herlife.21The relationshipbetweenthese two friendswasa complex
one. In additionto theirmanyother commoninterests,in the years 1915to
about1920,CarringtonandAlix sharedthe experienceof beingin love with
two brotherswho did not returntheir affections.But Carringtonwas also
alwaysa little bit in love with Alix - and had with her a relationshipnot
entirelydissimilarto that she had with Lytton.Her letters to both express
consciousnessof her own unreciprocatedfeelingsandher sense of the need
to curbher desirefor emotionaloutpourings.Carringtoncommentedoften
on Alix's undemonstrativeness and dislikeof overt emotion - but couldn't
quite silence her own desires.'Oh Alix,'she once wrote, 'I wish you were a
Sappho.We mighthave had such a happylife withoutthese Stracheys.'22
Alix and James met at a Fabian summer school in 1910. But their
relationshipdid not develop for a numberof years. Jameswas engrossed
with Noel Olivier,while Alix was involvedwith HarryNorton and David
Garnett.As was the case with so manyBloomsburywomen, Alix rejected
the passionate desire for her expressed by Garnett, choosing instead to
pursue the indifferentStrachey.23In 1915 Alix decided that she wanted
Jamesas her partnerand set about pursuinghim with grimdetermination,
invitinghim firstto her mother'shouse in Marlowfor weekends,and then
to share her flat. These years were filled with dramaand distressas James
alternatedtime with Alix with his continuedpursuitof Noel. Alix in turn
made very publicthe extent of her passionand constanthurt.She had both
physicaland mentalcollapses,often needingto be cartedoff by Carrington
to recover.VirginiaWoolf's diaries and letters provide a continuoussar-
donic commentaryon the scenes which accompaniedAlix's pursuit of
James.UltimatelyWoolf decidedthat Alix deservedto win - althoughshe
felt that theirs was a marriage deprived of interest because so many
emotionalbattleshad been foughtbefore it occurred.24
James and Alix marriedin 1920 - in part at least to make it easier to
undertakethe extended Europeantour whichthey were planning.By the
early 1920s,however,it is clear that Jamesnot only acceptedAlix's devo-
tion to him, but came to love her deeply himself. He wrote long letters
expressingthislove whenevertheywere separated.Alix wasinitiallyuneasy
about his expressionsof devotion. 'Well,what am I to say about the most
importantpart of your letter?',she asked.
The absolute truth is that it gives me an anxiety - hysteria - fixation neu-

rosis,in a slightdegree.You mustn't,you reallymustn'tbe more fond of
me thanis suitableor I shallvery soon sink underthe groundor cease to
exist in some way or other.It wouldbe terribleto thinkone wouldnever

150 History WorkshopJournal
have anotherchanceof piningaway in secret - or in public- especially

when one thinkshow badlyone did it and how ungratefulone was at the
time. I do so like runningafter you, you see, like the awful perverted
womanI am.25
But in time Alix came to accept,enjoyand indeeddependon James'sdevo-

tion. Their correspondencein the period 1924-5 when she was in Berlin
while James stayed in London suggest a very intimate and affectionate
relationship.26 JamesmissedAlix terriblyand had to fightagainsthis desire
to join her there. He took to listeningto Berlin radio as a way of feeling
involvedin her life. The exclusivenessof theirrelationship,however,seems
to have ended in the late 1920s.Alix, who had long bewailedher inability
to fall in love with women,finallyhad a lesbianrelationshipwith a woman
called Nancy Miller.Little is knownabout her or about their relationship.
As ever, Carringtonprovidesthe mostrevealingcomments,confidingto her
diariesher unhappinessat the way in whichthis relationshipbrokeher inti-
macy with Alix. She found Alix's and Nancy's happinessin each other's
companyalmost unbearable.27 Although there is a suggestionin Lytton's
letters of some tension and difficultybetween Alix and Jamesat this time,
they seem to have remainedclose. Alix spentseveralweeks holidayingwith
Nancyin 1929and 1930- but wroteregularlyto James.Indeed,at one point
she sent a telegram asking him to come and fetch her as things had got
ratherdifficult.Alix's relationshipservesas a preludeto James'slong affair
withNoel whichAlix clearlyknewabout- andwhichseems not to havedis-
ruptedher and James'sdomesticharmony.28
NeitherJamesnor Alix had to tempertheir emotionalor social lives by
economicor financialconsiderations- or by the need to earn a living.Alix
received quite a generous allowanceof ?50 per quarterfrom her mother
while she was at Cambridgeandthis allowancecontinuedthroughher early
marriedlife. Her incomewasinstrumentalin givingAlix powerin hersexual
life, enablingher to take a flat and invite her favouritepartnerto share it
with her. Jamestoo receivedsome financialhelp fromhis familyand had a
small income from a parcelof shares.The letters of Jamesand Alix refer
constantlyto their financialdifficultiesduringthe 1920s,but the problem
they faced was how to make their independentincome of severalhundred
poundsa year stretchto meet theirextravagantdesiresnot only for a com-
fortablehome, but also for regulartravel,frequentattendanceat operaand
concerts,dinnersout, expensivebooks on Africanart,and dailyanalysis.In
1924-5,it also hadto stretchsufficientlyto maintainAlix at a hotel in Berlin
while Jamesremainedin their Londonhome.
PSYCHOANALYSIS
The immersionof James and Alix Stracheyin psychoanalysisnow passes
withoutcomment,as if it wasan obviousstep for themto take andone which

followedfromtheirconnectionwithBloomsburyandwitha 'modern'mood
in personaland intellectuallife.29But while Freud'swritingswere knownin
some medicaland psychiatriccirclesduringand immediatelyafterthe First
WorldWar,andwere sometimesdiscussedin the intellectualcirclesin which
James and Alix mixed, they were by no means widely accepted.30Few
amongsttheir close family or friendsknew much about Freud- and any
interest was often critical.Lytton was interestedin James'experiencesin
Vienna, but repelled by the way in which psychoanalysiswas assumedto
providea curefor all things- especiallyhomosexuality.LikeVirginiaWoolf,
he sometimesthoughtof psychoanalysisas a 'ludicrousfraud'.31Roger Fry,
a close friend32of the Stracheyfamily,also regardedpsychoanalysisas being
'a bit off the lines', althoughit was 'a fine correctiveto nobilityand edifica-
tion to realizethat our spiritualnatureis builtupon dung'.33
For James himself, the ignoranceabout Freud in his immediatecircle
becameincreasinglyfrustrating.Even his relationshipwith Lyttonsuffered,
he complained to Alix, because when they discussed general questions
aboutreligionor asceticism,'I findI haveto suppressalmosteverythingthat
it occursto me to say. Whycan't these asses read the Professor'sworks?'34
James was introduced to Freud through the Society for Psychical
Researchwherehe was discussedby F. W. Myers.35Thissocietywhichiniti-
ally attractedJames because of its interest in abnormalpsychology,had
madeFreudan honorarymemberandpublishedone of his papersin 1912.36
Alix too came to psychoanalysisthroughMyers,planningto studypsychol-
ogy with him when she finishedher degree in ModernLanguages.37 Their
sharedinterestin psychoanalysiswas clearlya strongbond between James
and Alix and by 1915 they were both reading and discussingone of the
earliestEnglishtranslationsof Freud,Brill'sInterpretation of Dreams.38
The Stracheysdidnot offera clearaccountof theirdecisionto meet Freud
or to undertakeanalysis.In 1920,Alix and Jamesdecidedto spend several
monthsin Europe.When their planningwas alreadywell underway, they
seem suddenlyto have decidedto includea visit to Viennato see Freud.39
But this apparenthaphazardnessshould not necessarilybe taken at face
value. It seems to me to match well the later, and completelyinaccurate,
storiesJamestold about how they came to translateFreud.Jamesreferred
on a numberof occasionsto the fact that he and Alix began to translate
Freud'sworkat Freud'srequest.'It is nearlyhalf a centurynow' he insisted
in the 'Preface'to the StandardEdition,'since we [he and Alix] spent two
yearstogetherin Viennain analysiswith Freud,and since, afteronly a few
weeks of our analysis,he suddenlyinstructedus to make a translationof a
paper he had recently written - "Ein Kind wird geschlagen".'40James's letters
to Ernest Jones, however,indicate that he had alreadybegun translating
Freud before they went to Vienna:41indeed, they arrivedwith their first
translationof GroupPsychologyalmostcomplete.42Jameshad arrangedto
haveErnestJonesintroducehimto Freud- andJoneshadmadeclearin this
introductionthatJameswas interestedin psychoanalysisas a professionand

152 HistoryWorkshopJournal
in translating.Freudin turnacceptedJamesfor considerablyless moneythan

he wouldhave requiredfroman ordinarypatientbecause'the case of a man
who wants to be a pupil and become an analyst'was above financialcon-
siderations.43
Thisseriesof storiesseemsto me to suggesta desireon James's
part to mask his deliberatechoice of psychoanalysisas a professionand
perhapsto suggesta certainuneaseaboutthat choice.
This unease was also evident in letters to Lyttonin whichJameshoped
that his and Alix's literaryeffortswould not be 'too closely followed by an
admiringfamily'.Theirfirstarticle,Jameswrote to Lyttonin Decemberof
1921,
mustalmostbe publishedby now and is devotedentirelyto the question

of forthing[Lyttonand James'sterm for defecating]- and the next one
is about torturingsmallboys. All of these howeverare anonymous;but
our magnumopus, whichwe've not yet begun,and whichis to be a book
of the Prof's own clinicalpapers,will have our nameslargelyprintedall
over it. I'm afraidGrace will be even more pained by it than by Queen
Victoria.44
Whileboth Jamesand Alix sufferedfrom a rangeof what are now thought

of as emotionaland nervousdisorders,they did not initiallyturnto psycho-
analysisseeking a cure. WhenJameshad what he referredto as a nervous
breakdownin 1913,he dealt with it in a customaryway- by takinga break
fromworkandtravelling.45 Alix in turnsufferedsome kindof collapsewhile
at Cambridge.But while Meisel and Kendricksee this as a nervouscom-
plaint,it seems to have been treatedas a heartcomplaintand she was for-
biddento do sport and orderedto rest.46Throughouther life Alix suffered
intermittentlyfrom depressionand from a range of phobias,experiencing
severe palpitationsin theatresor crowdedplaces or in trains.She appears
also to have been anorexic.47Her weight and her eating habits were the
source of constantcommentand discussionin her own lettersand those of
her friends.Alix's lettersrefer almostobsessivelyto her gluttony,detailing
her meals and her frequentindulgencein the parfaitsand coffee and cake
which she loved. Dora Carrington,by contrast,constantlyworriedabout
how thin Alix was, alwaysaskingif she had put on weight and sometimes
expressinganxietythat she had insufficientflesh to withstandcolds or any
form of physicalailment.48Photographsof Alix whichshow her as slender,
sometimes to the point of being gaunt, seem to bear out Carrington's
concern.
It was as well that the Stracheyshad a professionalinterestin spreading
psychoanalyticideas rather than a personal one of benefiting from it
because their personalexperienceof analysiswas prettydisastrous.James
found his initialanalysiswith Freudin 1920completelyengrossing.Freud,
as he wrote to Lytton,was a dazzlingartisticperformerwho made every
hour 'into an organicaestheticwhole'.

Sometimesthe dramaticeffect is absolutelyshattering.Duringthe early

part of the hour all is vague- a darkhint here, a mysterythere - then it
graduallyseems to get thicker;you feel dreadfulthingsgoing on inside
you, andcan'tmakeout whatthey can possiblybe;then he beginsto give
you a slightlead;you suddenlyget a clearglimpseof one thing;then you
see another;at last a whole sense of light breaksin on you; he asks you
one more question;you give a last reply- and as the whole truthdawns
upon you the Professorrises, crosses the room to the electricbell, and
showsyou out at the door.
That'son favourableoccasions.But there are otherswhen you lie for
the whole hour with a ton weighton your stomachsimplyunableto get
out a single word.I think that makes one more inclinedto believe it all
than anything.When you positively feel the 'resistance'as something
physicalsittingon you, it fairlyshakesyou all the rest of the day.49
Alix, however,did not sharethisview.She hadnot plannedto go into analy-

sis when they arrivedin Vienna,andbeganonly when she had a recurrence
of her earlysymptomsof anxietyandpalpitations.She dislikedFreudas an
analyst, which is hardly surprisingin view of the shabby treatmentshe
receivedfrom him. As Jameswrote to Lytton,afterAlix 're-developedher
palpitation attacks at a performanceof Gotterdammerung,and subse-
quently couldn't face theatres and concerts without awful qualms', he
pouredthe storyout to Freud,
who said he'd like to 'sondieren'her case, as he had an hourfree for 2 or

3 weeks, and wouldthen if advisablesend her on to someone else. After
a certainnumberof hours he became fascinated,partlyby her case, &
partlyby the effect of the actionsand re-actionscaused by takingboth
of us at once. (He had in fact begun by thinkingit almost a technical
impossibility)unluckilyhe then becamefull up, so had to dropher for a
time;but he appearsmost unwillingto handher over, and expectsto be
able to take her on againshortly.50
This uncomfortablesituationwas cut short when Alix developed a very

severe lung ailmentin 1921afterwhichshe had to leave Viennato recuper-
ate in a warmerclimate.Jameswasverydistressedat the abrupttermination
of his analysis,but could do nothingaboutit. This experienceof the sudden
loss of an analystwas to be repeatedfor both of them. On Freud'sadvice,
Alix resumed analysis with Karl Abraham,whom she greatly liked and
admired,in Berlin in 1924.Abraham,however,died suddenlya year later,
before her analysiswas complete.Shortlyafterthis Jameswent into analy-
sis with JamesGlover, but Glover too died suddenlyin 1926.WhileJames
seems not to have attemptedanalysisagainafterthis, Alix did, becominga
patientof EdwardGloverwhen she returnedto London.It is not clearhow
long this analysislasted,but it did not help with her phobias.Alix managed

them, she later explained to Donald Winnicott, with the help of occasional
drugs - and the support of friends.51
Despite the short time the Stracheys spent in analysis with Freud, he gave
each of them a letter stating his belief that they were now qualified to prac-
tise as analysts. Freud was clearly very taken with James and Alix. He
regarded them as 'exceptionally nice and cultured people though somewhat
queer' and warned Ernest Jones, his disciple and effectively the director of
psychoanalysis in Britain, to treat them with sensitivity and respect.52 At
Freud's insistence, Jones organized their admission to the British Psycho-
analytic Society. Moreover, despite his reservations about lay analysts and
his sense of James as lazy and lacking in direction, Jones referred a couple
of patients to James and thus helped him to establish himself as a practis-
ing analyst.53For the next few decades, James was an active figure in British
psychoanalysis, attending meetings, serving on the Training Committee and
undertaking training, writing papers, and attending analytic congresses. He
edited the InternationalJournal of Psycho-Analysis during the war. Alix, by
contrast, seems to have faded out of the public world of psychoanalysis
when she returned to London from Berlin in 1925. She rarely attended
meetings or congresses and published few writings of her own. Moreover
although their house was set up with consulting rooms, she seems only to
have had one or two patients.54
Alix did undertake two major works of translation at this time, working
first on the papers of Karl Abraham and then translating Klein's Psycho-
analysis of Children. For her, as soon for James, it was translation that
became the most important work.
WHY TRANSLATION?
Although James suggests that they fell into translation by accident, in fact
the Stracheys chose to translate. Clearly it offered them an activity which
they found interesting and rewarding - and one which allowed them flexi-
bility in terms of where and when they worked. But it seems to me that
translation provided precisely the relationship which the Stracheys sought
with the founders of psychoanalysis and with the whole psychoanalytic
movement. What is particularly notable here is the way in which translation
allowed the Stracheys to immerse themselves in psychoanalytic thought -
while keeping somewhat aloof from psychoanalytic politics.
From the early 1920s, the Stracheys' correspondence makes it clear that
neither of them felt at home within the psychoanalytic community. There is
clearly a strong element of the 'reflex anti-Semitism', typical of the English
upper-middle class which, as Meisel and Kendrick point out, one sees often
in Alix's letters.55But what they commented on most was the virulence with
which theoretical differences were debated and the level of emotional inten-
sity which they engendered. They were bemused by the anger and distress
evident in the controversy over Rank's idea of the birth trauma which led

to his expulsionfrom the inner circle of psychoanalystsin the 1920s.'It is

curious', James wrote to Alix, 'what a disruptiveeffect Psychoanalysis
seems to have. Or is it reallyFreud'sprivatecharacter?I very muchdoubt
that.'56In a similarway, Alix was aghastat the level of hostilitywhichwas
shownto MelanieKleinwhen she gave lectureson her analysisof children
in Berlin in 1924. She saw some of this oppositionas misogynistand anti-
feminist. Moreover, in her view, the opposition to Klein was not only
'hoary',but actuallyanti-analysisas Klein'sopponents,few of whom had
any experienceof analysingchildren,insistedthatchildrenmustnot be told
'the terribletruthabout their repressedtendencies'.57
Alix's position in relation to Melanie Klein is particularlyinteresting.
Alix got to know MelanieKleinwell in Berlinwherethey were both being
analysedby KarlAbrahamin 1924-5. She beganto teach Klein Englishas
well as seeing her socially and was instrumentalin bringing Klein to
England.Her reporton Klein'sBerlin lectures,her translationof some of
those lecturesand her urgingof Jamesto make ErnestJonesissue a formal
invitationto Kleinset up the frameworkfor Klein'smove to England.Right
fromthe start,Alix expressedher ambivalenceaboutKleinboth personally
and intellectually.It seems likely that her anti-Semitismand sense of Klein
as coming from a completely differentsocial and culturalmilieu exacer-
bated her personaluneasiness.58Nonetheless,Alix regardedKlein as the
leaderin the field of childanalysis.Neithershe nor Jamesever acceptedthe
importanceKlein attributedto the mother-childrelationshipin the pre-
oedipalphase. But this disagreementdid not preventAlix from promoting
Klein'sviews. On the contrary,as she explainedto Jamesin 1925.
my respectfor her continuesto grow.She's got not only vast hoardsof

data, but a great many ideas, all ratherformlessand mixed,but clearly
capable of crystallisingin her mind. She's got a creative mind, & [sic]
that'sthe main thing.I am inclinedto bet heavilyon her.59
Alix neverformallybecamea Kleinian,althoughher own ideas were closer

to those of Kleinthanshe wouldacknowledge.Towardsthe end of theirtime
in Berlin,Alix came to findMelanieKleinincreasinglytiresomeandto limit
her social contactwith her. She could not acceptthe level of devotionthat
Kleindemandedof her followers,nor couldshe supportKleinin everything
she did. But she spent years translatingKlein'sPsychoanalysisof Children
and then superviseda re-translationin the 1970sbecauseit seemed to her
importantto presentthese ideas to an English-speaking audience.60
Alix's refusalto take sides in regardto Klein in the 1920swas echoed by
Jamesin the 'ControversialDiscussions',the disputebetween Kleinianson
the one hand,and supportersof Anna Freudon the other,whichshook the
whole Britishpsychoanalyticworldin the 1940s.61James'simpatiencewith
this disputeis well known.Althoughhe was then editorof the International
Journalof Psycho-Analysisandthe secretaryof the TrainingCommittee,he

refusedto attendmanyof the 'ControversialDiscussions'duringwhichthe

proponentsof bothsidesattemptedto argueout theirtheoreticaldifferences
and to see how these differencesshouldbe dealt with in termsof the train-
ing of new analysts.Jamesdislikedthe extremismof both sides and rejected
theirclaimsto absolutetruth.'Myown view',he wrote to EdwardGlover,
is that Mrs K. has made some importantcontributionsto [psycho-

analysis],but that it is absurdto make out (a) that they cover the whole
subjector (b) that their validityis axiomatic.On the other hand,I think
it is equallyludicrousfor Miss F. to maintainthat [psychoanalysis]is a
Game Reserve belongingto the F. family and that Mrs K's ideas are
fatallysubversive.62
Whatis most significantaboutJames'srefusalto become embroiledin this

controversyis his rejectionof the idea that the disputewas over 'scientific'
matters.WhileKleiniansandthe supportersof Anna Freudsaw themselves
as engagedin a scientificbattle about the natureof the pre-oedipalphase,
the importanceof the mother-childrelationship,the meaning of object-
relations,Jamesinsistedthatthe 'attitudeson bothsides arepurelyreligious
and the very antithesisof science.They are also (on both sides) infusedby,
I believe, a desire to dominatethe situationand in particularthe future'.
Stracheybelieved that trainingshould focus on technique, not on very
specificbeliefs,andthat 'it oughtnaturallyto be the aimof a traininganaly-
sis to put the traineeinto a positionto arriveat his own decisionsuponmoot
points- not to stuffhim withyourown privatedogmas'.In responseto this
letter,Gloverpointedout thattechniquecouldnot be independentof theor-
etical position,but Stracheywas not persuaded.63
This intense dislike of what they saw as ideological or religious con-
troversyalso helps to help explainwhy the Stracheys'translationhad the
particularemphasisthat it did on establishingpsychoanalysisas a science.
Muchof the currentdebate about the Stracheytranslationscentreson the
way in whichJames'sinsistenceon standardizingtermsand on usingLatin-
based terms serves to make Freud'swritingsappearmore 'scientific'than
he intendedand to removethe humanismwhichwas conveyednot only by
his extensiveculturalreferences,but by his language.Thisemphasiswasnot
accidental.As James'scommentson the 'ControversialDiscussions'make
clear,emphasison the scientificaspectsof psychoanalysiswas the only way
to preventit from being seen as a religion.
In orderto show how this dichotomyworked,it seems importanthere to
explorethe meaningof sciencefor JamesStrachey.As we have seen, James
was the son of a distinguishedVictorianman of science,and one who num-
bered amongsthis close friendsT. H. Huxley and John Tyndall- both of
whom had been in the forefrontof the battle between science and religion
which eruptedin the later nineteenthcenturyover Darwinand his theory
of Evolution. While Darwin himself eschewed theological or religious

controversy,Huxleyfoughtmanybattleson his behalf,assertingthe import-

ance of a scientificapproachto the naturalandmaterialworldandstridently
insistingthatreligionhadfor centuriesstood in the wayof scientificprogress
and of the establishmentof scientifictruth.The martyrdomof Galileo was
for Huxleyemblematicof the wayin whichorganizedreligionsnot only dis-
puted scientifictruths,but punishedthose who discoveredthem.64James
himselfgrew up a militantatheist.Indeed, as a generallytolerantman, his
one area of extreme intolerancewas religionand he was reputedto leave
the room wheneveranyoneset forwardreligiousideas.For James,religion
meant a fixed body of dogmawhichwas not open to disputeor discussion.
By contrast,'science'was alwaysamenableto question,debate and verifi-
cation.Stracheyputforwardsomethingveryclose to thismid-Victorianidea
of the antagonismbetween science and religion in the memorandumhe
wrotefor the TrainingCommitteein 1943,in whichhe arguedthatthe ques-
tion of trainingcould only be resolvedonce there was a clear understand-
ing of the natureof psychoanalysis.
The question,he argued,was really one about whetheror not psycho-
analysisregardeditself as 'a closed system of immutableand all-inclusive
verities'.If it did, trainingwould be very simple as practitionerswould be
judgedentirelyby theirapproximationto the beliefsandpracticeslaiddown
by the system.He clearlypreferredto acceptone of Freud'sstatementsthat
psychoanalysiswas not a philosophicalsystemstartingfrom a few sharply-
defined concepts,but ratherthat 'it keeps close to the facts in its field of
study,seeks to solve the immediateproblemof observation,gropesits way
forwardby the help of experience,is alwaysincompleteandreadyto modify
its theories'.65
It is ironicthat the frameworkwhichJamesand Alix saw as one guaran-
teed to allow for changeand to keep psychoanalysisopen-endedhas been
seen by latercommentatorsas one whichensuredclosure,often by attempt-
ing to establishtechnicalmeaningsfor generalterms.Thiswas certainlynot
James'saim.If one takesthe mostwidelydebatedof his terms,'cathexis',for
example,his correspondencewithJonesaboutthe termmakesveryclearhis
desireto keep debateand discussionaboutthis termopen.Therewas,as he
knew,no Englishequivalentof the Germanword'besetzen'andthe concept
itself was a very complexone. He was concernedabout how to renderthe
manydifferentwaysin whichFreudused the termas both a processand an
end-state.Ratherthan attemptingto negotiatethese usages,he suggested
that the Englishtranslationsused a new and completelyartificialterm.This
was not in orderto fix its meaning,but ratherto leave it open. If the term
was translatedby a wordwithno particularmeaning,he argued,thenpeople
mightbe inducedto try to discoverwhatthe meaningreallyis.66
Translation,as the Stracheyssaw it, was thus almostthe reverseof dis-
cipleship.67It allowed for the presentationof works and ideas in their
entiretywithoutrequiringthat the translatordefend or protecttheirprop-
agator.Whatmatteredto both Jamesand Alix was that as muchas possible

shouldbe knownnot only aboutpsychoanalysis,but also aboutFreud.But

their desire to make him known did not require that he be protected,
defended or heroized.This approachset them at odds with some of their
colleagues and with the Freud family,all of whom sought to ensure that
Freudwas presentedonly in what they regardedas a positive light. James
was appalledat the censorshippractisedby the familyin regardto Freud's
correspondence.He was, he wrote to Jones, 'shockedby some of the omis-
sions' in the Freud/Fliesscorrespondencewhen it was first publishedin
German.This correspondencein his view showeda relationshipwhichwas
'reallya completefolie d deux, with Freud in the unexpectedrole of hys-
tericalpartnerto a paranoiac'.68 In his view, so long as the originalletters
existed, censorshipwas futile and what he sought was publicationof the
completecorrespondencewhilepeople werealivewho couldhelp to explain
the relationshipand correctits effect on psychoanalysisas a whole.
For Stracheyhimself,it was the more necessaryto stressthe contingent
and developing nature of psychoanalysisand to reject any idea that it
requiredcompleteadherenceto all its tenets - becausehe was not himself
convincedeven of all of the theoreticalviewsdevelopedby Freud.Although
he did not make explicitthe particularpoints on whichhe differed,either
from Freudor from other prominentanalysts,he did make it clear that he
could not accept all that passed as psychoanalytictruth. One of the few
places where he made this point explicitlywas in his obituaryfor Joan
Riviere.Despite theirsimilarityof socialand culturalbackgroundand their
long association,he argued,there had alwaysbeen a distanceand lack of
intimacybetween himselfand Riviere.69In his view, one of the reasonsfor
this was the contrastbetween Riviere'scompleteand total commitmentto
psychoanalysisand his uncertaintyand scepticism on many theoretical
questions.His agnosticismoffendedher.
ALIX STRACHEY,PSYCHOANALYSISAND FEMINISM

Despite the portraitsof Alix Stracheyrecentlyprovidedby Peter Gay and
Lisa Appignanesi,she remainsan enigmaticfigure.70Masud Khan, who
knew her and wrote the very short obituaryof her publishedin the Inter-
national Journal of Psycho-Analysis, commented on how hard it was to
defineher.
As one reads throughthe biographies,diaries,letters and autobiogra-

phies of that extraordinarymelangeof personagesthat was the Blooms-
bury Group, one encounters Alix Stracheyeverywhere:sentient and
elusive. All talk with tendernessand relishabout her, yet nowheredoes
one find enough of a narrativeto defineher personfor oneself.71
Alix left no diaryand there is no correspondencecoveringher studentdays

or early life comparablein its detail or intimacywith that between James

and Lytton Stracheyor between James and Noel Olivier. Hence one is
dependentfor any attemptto understandher on the regularletters to her
motherwhichshe wrote as a studentand before her marriage,on her cor-
respondencewithJames,and on the commentsabouther scatteredthrough
the lettersanddiariesof others,particularlyCarringtonandVirginiaWoolf.
The most vividpictureof her life andpersonalitycomes throughthe almost
dailylettersto Jameswrittenwhenshe wasin Berlinin 1924-5.But this self-
portraitended abruptlywhen she returnedto London.Carrington'sdiary
and letters offer some insightinto personallife in the late 1920s,but it is
hardto traceit in anydetailafter1930.Thereis even less informationabout
her professionallife. Letters to James, her own most revealing source,
ceased afterthis as they seem to havespentmost of theirtime together.The
remainingletters between them deal with holiday activitiesand arrange-
ments ratherthan detailingdailylife.
The letters from Alix to Jameswrittenin Berlin are now widely known
and celebratedboth becauseof her wit and vitalityand for the incompara-
ble picturethey offer of the psychoanalyticworldin Berlin.72Alix, whose
passionfor dancingand for popularmusichad been somewhatfrownedon
by herBloomsburyfriends,adoredBerlin.She wasexhilaratedby the combi-
nationof intensepsychoanalyticmeetings,all-nightdances,occasionalclassi-
cal concerts and excellent coffee houses which it offered. The Berlin
Polyclinicheld its regular'sitzungs' (sic) or lectures and seminarson six
nightsa week.73She attendedthem all, but relishedthe one nightoff, or the
vacationperiod, when she frequentlywent to maskedballs with Melanie
Klein,and danceduntilsix in the morning.
Yet for all this, I cannot but feel that while psychoanalysisprovided
Jameswith an occupationwhichsuited him well and broughthim prestige
and considerable internationalrenown, Alix somehow got lost in it.
Although she began life as an emancipatedwoman, pursuingJames and
determiningtheirrelationship,the joint Stracheyendeavourturnedherinto
a supportfigureratherthan an initiatingone. Alix assertedher own needs
for a short time in the mid-1920s,insistingthat James take second place
while she pursuedher analysiswith Abraham.But once this was over, she
took a secondaryand subordinaterole. It was Jameswho gained renown
throughthe Freudtranslationand while he acknowledgedher partnership
with him, she alwaysremainedin the background.A prominentfigurein
psychoanalyticcircles in Berlin, Alix took very little part in the psycho-
analyticworld after she returnedto Englandin 1925. She did do some of
her own workhere, translatingKlein and Abrahamin additionto the work
she did on FreudwithJames.But in the majorStracheywork,she definitely
playedthe supportiveandsubordinaterole, even thoughthereis some sug-
gestion that her Germanwas far better than that of James.She undertook
the driest and most technicalpart of the translationsof Freud, devoting
herselfto the Glossaryof psychoanalysiswhichhad been plannedby James
in conjunctionwith ErnestJones.

Alix's sense of herselfas an emancipatedwoman,her interestin psycho-

analysis,her explorationof differentkindsof sexualrelationships,all raise
questionsabouther relationshipto feminism.As has been mentioned,Alix
was the daughterof a passionatelycommittedfeminist,but while she saw
herself as an emancipatedwoman,she never engaged activelyin feminist
activitiesherself.This was clearlynot throughlack of opportunity.While
Alix was at Newnham, a number of her fellow students were women
engagedin suffrageactivity,but she took no partin it. It seems clearthat at
least one reasonwhyshe rejectedorganizedfeminismwasbecausethe inter-
ests and concernsof the oldergenerationof activistsseemed so dull.This is
wonderfullyillustratedin a series of letters between Alix and her mother
writtenin the earlystagesof the FirstWorldWar.After leavingCambridge
in the summerof 1914,Alix made an extendedjourneyto Europe.She was
visitinga friendin Russia in Augustwhen the war began and was trapped
there for several months. Anxiouslyseeking some purposefulactivityfor
her whileshe was there,herfeministmothersuggestedthatshe use her time
writinga historyof the women'ssuffragemovementin Russia.Although
she replied to her mother politely, nothingcould have been furtherfrom
Alix's mind. Interested as she was in pleasure and personal exploration
ratherthansuffrage,she devotedher time ratherto learningRussian- and
to the study of Russian dancing.Her own version of a feminist project
involvedundertaking'a chauffeur'strainingcoursehere in Petrograd,with
the idea, on our return of hiring or buying a motor vehicle suitable for
cartingabout woundedpeople, and presentingourselvesat the Red Cross
Societyfor any kind of use they can make of us'.74
Alix was intriguedby the contradictoryand complex ways in which
feminismwasplayedout amongstwomen.She wroteto James,for example,
about how odd she foundit that manydomineeringand passionatewomen
opposed women's rights- while hating men unconsciously.She pictured
herselfas the oppositeof this;likingmen- but supportingwomen'semanci-
pation.75But Alix's apparentavoidanceof any directinvolvementor even
commenton the women'smovementis notable.Her letters to her mother
deal with her loathing of conventionalideas about marriageand sexual
relationships,but she madeno commenton the gainingof the firstmeasure
of suffragefor womenin 1918.Nor was it only her motherwho broughther
into contactwith the women'smovement.In marryingJamesin 1920,Alix
connectedherselfwith a familyof very committedfeminists.Her sisters-in-
law, Pippa and Ray Strachey,had been involved in suffrageactivityand
were both completely absorbedin fightingto extend women's legal and
economic rightsonce the question of the vote seemed resolved.But Alix
took no partin this activity- and hardlyeven commentedon it.
It is temptingto argue that she avoided involvementwith the women's
movementin the periodimmediatelybefore and afterthe war becauseher
interestin sexualfreedomand in findingnew waysof establishingandliving
in heterosexualrelationshipswas of concern neither to suffragistsnor to

suffragettes,while their interestsand activitiesseemed boring and dated.

Carrington'sletters are suggestivehere, with their mockingcommentson
suffragettetea-roomsand suffragettecostumes as old-fashioned,tasteless
and dreary.76 It would also seem likely that the discussionaboutfemininity
which was underwaywithin psychoanalyticcircles in both Britain and
Germanyin the 1920swascloserto Alix'sintereststhanwasthatundertaken
by eitherpre or post-warBritishfeminists.Manyprominentwomenanalysts
facedwhatcouldbe seen as the primarychallengefor feminismonce the suf-
fragequestionhadceasedto dominatefeminism:how to combinemarriage,
and for some also motherhood,with a careerand an activepubliclife. Both
Karen Homey and Joan Riviere discussed this question, attemptingto
connect psychic formation and problems with women's changingsocial
role.77Arguablypsychoanalysisprovideda way of exploringthe new prob-
lems women faced once politicalequalitywas ostensiblygained and new
economicopportunitieswereapparentlyopeningup.Whilefeministactivists
castigatedyounger women for failing to see the importanceof political
involvementand feministactivityfor theirown lives, the womenin psycho-
analysisattemptedratherto anatomizetheirambivalences.78
Alix's silence on these questionsgive one little clear guidanceabouther
views. But the importanceof questionsabout femininityand sexual differ-
ence to her - and the difficultiesshe had in resolvingthem - is very evident
in the one book which she wrote, The Unconscious Motives of War (1957).79
Although scarcelyknown at all now, the book did receive some attention
when it appeared.It was reasonablywidely reviewed,80and was taken up
by the United NationsAssociationandthe Instituteof PublicAffairswhich
soughtfurtherarticlesfrom Alix on the psychologicalbarriersto disarma-
ment and on questions about psychology and nationhood.81A second
edition of her book was publishedin 1960.82
It mustbe said at the outset thatthis is a difficultbook to deal with- and
not the hiddenmasterpieceone mighthave hopedfor. At sametime,it is an
extraordinarilyinterestingwork - and one whichmight well bear the title
alreadygiven to Alix and James'sletters:Bloomsbury/Freud. The central
purpose of the book is to introducethe main ideas in Freudianpsycho-
analysisto a lay audiencein order to demonstratethe importantinsights
whichpsychoanalysiscan offerin dealingwithquestionsof warandnational
aggression.83 The summarynature of the account of psychoanalysis,pre-
sentedas a sciencecompletelydevelopedby Freud,makesthe book appear
ratherdogmatic.But there are smallsectionswhereAlix's own politicaland
social radicalism- and her sense of humour- appearbriefly:most often in
her applicationof psychoanalyticideas to particularsocial groups. Alix
placedgreatemphasison the importanceof childhooddevelopment,stress-
ing the fact that the kind of adult anyone became was determinedby the
waysin whicha childdealtwiththe Oedipalphaseandwiththeirown bisex-
uality.She took a certainpleasurein stressingthe extent to whichchildren
and adultshad to deal with homosexualimpulses- and in pointingto the

homosexualdesireswhichunderlaymanytypes seen as particularlymascu-

line.The 'clubbable'manis thusshownas one who wasnot particularlymas-
culine,but whose friendlinessto his own sex resultedfrom the sublimation
of his homosexualimpulses,84 while the 'Nazitype in the making'is the boy
who developsan excessivemasculinity,as a way of rejectinghis own female
desiresand feelings.85She tendedto describewomenin termsof literaryor
biblicalcharacters.Thus she wrote about the Delilah type, who never sur-
mounted her phallicphase, remainingenvious of men and unconsciously
seekingto deprivethem of their penis;or the Dora-typein David Copper-
field, the epitome of helpless femininity,who, as a result of her original
sadismandenvyof the penis,adoptedan ultra-passivepositionin childhood,
renouncingall activity.86
The questionof how psychoanalysiscould contributeto understanding
and endingwar was intensivelydiscussedduringand immediatelyafter the
SecondWorldWar.The question'WhyWar?'posed by Freudin his letterto
Einsteinin the 1930swas frequentlyre-workedin the 1940sand early'50sas
Roger Money-Kyrle,ErnestJones,Donald Winnicott,EdwardGlover and
manyothersattemptedto providenew insightsinto war,patriotism,pacifism
andthe politicalprocessesthatsurroundedthem.In thesewritings,as Jacque-
line Rose hasrecentlyargued,one cansee howcomplexan issuewaris within
psychoanalysis,raisingas it does questionsaboutthe fundamentalrelation-
ship between psychoanalysis,knowledgeand the meaningof truth.87War
appearsnot just as the objectof psychoanalyticinvestigation,but playedan
importantpartin the historyof psychoanalysiswhichwasundergoingits own
most bitterinternalwarsin the verymidstof WorldWarTwo.
Alix Strachey'sworkis interestingto readalongsidethis broaderdebate.
Havingheld herself aloof from the battles withinthe psychoanalyticcom-
munity,the issue of war withinpsychoanalysiswas not one she addressed.
Nor was she particularlyinterestedin questionsaboutthe deathdriveor the
tensions within civilizationthat most interestedFreud.The centralunre-
solved tensionin her book - and the issue whichwarseemed to bringmost
closely to her mind - was that of sexual difference.Hence the book lays
great stress on the difficultieswomen face in acceptingfemininityand on
the hostilitymen feel towardswomen,on the one hand,while she manages,
on the other to arguethat sexualdifferenceis irrelevantin questionsabout
nationalism,patriotismand militarism.
While Alix's work includesa detailed discussionof the developmentof
femininity,there is little here which suggeststhe interest in or sympathy
withthe revoltagainstfemininitywhichwas so muchdiscussedin the 1920s.
Whatis most noticeableis her emphasison how very hardit is for women
to developmaturefemininity- or to deviatefroma traditionalfemininerole
- withoutbecomingaggressive,destructiveandunhappy.Her accountof the
psychologicaldevelopmentof girls stresses the necessarytransitionfrom
clitoristo vaginaas the centreof sexualinstinct,and the waysin whichthis
resultsfrom the girl'srecognitionof the inadequacyof the clitorisand her

consequent adoption of a passive and submissiveattitude to her sexual

object. Alix's discussionof this development,though, is inconsistentand
sometimesunclear.At one point, she recognizesthat the failureof girlsto
overcometheir clitoridalpositionmay be a good thing:girlswho maintain
theirdominant'malesexualinstincts'andretainthe libidinalattachmentto
their mother can ultimately sublimate that sexual impulse and develop
friendlyrelationswith women whichmight give them a more sympathetic
understandingof the oppositesex.88At the sametime she warnsherreaders
that,if a girldoes not get overherclitoridalimpulsesor dealwiththemsatis-
factorily,she will alwaysbe competingwith men insteadof leadingthe life
her capacitiesfit her for. She will be unsuccessfulin areas of life normally
designatedas masculinepartlybecauseof her own lack of ability,but also
because of 'the great amountof hostilityinvolvedin her attitude,whichis
likely to make her spoil whatevershe does'.89Whatshe offersis a series of
warningsand prohibitionswhich point to an extremelynarrowrange of
choice for women:the girlmustget over her clitoridalimpulses- or she will
end up either a Delilah or a DickensDora;she mustdetachher libidofrom
her mother,or 'she will eitherhave an unsatisfactorymarriedlife or remain
a spinster'.90Even the windowof hope is hedged with qualifications.If, as
manydo, a girl did
manageto attaina femininepositionat the infantilestage,did surmount

her phallicphase and did reorientateher libido towardsa male object,
then her position in adult life will, other thingsbeing equal, be a satis-
factoryone. And if, in addition,she was able to modifyand sublimatein
early childhoodwhat remainedof her clitoridalinstinctand her phallic
phase and bringit into harmonywith the rest of her personalityshe can
later on make the most of opportunitiesfor a widerlife from whichshe
might have otherwise been debarred,without having to sacrificeher
dominantfemininetrends.91
But while she accepted and apparently endorsed this developmental

schema,Alix rejectedcompletelyFreud'semphasison men andmasculinity
in relationto politicallife. In her discussionof psychoanalysisandwar,Alix
drewon the firstworkof Freudwhichthe Stracheystranslated,'GroupPsy-
chologyand the analysisof the Ego'. Freud'sideas aboutthe importanceof
mental dependence, identificationand libidinalties in organizedgroups,
such as the church or the army, Alix argued,were crucial to an under-
standingof the regressivegroupmentalitywhichone saw in war.Belonging
to particularkinds of groups produced a group mentalitywhich in turn
inducedan unrealisticstate of mind, and made its membersindifferentto
personsoutsidethe group.Moreoverthe libidinalattachmentwithingroups
generallyinvolved a withdrawalof attachmentfrom non-membersof the
groupso that the groupmemberwas not only indifferentto the welfareof
outsiders,but 'actuallydesirousof their destruction'.

WhileFreuddevelopedhis analysisonly in relationto particulargroups,

notablythe armyandthe CatholicChurch,Stracheysoughtto extendit more
widelyandmostimportantlyhereto the nationalstate.It is clear,she argued,
that in most importantrespectsthe sovereignState, and in especial the

nationalsovereignState, is well qualifiedto figureas a regressivegroup
. . . the differencesbetweena man'sattitudesin his personaland domes-
tic concerns,and in his nationalandinternationalones, are indeedgreat;
and they do actuallycorrespondto the differenceswe shouldexpect to
findin him betweenhis attitudesas privateindividualand as memberof
a regressivegroup.92
Whatis particularlyinterestinghere in lightof her earlierdiscussionof fem-

ininity is the assumptionthat, in terms of national identity and national
political behaviour,men and women behave in exactly the same ways.
Freud'sideas on group behaviourdependedon the idea that the libidinal
ties which made for group cohesion were sublimatedhomosexualones.
Freud,Alix noted in passing,had believedwomenless well-fittedthanmen
for making the necessary sublimation that such group membership
required.While not explicitlytaking issue with this view, Strachey'sdis-
agreementwithit wasmadeevidentin her insistencethatthisanalysiscould
be extended to other groupsincludingall female ones: one could see the
same features,she arguedin public schools, or in organizationslike Boy
Scoutsor GirlGuides.One couldsee themalso - andthiswas herkey point
- in the nationalState.Obviouslythe homosexualties andthe identification
based on same sex-groupingsdid not applyto the state, but drew on other
forms of identification:similaritiesin culture,historicalbackground,lan-
guage,similarityof raceor stock.Hence membersof a Statefelt themselves
'to be partof a single,wide family,inherentlyseparateand distinctfromall
other familiesof the kind- a true nation'.93
The removalof sexualdifferenceas an issue when Alix shiftedher focus
from the section of her book dealing with individualpsychologyto that
dealing with group processesand the politicalrealm is very strikingand
seemsto suggestan irreconcilableconflictbetweenher own feelingsandher
sense of women as politicalbeings with her psychoanalyticframework.At
the sametime, althoughher book is dedicatedto showingthe importanceof
psychoanalysisfor those seekingto understandpoliticalbehaviour,it is ulti-
mately quite inconclusiveas to what it can offer. The state, in her view,
fostersintolerance,ministersto infantileegoism,producespatriotichys-teria
and encouragesits membersto adopt a hostile line of action to outsiders.
Her discussionleads clearlyto the idea that states shouldbe abolished,but
thisshe rejected- chaoswouldresultandbesides,clearlythe state,like other
groups,met a need whichcouldnot be ignored.Whatshe soughtratherwas
to try to reducethe 'group-proneness'and dependenceof membersof the
state by offering more enlightened child-rearingpractices which might

reducethe thwartingof the child'sinstincts,reduceits liabilityto experience

trauma,and allow it to develop its emotionaland intellectualcapacity.By
reducingthe angerthe childfelt towardsits parents,she believed,its destruc-
tive tendenciesand its need to absorbgroupnormscould be reduced.But
exactlyhow this could be done was not clear. She raisedthe possibilityof
analysisfor particulargroupsof people who mightgainthroughthismethod
the insightinto their own behaviourwhichwouldenable them to modifyit
in sociallybeneficialways.But thiswas a costlyanddifficultprocedure- and
not easy to organize. Ultimately, she acknowledged,'the usefulness of
psycho-analysisas a therapeuticmethodis boundto be extremelylimitedfor
manyyearsto come'.94It was ratheras a theorythat it mighthelp - by pro-
ducinggreaterinsightfor all. But these are verytameconclusions.It is hard
not to see herjourneyinto psychoanalysisas reachinga dead end - as being
quite as inadequateas the feminismwhichshe rejectedto deal withher own
needs and interests.
CONCLUSION
There is no question in my view that both James and Alix took psycho-
analysisup very much as their own particularmodernistproject,as a pro-
fessional and personalinterest which would be intellectuallychallenging,
and would keep them at the forefront of modern thought. Yet psycho-
analysisseems to me to have servedat one and the same time to bringthe
Stracheysinto contactwithnew ideasandnew kindsof people- andto rein-
force their sense of belonging to a particularBritish social and cultural
milieu.They adoptedpsychoanalysisas a profession,butkept aloof not only
from psychoanalyticpoliticsbut also from social and professionalinvolve-
ment with others in the field. Psychoanalysisbroughtthe Stracheysinto
close contact with new ways of looking at and understandingsexuality,
desire and emotion - but seems to have reinforcedtheir own sense of the
importanceof reserveand control.Psychoanalysisthus gave the Stracheys
accessto a whole new languageand way of lookingat the world,but at the
same time it seems to have reinforcedtheirconnectionwitha Victorianand
Edwardianculturalheritage.TranslatingFreudmeant that they lived in a
worldof books and learning.They devotedthemselvesto the idea of apply-
ing science to political,social and personallife - and interactedwith the
outside worldonly on their own terms.
NOTES AND REFERENCES

* This paper was first given at a seminar of the Psychoanalysis and History Group at the
Institute of Historical Research in London in February 1997. The discussion at that seminar
contributed greatly to this final version of the paper. I would also like to thank Sally Alexander
for her helpful comments and advice and Sophie Watson for her support.
1 Darius Gray Orniston, 'Strachey's influence: A Preliminary Report', International

Journal of Psycho-Analysis 63, 1982, p. 409.

2 See e.g. Bruno Bettelheim,Freudand Man'sSoul, Harmondsworth:

Penguin,1989;
Emmett Wilson, 'Did Strachey invent Freud?', International Review of Psycho-Analysis 14,
1983, pp. 299-315;Darius Gray Orniston,'ImprovingStrachey'sFreud',in Orniston(ed.),
TranslatingFreud,New Haven and London:Yale UniversityPress, 1992,pp. 1-23. See also
SanderL. Gilman,'ReadingFreud in English:Problems,Paradoxesand a Solution',Inter-
nationalReviewof Psycho-Analysis18, 1991,pp. 531-44;RiccardoSteiner,"'A worldwide
internationaltrademarkof genuineness?"Some Observationson the Historyof the English
Translationof the Workof SigmundFreud,Focusingmainlyon his technicalterms',Inter-
14,1987,pp.33-75;RiccardoSteiner,'Toexplainourpoint
nationalReviewof Psycho-Analysis
of view to English readers in English Words', International Review of Psycho-Analysis 18, 1991,
pp. 351-92; Darius Gray Orniston,'The Inventionof "Cathexis"and Strachey'sStrategy',
International Review of Psycho-Analysis 12, 1985, pp. 391-400.
3 See BarbaraStrachey,TheStracheyLine,London:VictorGollancz,1976.
4 For Sir Richard Strachey, see the Dictionary of National Biography. Supplement
January1901-December1911,London:GeoffreyCumberlege,1951,pp. 439-42.
5 MichaelHolroyd,LyttonStrachey,London:Vintage,1995,pp. 3-7.
6 Patricia Hollis, Ladies Elect. Women in English Local Government, 1865-1914, Oxford:
OxfordUniversityPress,1987,p. 318.
7 Forgeneraldiscussionof feministsandimperialism,see AntoinetteBurton,Burdensof
History: British Feminists, Indian Women and Imperial Culture, 1865-1915, Chapel Hill: Uni-
versityof SouthCarolinaPress,1994,andNupurChaudhuri
andMargaretStrobel(eds),Western
Women and Imperialism:Complicity and Resistance, Bloomington: University of Indiana Press,
1992.LadyJaneis not mentionedin theseworks.But thereare a seriesof her speecheson the
subjectin the collectionof Stracheypapersheldin the FawcettLibrary,London.
8 LeonardWoolf later commentedthat PippaStracheyhad the kind of abilitieswhich
would,hadshe been a man,haveseen herin veryhighgovernmentoffice.LeonardWoolf,The
Journey Not the Arrival Matters:an Autobiography of the years 1939-1969, London: Hogarth
Press,1969,pp. 120-1.
9 St Loe Stracheyto JamesStrachey,30 Sept.,1909,StracheyPapers,BritishLibraryAdd.
Mss,60738,f. 13.
10 See particularlyJamesStracheyto LyttonStrachey,14 April, 1910,StracheyPapers,
BritishLibraryAdd. Mss,60708,ff. 94-6.
11 The most detaileddiscussionof this worldis to be foundin Holroyd,LyttonStrachey,
pp. 101-46.
12 See Paul Delany, The Neo-pagans, Friendship and Love in the Rupert Brooke Circle,
London,1987.
13 See Pippa Harris (ed.), Songs of Love. the letters of Rupert Brooke and Noel Olivier,
London,1991,pp. 101-46.
14 Theirrelationshipis clearlydocumentedin her letters to Jameswhichhe assiduously
kept.See The Lettersof Noel Olivier,StracheyPapers,BritishLibrary.Add.Mss,60684-60689.
15 Noel Olivierto JamesStrachey,12 Jan.,1917,StracheyPapers,BritishLibraryAdd.
Mss,60685,f. 112.
16 StracheyPapers,BritishLibraryAdd. Mss, 10186-8.This relationshiphas had signifi-
cantconsequencesfor the historyof psychoanalysis in Britain.WhenJamesbeganworkingon
the StandardEdition,he chose as one of his assistantsAngelaRichards,Noel'sdaughter,and
a youngwomanto whomhe was devoted- so devotedthat he bequeathedto her and to her
descendantsall the royaltiesfromthe StandardEdition.Thereis speculationas to whethershe
wasJames'sdaughter,too.
17 Philip Sargant-Florencelater became Professorof Economicsat ManchesterUni-
versity.
18 Perry Meisel and Walter Kendrick, Bloomsbury/Freud. The Letters of James and Alix
Strachey1924-1925,London:ChattoandWindus,1986,pp. 8-11.
19 Dora Carrington to Gerald Brenan, 7 Aug., 1921, Carrington:Letters and Extractsfrom
HerDiaries,ed. David Garnett,Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1979,p. 191.
20 Alix Strachey to Mary SargantFlorence, 7 June, 1914, StracheyPapers, British
Museum,Add. Mss,60701,f. 48.
21 There is extensivediscussionin the lettersfrom Dora Carringtonto Jamesand Alix
Strachey,CarringtonPapers,British LibraryAdd. Mss 65158 and in the Correspondence
betweenCarringtonand LyttonStrachey,BritishLibraryAdd. Mss,62888.

22 Dora Carrington to Alix Strachey, 9 Oct., 1920, Carrington Papers, British Library Add.
Mss, 65158.
23 Meisel and Kendrick, eds., Bloomsbury/Freud, p. 25.
24 Virginia Woolf's Diary, 18 May, 1920, in Anne Olivier Bell (ed.), A Moment's Liberty:
The Shorter Diary of Virginia Woolf, London: Hogarth Press, 1990.
25 Alix to James Strachey, Lord's Wood, Marlow 24 September - no year but presumably
1922, as James was travelling in Germany with Lytton. Strachey Papers, British Library Add.
Mss, 60701, f. 224.
26 Many of these letters have been published in Perry Meisel and Walter Kendrick, eds.,
Bloomsburv/Freud.
27 Carrington's Diary, entries for 12 and 20 Jan., 1928 Carrington Papers, British Library
Add. Mss, 65159.
28 Alix also seems to have taken on James' concern about Angela Richards. She left her
?2,000 as well as her radiogram, records and tapes. See Papers of Alix Strachey, British
Institute of Psychoanalysis, Box 4 'Wills and Codicils'.
29 See e.g. Meisel and Kendrick, Bloomsbury/Freud, pp. 26-30.
30 Dean Rapp, 'The reception of Freud by the British Press: General Interest and Literary
Magazine, 1920-1925', Journal of the History of the Behavioural Sciences 21 1988, 191-201.
31 Lytton Strachey to Dora Carrington, Sunday 7.15, Garsington Manor, Strachey Papers,
British Library Add. Mss, 60721, f. 112. Virginia Woolf only began to read Freud after the start
of the Second World War. See Hermione Lee, Virginia Woolf, London: Chatto and Windus,
1996, pp. 722-6.
32 See Holroyd, Lytton Strachey; and Denys Sutton (ed.), The Letters of Roger Fry, two
vols, London 1972.
33 Roger Fry to Vanessa Bell, 11 and 17 March, 1919, Letters of Roger Fry, pp. 448-9. But
see also Roger Fry, 'The Artist and Psychoanalysis', (1924) reprinted in Christopher Reed
(ed.), A Roger Fry Reader, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996, pp. 351-6.
34 James to Alix Strachey, 9 Dec., 1924, Strachey Papers, British Library Add. Mss 60714,
f. 41.
35 James Strachey to Ernest Jones, 15 July, 1945, Archives of the British Institute of
Psychoanalysis, CSD/F03/08.
36 In 1912, the Society for Psychical Research elected Freud as an honorary member and
included in its proceedings for that year a paper he wrote in English, 'A note on the uncon-
scious in psychoanalysis'. See Steiner, 'To Explain our point of view to English readers',
pp. 352-3.
37 Alix Sargant-Florence to Mary Sargant-Florence, 7 June, 1914, Strachey Papers, British
Library Add. Mss, 60701, f. 72.
38 A. A. Brill, The Interpretationof Dreams, New York, 1913.
39 Meisel and Kendrick, Bloomsburv/Freud, pp. 29-30.
40 James Strachey (ed.), The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of
Sigmund Freud, vol. I, London, 1966, p. xi.
41 James Strachey to Ernest Jones, 18 April, 1920, Archives of the British Institute of
42 James Strachey to Ernest Jones, 8 Nov., 1921, Archives of the British Institute of
43 Freud to James Strachey, 7 June, 1920, Bloomsbury/Freud, pp. 28-9.
44 James to Lytton Strachey, 16 Dec., 1921, British Library Add. Mss 60712 f. 64. Grace,
one of James and Lytton's conservative sisters-in-law, had been deeply shocked by the icono-
clasm in Lytton Strachey's Queen Victoria when it was published in 1921.
45 James Strachey to St Loe Strachey, 5 Dec., 1913, Strachey papers, British Library Add.
Mss, 60713, f. 139.
46 Meisel and Kendrick, Bloomsbury/Freud, p. 12. For a more extensive discussion of
approaches to nervous disorders, see Stephen Trembly, Virginia Woolf and her Doctors,
London, 1977.
47 Bloomsbury/Freud, pp. 12-13.
48 See e.g. the letters from Carrington to Lytton Strachey throughout 1922, British Library
Add. Mss, 62888.
49 James to Lytton Strachey, 6 Nov., 1920, Strachey papers, British Library Add. Mss,
60711, ff. 46-7.

50 JamesStracheyto LyttonStrachey,6 Nov., 1920,Stracheypapers,BritishLibraryAdd.

Mss 60712,f. 47.
51 Draft letter from Alix Stracheyto Donald Winnicott,5 Dec., 1969, Papersof Alix
Strachey,Box 2, BritishInstituteof Psychoanalysis.
52 SigmundFreudto ErnestJones, 14 July,1921,R. A. Paskauskas(ed.), The Complete
Correspondence of SigmundFreudand ErnestJones 1908-1939,Cambridge,Mass:Harvard
UniversityPress,1993,p. 431. 'Queer'in this contextmeansstrange.
53 See ErnestJonesto SigmundFreud,9 Feb., 1924,in Paskauskas,CompleteCorrespon-
dence of SigmundFreud,p. 538. One of these patientswas Donald Winnicottwho was in
analysiswithJamesStracheyfor ten years.Fora verycriticalaccountof Stracheyas an analyst,
see Brett Kahr, D. W. Winnicott,A BiographicalPortrait,London:KarnacBooks, 1996,
pp. 45-69.
54 There is no documentationconcerningAlix's patients.FrancesPartridge,who shared
the Stracheys'housefor manyyears,however,recallsthatAlix hadtwo patients.Letterto the
authorfromFrancesPartridge,4 March,1997.
55 Bloomsbury/Freud, p. 38.
56 Lettersbetween James and Alix Strachey,8 and 10 Nov., 1924, Bloomsbury/Freud,
pp. 112-3.
57 Alix to James,14 Dec., 1924,Bloomsbury/Freud, p. 145.
58 See Meiseland Kendrick,Bloomsbury/Freud, pp. 174-85.
59 Alix to James,17 Feb., 1925,Bloomsbury/Freud, p. 203.
60 See MelanieKlein,ThePsychoanalysisof Children,trans.Alix Strachey,revisedin col-
laborationwith Alix Stracheyby H. A. Thorner,New York:DelacortePress, 1975.The cor-
respondenceconcerningthe new translationis in the Papersof Alix Strachey,BritishInstitute
of Psychoanalysis, Box 2.
61 See Pearl King and RiccardoSteiner (eds), The Freud-KleinControversies1941-45,
London:Tavistock/Routledge, 1993.
62 JamesStracheyto EdwardGlover,23 April, 1940,in King and Steiner(eds), Freud-
KleinControversies, pp.503-4. See also 'Discussionmemorandumby JamesStrachey',24 Feb.,
1943,in KingandSteiner,pp. 602-9.
63 Kingand Steiner,Freud-KleinControversies, p. 504.
64 T. H. Huxley,CollectedEssays,London:Macmillan,1893-5,vol. 6.
65 JamesStrachey,'Discussionmemorandum', Kingand Steiner,p. 603.
66 JamesStracheyto ErnestJones,27 Nov., 1921,CorrespondenceFiles,BritishInstitute
of Psychoanalysis,CSD/FO3/03A.See also Darius Gray Orniston, 'The Invention of
"Cathexis":and Strachey'sStrategy',pp. 391-9.
67 See FranqoisRoustang,Dire Mastery:Discipleshipfrom Freudto Lacan,Baltimore:
JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1976.
68 JamesStracheyto ErnestJones,24 Oct., 1957,CorrespondenceFiles, BritishInstitute
of Psychoanalysis, CSD/F03/30.
69 JamesStrachey,'JoanRiviere1883-1962',International Journalof Psycho-Analysis44,
1963,p. 228.
70 PeterGay,Freud:A Lifefor our Time,London:Dent, 1995,pp.461-8;LisaAppignanesi
andJohnForrester,Freud'sWomen,London,Virago,1993.
71 M. Masud,R. Khan,'MrsAlix Strachey1892-1973',International Journalof Psycho-
Analysis54, 1973,p. 370.
72 Manyof the lettersare publishedin Meiseland Kendrick,Bloomsbury/Freud. But see
also Gay,Freud,pp. 461-8;and AppignanesiandForrester,Freud'sWomen,pp. 352-371.
73 Alix'slettersto Jamescontaina mixtureof EnglishandGermanas well as a numberof
theirownprivateterms.She alwaysreferredto 'sitzungs'ratherthanusingthe correctGerman
plural'sitzunger'.
74 Alix Sargant-Florenceto Mary Sargant-Florence,24 Dec., 1914, StracheyPapers,
BritishLibraryAdd. Mss,60701.
75 Meiseland Kendrick,Bloomsbury/Freud, p. 78.
76 See letterfromCarringtonto LyttonStrachey,13Feb.,1920,CarringtonPapers,British
Library,Add. Mss,62888.
77 JoanRiviere,'Femininityas Masquerade',reprintedin Athol Hughes(ed.), TheInner
Worldof JoanRiviere.CollectedPapers:1920-1958,London,1991,pp. 91-101;KarenHorney,
'The Flight from Womanhood:the MasculinityComplexin Womenas viewed by men and
women',International Journalof Psycho-Analysis,7, 1926,pp. 324-57.

78 For a discussionof the debates about femininityand about the women engaged in
psychoanalysisin the 1920s,see Gay, Freud,pp. 501-22;Appignanesiand Forrester,Freud's
Women: JanetSayers, The Mothers of Psychoanalysis, London:Virago,1991.
79 Alix Strachey,The UnconsciousMotivesof War,London:Allen and Unwin,1957.
80 See Times Literary Supplement, 26 July 1957; Sociological Review 5, 1957, pp. 301-2;
Political Science Quarterly 2, 1958,pp. 314-5.
81 LetterfromHughThomasto Alix Strachey,6 Sept., 1960,BritishInstituteof Psycho-
analysis,Papersof Alix Strachey,Box 4. Alix publishedan articleon 'PsychologicalProblems
of Nationhood' in The Year Book of World Affairs, London, 1960, pp. 261-85.
82 Alix Strachey,The UnconsciousMotivesof War,2nd edition,London:George Allen
and Unwin, 1960.
83 Unconscious Motives of War, pp. 3-7.
84 Unconscious Motives of War, p. 126.
87 Freud, 'Why War?', in Sigmund Freud, Civilization, Society and Religion, Harmonds-
worth:the PenguinFreud Library,vol. 12; JacquelineRose, Why War?- Psychoanalysis,
Politics and the return to Melanie Klein, Oxford: Blackwell, 1993, pp. 15-40.
88 Strachey, Unconscious Motives of War, p. 122.


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