Political Alliances & Movements in

PAKISTAN

Abdul Qadir Mushtaq

 All rights reserved©

Book

Political Alliances & Movements in

PAKISTAN
Author:

Abdul Qadir Mushtaq

Designing

Abdul Hafeez

Price Rs.

Rs. 400/-

Published by:
Misaal Publishers
Raheem Centre, Press Market, Aminpur Bazar, Faisalabad.
Ph: 041-2643841, 2615359. Cell: 0300-6668284
 To

My Father

Maher Mushtaq Ahmed Khan (Late)

 CONTENTS

Part One
1. United Front
Part Two
2. National Democratic Front
3. Combined Opposition Parties (COP)
4. Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM)
Part Three
5. United Democratic Front (UDF)
6. Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)
7. Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD)
Part Four
8. Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI)
9. Pakistan Democratic Alliance
10. Grand Democratic Alliance
11. Muttahida Majlise-e-Amal
Part Five
12. Political Parties
13. Politicians
Bibliography
Appendix
Abbreviations

APCL: All Pakistan Confederation of Labour

C.C. Central Committee

COP: Combined Opposition Parties

CCP: Communist Party of Pakistan

DSF: Democratic Student Front

MKP: Mazdoor Kisan Party

MSF: Muslim Student Federation

NAP: National Awami Party

NDP: National Democratic Party

PDM: Pakistan Democratic Movement

PNA: Pakistan National Alliance

PPP: Pakistan People’s Party

PSP: Pakistan Socialist Party

PTUF: Pakistan Trade Union Federation

PWP: Pakistan Worker’s Party

PPP-SB: Pakistan People’s Party Shaheed Bhutto

7
PPP-S Pakistan People’s Party Sherpao

PPPO Political Parties Order

PNP: Pakistan National Party

PML-Z: Pakistan Muslim League Zia

PML-Q Pakistan Muslim League – Quaid-i-Azam

PML-Jinnah Pakistan Muslim League Jinnah

PML-F: Pakistan Muslim League Functional

PLF: Pakistan Liberal Forum

PAT: Pakistan Awami Tehrik

NWP: National Worker’s Party

NWFP: North Western Frontier Province

NPP: National People’s Party

MQM-P: Mohajir Qaumi Movement- Pakistan

MQM-H: Mohajir Qaumi Movement- Hakiki

LPP: Lahour Party Pakistan

8
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises and thanks for ALMIGHTY ALLAH, Merciful

and compassionate who gave me health, thought, affectionate
parents, talented teachers and courage of friends to present this
piece of research work. I pay homage to Holy Prophet Hazrat
Muhammad (PBUH) who is forever source of guidance in every
sphere of life.
I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Dr.
Muhammad Ibrahim. His efforts make my work most feasible.
Without his encouragement, interest and support, I would not
have been able to complete this manuscript. I am thankful to all
of my teachers especially Dr Farhat Mahmood (GCUL) and
Ghulam Ghous (GCF) for their scholarly guidance. My deepest
gratitude to my mentor Professor Dr Muhammad Iqbal Chawla
(Chairman, department of History, PU Lahore) who encouraged
me to complete my text and to improve it. When I sent him my
manuscript, I was immensely encouraged by his observation.
No Acknowledgment could ever adequate to express my
obligation to my elder brother Shafqat Ullah Mushtaq (Assistant
Commissioner) for his strenuous efforts done for me. He has
always been very supportive during this research work and his
constant discussions and probing questions provided a steady
challenge towards improvement of my argument. I am also
thankful to my friend Tohid Ahmed chattha who arranged
interviews for me and gave me company during my visits to
different places. He also helped me in collection of material. My

9
thanks to Zaigham Sarfraz (Lecturer, GCUF) and Waseem
Mahmood (Assistant Professor, Government College Samnabad)
for doing a professional read of my manuscript and for helping me
with some corrections.
Finally thanks to all those who taught me any single word
in my life and my beloved Mushtaq Ahmed Khan Sani, Abdul Haq
chalpi, Majoor Min Ullah Mushtaq, Mamoor Min Ullah Mushtaq,
Abdullah Mushtaq, Wajih ul Hassan and Masood Ahmed Khan
who pray for me. May Allah bless them with healthy and
prosperous long lives. (Ameen)

Abdul Qadir Mushtaq

10
 INTRODUCTION

The political history of Pakistan has absorbed the

characteristics of unnecessary delay in constitution making,
breakdowns of constitutional order, political instability, military
rule and the efforts of the revival of political governments. The
growing differences between East and West Pakistan created such
a leadership in the both parts of Pakistan who raised the voices of
the people of regions not the people of the whole Pakistan. The
common perception was developed that the proper rights were
not being given to the inhabitants of East Pakistan. The leadership
of East Pakistan introduced the politics of alliances against the
ruling political party Pakistan Muslim League. Though the civil-
military oligarchy tried to snub or shatter the unity of the political
parties and delayed the process of elections in Pakistan but the
alliances and the movements chased them and compelled to
surrender. The opposition parties preferred to become the part of
alliance so that resistance might be provided. Against the
autocratic rule of Ayub Khan, the political parties gathered.
Against the policies of Bhutto, the movement of PNA got
momentum. Against the imposition of Zia-ul-Haq, the movement
for restoration of democracy was started. Such kinds of alliances
are the beauty of Pakistan history. But it is dismal that a
systematic research work has not been done on all alliances and
movements completely. Scattered work can be seen in different
books. This book fulfills this gap and provides the complete
information of alliances and movements in the history of Pakistan
since 1947 to till date.
The present study is a pioneering work on this subject.
The effort has been made to understand the causes of the
formation of alliances and the efforts of the democratic forces for
the restoration of democracy. In this way, the government –
11
opposition relations have been discussed along with the
importance of the democracy. The present study will improve the
image of the opposition for tolerating the severe attitude of the
dictators and various kinds of sanctions. The focus of the study is
the political parties and the oppressive policies of the dictators. It
not only emphasises the importance of the opposition’s point of
view but also explains the causes of political instability. The
present study raises the following questions and offers the
analysis on these lines:
1. What were the determining factors in the emergence,
growth and development of alliances and movements in
Pakistan?
2. What was the relation between the government and the
opposition and to what extent it affected the political
system of Pakistan?
3. What was the perception of opposition on key issues in the
internal politics of Pakistan as well as the external issues?
4. What was the role of opposition in parliament and to what
extent did it succeed in moulding government policies in its
favor? What was its impact on the political developments in
Pakistan?
The present study consists of five parts. The research is
descriptive and analytical in nature. Both quantitative and
qualitative techniques have been applied in the study. Statistical
data has been used to analyze the facts. Interviews have been
conducted of the personalities who have been active members of
the alliances or movements..
The present study will hopefully improve the image of the
opposition towards its recognition as an integral part of the
system. It is based on conceptual framework evolved through
developing the main theme of the dissertation yet many books
and articles dealing with the concept of the opposition from all
angles are required. Primary and secondary sources are available
on the role of the opposition in Pakistan. Assembly debates,
contemporary newspapers, autobiographies and memoirs of the
opposition leaders are very useful source material for this study.

12
13
 Part One

14
15
 UNITED FRONT

After the establishment of Pakistan, the Muslim League1

formed government in both centre and the provinces. It enjoyed
the rule from 1947 to 1954 without any resistance. Central
government showed authoritarian attitude towards provinces and
continuously interfered in their administrative affairs. Its leaders
were more interested in capturing powers and least interested in
serving masses. They were paying little attention to people’s
welfare programmes and became indulged in the practices of mud
throwing on each other. The internal strife within the Muslim
League weakened the organizational structure of the party and
the subsequent fragmentation of the Muslim League led to the
emergence of other political parties opposing the Muslim League
government.2 There is no blinking fact that the new political
parties emerge due to four main reasons i.e. ideological
differences among members, weak party organizational structure,
different factions within the party, authoritative attitude of the

1 Pakistan Muslim League was the original successor of All India Muslim
League that led the Pakistan Movement achieving an independent
nation. After formation of Pakistan, the party was renamed to Muslim
League (Pakistan). Jinnah died in September 1948 and Liaquat was
assassinated in October 1951. After the death of these two people Muslim
League lost their power and started misunderstanding between the
members. Robbed of its two senior leaders, the League began to
disintegrate. By 1953, dissensions within the League had led to the
formation of several different political parties. Liaquat was succeeded by
Khawaja Nazimuddin, a Bengali, who was forced out of office in April
1953. Pakistan was racked by riots and famine, and at the first national
elections in May 1955 (held by a system of indirect voting) the League was
heavily defeated. In October 1958 the Army seized power and the martial
law regime of Muhammad Ayub Khan banned all political parties. This
was the end of the old Muslim League. Safdar Mehmood, A Political Study
of Pakistan, p. 102-105.
2Safdar Mehmood, Pakistan: Political Roots and Development in Pakistan,

p. 45.

16
party leader. Undoubtedly, Muslim league was being considered
the political party who played major role in the creation of
Pakistan but after the creation of Pakistan, it gradually lost its
dignity due to feeble leadership. Leadership always play
significant role in the lives of the nations. James Macgregor Burns
have described the various kinds of leadership in his book
“Leadership” i.e.
1. Transactional Leadership, who propose a bargain to
prospective supporters: a set of private or public goods –
jobs, schools, clinics – in return for votes
2. Transformational Leadership considers not only the
actually felt but also the potential needs and aspirations of
his followers.3
After the premature demise of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad
Ali Jinnah, the Muslim League had become orphan. Ch. Khalique
Uzaman could not manage the affairs of the party. Intrigues at the
provincial level and feeble role of Liaquat Ali Khan weakened the
roots of Muslim League within the masses.
In East Pakistan, Awami League was the first political
party to come against the Muslim League. It was headed by
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the 5th Prime Minister of Pakistan.
Initially, the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League 4 and Krishik

3James Macgregor Burns, Leadership, p. 426.

4On 18th March 1950, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy announced the
formation of All Pakistan Awami Muslim League he declared that the
Muslim League had outlived its utility as it had achieved its objective of
an independent state, with the loss of contact with the people, had
become a playground of power politics. Under these circumstances, the
Awami Muslim League came into being. Suhrawardy was its first elected
President. Abdul Sattar Niazi was appointed its general secretary. Awami
league merged with the Jinnah Muslim League and Awami Muslim
League of the NWFP on 25th January 1951, giving birth to All Pakistan
Jinnah Awami Muslim League. A five man organizing committee,
including Suhrawardy, Nawab of Mamdot, Mian Abdul Bari, Pir Ilahi
Bakhsh and Pir Sahib of Manki Sharif, was formed. A three day political
convention adopted the manifesto at Lahore on 26 December 1952, which
declared the party as the constitutional opposition, working for the
construction and reformation, the well being of the country, an

17
Sramic Party formed a Jugto Front on the basis of a twenty one
point programme which was regarded as the ‘charter of freedom’
for East Pakistan. In 1953, East Pakistan Awami Muslim League
made its alliance with Ganatantri Dal (GD), Krishik Sramic Party
and Nizam-e-Islam Party (NIP)5. This alliance was called United
Front (UF).6 The United Front under the leadership of A.K.Fazlul
Haq, H.S.Suhrawardy7 and Maulana Bhashani8 became popular

economic, political and social way of life based on the ideals and
principles of Islam through constitutional means. The aims of the party
included; to preserve the welfare, stability, independence and integrity of
Pakistan, secondly, to enact laws and formulate policies not repugnant to
the injunctions and principles of Islam, thirdly, to promote the Islamic
way of life, fourthly, to eliminate graphic, racial or linguistic
discrimination, fifthly, to maintain friendly relations with other
countries, six, settle all problems with India, seven, integrating the
acceding states and conferring upon their people full democratic rights.
Suhrawardy established an All Pakistan opposition party, AML, by his
party joining with the EPAML, in December 1952. The word Muslim was
dropped from its title, thereby turning into a non-communal party in a
council meeting of the AML on 21 October 1955, held at Saarghat in
Dhaka. Umar, the Emergence of Bangladesh, p. 307.
5The Nizam-i-Islam party was the new name of the East Pakistan JUI

which, under the leadership of Maulana Athar Ali, decided to participate

in politics directly. Its primary aim was to struggle for an Islamic order in
Pakistan, It followed the opposition parties in other matters. Rafique
Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, p. 126.
6 M. Ahmad, Pakistan kay Seyasi Ittehad, p. 60
7Born into a prominent Bengali Muslim family, Suhrawardy was educated

at Oxford, and joined the Swaraj Party of Chittaranjan Das upon

returning to India in 1921. He became the Mayor of Calcutta, the largest
city in British India, during the 1930s, and later, as a member of the All-
India Muslim League, assumed the premiership of Bengal in the mid-
1940s. Along with Sarat Chandra Bose, Suhrawardy mooted the United
Bengal proposal, in an attempt to prevent the Partition of Bengal.
Following the independence of Pakistan in 1947, he became a leading
populist statesman of East Pakistan, leaving the Muslim League to join
the newly formed centre-left Awami League in 1952. Along with A. K.
Fazlul Haq and Maulana Bhashani, he led the pan-Bengali United Front
alliance to a resounding victory in the 1954 East Bengal elections, which
witnessed a crushing defeat of the Muslim League in East Pakistan. In
1956, the Awami League formed an alliance with the Republican Party to
lead a coalition government in Pakistan. Suhrawardy became prime

18
minister and pledged to resolve the energy crises, address economic
disparities between East and West Pakistan, and strengthen the armed
forces. His initiatives included supply side economic policies, planning
nuclear power and energy and reorganizing and reforming the Pakistani
military. In foreign policy, he pioneered a strategic partnership with the
United States. Faced with pressure from the bureaucracy and business
community over his policies in aid distribution, nationalization and
opposition to the One Unit scheme, he was forced to resign on 10
October 1957, under threat of dismissal by President Iskandar Mirza. He
was banned from public life by the military junta of General Ayub Khan.
Suhrawardy died in 1963 in Beirut, Lebanon after suffering a massive
heart attack. Begum Shaista Ikramullah, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy: A
Biography, pp. 41-55.
8 He gained popularity among peasants and the higher status emerging

leadership of Bengali Muslims. Owing to his leaning to the left, often

dubbed "Islamic Socialism", he was nicknamed "The Red Maulana".
Maulana Bhashani is regarded as the proponent of anti-imperialist, non-
communal and left-leaning politics by his admirers in present-day
Bangladesh and beyond. In 2013 the Awami League Government of
Bangladesh reduced his presence in school curricula. A one-time student
of Deoband, and participant of the Khilafat Movement protesting the
dissolution of the Ottoman Empire he led the Muslims of Assam in a
successful campaign during the 1947 Sylhet Referendum, through which
Sylhet chose to become part of the Pakistan national project. He was the
founder and President of the Pakistan Awami Muslim League which later
became Awami League (AL). Later however, owing to differences with the
right-leaning leaders in the AML, such as Shahid Suhrawardy, on the
issue of autonomy for East Pakistan, he formed a new progressive party
called National Awami Party (NAP). He also differed with Suhrawardy
when he as Prime Minister of Pakistan decided to join the US-led defence
Pacts CENTO and SEATO. The split among the progressive camp into
pro-Moscow and pro-Peking factions eventually led to the breakup of
NAP into two separate parties; the pro-Moscow faction being led by
Muzaffar Ahmed. After Pakistan's 1965 war with India, he showed some
support for Field Marshal Ayub Khan's regime for its China-leaning
foreign policy; but later he provided leadership to a mass uprising against
the regime in 1968-69. He played a very critical role in the 1969
movement which eventually led to the collapse of the Ayub regime and
the release of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman and other co-accused in the so-
called Agartala conspiracy case against Pakistan. His decision to boycott
the 1970 Pakistan general elections due to his mistrust of the West
Pakistani leaders, effectively led to the electoral sweep by erstwhile
opponent Mujib-ur-Rahman. His efforts created a sense of fierce

19
among the masses. Though forging a united front of opposition
parties was a difficult venture because of personality differences
between leaders like Suhrawardy and Fazlul Haq, and Maulana
Bhashani and Maulana Athar Ali and programme differences
between parties like GD and the NIP. But the political parties,
East Pakistan Awami League, KSP, GD and the communist party
of East Pakistan empowered their leaders for a united front with a
common minimum programme. The leaders were also under
pressure from the public to establish a united front. Because the
people of East Pakistan were facing enormous problems and the
opposition fully utilized these problems for its own benefits. Few
of these problems were:
1. The location of the capital in Karachi (Sindh) denied East
Pakistan the benefits that accrue to the region where the
capital is located.
2. Bengali under-representation in the services which was a
legacy of the pre-partition days. The Bengalis had
practically no representation in the armed forces primarily
due to the British theory of martial races, imperialist
defence policy, and the physical standards laid down for
recruitment. The Bengali representation in the civil services
was equally poor. In August 1947, there was one Bengali
among the eighty three civil servants who opted for
Pakistan and constituted the civil service of Pakistan.
3. East Pakistan was economically worse off than West
Pakistan. The policies of Pakistan Muslim League were
directed towards overall economic development, which
contributed to Bengali deprivation and alienation.
4. Language issue9. The demand of the Bengali as an official
language gained momentum and created a deep unrest
among the students and intelligentsia in East Pakistan who

nationality and a spirit of independence amongst all Bengalis of East

Pakistan. Enamul Haq, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, p. 65
9Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, pp. 123-24.

20
 began to agitate to make Bengali the official language of
East Pakistan. The government declared Urdu as an official
language. Against this decision, on 11th March 1948, a
province wide strike was called and big processions were
held. Due to the pressure, Khwaja Nazimuddin signed an
agreement on 15th March 1948 and accepted an eight point
demands of the students; this included the recognition of
Bengali as the official language of East Bengal and one of
the state languages of Pakistan. Even the East Bengal
Assembly also unanimously adopted a resolution in favor of
the Bengali language as official language and medium of
instruction in East Pakistan. But Muhammad Ali Jinnah,
during his visit to East Pakistan on 19th March 1948, refused
to accept the terms agreed with the students, saying that
they had been made under duress. On 21st March 1948, in
public meeting in Dhaka, Jinnah declared that Urdu was to
be the only state language of Pakistan. 10
5. The government policy for the distribution of development
funds also alienated the Bengalis. This policy was based
neither on regional considerations nor on population. The
result was that the East Pakistan received less development
funds than West Pakistan.
6. Pakistan was basically an agriculturally poor country. In
September 1949, the central government’s non-devaluation
decision helped to stabilize Pakistan’s economy but it
adversely affected the Bengalis. Jute, the primary cash crop,
was processed in Calcutta’s jute mills or exported through
Indian ports. When the Indian government refused to
purchase Pakistani jute on non-devalued rates, the jute
growers were obliged to sell jute at extremely low prices for
over a month. The jute growers suffered the ill-effects of the
sharp fluctuations in the demand for jute in the

10
Mohammad H.R. Talukdar, Memoirs of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy,
pp. 42-3.

21
 international market during and after the Korean War. The
middle men grabed the benefits that should have filtered
down to them. It helped the West Pakistan based capitalists
to establish their monopoly over jute trade with the help of
non-Bengali bureaucrats. The small Bengali business
community protested against this policy and the central
government failed to ensure the fair price to the cultivators.
11

The opposition of PML exploited these problems and

ensured the masses that the solution to these problems laid in
provincial autonomy for East Pakistan. The politics of A.K.Fazlul
Haq was totally based on Bengali Issue. Suhrawardy was the
dominating personality among three leaders. Bhashani had the
leftist ideas. Suhrawardy and Bhashani were pro-Chinese. In
United Front, Ganatantri Dal was the leftist party due to its
ideology. Progressive, anti-capitalist, radical autonomist, pluralist,
and secular parties are grouped together as the leftist parties.
Most of the leftist parties and the leaders always promote the
following issues
1. Lower classes and oppression (leftist parties are associated
with the conditions of the workers and their rights in the
new industries)
2. Secularism (left is associated with secularism)
3. Change in the existing system to empower the working
class (the leftist wing is generally associated with radicals,
who believe in rapid change)
4. Cultural diversity and cultural tolerance
5. Regionalism and movements of provincial autonomy.12
A series of secret discussions between East Pakistan
Awami League and Krishik Sramic party leadership resulted in the
signing of a document. The document contained the twenty one

11DAWN, 25 December 1951, 10 May 1953.

12KausarParveen, The Politics of Pakistan – Role of the Opposition 1947-
1958, pp. 105-107.

22
points programme. Later on, this programme became the
manifesto of United Front. In its twenty one points manifesto,
United Front demanded
1. To introduce Bengali as official language,
2. Transfer all subjects to the provinces except defense and
foreign policy.
3. Armament factory and Naval headquarters be shifted to
East Pakistan.13
4. To abolish without compensation all rent receiving interest
in land and to distribute the surplus lands among the
landless cultivators and reduce rent to a fair level and
abolish the certificate procedure for realizing rent.
5. To nationalize the jute trade. To make arrangements for
securing fair price of jute to jute-growers, and to investigate
into the jute-bungling during the Muslim League regime, to
punish those found responsible for the bungling and to
forfeit all their properties earned thereby.
6. To introduce cooperative farming and to improve the
condition of cottage industries and manual works.
7. To start all industries, both cottage and big, in order to
make East Pakistan self-sufficient in the supply of salt. To
investigate into the salt-bungling during the Muslim League
regime, and to punish those who were responsible for the
bungling.
8. To immediately rehabilitate all refugees, particularly those
who are artisans and technicians.
9. To improve the irrigation system and save the country from
flood and famine.
10. To industrialize East Bengal and to guarantee the economic
and social rights of the industrial labour according to the
I.L.O. conventions.

13
K.B.Saeed Saeed, Politics in Pakistan: The Nature and Direction of
Change, p. 75

23
 11. To introduce free and compulsory education and to arrange
for just and allowances for the teachers.
12. To reorient the entire secondary education system by
abolishing the discrimination between the government and
private schools, and to introduce the mother tongue as the
medium of instruction.
13. To repeal all reactionary and black laws of the Dhaka and
Rajshahi universities and to make them autonomous
institutions.
14. To make out curtailment of the cost of administration and
to rationalize the pay-scale of high and low paid
government servants, United Front ministers shall not
accept more than Rs. 1,000.00 as their monthly salary.
15. To eradicate all corruption, nepotism and bribery, and with
this end in view, to take stock of the properties of all
government officers and businessmen from the year 1940
onward and forfeit all properties the acquisition of which is
not satisfactorily accounted for.
16. To release all security prisoners detained in jails under
various Public Safety Acts and Ordinances and to guarantee
freedom of the press, speech and association.
17. To separate the executive from the judiciary.
18. To convert Burdwan House for the present into a students’
residence and afterwards into a Research institute of
Bengali language and literature.
19. To erect a Monument to commemorate the memory of
those martyrs who gave their lives for the Bengali language
on February 21, 1952 and to compensate the bereaved
families.
20. United Front Cabinet shall on no account extend the life of
the Legislature; and the ministry shall resign six months
before the General Election and shall arrange for a free and
fair election through the agency of an Election
Commissioner.

24
 21. All casual vacancies in the legislature shall be filled up
through by elections within three months of the date of the
vacancies and if the United Front nominees are defeated in
three successive by elections, the ministry shall voluntarily
resign from office.
Its program also included such sensitive issues as the jute
trade, the provincial share in revenues and development funds
and Bengali representation in services. The students, workers,
teachers got major place in the manifesto. These three sections,
no doubt, are very important to revolutionalise the existing
system. Due to leftist leanings of the leaders, the manifesto was
also near to this ideology. Ideology plays vital role in the politics
of political parties as Roy C. Macridis points out,
“Ideology provides a set of concepts through which
people view the world and learn about it. People
receive messages from the world outside and have put
these messages into some kind of order into
concepts.”14
It can be said that the alliance wanted to focus on
workers, peasants and students. It is no doubt, that the leftist
parties spend their energies on these sections. It was also strange
that the rightist party was also the part of the United Front but in
manifesto, no special emphasis had been laid on the enforcement
of Islam in Pakistan. The rightist parties are known as:
1. Conservatives who defend and rationalize the existing
economic, social and political order at any given time in any
given society (they are generally against radical sudden
political, economic and social change).
2. Favours capitalism
3. Associated with religious movements
4. Usually preferred to align with Western European countries
and the USA.

14RoyC. Macridis, Contemporary Political Ideologies: Movements and

Regimes, p. 3.

25
 5. Favours assimilative cultural policies
6. Associated with strong centre15
During the elections of East Pakistan in 1953, it was
observed that UF leaders during election campaign promoted
regionalism and raised the feelings of hatred against West
Pakistan to get public support. The manifesto purely consisted of
the demands of the people of East Pakistan. It was a revolt against
the existing system because it had failed to satisfy to the masses.
The undue stress on the demand of the issue of language made
United Front a regional alliance. Inspite of the differences of the
political parties included in United Front, 16 Muslim League could
not counter their propaganda and lost the elections of 1954. 17
During electioneering campaigns, Muslim League used the word
Islam lavishly and its appeal was based on unity of the Muslim
nation, glorified memories of Jinnah, and evoking the role of the
League in the achievement of Pakistan, describing the League as
the party of the Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It also
showed apprehensions that the victory of the opposite alliance
would lead the country towards disintegration. 18 It found very
formidable opposition in the United Front. Due to the fear of the
domination of United Front, the government of the Muslim
League shifted the election date from February 16 to March 10, in

15Kausar Parveen, The Politics of Pakistan – Role of the Opposition 1947-

1958, pp. 105-107.
16However, during the election campaign, signs of the United Front

falling apart began to appear. Fazlul Haq is reported to have walk out of
meeting of the United Front parliamentary board. A serious threat came
from the NIP, which selected its candidates without consulting the
United Front, while accusing it of issuing tickets to undesirable
candidates and to persons known to be communists. Such differences
were not allowed to reach a breaking point before the elections. DAWN,
January 12, 1954.
17 S. Mehmood, Pakistan Divided, p. 45.
18Kausar Parveen, The Politics of Pakistan – Role of the Opposition 1947-58,

p. 208

26
order to gain time. But the postponement also favored the United
Front rather than the Muslim League. Although, the Muslim
League used two tactics during the election campaign i.e:
1. Eisenhower’s announcement of United States military aid to
Pakistan
2. Miss Fatima Jinnah’s tour of East Pakistan in support of the
Muslim League
The government was thinking that the military aid of
USA would boost its image in the eyes of the people but actually it
ignited the smouldering embers of the masses. The leadership of
United Front was promoting anti-American feelings and was in
favor of pro-Chinese policies. Secondly, Fatima Jinnah was given
respect and honour due to Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
and her request for vote had definitely importance. But these two
hopes could not play role in the favor of Muslim League. 19 The
results of the election were as under;
Muslim No of Minority seats No of
seats seats seats
United Front 223 Pakistan National Congress 24
Muslim 09 Scheduled Castes Federation 27
League
Independents 3 Minority United Front 10
Khilafat-e- 1 Gantantari 3
Rabbani
Communists 4
Buddhists 2
Christians 1
Independents 2
Total 236 Total 73

19DAWN, February 22, 1954.

27
 United Front got the thumping majority in the elections.
The party programme and the leadership of United Front
produced unprecedented election hysteria with universal support.
No doubt, it was the organizing genius of Suhrawardy that
achieved its landslide victory for the Front. It captured 223 of the
236 Muslim seats and conceded only nine to the ruling EPML, the
rest going to independents.20 Earlier, during the election
campaign, in Jessore district, Suhrawardy had declared that the
ruling party would get only nine seats and it won neither more
less than Suhrawardy had predicted, which, to some degree, is an
indicator of how well he had organized the campaign and to what
extent he had got his finger on the pulse of the needs and wishes
of the people. Even the EPML Chief Minister Nurul Amin21 and
four of his cabinet colleagues met with ignominious defeats in
their constituencies, while more than fifty other Muslim Leaguers

20The Statistical year book, 1954-5, Government of East Pakistan, Dhaka.

21Nurul Amin hailed from the district of Mymensingh in Bengal where he
received his early education. He graduated from the University of
Calcutta, and obtained his LLB. He rose rapidly, both in Law and politics,
and was elected president of the Mymensingh District Board in 1924.
Amin was also elected to the Bengal legislative assembly in 1942, and was
elected as speaker in his second term. When Muhammad Ali Jinnah
toured Bengal campaigning for the All India Muslim League, Amin
accompanied him. He was appointed as convener of the Bengal Muslim
League Committee ten years, which was formed to liaison with the
congress and the Hindu Mahasabha to settle the modalities of a united
and independent Bengal scheme. But the scheme failed due to Congress
opposition, and Nurul Amin went to Dacca to take his seat in the East
Bengal Legislative Assembly. After partition in 1947, Amin was appointed
Chief Minister in 1951 during the tenure of Governor General of Pakistan
Khwaja Nazimuddin. When the language riots erupted, with the Bengalis
demanding that Bengla should be made official language of the country,
Amin tried very hard to suppress them. In the elections of 1954, Amin lost
his seat. During the general elections of 1970, Amin was one of the two
non-Awami league candidates to win elections from the East Pakistan.
After the separation of East Pakistan, Amin was made Vice President of
Pakistan. He served from 23 April 1972 to 13 August 1973. Nurul Amin is
buried within the boundaries of Jinnah’s mausoleum in Karachi. Ayesha
Jalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 27

28
lost their deposits, amounting to what was a virtual ‘bloodless
revolution’.22 A.K.Fazlul Haq from KSP formed the provincial
government on the basis of the election results. The results of the
elections left the following impacts on the politics of Pakistan:
1. It shattered the Muslim league in East Bengal. It had won
only nine seats out of 236 seats. Its ministers and even Chief
Minister were defeated. Many prominent leaders of Muslim
League even forfeited their election securities.
2. The Constituent Assembly in the Centre itself was
threatened by the elections in the East Bengal because
United Front, which won with thumping majority, called
for election of new members of the Constituent Assembly.
3. The election results in East Bengal had brought renewed
activities on the issue of the unification of West Pakistan
4. Riots broke out between Bengalis and non-Bengalis (Adam
Jee23 Jute Mills near Dhaka, causing the death of more than
four hundred persons. The mill belonged to Maulana
Bhashani’s trade union organization and it had voted en
bloc in support of the Front.)
5. The defeat of the Muslim League in East Pakistan ignited
many other issues like Bengali language, Issue of
representation, separate or Joint Electorate.

22Mohammad H.R.Talukdar, Memoirs of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, p.

44.
23Adamjee Group was the largest manufacturers and exporters of jute

operators in the East Pakistan. At the time of partition, Adam jee Jute
Mills produced 100,000 tons of hessian a year and employed 25,000
workers. It rapidly diversified into other industries and established the
only paper manufacturing facility at the time: Adamjee Paper Mills,
Chandraghona. Started in 1954 as a Pakistan Industrial Development
Corporation project, it was wholly owned by the Adamjees by 1963. In
addition to owning textile mills, they also refined vegetable oil, prepared
particle board and polythene laminated jute goods. Ayesha Jalal, The
Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 1

29
 6. There is no blinking fact that many factors played role in
the defeat of the Muslim League but few of them are
remarkable
1. Nazimuddin’s24 dismissal from the post of Prime Minister.
First he stepped down from the post of Governor General
on 17th October 1951 in the greater interest of the country.
He relinquished his post to succeed Liaquat Ali Khan as
Prime Minister. Governor General, Malik Ghulam
Muhammad also relieved him from the post of Prime
Minister without any solid reason. The perception was
developed among the people of East Pakistan that it was not
a fair decision of the central government.
2. Rise in the prices of commodities of daily use
3. Reported rift in the federal cabinet on the Kashmir issue
4. Ban on newspapers demanding fresh inquiry into Liaquat
Ali’s25 Assassination
5. Dissolution orders of the party branches in East Pakistan
6. The leadership of Muslim League in East Pakistan was not
too vocal in the advocacy of the rights of Bengalis. That’s

24 Khwaja Nazmuddin acquired his education from Aligarh University

and Cambridge in the UK. He became involved in Bengali provincial
politics and joined the All India Muslim League, becoming head of its
East Bengal Wing in 1947. After the partition, he joined the Pakistani
government. After the demise of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, he took over as
governor general subsequently becoming Prime Minister of the country
after the assassination of Liqauat Ali Khan in 1951. Governor General
Malik Ghulam Muhammad asked him to step down from his office but he
resisted and was eventually forced out. Ibid., p. 372.
25 He was the first Prime Minister of Pakistan and last honorary secretary

of the All India Muslim League. He was the son of Nawab Rustom Ali
Khan. He was educated at Aligarh, after which he went to Oxford in
England where he obtained an MA in jurisprudence. In 1922, he was
called to the Bar from the Inner Temple. He returned to India in the same
year and was involved in politics as a Hindu-Muslim riot inKarnal
required his services as a peace makers. Liaquat Ali Khan joined Muslim
League in 1923. After the partition of Pakistan, he was sworn in as the first
Prime Minister of Pakistan. He was assassinated on 16 October 1951 in
Rawalpindi .Ibid., pp. 284-86.

30
 why; it became easy target of the opposition propaganda
that it had sold out the Bengali interests to the Centre. East
Pakistan Muslim League leadership was directed by the
mediocre talent of Nurul Amin and his followers. The
United Front was led by political giants like A.K.Fazlul Haq,
Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani.26
7. The government of Muslim League had kept thirty four East
Pakistan Assembly seats vacant after the defeat of its
candidates in the first by-election in 1948. Then, frequent
purges and exits from the PML left merely a skeleton of the
party.27
8. The United Front had placed before the electorate a clear
cut twenty one point programme and had stressed upon the
economic problems of the province, whereas the League
had no programme other than saying that both Pakistan
and Islam were in danger.
9. The East Pakistan Muslim League had jailed hundreds of
students and opposition political leaders and had a dreadful
record of seven years of misrule and failure.28
But soon the new provincial government proved itself
prejudice. There was prevailing political unrest during its rule, law
and order situation was completely deteriorated. There came a
stage when Fazlul Haq was removed as Chief Minister. The
provincial cabinet was dismissed and the East Bengal Assembly
was not allowed to meet. As a result of this, the rule of United
Front was ended and Governor Rule was imposed in East Pakistan
on 30th May 1954.29 The central government gave the following
reasons of the dismissal:

26Mohammad H.R.Talukdar, Memoirs of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, p.

45.
27Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, pp. 128-29.
28Mohammad H.R.Talukdar, Memoirs of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, p.

45.
29 M.F.Qureshi, Pakistan Jamoriat ka Zawal, p. 60.

31
 1. The government of the United Front had failed to maintain
law and order. The Prime Minister of Pakistan alleged that,
because of heavy communist infiltration, Haq was unable to
maintain law and order in the province
2. Its failure to inspire confidence in the administration
3. Presence of enemy agents aiming to undermine the
country’s integrity by creating unrest. 30 The New York
Times correspondent, John P. Callahan reported, on 23 May,
that the United Front Premier was working for the
independence of the province.31
These were the reasons which the federal government
presented on the issue of the dissolution. Later on, the dictators
always presented these such kind of reasons for justifying their
designs. Law and order, country’s integrity at stake due to
presence of enemy agents in the governments have become the
main allegations that are always assigned to the out going
governments.
After the dismissal of the elected government of United
Front, the governor Khaliquzzaman32 was replaced by Iskander
Mirza33 who was appointed as Governor of East Bengal. Although

30Rafique Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan 1947-1958, p. 207

31DAWN, Karachi, 29 June 1954.
32He belonged to the landowning family of Awadh. After completing his

matriculation from Lucknow in 1907, he went to MAO College Aligarh,

from where he acquired his graduate and LLB degrees, after which he
started his law practice in Lucknow. After partition in 1947, he migrated
to Pakistan and was appointed Chief Organizer of the Muslim League.
Till 1950, he served as the party’s president. In Pakistan, he enjoyed a full
career in the civil service. He was appointed Governor of East Pakistan
(1953-54), and ambassador to Indonesia and the Philippines. Ayesha Jalal,
The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 277
33 Iskander Mirza was the Governor General and the first President of

Pakistan. He received his military training at Sandhurst, England, and

occupied important posts in the British colonial administration in Orissa
and the NWFP. After the partition, he served as secretary of defence, and
as minister of Interior in 1954-55. He was prompted to Major General, and
in 1954 appointed Governor of East Pakistan. Upon assuming the death of
President in 1956, he abrogated the Constitution and proclaimed Martial

32
Mirza belonged to a Bengali family and was born in that province
but was for most part of his political life allied with the Punjabi
bureaucrats. He made it known to all that he believed in
controlled democracy and was of the view that the system of
parliamentary government had failed in East Bengal. He followed
the imposition of Section 92-A of the constitution with the arrest
of a number of United Front leaders and protesting students; as
many as 3,000 people, including 35 provincial assembly members
and a minister, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman, were arrested. The
Central government threatened Fazlul Haq, a prominent leader of
the United Front in East Bengal, with treason prosecution.
However, no action was taken against him after assurance that he
would retire from politics. Thus the power of the United Front
was suppressed. The Centre now controlled Eastern and Western
wings of the country. 34 On the other hand, the few actions of the
government of United Front also had proved threatening to the
prevailing order. These were:
1. Its demand for fresh elections to the Constituent Assembly
of Pakistan or the replacement of at least its Bengali
members caused panic among the Bengali MCAs
2. Its pressure for the reconsideration of the federal formula
on the basis of its 21- point programme along with such
statements by its leaders as Suhrawardy’s that ‘East Bengal
would henceforth rule Pakistan via Karachi, worried the
West Pakistan vested interests.
3. Its opposition to the US military aid to Pakistan made it
suspect in the eyes of the civil-military establishment. 162
MPAs of the United Front issued a signed press statement
against the aid and the Bengalis observed an anti US-

Law on 7 October 1958. But after three weeks, on 27 October 1958, he was
deposed by the army chief General Ayub Khan who took over the reigns
of the country. He was exiled and sent to England where he lived till his
death. He is buried in Tehran, Iran. Ibid., p. 338.

34Hasan Muhammad, ‘General Elections in Pakistan, pp.24-28.

33
 Pakistan Military Pact Day. Bhashani condemned the ‘anti-
people Muslim League government’ for mortgaging the
home land to the American imperialist war mongers by
entering into a military pact, and appealed to the people to
rise to the occasion and save the nation. Although, the
United Front had divided on this issue. The NIP welcomed
aid and even Suhrawardy was the only prominent United
Front leader who was discreet and non-committal in his
commitments and sometimes even welcomed the United
States aid.35
4. The government of United Front refused to implement the
centre’s directives to proceed against the ‘communists’ who
were blamed for fomenting the riots.
5. The controversial speeches of Fazlul Haq, the United Chief
Minister, were very alarming. During his visit to West
Bengal, he attacked upon the existence of Pakistan. At a
reception, he is reported to have expressed the hope “to
remove the artificial barriers that had been created between
the two Bengals” with the help of the Indian people,
because “Bengalis are bound together by a common
language and heritage”36. In an interview to John P.
Callahan (correspondent of the New York Times), Fazlul
Haq was stated to be in favor of the independence of East
Pakistan. But later on, he denied from his statement and
explained that he was talking about the United Front
objective of provincial autonomy.37
6. The government of United Front was doing nothing for
eliminating the riots between Bengalis and non-Bengalis. At
the incident of Adamji Jute Mills, inspite of the presence of
provincial minister (Mujib-ur-Rehman) and senior police

35James W. Spain, Landslide in East Pakistan, p. 289.

36DAWN, May 8, 13, 1954.
37New York Times, May 23, 1954.

34
 officers, the government was not so active to curb the
elements.38
The above mentioned actions were not tolerable for the
central government and it decided to dismiss the provincial
government. It is said that the elected government was not given
free hand to work. The alliance of the establishment of Pakistan
and USA came to surface openly during the elections when the
military support was announced for improving the image of
Muslim League, a ruling party. The central government tried to
crush all those elements that were working against the interests of
USA in Pakistan. The measures taken by the Pakistani
government were
1. Patronage and repressive tactics including the detention of
more than one thousand political workers
2. Communist party was banned in East Pakistan. This ban
was never lifted.
3. The leadership of United Front faced very critical period.
Fazlul Haq was termed a traitor and due to the pressure of
the government, he announced his retirement from politics.
Suhrawardy went to Europe for medical treatment.
Bhashani did not return from Europe where he had gone to
attend a socialist conference in Stockholm. 39
Later on, Malik Ghulam Muhammad, Governor General
of Pakistan, also dissolved the first Constituent Assembly of
Pakistan in 1954. The Krishik Sramic and the Awami League
separately hailed the dissolution with a Day of Deliverance. In
December 1954, Suhrawardy joined the cabinet of talents in the
centre as law minister. The central government also approached
the traitor, Fazlul Haq, to join the central government. Contrary
to his decision to retire, Fazlul Haq visited Karachi and nominated
a party member Abu Hussain Sarkar to the federal cabinet. A law

38DAWN, June 15, 1954.

39Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, p. 130.

35
minister, Suhrawardy agreed to support a policy to unify West
Pakistan and enact a constitution on the basis of parity of the two
wings. The Krishik Sramic led United Front suspended him and
his party on grounds of betraying twenty one points programme. 40
Such factional conflicts presented the central government
with an excuse to continue the suspension of parliamentary
government in East Pakistan until June 1955 when the Krishik
Sramic party leader A.H.Sarkar took over as head of the coalition
government. Subsequently, when elections took place for the
Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, the Krishik Sramic party won
sixteen seats and the Awami League by now a non- communal
party, thirteen. In August, Fazlul Haq became minister of interior
and education in the Muslim League-United Front coalition
government in the centre.41
As far as leadership was concerned, it is no doubt that
Suharwardy, Bhashani, and Fazlul Haq were men of high caliber.
They emerged at the time of crisis, when the people of East
Pakistan were passing through critical phase. The ruling party
Muslim League had lost its influence within the people due to the
flawed policies of its leadership. It had been high jacked in the
hands of civil bureaucracy. The undue involvement of the
provincial governments in the provincial elections defamed
Muslim League. But the strong centre tactfully managed the
circumstances and handled the leadership of East Pakistan. In the
start, the central government used very abusive language for the
leadership like the “Dogs of Indians” and “traitors”. But later on, it
convinced the leadership of East Pakistan to become the part of
government. When the leadership joined the ministries, they

40DAWN, April 25, 1955.

41Ibid., July 18, 1955.

36
themselves deviated from the twenty one point manifesto of
United Front and did nothing for the people of East Pakistan.
The political parties formed the alliance did strange
politics during the elections in East Pakistan. Few of them also
kept their identity independently. Nizam-i-Islam Party put up a
total of sixty four candidates of which twenty six contested on the
United Front ticket and rest under the party’s own label. Such
kinds of strategy show its least commitment with the alliance.
Inspite of this, the people of East Pakistan casted votes to the
candidates of United Front because it had given the basic
problems of the masses in its manifesto. The manifesto of twenty
one points was very attractive. On the other hand, the Pakistan
Muslim League failed to attract the people through its manifesto.
United Front was an alliance of different political parties
who had the different ideologies. Nizam-i-Islam Party was the
rightist party who decided to cooperate with the United Front
against the ruling Pakistan Muslim League in the 1954 East
Pakistan Provincial elections. Ganatantri Dal was the leftist party
and most of its members were leftists who wanted an overhauling
of the existing socio-economic order. It criticized the ruling
Pakistan Muslim League for helping the rich to grow richer,
intolerant towards the opposition, incapable. This party further
alleged that Pakistan Muslim League was protecting the interests
of the imperialist powers. Against the policies of Pakistan Muslim
League, it joined United Front. Krishik Sramic Party was the
centrist party. This party was an important component of the
United Front. It had a moderate and mixed agenda. It advocated
mixed socio-economic programme and supported the West
aligned foreign policy of Pakistan. Even it adopted moderate
stance on provincial autonomy once this party was in power. All
of these parties had their common enemy and that was the
Pakistan Muslim League. It seems that the United Front had been

37
established only against Pakistan Muslim League not for
protecting the rights of the people of East Pakistan. After the
victory of elections in East Pakistan, the components of United
Front indulged in suspicions about each other. It looks that their
main goal was the election victory only and the later events
proved it.

38
Part Two

39
40
 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT (NDF)

“Some are born great, some achieve greatness and

some have greatness thrust upon them”(Shakespeare)

Commander-in-Inchief of Pakistan Army, General

Muhammad Ayub Khan,42 ruled over the country from 1958 to
1968 and tried to snub the politicians. The politicians also did not
give him a free hand to rule over the country. First military ruler
General Ayub Khan had to face three anti-government
movements, National Democratic Front was the first to challenge
the military regime. On June 1962, he lifted the martial law and
enforced the Presidential Constitution in Pakistan. Under this
constitution, all the executive powers were vested in the office of
President.43 The four years calm was broken by anti constitutional

42He belonged to the District of the NWFP, Ayub Khan studied from the
Aligarh Muslim University. After which he went to the British Royal
Military College Sandhurst. He was commissioned in the British Indian
Army in 1928. During the 2nd World War, Ayub commanded an infantry
battalion in Burma. After the partition, he joined Pakistan Army as
Colonel and was soon promoted to the rank of Brigadier General by
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. His second promotion was Major
General and after his promotion, he was sent to East Pakistan as General
Officer Commanding. After the retirement of General Gracey, Ayub Khan
was appointed the first Pakistani Commander-in-Chief of the Army in
1951. He was appointed minister of Defence in 1954 by the Central
Government’s Cabinet of Talents. In 1958 after President Iskander Mirza
declared Martial Law in the country and abrogated the 1956 constitution,
Ayub Khan was appointed Chief Martial Law Administrator. In this
capacity, Ayub forced Iskander Mirza’s removal from his post of the
President and he was forced to leave the country. He declared himself as
President of Pakistan and also self-appointed himself as Field Marshal.
Ayesha Jalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 287.
43H.A.Rizvi, The military and Politics in Pakistan, p. 71.

41
demonstration lead by a former Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed
Suhrawardy.44 The President passed the orders to arrest him due
to his opposition for the constitution of 1962. The entire student
community of East Pakistan protested against his arrest,
universities closed down and strikes were called; all this was
answered by mass arrests and political repression. The
government leveled different charges against Suhrawardy. Against
these charges, Suhrawardy wrote to President Ayub Khan:
“…………..let me tell you Mr. President, what you do not
know that Pakistan is my life. I have, I believe, played a
great part in bringing it into existence. Bengal was the
only province – among the Muslim majority provinces
– that gave a Muslim League ministry to the Quaid-i-
Azam; Bengal was the pawn in his hand due to which
the congress accepted the partition of India. And to
make Bengal accept the Muslim League, and align
itself in the struggle for Pakistan, I had to work day
and night, at the cost of my own living, health and
safety.”45

For challenging the rule of Ayub Khan, The first step was
taken by “Dhaka Nine” (Nine political parties met in Dhaka to
discuss the political condition of the country, named as Dhaka
Nine) which demanded the restoration of complete democracy,
wanted a directly elected Constituent Assembly to frame a
constitution based on a federal parliamentary system. At the
national level, it received a warm response. To counter its
increasing popularity General Ayub introduced Political Parties
Act 196246 in which he relaxed the restrictions on political parties.

44Ibid.,p. 65.
45Quoted in Memoirs of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, by Mohammad
H.R.Talukdar, pp. 67-8.
46On 4 July 1962, a bill providing for the formation and regulation of

political parties was drafted by the government and referred to a select

committee of the Assembly. The select committee was composed of
people representing different shades of opinion, and three days later they
returned it to the floor of the Assembly citing their inability to agree on a

42
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy appealed the political parties not to
restart their activities until the complete restoration of
democracy. The majority of the political parties gave positive
response to Suhrawardy’s appeal except Muslim League and some
religious parties.47 Muslim League and the religious parties always
supported the policies of dictators in Pakistan and even gave them
shelter through becoming the part of their governments. Due to
such kind of policies, the inhabitants of Pakistan used to deny
casting vote to Muslim League and the religious parties. Inspite of
this, the dictators always divided the Muslim League and the new
political parties with the name of Muslim League emerged on the
political scene of Pakistan.
In this situation, Suhrawardy felt the need of an
opposition alliance to struggle for the restoration of democracy in
the country. On October 4, 1962, he announced the formation of
National Democratic Front (NDF) on the basis of one point
agenda
“Pakistan should be governed through
democratic institutions”48
On the initiative of Suhrawardy, leading politicians from
East and West Pakistan met at the residence of Sayyid Maududi
and Mian Mahmud Ali Qasuri in Lahore and announced the

modus operndi. Nevertheless, on 14th July the draft bill was put up to a
vote and passed virtually unmodified. The next day, the National
Assembly passed another bill liberalizing the Preventive Detention Laws.
The President gave his assent on 16 July and the Political Parties Bill
became law. Despite of many controversial features making it difficult for
the opposition in the National Assembly to associate itself with the new
law i.e. the law prevented the disqualified under the Elective Bodies
Disqualification Order, 1959 from participating in political activities, and
it gave the government authority to declare other ineligible should they
engage in activities considered detrimental to the health and security of
the national. Political parties were quick to legitimize their operation
after its enactment. Political Parties Act, 1962 (Act III of 1962).PLD 1964
Central Statutes 698.
47 M. Ahmad, Pakistan kay Seyasi Ittehad, p. 60
48 M.R. Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan, p. 67.

43
formation of the NDF under the signatures of fifty five politicians
belonging to different political parties. The prominent leaders
were Sayyid Maududi (JIP), Mian Tufail Muhammad (JIP),
Choudhary Ghulam Muhammad (JIP), Nawabzada Nasr Ullah
Khan (AL), Ata al-Rehman (AL), Mujib al-Rehman (AL), Mahmud
Ali (NAP), Mahmud al-Haq (NAP), Haider Baksh Jatoi (NAP),
Mian Mumtaz Daultana (CML), Sardar Bahadur Khan (CML),
Muhammad Yousuf Khatak (CML), Muhammad Sulaiman (KSP),
Sayyid Aziz al-Haq (KSP) and Col. Abid Hussain (RP).49 The
National Democratic Front consisted of Awami League, National
Awami Party, NIP and Council Muslim League. KSP and Jamat-i-
Islami also cooperated with it. Two factors delayed its formal
organization which eventually diluted its strength:
1. Whether the NDF should be a partyless or a party based
alliance
2. The official policy to contain its activities
The leaders of the alliance started their meetings for the
future strategy and its implementation. It was a critical time for
the opposition of a dictator to survive. In the initial meetings of
the leaders, two issues dominated the deliberations;
1. Whether a Constituent Assembly should be called to frame
a new constitution or amendments should be made in the
existing constitution

49He belonged to a Sayyid Family. His father met death in his childhood.
The property of his father Raja Shah went into the court of wards. He
educated himself from Achison College Lahore and also studied from
London. During the Second World War, he rendered for British
imperialism and urged the people to recruit in the British Indian Army.
He was awarded the title of “honorary Col”. He contested the election of
1945-46 from the party of Muslim League and defeated Unionist
candidate, Inyat Ullah Khan Sial. He supported Fatima Jinnah in the
presidential elections against Ayub Khan and he was arrested by the
Ayubi Regime. The martial dictator humiliated him publically. In 1970, he
contested elections but lost elections due the fatwa of Pir Sial Sharif (The
vote not for Kafir Shia). Mahr Haider Bharwana won the elections against
Col. Abid. It was his last election. He met his death in 1974. Interview
with Abida Hussain.

44
 2. Whether the proposed National Front should be composed
of individual politicians, owing no loyalty to any political
party, or should be an alliance of political parties.
On the first point, all the parties of the alliance agreed
with the efforts of Suhrawardy and Maulana Maududi. The
members agreed that the amendments should be made in the
existing constitution for democratization. But on the second issue,
JIP declined to dissolve its entity. Now it has become the tradition
of JIP to remain in government as well as in opposition also. A few
leaders from East Pakistan opposed the revival of political parties
before the restoration of full democracy. But inspite of such kind
of differences, the leaders agreed to struggle from one platform. 50
The government wanted to prove it a political party.
Interior minister, Habibullah contended that it came within the
definition of a political party and threatened to refer the issue to
the Supreme Court for decision. While some leaders of NDF who
had been disqualified under EBDO 51 claimed that NDF was a

50Rafique Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan 1958-1969, pp. 196-97.

51ElectiveBodies Disqualification Order 1959- An ordinance which had
been prevailed by Ayub Khan the first military president of Pakistan in
August 1959. In this ordinance he disqualified 75 elective politicians of
the assembly. Most of them were from east Pakistan. This ordinance was
abolished in December 1966. This law defined misconduct of a politician
as meaning any subversive activity, preaching of any doctrine or
committing any act which contributed to political instability, bribery,
corruption, or if he had a general or persistent reputation for favouritism
, nepotism, willful maladministration, willful misapplication or diversion
of public money and any other abuse of power or position. The reach of
the law was very wide because elective bodies included any assembly,
board, or committee of which the constituent members were chosen by
means of election and included legislatures, municipal bodies,
cantonment boards, district boards, and so on. Each tribunal had to be
composed of three members with the presiding officer being an
incumbent or retired judge of the supreme court, the federal court, or a
high court. A district and session judge, who was qualified for
appointment as a high court judge could also be appointed as the
presiding officer of such a tribunal. A person could be disqualified for
being a member of any elective body until 31 December 1966. An offer
could be made to a politician to voluntarily retire from public life until 31

45
movement rather than a political party. This controversy divided
the NDF into two groups’ i.e.
1. One group wanted to have it as an undefined partyless
platform to struggle for democratization of the system
2. Other group was in favor of setting up its organizational
structure and associating the EBDOed politicians as
advisors and not as regular members.
After detailed discussions and meetings among the
members of the alliance, the NDF decided to bar the entry of the
EBDOed politicians into its ranks as regular members. It was fact
that the status of the NDF in both wings of Pakistan (East and
West) was totally different. East and West Pakistan had different
demands and cultures. The East Pakistanis believed in democracy,
emanating from the grass root level, while the West Pakistanis
distrusted it because they were never permitted to practice it.
Politics there centered on the whims and caprices of landlords; in
East Pakistan, there was no landlord to threaten them. Due to this
different culture and demands, the position of NDF was also as
under
1. In East Pakistan, the NDF got a free atmosphere, where it
organized itself at different levels
2. While in West Pakistan, its leaders who participated in its
organizational meeting at Suhrawardy’s residence, the
Lakham House, in Karachi were charged with sedition. A
case sedition, known as Lakham House Conspiracy Case,
was filed against the participants who remained in the court
till 1968.52 Thirty eight leaders of NDF met at Suhrawardy’s
residence but he was not present there due to his health
problems. Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi presided over it,
while Nawabzada Nasr Ullah Khan acted as spokesman of
the participants. Representatives of CML, NAP, JIP, AL and

December 1966. Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of

Pakistan, p. 124.
52Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, p. 265.

46
RP and some independents participated in it. In this
meeting, Maulana Abdul Sattar Niazi moved the resolution
of civil disobedience for achieving its objectives but it was
rejected by the members. At the conclusion of the meeting,
a five page resolution was released which condemned the
imposition of martial law in October 1958 as a well planned
conspiracy and also criticized the constitution of 1962. The
resolution of the National Democratic Front, January 28,
1963 was as under:
“The meeting of the representatives of , and
belonging to the Pakistan Muslim League, JI, AL,
the former Republican Party, National Awami
Party, and some independent leaders of public
opinion of West Pakistan has taken not of the
prevailing political situation in the country and
after careful assessment has come to the following
conclusion:
That the imposition of martial law in the country
in October 1958, was the culmination of a base and
deep laid conspiracy to stifle democracy and that
main characters of this drama were a section of
the ruling clique who could not reconcile
themselves to the idea that the right to exercise
sovereign power in Pakistan should pass into the
hands of the people.
That the timings of the imposition of martial law,
barely five months before the date scheduled for
holding of the first general elections in the
country, amply bears out the above contention.
That the result of heinous crime committed
against the masses was that Pakistan’s stock fell
sharply in the international world and internally
the people of Pakistan were denuded of self-respect

47
 and self-reliance which are hall mark of a healthy
nation.
That by dragging on martial law for nearly 44
months, the rulers of Pakistan insulted the
political wisdom, patriotism and intelligence of the
people in a manner which even an alien ruler could
not dream of doing and that there was no moral or
political justification of this state of affairs.
That throughout the period, while all political
activity and criticism of the government and its
conduct was forbidden, a campaign of abuse and
vilification was relentlessly waged against the
political leaders of this country, and all the
agencies of the government including its high
officials, the Radio and controlled press were used
to whip up this unseemly propaganda.
That in wake of this propaganda, a lawless order
named EBDO, was promulgated and utilized
against leaders of public opinion.
That by this method which deprived those, charged
under EBDO, of the universally accepted methods
of legal defence, the rulers of Pakistan sought to
prevent a large number of leaders of public opinion
from defending themselves and representing the
people.
That thereafter, when murmurs against the
continued imposition of martial law in Pakistan
became audible, the rulers set up a nominated
constitution commission, whose
recommendations, as explained by the then foreign
minister, had no binding character and could be
rejected by the cabinet or the President, in part, or
in toto. Nevertheless, when the commission was

48
set up, the people waited with some hope and
expectations for the outcome of its efforts.
That after the constitution commission had
reported, the people were shocked to note that
practically all its important recommendations
were rejected by the cabinet and a constitution
was thrust on the people in which all power is
vested in a single individual.
That the institutions of the constitution, namely,
the National and the two provincial assemblies,
are no better than advisory councils; that the
people have been deprived of their fundamental
rights and liberties and even the indirectly elected
representatives have been considered incapable of
voting on budgetary provisions or declaring
confidence or no confidence in the government;
that the courts have been deprived of the power to
pronounce upon the constitutionality of laws and
have their writ and other jurisdiction curtailed,
and even the Islamic provisions of the 1956
constitution have not been incorporated in the
present constitution even though the people had
agitated for eight years to obtain them.
That during this period, some leaders in East
Pakistan started mobilizing public opinion against
the constitution; that in West Pakistan, too, some
political groups, various Bar associations and the
intelligentsia declared themselves in no uncertain
terms as being opposed to the present
constitution.
That inspite of the nearly unanimous demand of
the central and provincial assemblies of both
wings, the government did not release political
detenus.

49
 That the political parties act which was designed
to keep out largest possible number of leaders of
public opinion from participation in the political
life of the country and to emasculate political
parties was steamrolled through the legislature.
That inspite of all these manoeuvres, the demand
for a democratic constitution grew in strength all
over the country and a movement began and is
still on to achieve this objective.
That the ruling junta has resorted to repression of
the worst type in order to cow down this
movement. This repression includes widespread
and indiscriminate arrests, harassment of all
types, use of goondas and bad characters against
peaceful demonstrators, implication of respectable
persons in criminal cases of various types,
repressive actions against students, closure of
schools and colleges at the merest pretext and
such other acts.
That this policy of repression has been manifested
in heinous and barbarous action against the
leaders of the people in East Pakistan, in former
NWFP and Baluchistan and in the attempt to
disrupt public meetings of political leaders with
the help of hired goonda elements, imposition of
order under section 144 on all important occasions
with a view to suppressing the popular movement
which continued to mobilize public opinion for a
democratic constitution. That in order to meet this
challenge the ruling clique formed a political party,
known as the Convention Muslim League, to lend
it spurious support, and has used the organs and
machinery and resources of government to
organize it without success.

50
That in order to prevent the growth of any genuine
political parties and to support the thinly veiled
dictatorship in Pakistan, two ordinances were
recently promulgated giving the President the
powers to completely gag all political activities of
EBDOed politicians.
This convention is of the view that frustration
amongst the people with regard to their uncertain
future has grown to such volume and the political
situation in the country has gone so far out of
control that a real danger is visibly to the stability,
integrity and solidarity of Pakistan and the future
of democracy in the country.
It is, therefore, the duty of all patriotic political
parties and individuals in Pakistan to drive
relentlessly for the achievement of a constitution
truly reflecting the will of the people so that this
frustration could be removed and political bridges
built that could maintain the integrity and
solidarity of the nation and ensure justice to all the
people of Pakistan.
In view of these circumstances and to restore the
confidence of the people of Pakistan in the glorious
destiny of their country and to win back the
liberties and rights of which the people have been
deprived- this meeting reiterates the firm
determination of the popular parties as well as of
the leaders of public opinion representing the
people of Pakistan, to intensify their efforts,
regardless of all sacrifices for the establishment of
full democracy in Pakistan which is being negated
by the present constitution and mocked by the
mounting repressive policy of the existing
government. In this common democratic effort all

51
 political parties and sections of public opinion are
united.
This meeting is of the view that there should be
cooperation and coordination in the political effort
of the parties and individually to bring about the
speedy establishment of full democracy in
Pakistan.”

The resolution can be divided into different parts. In first

part, the opposition gave the different allegations to the
government of Ayub Khan and in the second part; it gave
suggestions to the government. The last part was related to the
commitment of the political parties for the restoration of
democracy and constitution that based on true parliamentary
form of government. The main points were the followings:
1. Deep laid conspiracy to stifle democracy. The imposition of
martial law was declared conspiracy against democracy.
2. Imposition of Martial Law before the date scheduled for
holding of the first general elections. According to the
constitution of 1956, the general elections were going to be
held in Pakistan within months when the dictator imposed
martial law and suspended the electoral process. Due to this
conspiracy, the general elections were delayed and the
people were deprived from their rights.
3. Pakistan’s stock fell sharply in the international world. The
imposition of martial law left its impact on the economy of
Pakistan also.
4. The people of Pakistan were denuded of self-respect and
self-reliance. Elected government promotes self-respect and
self-reliance which is necessary for the integrity of the
country. The imposition of martial law detracted the people
from the path of self-reliance and self-respect.
5. No moral or political justification of this state of affairs.
There was no such kind of circumstances that the political

52
 governments had failed to handle. So the martial law did
not have the moral and political justifications to stand.
6. A campaign of abuse and vilification was relentlessly waged
against the political leaders of this country. The martial law
governments’ victimized the political leadership for gaining
support.
7. The Radio and controlled press were used to whip up this
unseemly propaganda. The media was used against the
opposition for defaming and character assassination.
8. Lawless order named EBDO was introduced. Those
politicians who had denied to cooperate with the dictator
faced disqualification process.
9. A constitution was thrust on the people in whom all powers
were vested in a single individual. The Presidential form of
government was introduced under the constitution of 1962
in which all powers revolved around one person that was
the President. This step deprived the people from
parliamentary form of government.
10. The people had been deprived of their fundamental rights
and liberties.
11. Courts had been deprived of the power to pronounce upon
the constitutionality of laws and had their writ and other
jurisdiction curtailed.
12. Repression includes widespread and indiscriminate arrests,
harassment of all types, use of goondas and bad characters
against peaceful demonstrators, implication of respectable
persons in criminal cases of various types, repressive actions
against students, closure of schools and colleges at the
merest pretext and such other acts.
13. The political parties were not ready to cooperate with the
dictatorship. That in order to meet this challenge the ruling
clique formed a political party, known as the Convention
Muslim League, to lend it spurious support, and had used

53
 the organs and machinery and resources of government to
organize it without success.
14. The opposition pledged that it was the duty of all patriotic
political parties and individuals in Pakistan to drive
relentlessly for the achievement of a constitution truly
reflecting the will of the people.
15. The opposition demanded from the government to ensure
justice to all the people of Pakistan
16. The opposition decided to intensify their efforts, regardless
of all sacrifices for the establishment of full democracy in
Pakistan which was being negated by the present
constitution.
17. They stressed on the cooperation and coordination in the
political efforts of the parties.
18. The basic demand and focus of the opposition parties was
the establishment of full democracy in Pakistan.
The opposition launched vigorous campaign for the
implementation of the resolution. During this campaign, the
leaders from East Pakistan also visited West Pakistan but faced
resistance there. They used to visit the different cities of West
Pakistan but the people of West Pakistan and the government did
not spare them and confrontation prevailed which compelled
them to leave West Pakistan without giving their point of view.
The incidents of Mochi gate and Gujranwala can be quoted.53 It is
fact that the opposition built pressure on the government but the
NDF could not sustain itself as an all Pakistan movement due to
following reasons:
1. Its leadership failed to resolve the controversy over its being
a partyless or a party based alliance
2. The regime used every tactic to win over, neutralize and
repress its leaders. It won over several of them by favoring
or by softening its hard stance on fundamental rights and
Islamic provisions through the first constitutional

53Pakistan Times, September 26, 1962.

54
 amendment. The government also neutralized the NAP
leadership by its pro-China policy. On the other hand, the
government put ban on JIP in January 1964, which lasted till
October that year. The government accused the Jamaat of
creating a sense of frustration and despondency by
unwarranted criticism of government policies. It declared
Maulana Maududi a foreign agent. There were student
disturbances in different cities of Pakistan like Lahore,
Rawalpindi and Faisalabad. Ayub government blamed
Jamaat for fomenting trouble against him. Due to such
agitational politics of the student wing of Jamaat, the
government declared the Jamaat-i-Islami to be an ‘unlawful
association’ under section 16 of the Criminal Law
Amendment Act, 1908 as amended by Ordinance XXI of
1960.54
3. The defeat of joint candidates in the by-elections to the
assemblies struck a blow to the development of team spirit
in the NDF.
4. The political atmosphere in late 1963, following the
developments in Kashmir after the theft of the moo-i-
mobarak (holy hair) of the Holy Prophet from the Hazratbal
shrine in Srinagar was discouraging for the opposition.
5. Suhrawardy, its chief sponsor, was removed from the
political scene and he went abroad for medical treatment in
March 1963. He also died in Birut in December that year.55
The major task of the government is to handle the
opposition carefully. The governments devise the strategies for
this purpose. Some time, they enter their own persons in the
circles of the opposition. Secondly, they try to divide the
opposition through gaining the support of the few major leaders
of the opposition. Thirdly, the governments adopt the repressive
measures to snub the government. Fourthly, the opposition is

54Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, pp. 158-9.

55Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, pp. 265-66.

55
declared un-Islamic or agents of the foreign countries that work
against the integrity of the state. The Ayub government handled it
very carefully and used every effort to weaken it through different
allegations. Few of those allegations against NDF were:
1. It was alleged to be a “conspiracy against people, the
country and the attempt to revive United Front
mentality”.56
2. It was a communist inspired conspiracy because of the
major part of NAP leaders played role in its activities
The leadership of East Pakistan was being considered
anti-state and anti-Pakistan due to their efforts for the survival of
democracy. Though, some certain issues championed by the NDF
leaders had also caused concern to the government. Among these
were:
1. Issue of One Unit. The members of NDF from smaller
provinces of the West Pakistan had pressed for its breakup.
While the Sindhi leaders also announced the holding of a
convention to launch a new campaign against One Unit.
2. Another development that worried the government was the
growing strength of the NDF in East Pakistan only.
Suhrawardy all of sudden died on 5th December 1963 and
his sudden death badly affected the process of the promotion of
alliance.57 The supporters of General Ayub took it as an
opportunity to play their cards. They were succeeded in breaking
away many of the supporters of NDF. So circumstances went in
the favor of General Ayub Khan and NDF after the death of
Suhrawardy became in effective.

56Pakistan Times, November 3, 1962.

57Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy belonged to an illustrious Muslim family
from Madnapore in West Bengal, India. The ancestral home of the family
was Suhraward, a city in Iraq, from which it assumed its surname
Suhrawardy. The founder of the family in Iraq was Sheikh Shahabuddin
Omar bin Muhammad Us-Suhrawardy (1145-1235). He was the chief
disciple of Ghous al-Azam Hazrat Abdul Qadir al-Jilani. He himself was a
vastly learned man and philosopher. Mohammad H.R.Talukdar, Memoirs
of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, p. 3.

56
 Jamaat-I-Islami remained busy in courts against the
decision of the government. The provincial governments had
declared the Jamaati-i-Islami to be an unlawful association. These
notifications were challenged before the West Pakistan High
Court by Maududi and the Dhaka High Court in exercise of writ
jurisdiction. The petition filed before the High Court in Lahore
was dismissed, but the one presented in the High Court Dhaka
succeeded and it was held that the notifications issued by the East
Pakistan government had no binding effect and should be
rescinded, cancelled, or withdrawn. Appeals against both
decisions were made to the Supreme Court and were heard
together. The Supreme Court accepted the appeal of Maulana
Maududi and dismissed that appeal of the government of East
Pakistan. The court held that the declaration by the provincial
governments of the association as unlawful would be an
administrative act open to judicial review by the courts. Since the
action taken against Jamaat was without notice and without
affording the opportunity of a hearing before or after taking
action, it therefore was unlawful and void. The notifications of 6
January 1964 of both the provincial governments were thus held
illegal and void for violation of the fundamental right of ‘freedom
of association’ under the constitution and for other reasons set
out in the judgment, and the governments were directed to cancel
and withdraw these notifications.58 This decision gave protection
to the political parties against the government that was using its
power arbitrarily to ban them and stifle their activities. The
alliance of the political parties was basically an effort of their
survival and democracy. On some issues like the constitution of
1962, the leadership of the alliance made compromise with the
justification that it should be accepted with necessary
amendments. But on the issue of the restoration of democracy,
the leadership established firm stand and tried to pressurize the

58Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, pp. 158-9.

57
government to bow down. But the alliance failed to achieve its
target.

58
 COMBINED OPPOSITION PARTIES (COP)

“Politics, I have learnt was not only a game of tough

choices; it was also an adventure into the realm of
cause and effect.” (Abida Hussain)

In the regime of Ayub Khan, it was the second alliance

that challenged his regime. The dispersal of National Democratic
Front compelled the champions of democracy to think about the
formation of another alliance. They realized that the opposition
parties had no other option but to contest the elections from a
single platform to defeat General Ayub Khan in the coming
Presidential elections scheduled to be held in January 1965. In
1964, a new opposition alliance came into being on the initiative
of former Governor General and Prime Minister of Pakistan from
East Pakistan, Khwaja Nazim ud Din. Ch. Muhammad Ali, former
prime minister, also played role in its formation. It consisted of
the former components of NDF (Awami League, National Awami
Party, Nizam-i-Islam Party and Council Muslim League) plus
Jamat-i-Islami.59 The alliance had a steering committee/ high
command, composed of the heads of constituent parties or their
nominees, at the national level whose chairmanship rotated
among the heads every month. The steering committee took
decisions by consensus, and not by a majority votes. Similar
structure was provided in the provinces down to the city level.

After detailed discussions and meetings of the leadership,

the Combined Opposition Parties promulgated its nine point
manifesto calling for
1. Achievement of a democratic constitution ensuring:

59 M.R.Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan, p. 67.

59
 (a) Full guarantees of all basic rights of the people including
the fundamental rights which in no event contravene any
of the provisions of the World Charter of Human Rights
already accepted by Pakistan.
(b) Members of National and Provincial Assemblies to be
elected directly on the basis of adult franchise;
(c) Complete legislative and budgetary powers to be vested in
the National and Provincial Assemblies. The state
structure be federal parliamentary guaranteeing full
provincial autonomy consistent with integrity of Pakistan
and parity at the federal centre.
(d) Independence of judiciary based on the powers of the
superior courts to determine the constitutionally validity
of all laws and legality of all executive acts, and their
authority to scrutinize decisions of judicial or quasi-
judicial bodies. The authority of the superior courts to
issue writs should extend to all parts of Pakistan,
including the tribal areas and should be available to all
citizens. Separation of judiciary from the executive;
(e) Raising the level of administration and development in
the tribal areas to that prevailing in settled districts; and
(f) Withdrawal of ban on the functioning of political parties
2. Prisoners’ Release
Release of all political prisoners, restoration of all properties
and remission of all fines imposed for political offences on
citizens of Pakistan and withdrawal of all restrictions, orders
or warrants issued against the political workers.
3. Repeal of all repressive laws and withdrawal of harsh and
discriminatory executive directions, in particular the repeal of
the following laws;
(a) Security of Pakistan /act band similar other laws
providing for detention without trial, interference with
the peaceful functioning of political parties and other
political instructions or interference with the freedom of
citizens and the press
(b) East Pakistan Public Safety Ordinance, 1958.

60
 (c) West Pakistan Maintenance of Public Order Ordinance,
1960 and similar laws
(d) Criminal Law amendment Act, 1908
(e) West Pakistan /Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1963, and
the FCR
(f) Press and Publications Ordinances;
(g) Loudspeakers’ ordinance; and
(h) University ordinance
4. Economic and Administrative Reforms
(a) Development of natural and human resources of Pakistan
as rapidly as possible to raise the living standard and to
make the country capable of self-sustained economic
growth at a high rate;
(b) Removal of economic disparity between the two wings of
Pakistan and the planning of East Pakistan economy on
the principal of investing the resources of the state,
including foreign aid, in such proportion as would, within
a period of ten years, remove disparity in respect of
commerce, industries, research institutes and civil and
defence services and equalize the per capita income
between the two wings;
(c) Elimination of economic disparity of different areas
within the two wings
(d) Guarantee of adequate return to the cultivators of the
land in particular to those who cultivate jute, sugar and
cotton;
(e) Remission of land revenue for holding of less than 12-1/2
acres irrigated and 25 acres of unirrigated lands in West
Pakistan and for holding of less than 25 bighas in East
Pakistan
(f) Reorientation of the economic pattern of society so that
the basic needs of food, housing, medical help and
educating all citizens can be effectively fulfilled by the
state
(g) Reversal of policies by which the wealth and economic
power of the state is being concentrated in the hands of

61
 the few families, the object being to provide equality of
opportunity and the widest possible distribution of
wealth;
(h) Guarantee for the implementation of the ILO
conventions, including the right of labour to organise
itself freely in trade unions of its own choice and its right
to strike as a means of collective bargaining;
(i) Elimination of corruption and provision of an efficient
and honest administration
(j) Elimination of black marketing and reduction in prices of
necessities of life
(k) Effective and speedy settlement of refugees
(l) Taking effective steps for preventing India from forcibly
evicting Indian Muslims, particularly from Tripura and
Assam
(m) Reduction in local taxation
(n) Immediate payment of compensation to all persons
whose property has been or may be acquired by the state
or taken over for any public purpose
(o) Certificate procedure for the realization of public dues to
be given up; and
(p) Effective measures for food control in both wings, in
particular speedy implementation of the Kragg Mission in
East Pakistan
5. Minorities
Full guarantee for the rights of minorities, in particular their
rights to practice their religions and develop their cultures.
Special measures to be taken for the well being and prosperity
of the scheduled castes and other backward communities
6. Kashmir
Solution of the Kashmir problem on the basis of the right of
the people of Jammu and Kashmir to determine their future
by a free plebiscite in accordance with the UN resolution.
7. Foreign Policy

62
 To reappraise the foreign policy of Pakistan in view of its
needs, its history and geography and the changes in the
currents of world affairs
Fostering of trade and industrial relations with all countries of
the world irrespective of their political affiliations.
To adopt an independent foreign policy keeping always in
view the honour and interest of Pakistan, aimed at securing
international peace, eliminating of colonialism and helping to
prevent exploitation of smaller and weaker states, fostering
friendly relation with all countries of the world particularly
with the Afro-Asian nations and establishing fraternal ties
with other Muslim countries of the world.
8. Islamic Provisions
Implementation of Islamic provisions of the Constitution and
establishment of a true Islamic society. Amendment of the
family laws ordinance so as to bring it in accordance with
Shariat.
9. Unity and solidarity of Pakistan
Promoting fraternal feelings between the two wings and
various areas of Pakistan.
The manifesto of the COP was not so much different from
the previous alliance of National Democratic Front. The
restoration of democracy and the constitution that based on
parliamentary form of government were the major demands of the
both alliances. Secondly, the opposition always condemned the
oppressive policies of the government and demanded for the
release of the political prisoners and repeal the oppressive laws.
Thirdly, the slogan of the imposition of Islamic laws had become a
fashion and every opposition tried to take shelter under the
banner of Islam. The COP also included Islam in its manifesto, so
that the support of the rightist parties could be maintained.
Undue stress on fundamental rights and the protection of the
political parties was the hall mark of the manifesto of COP.
Jamaat-i-Islami had taken shelter in the courts under the umbrella
of fundamental rights against the decision of the provincial
governments that had declared it as unlawful association.

63
 However, a lot of differences surfaced when the alliance
tried to find agreed upon single candidate to contest presidential
elections against Ayub Khan. The nomination of single agreed
candidate had become a problem because it was difficult to find
out single person fully enjoying the confidence of all members of
the alliance. This dilemma was resolved by accepting the name of
Miss Fatima Jinnah, the sister of the founder of Pakistan Quaid-i-
Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, as a Presidential candidate of COP
against Ayub Khan.60 The announcement of Miss Fatima Jinnah
was a clear reflection of internal dissentions of COP. 61 Whereas
Fatima Jinnah became a symbol of political revival. Ayub Khan
stood for maintenance of military bureaucracy. The nomination of
Fatima Jinnah as a candidate against Ayub Khan was surprising
for Ayub Khan and his ministers. Ayub’s associates had told him
that there was no one in the country who could pose a challenge
to him. Ayub Khan was in Karachi when the COP meeting for the
nomination of the presidential election candidate was in progress
at Lakham House. He was satisfied with the CID reports that
Fatima Jinnah would not accept the COP offer to contest the
presidential election. But contrary to the wishes and desires of the
team of Ayub Khan, Fatima Jinnah accepted the offer and
launched a vigorous campaign. During the election campaigns,
the candidate of COP attracted large crowds and took full
opportunity to deride the authoritarianism of the Ayub regime
with the slogan “Democracy versus dictatorship”. Fatima Jinnah
toured the major cities of West Pakistan like Hyderabad,
Peshawar, Lahore and Multan. During her election campaign, she
visited Lahore for four times from October to December 1964. Her
first address was at Mochi gate. She made her second speech in a
gathering of lawyers in November. The third was at Gol Bagh in
December. On 4th October, 1964, she was given a warm reception
at Gulistan-i-Fatima, Lahore. On this occasion, a cheque
amounting to rupees three thousand was presented to her on

60H.A.Rizvi, The military and Politics in Pakistan, p. 71.

61 M.R.Kazmi, A Concise History of Pakistan, p. 81.

64
behalf of the Lahore Bar Association for election campaign.62 On
6th October 1964, she met journalists of Lahore at Railway station.
She expressed her thanks to Lahorees for having started vigorous
election campaign in her support. At this occasion, she said that
“When you adopted the Lahore Resolution you had
before you the vision of state in which every citizen
would be treated as a decent human being possessing
rights and responsibilities in which everyone would be
assured of fundamental rights, equality of opportunity
and basic necessities of life, in which the principles of
Islamic social justice would find free play.”63
But she received more response and welcome in East
Pakistan as compare to West Pakistan. It was the second time
when Fatima Jinnah tried to convince the people of East Pakistan
for electoral process. First time, she toured East Pakistan during
the elections of 1954 for the support of Muslim League against
United Front. During her own election campaign, she was frail
and could hardly speak any of native or national language but
inspite of this, she was the hope of the people and it was being
expected that she would bring down Ayub authoritarian rule in
Pakistan. During her meetings with people of Pakistan, she
charged that:
1. Ayub regime had created an atmosphere of fear and
corruption in Pakistan. Main targets of Fatima Jinnah were
the personality of Ayub Khan and his family for their
involvement in corruption.64
2. And she also alleged that his governors and his ministers
did not have real power. It was considered dictatorial,
having concentrated unlimited and uncontrolled powers in
his hands.
3. She also focused on the performance of Ayub government
and blamed that there was no progress in the social,
economic, political and educational sphere.

62Dr.Sarfraz Mirza, Election Campaign.

63Fatima Jinnah Papers, File 509.
64Arjumand B. Tahir, Role of Political Parties in West Pakistan, p. 99.

65
 4.The Basic Democracies System was described as corrupt.
5.The system of indirect elections was severely criticized and
resented.
6. She also focused on the form of the constitution he had
given to the nation.
7. He was accused of having loaded Pakistan with foreign debt
that would burden the country for years to come.
8. The Indus Waters Treaty, signed with India, was the subject
of a heavy onslaught and the exchange of polemics on this
became acrimonious.65
These were the common allegations that were leveled
against the ruling party. In the Presidential form of government,
the focus of the opposition is the President. While in the
parliamentary form of government, the Prime Minister and his
team is criticized. Ayub Khan was the sitting President and was
also the candidate of the President against Fatima Jinnah. That’s
why; Fatima Jinnah criticized the personality of Ayub Khan and
his family. She tried to prove upon the nation that the presence of
Ayub Khan as a President would be very destructive for the
country and no progress would be made socially and
economically.
The General Ayub wanted to win the elections by hook or
crook and he managed it. The nomination of Fatima Jinnah was
very surprising for Ayub Khan but he tried to restrict the
movement of the opposition through different ordinances like the
imposition of Loudspeaker Ordinance. The Press and Publication
Ordinance 196366 empowered the regime to prevent the
newspapers from criticizing the government. The Press and
Publication Ordinance 1963 led to the takeover of independent
newspapers like the Pakistan Times, Imroze and the weekly Lail-
o-Nahar belonging to the progressive papers limited that was

65Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 236.

66The Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 led to the takeover of
independent newspapers like the Pakistan Times, Imroze and the weekly
Lail-o-Nahar belonging to the progressive papers limited that was owned
by the well known leftist leader Mian Iftikharuddin.

66
owned by the well known leftist leader Mian Iftikharuddin. This
law changed the rules for publishing newspapers, as the previous
process of registering the publisher, printer and editor’s name and
address was changed. After the implementation of the Ordinance,
the information had to be provided in the application for a
license, issued by the District magistrate who could deny licenses
and was subject to instructions from federal authorities. This was
consistently used to restrict the publishing of newspapers.67 The
provincial governments in both wings of Pakistan did everything
to spoil the campaign of the opposition and arrested many of the
leaders.68 Ayub Khan also tried to counter the criticism of the
opposition by presenting following points that:
1. He had given the country some seven years to stable and
orderly government.
2. Pakistan’s economic progress had been the object of much
praise in many parts of the world and, for the first time in
country’s history, planning had not only been explicit, but
had been implemented.
3. The social and economic benefits of the land reforms were
emphasized and also the social reforms brought by his
family laws legislation.
4. He claimed that since his coming to office, Pakistan’s
stature had been raised in the eyes of the world.
5. He accused those who criticized him and desired his fall as
enemies of Pakistan who, for their own interests, sought to
return to the bad old days. 69
Ayub Khan’s campaign was based on promises of further
progress and stability in the country. He highlighted the
economic progress and achievements during his regime. He also
introduced his election manifesto that was;
1. Believe

67AyeshaJalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistan History, p. 424.

68Altaf
Gohar, Ayub Khan: Pakistan’s first Military ruler, p. 120
69Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, pp. 236-

37.

67
 (a) That Allah, in the infinite mercy, created Pakistan to give
the Muslims of these regions a homeland in which to mould
their lives in accordance with the fundamental principles
and the spirit of Islam
(b) That Pakistan is destined to play a glorious role in the
history of mankind and in particular in the advancement
and progress of Muslims all over the world
(c) That the will of the people is supreme in all matters of the
state
(d) That democracy provides the surest means of securing the
fullest participation of the people in the affairs of their
country
(e) That whatever the institutional form democracy may take
in Pakistan, it must be based on pragmatism rather than
dogmatism and must safeguard the basic right of the people
to freedom of speech, freedom of association and freedom
of assembly under the rule of law.
(f) That the people of Pakistan must themselves determine the
form of government which should be established consistent
with the ideological basis of the country and the
fundamental need for preserving the sovereignty, security
and unity of the country.
(g) That the people of Pakistan must move, as fast as possible,
into the age of science and technology, while steadfastly
pre-serving the basic tenets of their faith. In order to attain
a higher standard of living.
(h) That all class distinctions should disappear and Pakistanis
should live and prosper as a model community symbolizing
Islamic brotherhood and equality of man
(i) That there must be complete equality of opportunities
available to all citizens of Pakistan,
(j) That Pakistan should develop into a welfare state where
basic necessities are available to all.
2. Maintain
(a) That the reforms such as the land reforms, educational
reforms, constitutional reforms and administrative reforms

68
 introduced during the last six years are aimed at freeing the
society from the shackles of past domination, and
elimination of class tensions and conflicts
(b) That further progress, in pursuit of the beliefs I have
enunciated, would be possible only if we develop sufficient
self-reliance to study our own problems and to solve them
in our own way.
(c) That only an enlightened approach based on practical
realism rather than dominated by theorization, will help us
to shed retrograde and antiquated traditionalism and usher
in an era of true liberation: political, culture, social,
economic and intellectual.
(d) That in all material and economic matters our attitude not
be doctrinaire but one dictated by the basic requirements of
the situation.
(e) That Pakistan’s sovereignty and unity as a nation can be
guaranteed only by a strong centre capable of providing full
provincial autonomy without allowing centrifugal forces to
re-assert themselves
(f) That in our dealings with other countries, the determining
factor must always be the interest of Pakistan and that we
must always endeavour to enlarge the areas of
understanding and friendship with other countries
particularly those who are our neighbours.
(g) That we must work toward the establishment of world
peace and human happiness and strive in all possible ways
to save mankind from the horrors of war.
3. Undertake
(a) To maximize the utilization of national resources
(b) To provide for the widest possible and must equitable
distribution of wealth
(c) To adopt all practical means to raise the income of the
common man so as to reduce the disparity between the rich
and the poor.
(d) To ensure that the burden of taxation is distributed in a fair
and equitable manner

69
 (e) To eliminate cartels and monopolies
(f) To rationalize the land revenue system so as to give a fair
deal especially to the small land holders
(g) To adopt all practical measures to prevent the recurrence of
floods in East Pakistan and to provide, as far as possible,
adequate facilities for the rehabilitation of those affected by
this menace.
(h) To adopt all such measures as may be necessary to control
waterlogging and salinity in West Pakistan and to reclaim
affected areas as far as possible
(i) To ensure the stability of the prices of goods used by the
common man and to prevent inflation to the extent
possible
(j) To take steps for the rehabilitation of homeless people and
to provide better housing facilities
(k) To ensure that improvement in the standard of living of the
people is not neutralized by unbalanced increase in
population
(l) To associate local people in the administration of their
affairs and to transfer gradually such functions as may be
possible to the basic democracies.
(m) To expand further the scope of rural works programme, in
financial as well as functional terms
(n) To build up a strong rural community capable of looking
after its own needs
(o) To provide better educational facilities as envisaged in the
outline of the Third Five Year Plan
(p) To work out a code of ethics for the press and to establish a
voluntary machinery within the press itself to regulate
effectively its conduct according to the code
(q) To take further measures to root out corruption in all
branches of the administration and to raise the standard of
efficiency in the public services.
(r) To take expeditious steps to achieve parity between the two
wings of the country in the light of the constitutional
provisions and to ensure that the pace of progress of the

70
 various regions of West Pakistan, as a single indivisible
Unit, is increased further to bring about a balanced pattern
of growth throughout the country.
(s) To provide growing facilities for cultural integration and for
the promotion of original and creative thinking
(t) To advance the ideology of Muslim nationalism.
(u) To support all liberal causes and to provide whatever
assistance may be possible to such people or communities
as may be in bondage or under the yoke of colonialism,
imperialism or any other form of domination
(v) To continue to strive for the right of self-determination for
the people of Jammu and Kashmir, and for its exercise in
accordance with the UNCIP resolutions and to provide all
moral support to the freedom fighters of the Kashmir.
(w) To provide full protection and safeguards to minorities in
Pakistan and to ensure for them equal opportunities, rights
and privileges.
4. Urge
(a) For patience, growth and development need time and not
all the benefits can be secured by one generation. We have
to work not only for ourselves but also for those who will
follow us and the thought that most of the benefits of our
efforts may be reaped by the coming generations should be
the mainstay of our effort.
(b) For faith. We must have faith in ourselves and in our
destiny, and whatever the community might embark upon
should be a source of pride and satisfaction to all of us.
(c) For moderation. Reforms should be undertaken in a
missionary and not in a vainglorious spirit. The objective
should be to produce a better arrangement rather than to
destroy an existing arrangement.
(d) For national outlook. We can not afford to think in terms of
provinces or regions. The economic advancement, which we
have already achieved, has taken us to a stage where further
progress will depend on our ability to evolve a national
outlook, a national vision and to secure national unity.

71
 (e) For hard work. Empty slogans and fond hopes will get us
nowhere. It is only through hard work undertaken in a
selfless spirit and in the service of the community that we
can achieve results.
According to the official results, COP presidential
candidate lost the elections and Ayub Khan won it. In the polling
79,700 out of 80,000 Basic Democrats casted their votes. Ayub
Khan won the election by securing 49,647 votes as against 28,927
votes obtained by his main rival, Fatima Jinnah.70 The opposition
refused to accept the results and was criticized on the following
grounds
1. Large scale of official persuasion
2. Malpractices
3. Corruption
4. Misuse of administration by Ayub Khan
5. Role of governors in twisting the overall result in favor
through the limited Electoral College of Basic Democrats
Fatima Jinnah, in her speech in Peshawar on 10 th
December 1964, said that Ayub was taking advantage of the whole
executive machinery for his election campaign and also used
millions of rupees from the government budget on the name of
development funds. Her focus was the usage of executive
machinery and financial resources. In her statement to the
newspaper Pakistan Times, she said, “serious irregularities and
malpractices were committed at polling stations throughout the
country that are well known”.71 In these two statements, she tried
to give blame to the government of Ayub Khan for undue
interference of the government machinery. While Ayub Khan
refuted the allegations of his opposite candidate and denied from
malpractices and irregularities.
Ayub Khan’s version was:
“She showed prodigious energy and went through a
grueling campaign, no mean achievement for a
septuagenarian, and I give her full marks for that. I

70DAWN, January 3, 1965.

71Pakistan Times, 1965.

72
 think she made a mistake in overestimating her
personal appeal. People soon realized that she
deserved all respect as the sister of Quaid-i-Azam, but
that did not necessarily mean that she could serve the
people as their president. The final vote was between
prejudice and reality and, I think, reality gained the
edge.”72
As a historian Ian Talbot writes
“The 1965 Presidential election marked a major turning
point in Ayub’s fortunes. This was not because he was
ever in danger of defeat; his control of the machinery
of the government and the restriction of the electorate
to the Basic Democrats who were his creatures ensured
a by no means sweeping victory with 65 percent of the
votes cast. The opposition cause had also been
weakened by the deaths of Suhrawardy (5 December
1963) and Fazlul Haq (27 April 1962), and in these
circumstances the mantle fell to the seventy one year
old Miss Fatima Jinnah. Tumultuous crowds had
gathered to greet her during a visit to Peshawar from
Rawalpindi in October 1962 even before she had
publically manifested support for the anti-regime
Council Muslim League………despite such
manifestations of support and her veneration by some
as Khatoon-i-Pakistan and Madar-i-Millat. The
prospect of a female head of the state was anathema to
the leading members of the Ulemas; Maududi and the
JI expediently agreed to support her as did leading
Deobandis such as Mufti Muhammad Shafi…”73
No doubt, Ian Talbot has analyzed the facts in right
direction. The leadership of Suhrawardy and Fazlul Haq had of
great importance in East Pakistan and Fatima Jinnah also won the
elections from that part of Pakistan. Secondly, the greatest turn in
the politics and policies of the rightist parties surprised the
researchers. Maulana Maududi who had given fatwa against the
rule of the woman took the decision to support Fatima Jinnah.

72 General Ayub Khan, ‘Friends not Masters’ , p. 240.

73 Ian Talbot, ‘Pakistan a modern history’ , pp. 160-161

73
Though, it became a question mark on the fatwa of Maulana but
the supporters of Jamaat justify it with the argument that against
the policies of dictator, the support of Fatima Jinnah was a jihad.
Thirdly, it was no doubt that the public of Pakistan gave good
response to Fatima Jinnah through participation in her political
meetings. But due to indirect elections, they were unable to cast
votes. The BD members got the influence of the bureaucracy and
the police. The civil military oligarchy marred the political culture
of Pakistan through the involvement of bureaucracy and police.
Later on, Ayub Khan as a dictator also used them for its own
benefits and strengthened his rule.
The COP failure to win the election was due to a number
of reasons but one of them was the lack of cooperation and unity
among the components of COP. It was a merger of different
parties that fell into ambitions, superiority, suspicions, jealousy
and misgivings. While Ayub Khan gave a different reason and
declared that Fatima Jinnah was not able to deliver as a President
of Pakistan. Due to this, the people of Pakistan rejected her.
Commenting on the defeat of Fatima Jinnah, Ayub Khan writes
“Fatima Jinnah knew that her main appeal was her
relationship with Quaid-i-Azam. She therefore
launched his campaign on emotional grounds. I think
she made a mistake in overestimating her personal
appeal. People soon realized that she deserved all
respect and considered as the sister of Quaid-i-Azam,
but that did not necessarily mean that she could serve
the people as their president.”74
Ayub Khan underestimated the personality of Fatima
Jinnah. Without an iota of doubt, the nation gave respect to the
sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah who was the father of the nation
but only eighty thousand persons did not give her respect and
vote. The defeat of Fatima Jinnah was not the victory of Ayub
Khan but was the death of the integrity of Pakistani nation.
Through such kind of elections, the civil-military oligarchy
snatched the opinions of the people and injected into them

74Ayub Khan, Friends not Masters: A Political Autobiography, p. 168.

74
hypocrisy. It is also an irony that the people of Pakistan raised
slogans for Islam and Islamic System but they did not cast votes in
favor of those parties who were the supporters of the
implementation of Islam and Islamic Laws. Due to this attitude of
the nation, the religious parties have taken decision to live under
the banner of civil military oligarchy.
Inspite of all these things, it can be said that many factors
played role in the success of the dictator, Ayun Khan. These were
the followings:
1. The prospects of the Basic Democrats System were linked
up closely with Ayub’s success. While the campaign of the
COP was based on the direct elections. That demand was
the direct threat to the interests of the members of the BD
System.
2. Ayub had an initial advantage of more than three thousand
votes from the Tribal Areas who were nominees of the
administration. Out of 3,282 members of the Electoral
College from the Tribal Areas, Ayub secured 92.5 percent,
while his support from the Tribal Areas of the former
NWFP was 95 percent.
3. As has been discussed earlier that the differences of the
political parties in COP added fuel to fire. In West Pakistan,
the Council Muslim League complained that the National
Awami Party did not share the platform with it during Miss
Fatima Jinnah’s tour of the former NWFP. In East Pakistan,
the National Awami Party and Awami League, the two
traditional rivals, could at times be seen jostling with each
other on the stage for a better seat or an earlier say at the
mike.
4. Fatima Jinnah lost votes in NWFP. Wali Khan, son of Abdul
Ghaffar Khan, was leader of a section of the National Awami
Party and a prominent member of the COP high command.
Due to the attitude of Abdul Ghaffar Khan towards Pakistan
and the cause of separate Pakhtoonistan, it was not possible
for Fatima Jinnah to get votes from the people of NWFP
with the support of Wali Khan.
75
 5. Superior resources were available for Ayub Khan, being a
President of Pakistan. Business community provided
support to him due to their vested interests.
6. The role of Bhashani was also remarkable. Two allegations
were leveled against him i.e
(a) There were strong rumours circulating in the last days
before the election that Bhashani had been won over by
Ayub and a deal had been worked out between them. A
transaction of twenty million rupees was also
mentioned.
(b) He imposed the restriction that no candidate for the
post of President would be acceptable who had been
associated with the martial law administration who had
assumed power in 1958. The effect was to eliminate the
possibility of candidature of Lieutenant-General Azam
Khan who could prove stronger candidate as compare
to Fatima Jinnah.75
After the Presidential elections, the result of the elections
of National and Provincial Assemblies also went in the favor of
General Ayub Khan which discouraged the members of the parties
of COP. The polls in respect of the National and Provincial
Assemblies elections were held on 21st March 1965 and 16th May
1965 respectively. There were 418 contesting candidates for the
National Assembly elections and 1,023 for the provincial
assemblies. The percentage of voting at National Assembly was
98.12 and at the Provincial Assemblies elections 98.11. 76 Such an
amazing percentage was not possible without the use of the
government machinery. The elections were followed by the
outbreak of the Indo-Pak war of 1965. The political leaders

75Azam Khan was one of Ayub’s military colleagues associated with the
declaration of martial law in 1958. He had been governor of East Pakistan
until his differences with Ayub Khan and he had been extremely popular
among the people of East Pakistan. He was so popular that he might well
have reckoned on carrying that province in an election. Hamid Khan,
Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 238.
76Hasan Muhammad, ‘General Elections in Pakistan’, p. 78.

76
minimized their conflicts in the best interest of the country. They
decided to provide their full support to President Ayub Khan due
to external threat. The net result was that COP ceased to exist
without achieving any objective. The military rulers often tried to
create unity among nation through the slogans of national
defence and imposition of Islamic Laws. Ayub Khan also became
succeeded to extend his tenure due to the War of 1965. The
memory of the nation was very short and they soon forgot the
embezzlements of Ayub Khan during the electoral process.
It is fact that the COP could not win the elections but it
succeeded to create resentment in the hearts of the people against
the regime of Ayub Khan. Even at the time of the death of Fatima
Jinnah (11 July 1967), the opposition raised slogans against Ayub
and there was some rioting in which members of the Jamaat-i-
Islami and left wing were involved. The police had to rescue to
tear gas and rifle fire.

77
 PAKISTAN DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT

After the war of 1965, the political parties restarted their

political activities. The dictators always tried to create unity
within the nation with two slogans i.e. Islam is in danger and
secondly external threat to the integrity of Pakistan. The war of
1965 with India gathered the whole nation at one platform. But
this stunt could not survive for more than two years. The
government painted a great victory in the war and made
strenuous efforts to prolong his rule. But the political forces were
waiting for the restoration of democracy. On 30 th April 1967,
political parties once again joined their hands to form another
alliance called Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM). Awami
League, NIP and Council Muslim League were included in PDM.
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was elected as its president. 77 He
remained very active against the dictatorship of Ayub Khan and
was the part and parcel of every alliance. Even Awami League, a
political party of East Pakistan, recognized his role and elected
him President of the PDM. After detailed discussions and
meetings of the leadership of political parties, PDM issued an
eighth Point Program
1. There should be a federation of Pakistan with parliamentary
form of government, a legislature directly elected on the
basis of adult franchise, complete fundamental rights, free
press and independent judiciary.

77 Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Divided, p. 87.

78
 2. List of federal subjects should be defence, foreign affairs,
currency and federal finance and inter-wing
communication and trade.
3. There should be full regional autonomy and residuary
powers shall vest in governments as established by the
constitution in the two Wings.
4. Economic disparity between two wings should be removed
within ten years. Within this period, all foreign exchange
earned by East Pakistan shall be spent in that wing after
allowing for East Pakistan’s share in defence and other
agreed expenditures. All foreign exchange acquired by the
provincial governments should be at their absolute
disposal.78
5. Currency, foreign exchange, central banking, foreign trade
and inter-wing communications and trade should be
managed by a board consisting of an equal number of
members from East Pakistan and West Pakistan. These
members should be elected by MNAs of their respective
wings.
6. Parity in all central services, including all autonomous
bodies and the Supreme Court, to be achieved in ten years.
7. The effective fighting and free power in the defence services
in the two wings should be brought at par, the Pakistan
Navy headquarters should be shifted to East Pakistan and a
defence council appointed with an equal number of
members from East and West Pakistan
8. The Parliamentary National Assembly after election should
first incorporate clause 2 to 7 in the 1962 constitution.
The PDM leaders in both parts of Pakistan were very
critical of General Ayub regime. They organized country wide

78H.A.Rizvi, The military and Politics in Pakistan, p. 65.

79
protests, demonstrations and enlightened the people about the
wrong doings and the failures of the government. They blamed
the government for increasing the inter-wing disparity and
accumulation of wealth in few hands. They demanded the
restoration of democracy and withdrawal of emergency. The
dictators often suspended the fundamental rights of the people
and the demand of the opposition was also the restoration of
fundamental rights. Ayub government had imposed restrictions
on press so that anti-government news should not be published.
The PDM demanded the freedom of speech and free media. Media
always play significant role in building opinion. The role of media
had always been remained very important in the restoration of
parliamentary form of government. Ayub Khan had introduced
the indirect elections for the members of National and Provincial
Assemblies and used them for strengthening his rule. The
opposition was demanding a legislature directly elected on the
basis of adult franchise. Economic disparity between two wings
was also highlighted by the opposition and demanded that it
should be removed within ten years. Within this period, all
foreign exchange earned by East Pakistan shall be spent in that
wing after allowing for East Pakistan’s share in defence and other
agreed expenditures. All foreign exchange acquired by the
provincial governments should be at their absolute disposal. The
alliance was demanding the provincial autonomy for the both
wings of Pakistan. In East Pakistan, the perception had developed
that their share was being spent in West Pakistan and the main
and root cause of their backwardness was the policies of the
central government. PDM forwarded the demand of eliminating
economic disparity between the both wings of Pakistan. It was a
good step towards creating harmony within the masses of East
and West Pakistan. But the government of a dictator did not take
it seriously. Even the PDM recommended that currency, foreign

80
exchange, central banking, foreign trade and inter-wing
communications and trade should be managed by a board
consisting of an equal number of members from East and West
Pakistan. These members should be elected by MNAs of their
respective wings. It was a good suggestion to ensure the
participation of the people of East Pakistan in the financial
matters and financial policies of the state. In the field of defence,
the PDM proposed that the effective fighting and free power in
the defence services in the two wings should be brought at par,
the Pakistan Navy headquarters should be shifted to East Pakistan
and a defence council appointed with an equal number of
members from East and West Pakistan. It was another effort to
share the sense of responsibility within the masses of East
Pakistan and they could also involve in the strategic policies of the
state. Another demand of the leadership of East Pakistan was
parity in all central services, including all autonomous bodies and
the Supreme Court. The PDM suggested the government that the
demand of parity in all services to be achieved in ten years. The
PDM was playing positive role and presented such demands that
could reduce the hatred and agony which had developed within
the two wings of Pakistan.
The government of Ayub Khan used draconian methods
to crush the opposition agitation led by PDM. The widening gulf
between the government and the PDM leaders made the
opposition more clear about their course of action. Though, the
differences had also developed among the leadership of PDM but
due to the attitude of the government, they decided to minimize
their internal differences to perform well in the general elections
scheduled for 1970.79 History is itself evident that alliances are
often failed to achieve their targets due to the differences of the

79Ayub Gohar, Ayub Khan; Pakistan’s First Military Ruler, p. 81.

81
leaders. Sometime, trust deficit is developed among them and
they are skeptical about each other. The differences between the
leadership of PDM were natural because the unity in the
leadership of East and West Pakistan was impossible. The
demands of the people of East Pakistan were different from the
people of West Pakistan. The rule of the dictator strengthened
this gulf and tried to rule through divide and rule strategy that
resulted in the separation of East Pakistan.
In 1968, PDM was converted into eight parties’ alliance,
called Democratic Action Committee. After the war of 1965, the
signing of Tashkent Declaration disappointed the people of
Pakistan and created a high level resentment at mass level. The
ordinary people were of the view that Pakistan was victorious in
1965 on military front but General Ayub government lost it at
diplomatic front. Z.A.Bhutto, foreign minister and close associate
of Ayub Khan, fully exploited the situation and criticized the Ayub
regime for alleged betrayal of national interests in Tashkent. He
had been remained the part of that team who signed the Tashkent
Declaration but all of sudden his voice against the Declaration
surprised everyone. This u-turn in his politics proved very helpful
for him in becoming popular leader of West Pakistan. Against the
decision of Ayub government in Tashkent, the majority of the
people in Pakistan agreed with the opposition propaganda
campaign and country wide demonstration was started. For
crushing this demonstration, the government used power. The
police used all methods to disperse demonstrations and a number
of students were killed when police opened fire on a student
protest. This added fuel to fire and the movement soon spread to
East Pakistan and was supported by the Awami League also. Some
army officers and former judges such as Air Marshall Asghar
Khan, Justice Murshad, supported it. The political leaders
considered that it was right time to form another alliance to get

82
rid of the regime of Ayub Khan. The remarkable political parties
were
1. National Awami Party (NAP) (Wali Khan Group)
2. Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam (JUI)
3. Awami League (Sheikh Mujeeb Group)
4. Jamat-e-Islami
5. CML
These political parties formed Democratic Action
Committee (DAC) on January 9, 1969 with the manifesto of
complete democracy.80 But the party of Z.A.Bhutto was not the
part of this alliance. He established Pakistan People’s Party in 1967
and built pressure on the military regime.
Democratic Action Committee decided to boycott the
upcoming elections of 1970 under the regime of Ayub Khan. On
the other side, mass agitation had started at large scale.
Z.A.Bhutto was also fighting against the dictator. Prevailing
situation compelled Ayub Khan to change his strategy. He
decided to negotiate with politicians and agreed to fulfill their
demands but the internal conflicts of the DAC components
weakened the alliance. They were not only against Ayub regime
but each other also. Keeping in view the all upcoming
apprehensions, General Ayub Khan handed over the power to
Army C-in-C General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan and resigned
on March 25, 1969. Martial Law was imposed and the constitution
of 1962 was abrogated.
So it can be said that the alliance passed through three
different stages. In the first stage, the effort was being made to
minimize the differences of the people of East and West Pakistan
through presenting genuine demands and desires. If the
government considered those demands, the unity between the

80Ayub Gohar, Ayub Khan; Pakistan’s First Military Ruler, p. 81.

83
both wings of Pakistan would be maintained. In the second phase,
the Tashkent Declaration engulfed the whole politics of Pakistan.
The politicians defamed Ayub Khan on losing the victory on table.
It fully instigated the masses against Ayub regime. This time, the
issue of defence of the state was used by the politicians to build
pressure on the government of Ayub Khan. Two slogans are
necessary for building pressure on the government i.e. religion
and defence of the state. The dictators used them for pro-longing
their rules and the politicians also used them to get rid of the
dictators. In the third phase, the alliance demanded complete
restoration of democracy.
As far as the leadership was concerned, Nawabzada
Nasrullah Khan played significant role against Ayub regime and
created unity in the leadership of East and West Pakistan. But
with the passage of time, the major leadership became weak and
the regional leadership emerged at the political stages that lead
the country towards separatism. Mujeeb ur Rehman became the
leader of the people of East Pakistan. It was the second leadership
after Suhrawardy, Bhashani and A.K.Fazlul Haq. He was more
aggressive and separatist. In West Pakistan, Pakistan People’s
Party was founded by Z.A.Bhutto in 1967 and it did not have roots
in East Pakistan. It was also second leadership in West Pakistan in
the presence of first leadership of Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan.
The civil military oligarchy kept orphan to the West Pakistan from
the real and genuine leadership. Z.A.Bhutto was also aggressive
and energetic who used demand his share in the government after
the elections of 1970 because his party was the winner in West
Pakistan.

84
Part Three

85
86
 UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF)

The birth of the Bangladesh was the ultimate result of the

1971 civil war or the political crisis of the East Pakistan. Public
pressure forced General Yahya Khan to transfer the power to
Z.A.Bhutto whose party had gained majority of the seats in West
Pakistan during the elections of 1970. Bhutto was a great advocate
of democracy and pledged to restore democracy. After assuming
power, the ruling party and the opposition leaders pledged to
cooperate with each other in the best interest of the country.
Unfortunately, Pakistan People’s Party’s leader showed
monopolistic attitude and it was observed that there was a so
called democracy. Bhutto felt that the government should be able
to restrain, even suppress, its opponents. He was against a strong
centre and advocated more autonomy for provinces when he did
not hold office but after gaining power his opinion had been
reversed.81 In the National Assembly, more notable opposition
groups were the two Muslim League factions (Qayyum Muslim
League and Council Muslim League), the three Islamist parties
(JUP, JUI and JI), and the National Awami Party (NAP). The
Muslim League had always been supporter of the idea of
reasonably strong central government and had been content
symbolic concessions to Islamic sentiments. The Islamic parties
were strongly in favour of Islamic state and for this purpose; they
were in favor of a strong central government to implement their
goal. The NAP had been urging for decentralization and
provincial autonomy since the mid – 1950s and was in its look a

81S.N.Kaushik, Pakistan under Bhutto leadership, p. 71.

87
secular party. These differences among the opposition parties
provided an opportunity to Bhutto to get an approval for a
constitution that answered his deeds and preferences to a
considerable extent.82 PPP was the majority party in Punjab and
Sindh. In NWFP and Baluchistan, no party got the clear majority
but NAP and Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam of Mufti Mahmood got
more seats in the provincial legislature than any other party.
Inspite of their ideological differences, both parties agreed to
share power with each other and formed a government coalition
in NWFP and Baluchistan. It shows that in politics, there is no
permanent friend or enemy but only interests.
It was shocking for Z.A.Bhutto that these two parties were
succeeded in forming coalition government in two provinces out
of four provinces of Pakistan. In order to give a tough time to the
both parties coalition, Z.A.Bhutto awarded some ministries to
those persons who had the political enmity with JUI and NAP.
The main purpose of these appointments was to interfere in the
internal matters of the provincial governments. The continuous
interference resulted in the dissolution of the coalition provincial
government and the imposition of governor rule in Baluchistan,
while NWFP provincial government resigned in protest. In
Baluchistan, there was already insurgency due to military
operation. The dismissal of the provincial government further
aggravated the situation. 83
As a result of the oppressive measures taken by the
government, many provincial leaders were put behind the bars.
The people who went against the policies of the government were
physically tortured. The increasing violence of the PPP
government against political rivals all over Pakistan instigated
other political parties to support JUI (M) and NAP. The political
parties who were against the government of PPP met on Feb. 28,

82AMNA, Bhutto-Opposition Relations During Constitutional Development

and Its Implementation (1972-77), p. 26.
83 S.Anwar Hussain, The Discourse and Politics of Z.A.Bhutto, p. 91.

88
1973 at Rawalpindi and declared the formation of United
Democratic Front (UDF) on March 01, 1973.84
Till the promulgation of the constitution of 1973,
Z.A.Bhutto worked under the Interim Constitution of 1972. The
serious efforts to frame the constitution were started by
appointing a committee consisting of the leaders of the all
political parties. It was challenge for them to frame a constitution
according to the wish of the people and the teachings of Islam.
The first conflicting issue was related to the form of government.
Bhutto was not in favor of the parliamentary form of government
whereas opposition parties were favoring it.85 The opposition also
proposed that the central government should be made
responsible for only defence, foreign affairs, finance and inter-
wing trade. Maulana Mufti Mahmood, leader of Jamiat-e-Ulemai
Islam, pointed out;
“In the future constitution, defence, foreign affairs
along with foreign trade and aid, currency and inter-
wing communication should be entrusted to the centre
while all residuary powers should go to the provinces
…….that the geographical situation of the country
demands that maximum possible autonomy should be
given to the provinces.”86
It was very interesting and astonishing that the religious
parties were demanding provincial autonomy. They had always
been remained main supporter of strong centralization. But it was
the first time in the history of Pakistan that they were talking
against the centralization. Bhutto was not ready to give any such
power to provinces which might implement any scheme that
would lead to the disintegration of the remaining Pakistan. On
10th September 1972, the government alleged that opposition
leaders namely Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Atta Ullah Mengal had
held secret meetings with Shaikh Mujib-ur-Rehman with a view to

84P.G.Ahmad, Phir martial law aa Gea, p. 65.

85S.M. Hussain, Religion and Politics in Pakistan 1972-88, p. 81.
86The SUN, Karachi, January 26, 1971.

89
break-up Pakistan.87 It was also remarkable that Bhutto
considered the proposals made by Wali Khan that the central
government should be responsible only for defence; foreign affairs
and finance would leave the central authority “a widow without a
pension”. He further asserted that there was a thin line of
demarcation between maximum autonomy and secession. He
made it clear that though some talked of Punjabi domination,
Punjab contained sixty two percent of total population of the
country and he would never sacrifice the interest of the majority
province, just as he would never ignore the interests of the smaller
provinces.88Meanwhile, the differences among the members of
PPP were also developed. The Law Minister, Mahmood Ali Kasuri,
tendered his resignation from his ministry due to the following
reasons which he mentioned in his letter to Bhutto
1. Disagreement of constitutional pattern
2. Differences of opinion on the dismissal of civil servants
under Martial Law Regulation 114
3. Economic depression
4. Law and order situation
5. Continuation of emergency in the country.89
In order to resolve the fundamental constitutional issues
and accelerate the pace of constitution making, Bhutto took
initiative by inviting the leaders of all the parliamentary parties in
the National Assembly to meet him in Rawalpindi on October 17,
1972. Wali Khan was in London at that time. Bhutto took this step
due to two factors i.e.
1. Wali Khan gave an indication that his party would agree for
more powers to the centre if the parliamentary form of
government on the pattern of British parliamentary system
was adopted.

87DAWN, Karachi, September 11, 1972.

88Ibid.,
89Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 269.

90
 2. PPP also agreed to examine the consequences of a weak
central government.90
Z.A.Bhutto negotiated with opposition leaders to resolve
this issue on October 17, 1972. The prominent politicians were
Z.A.Bhutto, J.A. Rahim, Dr Mubashir Hassan, Shaikh Mohammad
Rashid, Abdul Hafiz Pirzada, Rafi Raza, Malik Muhammad
Akhtar, Yahya Bakhtiar from Pakistan People Party, Arbab
Sikandar Khan Khalil, Ghous Baksh Bizenjo and Ghulam Farooq
from National Awami Party, Abdul Qayyum Khan from Qayyum
Muslim League, Maulana Mufti Mahmood from Jamiat-e-Ulemai
Islam, Sardar Shoukat Hayat from Council Muslim League,
Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani from Jamat Ulemai Pakistan,
Professor Ghafoor Ahmed from Jamat-i-Islami. The meeting of the
political parties continued from 17th to 20th October and after long
discussions and hard bargaining, an accord was reached on
October 20, 1972 which included some unanimous decisions. The
main proposals agreed to, were as follows:
1. There would be a Federal parliamentary system of
government.
2. The Chief Executive would be the Prime Minister, who
would be a member of the National Assembly.
3. The President would be symbolic head, bound by the advice
of the Prime Minister in all matters.
4. Vote of the confidence would not be moved against the
Prime Minister unless the name of the successor was put
forth.
5. The Prime Minister would seek the dissolution of the
National Assembly at any time even during the pendency of
a motion of a vote of no confidence.
6. The National Parliament would consist of two houses
namely, the National Assembly and the Senate. The
National Assembly would consist of 200 members who

90Korson J. Henry, Contemporary Problems of Pakistan, P. 52.

91
 would be elected on population basis and the Senate to
have 60 members 14 from each province.
7. Islam would be declared as the state religion.
Council of Common Interest and the Planning
Commission would be set up.91
The Constitutional Accord was signed by every leader on
behalf of his political party. Bhutto was delighted with the
outcome. He said in a brief public statement:
“I am thankful to all my colleagues from all the parties
who have participated in these discussions. They have
all made a contribution and without their
contribution, without their understanding, I do not
think we could have brought about satisfactory
compromise. Each one of them has played a part and I
am indeed thankful to them.”92
Rafi Raza, a close associate of Z.A.Bhutto, admits in his
book that it was the first and probably last time in the life of
Z.A.Bhutto that he expressed such thanks to the opposition. No
doubt, the accord was generally accepted by a wide range of
politicians of diverse opinions. Ghous Buksh Bizenjo said,
“Adequate checks and balances have been provided in
the agreement for centre and provincial subjects…….it
would go a long way in bringing about national
cohesion and unity.”93
Even Mufti Mahmood expressed the same views about
the agreement and welcomed the distribution of powers between
the centre and the provinces, under which the income from power
and natural gas would go to the respective provinces which would
help in improving the life of the people of these provinces.
According to Professor Ghafoor Ahmed, the agreement saved the
country from grave crisis. The daily Dawn commented as under:

91Baz
Muhammad, Constitution Making in Pakistan, P. 16.
92The
Pakistan Times, Rawalpindi, October 21, 1972.
93DAWN, Karachi, October 21, 1972.

92
 “We are now going to have a responsible parliamentary
cabinet with a Prime Minister as its head subject to
certain conditions which are designed to ensure
ministerial stability. These conditions stipulate that in
order to be valid a motion expressing want of
confidence in the Prime Minister must also the name
of his successor, that such a motion can not be moved
during the budget session, that once a motion of want
of confidence is defeated a subsequent one, can not be
tabled within a period of six months and that for a
period of 15 years or so such a motion has to be passed
by a majority of not less than 2/3 of the total
membership of the National Assembly.”94
According to Rushbrook Williams:
“Bhutto adopted the same principles of negotiations
outside the legislature and accommodated the views of
the National Awami Party and Jamiat-e-Ulemai Islam
in 1972, first through the tripartite agreement of 6th
March 1972 and 27th April 1972, then through the
Constitutional Accord of the 20th October 1972 which
resulted in the unanimous adoption of the
Constitution of Pakistan.”95
The draft of the constitution was presented in the
national assembly on 31st December 1972 which was not in
accordance with the agreement signed in October. The proposed
amendments in the draft constitution suggested by the opposition
parties were not accommodated. Thus, opposition parties made
an alliance on 13th March 1973 that was called United Democratic
Front (UDF) to press for a more Islamic and democratic
constitution. They wanted to strengthen its Islamic provisions,
reduce the government’s preventive detention and emergency
powers, allow the superior courts to review the decisions of
special tribunals, soften the requirements for passing a no
confidence motion against the Prime Minister, lower the voting

94DAWN, Karachi, October 21, 1972.

95Williams L.F.Rushbrook, Pakistan Under Challenge, p. 40

93
age to 18 years, make the election commission autonomous,
rationalize the constitutional protection to be given to laws made
during the operation of Martial Law, and provide job security to
civil servants.96 The leaders of Pakistan People’s Party left no
stone unturned to snub the UDF. However, the opposition leaders
were not ready to withdraw and continued to insist upon the
inclusion of the proposed amendments to the draft constitution.
In order to create awareness among the masses about the need of
the required amendments into the draft constitution, UDF
arranged a procession at Liaquat Bagh in Rawalpindi on March 23,
1973 to inform the people about the UDF stand on the
constitution. All of sudden rally was fired upon which resulted in
tragedy. Several people were killed while hundred were injured.
The opposition leaders put the whole responsibility of the tragedy
on the government.97
After this incident, UDF announced to boycott the
National Assembly session. At last, due to the pressure of the
public, Bhutto government returned to dialogue with UDF leaders
on April 2, 1973. Bhutto realized the sensitivity of the issue and
told them that the amendments proposed by the opposition had
already been included in the draft constitution and appealed them
to end their boycott.98
The dialogue between the opposition and Z.A.Bhutto
team was resumed and after the discussions, both the adversaries
managed to achieve compromise on their stands about the draft
constitution.99 Bhutto concluded it as ‘concessions and important
compromises’ were made on the condition that the opposition
leaders fulfill their ‘solemn’ obligation to the people, and return to
the National Assembly on 7th April to stay there till the
constitution is framed. As a result of this compromise an agreed

96Ghafoor Ahmed, Phir Martial Law Aa Gaya, pp. 37-43.

97 S.A. Pirzada, Ulma in Politics: A Case study of Jamiat ulema-e-Islam, p.
45
98Ibid., P. 65.
99 M.Ahmad, Pakistan Ka Seyasi Ittehad, p. 91.

94
upon constitution was approved by the National Assembly on
April 10, 1973 without any dissenting votes and with only a few
abstentions. It is dubbed as first ever constitution by consensus in
the constitutional history of Pakistan. According to Rafi Raza,
“...with a few minimal, almost cosmetic, amendments
suggested by him, the boycott ended on 10th April, and
the Assembly immediately adopted the Constitutional
Bill without dissent, though not unanimously as
Bhutto claimed”.100
Though there was no dissenting vote, however there were
some differences between the autonomist and the government.
The Constitution did not concede much to the autonomists in the
allocation of governmental powers and functions. The salient
features of the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973
were as under
1. Prime Minister would not be an appointee of the President
but would be elected by the National Assembly. Prime
Minister was designated as the Chief Executive. 101
2. Prime Minister could not be removed except through a vote
of no-confidence. In the motion for a vote of no-confidence
name of another member of the National Assembly was to
be put forward as the successor of the Prime Minister.102
This was done to ensure continuity in the office of the
Prime Minister and also to discourage frequent motions for
a vote of no-confidence.
3. General legislature was introduced for the first time in
Pakistan. The parliament consists of the Senate as the
Upper House and the National Assembly as the Lower
House.103 The President was to be elected for 5 years by the
parliament in a joint session.104

100Rafi Raz, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Pakistan 1967-1977, p. 179.

101Constitution of Islamic Republic Pakistan, 1973, Article 90.
102Constitution of Islami Republic Pakistan, 1973, Article 96.
103 Ibid., Art. 50.
104 Ibid., Art. 41.

95
 4.
The President could not veto or withdraw assent for more
than seven days to any bill passed by the parliament. 105
5. The President has not powers to dissolve the National
Assembly in his discretion. The National Assembly would
stand dissolved prior to the expiry of its term on the advice
of the Prime Minister and on tendering of such advice the
National Assembly stood dissolved in forty eight hours.106
On dissolution of the National Assembly, the Prime
Minister would continue in office along with the ministers
of his choice until the new elections were held to the
National Assembly and his successor was elected and
entered upon his office.
6. The Chief of the Armed Forces were to be appointed by the
President on the advice of the Prime Minister and not in his
discretion.107
7. Islamic provisions included the declaration of Islam as state
religion108 and establishment of Islamic ideology council.109
8. Elections of the National Assembly and Provincial
Assemblies were to be held on the basis of joint electorate.
Special seats for women and minorities were reserved in
these assemblies in addition to the general seats, which
were open to women and minorities.
However, UDF leaders demanded the immediate
promulgation of the constitution, enforcement of the rule of law
and the restoration of the provincial government in NWFP and
Baluchistan. When Z.A.Bhutto, despite of his promises, failed to
take concrete steps, UDF leaders decided to launch a civil
disobedience movement in August 1973. They toured almost all
big cities of the country to build a pressure on the government.
However, the lack of consensus among the UDF member parties

105 Ibid., Art. 75.

106 Ibid., Art. 58.
107 Ibid., Art. 193.
108 Ibid., Art. 2.
109 Ibid., Art. 228.

96
and suppressive measures of the government caused the failure of
the UDF.
After the implementation of the constitution, Z.A.Bhutto
made seven amendments in his self-supervised constitution. The
first amendment of the constitution deals with the recognition of
the Bangladesh and other administrative matters of Pakistan. The
opposition offered tough resistance to the recognition of
Bangladesh and opposed it. In the National Assembly, the Law
Minister Hafeez Pirzada gave an explanatory speech about the
first amendment bill. From the opposition side Muhammad Azam
Farooqi of Jamat-i-Islami did the opening. He concentrated on
criticizing the recognition of Bangladesh. He argued that the
National Assembly was not competent to concede the succession
of Bangladesh. He further argued that the National Assembly was
a sovereign institution empowered to take any action it desired
and could not be influenced by the verdict of Supreme Court
which had held that the House was competent to adopt a
resolution on the recognition. He also said that the prisoners of
war would have been released anyway even without the
recognition of Bangladesh. The speaker said while giving the
ruling that the recognition was an administrative action and not
relevant to the bill under discussion.110
Qadiyani issue also gained the attention of the
opposition. For the first time, it was demanded in 1952 that
Qadiyanis should be declared as non-Muslims. UDF leaders again
highlighted this issue to get the public support. In order to regain
their position in public and in an attempt to give a tough time to
PPP government, UDF leaders decided to instigate the masses on
the Qadiyani issue and demanded that this sect should be
declared a non-Muslim minority. UDF along with ulema and
Mashaikh held a meeting in Lahore and an all parties Khatm-e-
Nubuwwat Action Committee was established. The leaders of
APKNAC threatened the government to launch the country wide

110Pakistan Times, Lahore, April 23, 1974.

97
strike if their demand was not fulfilled. When the government
showed no response towards the issue, they started strikes
throughout the country. Due to the pressure of the opposition,
Bhutto government declared the Qadiyanis non-Muslim on
September 7, 1974 through second amendment of the constitution
of 1973.111
The National Assembly passed the 3rd amendment Bill on
12 February 1975. After the amendment in article 10 made it
obligatory upon the government to refer the cases of detainees to
the review board within three months and provide the grounds of
detention within fifteen days. Before this constitutional
amendment, a tragic incident took place in the country. Hayat
Khan Sherpao, senior minister NWFP and the president of the
provincial PPP was assassinated on 8thFebruary 1975. After his
assassination, government banned the National Awami Party
(NAP) on 10th February 1975. NAP created a violent political
movement in Pakistan for the secession of NWFP and
Baluchistan. Sherpao was warned to leave Pakhtonistan. It was
declared that the four bomb explosions which had foiled to finish
him off were not the end of the matter. Khan Abdul Wali Khan
was arrested. After this Maulana Mufti Mahmood of Jamiat Ulema
Islam became the acting leader of opposition parties in the
parliament. It was the situation in which the 3 rd amendment was
passed.112
In the Fourth amendment, the provision relating to
unseating of members was only a consequential amendment. It
followed from Supreme Court verdict declaring NAP as anti state
party. Certainly after this, the government could not allow its
members to continue occupying their seats in the legislative
assemblies. So, the amendment providing for the application of
article 63, (relating to the disqualification of the member),
therefore, became necessary. It needs to be noted that it was not

111 S.M. Hussain, Religion and Politics in Pakistan 1972-88, p. 81.

112The Pakistan Times, January 30, 1975.

98
an independent but a consequential amendment to meet the
situation created by the Supreme Court Verdict. Maulana Abdul
Mustafa Al-Azhari of Jamat Ulema-e-Pakistan was critical of the
amendment pertaining to withdrawal of High Court’s powers to
grant bail in cases of preventive detentions, saying that the
amended constitutional provisions would be used against political
opponents. At present, he said that High Courts could grant bail
before arrest which provided protection to the political workers.
In future, High Courts could not be able to protect citizens
against the political victimizations.113
During its four years life span, UDF proved itself a great
challenge to Bhutto government. During constitution making
process, the response and role of the opposition had been very
positive and constructive. They fully participated in the
constitution making process and cooperating with the
government in resolving all the conflicting issues. Although, some
differences remained between the opposition and the PPP in the
National Assembly; the constitution was adopted without dissent
except few abstentions. Although, the component parties of UDF
failed to chalkout concerted strategy against the government and
for many of them, their parties were important than UDF
activities and they kept themselves busy in individual working.
Even they failed to formulate a unanimously accepted manifesto.
It was observed that this schism was the main cause behind the
reduction of the vote bank of the UDF.
With the announcement of the elections of 1977, the
activities of UDF components became more dynamic. They felt
the need to form an extensive alliance to compete Pakistan
People’s Party. The opposition parties held a meeting at Lahore on
January 11, 1977 and they agreed to form a new opposition group
called Pakistan National Alliance. Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan
(JUP) and Tehrik-e-Istaqlal led by Air Marshal Rtd Asghar Khan
also joined the PNA. After the announcement of new alliance that

113Ibid., November 23, 1975.

99
was consisting of the majority of UDF members, the UDF ceased
to exist.

100
 PAKISTAN NATIONAL ALLIANCE

The first General Elections to the National Assembly

under the 1973 Constitution were held on 7th March, 1977, while
the elections to the Provincial Assemblies were scheduled for 10 th
March 1977. Under the 1973 constitution, the National Assembly’s’
term was due to expire on 14th August 1977 and general elections
were to be held on that day. Addressing its final session on 7 th
January 1977, Z.A.Bhutto announced that he would advise the
President the next day to dissolve the National Assembly on
10thJanuary, and those general elections would be held on 7 th
March 1977. The four provincial assemblies were dissolved on 13
January and elections to these were scheduled for 10 March. The
opposition political parties of ruling PPP 114 formed an alliance
called as Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and it field its
candidates in the elections. The Pakistan National Alliance which
included following political parties: Tehrik-i-Istaqlal, Jamaat-i-
Islami, PDP, NDP, JUI, All Jamu and Kashmir Muslim Conference,
Khaksars, JUP and Muslim league. Mufti Mahmud of JUI and
Rafique Bajwa of JUP were elected as its president and general
secretary. In the elections, the names of the contesting political

114Pakistan People’s Party was established by Z.A.Bhutto in 1967 and

participated in the elections of 1970 that were held under the command
of military ruler. The majority in West Pakistan provided it an
opportunity to form the government after the separation of East Pakistan.
From 1971 to 1977 PPP ruled over the country with great achievements for
Pakistan. General Muhammad Zia toppled the government of ZAB and
made plot for his death. Pakistan People’s Party was in doldrums after
the death of ZAB. Nusrat Bhutto took the command of the party and it
was a time when the important leaders left the party. SafdarMahmood,
Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-1999, pp. 140-43

101
parties, abbreviations used and their election symbols were as
under

Sr Party Name Abbreviat Symbol

N ions
o
1 Pakistan People’s Party PPP Sword
2 Pakistan National Alliance PNA Plough
3 Pakistan Muslim League PML (Q) Tiger
(Qayyum)
4 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Hazarvi) JUI (H) Tree
5 Pakistan Worker’s Party PWP Candle
6 Pakistan Inqlabi Mahaz PIM Lantern
7 Pakistan Pakhtunkhwa National PPNAP Aeroplan
Awami Party
8 Jamaat-e-Aalia Mujahideen JAM Turban
9 Tahafuz-e-Islam TI Apple
10 Pakistan Socialist Party PSP Wheel
11 Pakistan Christian Democratic Scales
Party
12 Pakistan Masihi League Spectacle
s
(Official record of the election commission of Pakistan)

Manifesto of PNA
In the beginning, the PNA did not give any manifesto and
announced that the Holy Quran was their manifesto. As the
election campaign progressed and the leadership of PNA was
criticized by the leadership of PPP, the PNA gave its manifesto.
The manifesto was divided into various sections such as
1. Economic system
2. General economic reforms
3. National health
4. Agriculture

102
 5. Rights of the low income groups
6. State laws
7. Press, radio and television
8. Education
9. Public administration
10. The constitution
11. Defence
12. Foreign policy
13. To enforce the Holy Quran and Sunnah
14. Right of self determination for the people of Kashmir, Gilgit
and Baltistan
The manifestoes of PNA and PPP contained high
sounding promises, economic strategies, and sophisticated
expressions. The PNA focused on undemocratic policies and
repressive measures of the Bhutto government and the un-Islamic
steps of his party in which corruption, moral as well as financial,
was rampant. It also attacked on the Bhutto’s role in the
disintegration of East Pakistan. The leadership of PNA promised
to release the Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report after
coming to power. It highlighted the weaknesses of Bhutto in:
1. Price hike
2. Squandering of national wealth
3. Failure of economic policies
4. Excessive expenditure on empire building
5. Corruption
6. Misuse of power
7. Creation of the Federal Security Force to suppress the
opposition
The manifesto of PNA was criticized by the leadership of
PPP and declared that it did not contain philosophy, ideology. 115
While the Bhutto government and his party made the strategy to
counter the allegations of the leadership of PNA. The leadership

115Safdar Mahmood, A Political Study of Pakistan, p. 135

103
of PPP also leveled charges against the leadership of PNA. These
were the followings:
1. The leadership of PNA was declared the enemies of
Pakistan who had opposed the Quaid-i-Azam and the
creation of Pakistan.
2. Declared responsible for turmoil in Balochistan and
asserted that some of them were still working against the
unity of the country.
3. A band of capitalists whose exploitation would be
eliminated by the PPP sword.
It is fact that inspite of all these allegations, the PNA and
the PPP laid emphasis on Islamization. Both the parties pledged
to implement the Islamic provisions of the constitution of
Pakistan. The leadership of PNA raised the slogan of Nizam-i-
Mustafa. It emphasized the creation of free society by assuring
fundamental rights to the citizens and declared all constitutional
amendments null and void which had affected the basic rights of
the people of Pakistan. The manifesto promised to withdraw
emergency, completely ban drinking, adultery, horse racing
obscenity, nudity etc. The manifesto stood for provincial
autonomy and guaranteed full protection to the minorities.
Abolition of interest, dissolution of National Press Trust, freedom
to Radio and TV were also assured. To government servants, the
PNA promised to provide constitutional security. 116 While Bhutto
and his party counted a number of its outstanding services to the
cause of Islam and ‘dropped all direct references to socialism,
replacing it by Musawaat-e-Muhammadi.117The main difference
and some similarities of the two manifestoes were as under:
1. As compared to PPP, the PNA’s manifesto was vague.

116The DAWN, Karachi, February 10, 1977, see text of PNA manifesto.
117Safdar
Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-1999, pp.
161-67.

104
 2. The manifesto of PNA presented a number of compromises
which was inevitable result of forging unity amongst the
political parties with conflicting political ideologies.
3. The manifesto of PNA was prepared in haste.
4. Both the manifestoes contained high sounding promises,
economic strategies and sophisticated expression yet the
practical election campaign soon degenerated to
unsophisticated personal attacks on each other.118
In the elections, PNA distributed seats among its
components. Distribution of seats among them were as under119
Name of Party Number of allotted seats
Muslim League 36
Tehrik-e-Istaqlal 30
Jamaat-i-Islami 31
Jamiatul Ulema-e-Pakistan 23
Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam 24
Pakistan Democratic Party 13
Khaksar Tehrik 02
Muslim Conference 0
National Democratic Party 10

The election results proved that the candidates of PNA

could not stall the PPP. In the elections of National Assembly,
PPP won thumping majority. Out of two hundred general seats, it
won one hundred and fifty five seats. PPP candidates returned
unopposed on nineteen seats and fourteen among of them were
from Sindh. The opposition alliance (PNA) gained only thirty six
seats. The renowned leaders of PNA even lost their seats like Ch.
Zahoor Elahi, Ali Ahmed Talpur, M. Hamza, Maulana Ubaid Ullah
Anwar, Malik Muhammad Qasim, Rafique Bajwa, Ch. Rehmat Ali,
Maulana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, Khawaja Muhammad Safdar

118Safdar Mahmood, A Political Study of Pakistan, pp. 136-37.

119Maulana Kausar Niazi, Aur Line Cut Gaee, pp. 49-50

105
and Maulana Jan Muhammad Abbasi.120 The few of its candidates
could not submit their nomination papers due to the interference
of the government machinery. Like, Maulana Jan Muhammad
Abbasi the expected candidate of PNA was precluded by the state
machinery to submit his nomination paper against Bhutto. Same
method was adopted by the chief ministers in the provinces and
returned unopposed. Sadiq Hussain Qureshi (Punjab), Nasrullah
Khattak (NWFP), Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi (Sindh), Muhammad
Khan Barozai (Baluchistan) won their seats unopposed.121 Pakistan
Muslim League secured one seat and the independent candidates
won the remaining seven. Even Pakistan Peoples’ Party won the
reserved sixteen seats for women and minorities also.
Political party Candidates Seats Percentage
won
Pakistan People’s Party 191 155 58.1
Pakistan National 168 36 35.4
Alliance
PML (Qayyum Group) 37 1
Independents 324 8
Minor parties 21 0
Total 741 200
(official record of the election commission of Pakistan)

Operation Victory
After defeat, the PNA alleged that the bureaucracy of the
provinces designed the plan for the victory of Pakistan People’s
Party. The main bureaucrats among them were
1. Saeed Ahmed Qureshi (Chief Secretary Sindh)
2. Muhammad Khan Junejo (Home Secretary Sindh)
3. Malik Muzzafar Khan (Chief Secretary Punjab)
4. Munir Hussain (Chief Secretary NWFP)
5. Nasr Minallah (Chief Secretary Baluchistan)

120Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, p. 122.

121Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, p. 117.

106
6. Major General Imtiaz Ali (Prime Minister’s Military secretary)
7. Hamid Jalal (Prime Minister’s Additional Secretary.
8. Akram Shaikh (Director Intelligence Bureau)
It was alleged that according to the plan, the election
campaign was entrusted to deputy commissioners,
superintendents of police, tehsildars and patwaris. Party workers
and leaders were relieved of any responsibilities regarding
elections.122
On 26th March 1977, the elected members took the oath
and elected the speaker and deputy speaker on next day.
Z.A.Bhutto123 took oath as Prime Minister in his second term day
after. The opposition alliance decided to boycott the elections of
the Provincial Assemblies that were going to be held on 11 th
March, 1977 and refused to take oath as members of the National
Assembly with the allegations of rigging in elections 124 of the

122Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, p. 120.

123Born in January 1927, he was the President and then Prime Minister of
Pakistan (1971-77). Educated at the university of California, Berkeley, and
Oxford University. A Sindhi landlord and lawyer, Bhutto entered national
politics as a member of two of Ayub’s cabinets in the 1958. He left Ayub
government in 1966. He was the founder of Pakistan People’s Party and
its most prominent leader. He appointed General Zia as chief of the Army
Staff in March 1976. Zia removed Bhutto from the office by a coup d’état
on July 5, 1977. After a lengthy trial, Zia executed Bhutto on April 4, 1979.
Shahid Javed Burki & Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven
Years of Zia-ul-Haq, pp. 184-192

124Rigging in elections has not been something new for Pakistan or for
that matter the sub-continent. In Pakistan, it has always been rampant, in
one form or another, in local bodies elections, National Assembly
elections, Provincial Assemblies elections and senate elections. There was
a great uproar on “rigging of elections” by the candidates in the first
direct elections held to all the five provincial assemblies during 1951 to
1954. In the simplest and the briefest terms, the term can be defined as
“the rival candidates ability to cast bogus votes” with the help of
patwarees, police officers, use of money, use of pressure tactics,
enticement of voters, providing of transport to voters, use of muscle
power of local gangasters to harass opponent’s polling agents,
intimidation to keep opponent’s voters away from polling stations, virtual
capturing of polling stations, tampering of results at polling stations and

107
National Assembly. The PPP thus swept to power in all four
provinces. It secured four hundred and thirty five seats out of
total four hundred and sixty five Provincial Assemblies seats.
While sixteen seats were won by independent candidates and two
by the PML (Q).The opposition blamed that the polling staff and
the ruling PPP had indulged in rigging in the elections. This
allegation seriously damaged the credibility of the national
exercise. The opposition launched countrywide protest against
rigging in the elections that often became violent. This protest
succeeded in dismantling the ruling PPP and even few members
of PPP also decided to resign from the membership of the
National Assembly and suggested the Prime Minister to hold fresh
elections. About the credibility of the elections of 1977, Mr.
Andrew R. Wilder observed that
“The elections had clearly been rigged. The rigging
charges began prior to the elections when 19 National
Assembly and 66 Provincial Assemblies candidates
declared ‘elected unopposed’. In contrast, only one
candidate ran unopposed in 1970. The opposition
claimed that some of its candidates had been
kidnapped and others had been forcibly prevented
from filing their nomination papers. Perhaps the most
damaging evidence was the unbelievable high voter
turnout figures. The official figure was 63 per cent, the
same as in the 1970. However, if the 19 uncontested
seats and the contests in Baluchistan which the PNA
boycotted are discounted, the turnout reached the
incredible figure of 80 per cent. In the aftermath of
their rout in the National Assembly elections, the PNA
decided to boycott the provincial assembly elections
schedule for 10 March. Shortly thereafter they
launched an anti-PPP agitation movement that grew

then, of course, to get away with all this by winning elections with all the
said or more imaginable fraudulent acts. Hasan Muhammad, General
Elections in Pakistan, some untold stories & Personal Experiences, pp. 169-
70.

108
 increasingly violent during the subsequent
months……….”125
Andrew R. Wilder has ignored another aspect of the
elections and that was pre-poll rigging. The undue interference of
police and bureaucracy during the election campaign in
influencing the voters in favor of PPP candidates also damaged
the process of free and fair elections. Abida Hussain has also
mentioned in his book “Power Failure” about the interference of
the police and bureaucracy in the election campaigns. She says,
“…it was believed that the commissioner would call the
superintendent of Police at Jhang every morning from
Larkana, urging him to mobilize the police in N.A. 69,
and instructing them to round up people and threaten
them that if they did not vote for Faisal Saleh Hayat,
they would be in trouble…..” 126
Ian Talbot, a historian writes that
“...finally it emphasis that despite the PPP’s control of
media, use of the machinery of the government and
intimidatory tactics, large crowds flocked to PNA
rallies. This feature of the campaign led most observers
to anticipate a strong showing for the opposition,
although no one doubted a PPP victory. The
announcement of the results on 7th March thus caused
general astonishment and led to immediate claims,
that the elections had been rigged………….”127
It was fact that the victory of PPP was being expected but
bureaucracy and police motivated the government to exert
influence on the results of the elections. These two institutions
first compel the rulers to do something wrong and later on they
are ready to arrest those rulers also. The wrong decisions of PPP
government during the elections defamed the popularity of
Pakistan People’s Party. Abida Hussain declares that PNA
momentum was the result of Bhutto having turned authoritarian,

125 Andrew R. Wilder, The Pakistani Voter, Electoral Politics and voting
Behavior in the Punjab, p. 26
126Abida Hussain, Power Failure, p. 134
127Ian Talbot, Pakistan a modern history, pp. 240-41.

109
for having too much reliance on the bureaucracy and the police,
and for having promised more than he could deliver.128
National Assembly session was convened on 26th March
1977 but no opposition member attended the session. Only the 153
members elected on PPP ticket and eight members from Federal
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) attended the session. Miraj
Khalid was elected the speaker. Speaking on the occasion, Bhutto
invited the PNA to come for negotiations. He termed the 7 th
March elections as a history making event, hence the assemblies
so elected could not be dissolved before their tenure. Before the
session, all the prominent PNA leaders were arrested. They
included Mufti Mahmud, Mian Tufail Ahmed, Malik Mohammad
Qasim, Sardar Sherbaz Mazari, Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani,
Prof Shah Faridul Haq, Syed Munawar Hassan, Haji Hanif Tayab,
Begum NasimWali Khan, Mir Rasool BakhshTalpur and Mian
Mohammad Shaukat.129 On 28th March 1977, The National
Assembly was convened again and Bhutto took oath as Prime
Minister. Only 168 members were present and the opposition did
not participate. In his speech, Z.A.Bhutto invited the opposition
to shun “Politics of vandalism” and invited them for talks. He even
offered certain concessions which included
1. The end of emergency
2. Release of all political detainees
3. Decision on all election petitions within three months
4. Bringing all laws into accordance with Islamic teachings130
Inspite of all these concessions, Z.A.Bhutto decided to
meet Maulana Maududi of Jamaat-i-Islami who was a brain child
behind the Nifaz-i-Nizam-i-Mustafa. The meeting took place on
April 15, 1977 in Lahore. This was the second meeting between the
two leaders, the first being the one before the final approval of the
permanent constitution four years ago. The hardliners of the both
parties opposed this meeting and some youngsters belonging to

128Abid Hussain, Power Failure, p. 132.

129Shaikh Aziz, A Leaf from History, p. 59.
130Official Record of the National Assembly of Pakistan.

110
Islami Jamiat Talba gathered outside Maududi’s house and raised
slogans to which the Maulana replied that he had not invited
Bhutto but it was against courtesy to turn away a visitor. Bhutto
said that he had gone to solicit the advice and good offices of the
JI leader. But the last meeting with the both leaders (15th April
1977) lasted for about seventy five minutes and was not fruitful for
Bhutto as the Maulana advised him to step down and allow the
provincial governments to take over and hold elections to the
National Assembly after the restoration of law and order. After
meeting with Maulana Maududi, Bhutto turned to Islamization.
In the press conference, he announced that in recognition of the
demands of Nizam-i-Mustafa all casinos and night clubs would
close down and sale of alcoholic drinks and gambling would be
banned.131
Even the differences within PPP members were also
developed. Dr Mubashir Hasan, General Secretary of PPP, wrote a
long letter to the party chief, accompanied by his resignation, and
demanded that
1. The resignation of the Prime Minister
2. The dissolution of all the assemblies and the governments
3. Fresh elections under the rule of the President 132
4. To purge the party of feudal lords who had just joined the
party to get into the assemblies
5. Remove the bureaucrats around him who had misguided
him during the whole election exercise
6. Disband the Federal Security Force
7. Get rid of the corrupt people related to the ministries and
their protégées.
Bhutto was facing two challenges, one from opposition
side and second was the opposition of the few party members. He
showed courage and the resignation of Dr Mubashir was accepted
and the proposals were rejected because Bhutto had no answer,
especially at a time when he was at cross roads. But on 16th April

131Shaikh Aziz, A Leaf from History, p. 69.

132 The Pakistan Election Compendium, Vol. 1, pp. 347-53.

111
1977, seven other MNAs of PPP supported the demands of Dr
Mubashir Hasan and among them were the followings:
1. Sardar Shaukat Hayat (NA 42)
2. Malik KarimBakhsh (NA 54)
3. Zakir Qureshi (NA 55)
4. Anwar Noon (NA 59)
5. Amir Abdullah Rokhri (NA 61)
6. Mian Salahuddin (NA 85)
7. Balakh Sher Mazari (NA 126)
On the other hand, the opposition alliance demanded the
ruling party for fresh elections under the supervision of Judiciary
and Army. As the spat of violence in the country increased, the
government of PPP tried to devise a solution to the political crisis.
On 16th April 1977, Yahya Bakhtiar133 of the PPP suggested that the
government was ready to organize fresh elections to the
Provincial Assemblies and that, if the PNA won a majority in these
elections to the National Assembly would also be held afresh but
the opposition refused to accept the offer of the government.
Shaikh Aziz claimed in his book “A Leaf from History” that Bhutto
had also denied to accept the proposal of Yahya Bakhtiar. When
his formula appeared in the press Bhutto denied it initially, saying

133Yahya Bakhtiar was a Quetta-born lawyer. He had been in the news

since 1958 when he challenged the imposition of martial law by Ayub
Khan. He was a Muslim leaguer but he joined the Pakistan People’s Party
in 1974 and became an active member of the party in Baluchistan. He was
appointed Attorney General during the PPP regime and continued to
represent state till handling Bhutto’s case in the Supreme Court. He did
not involve himself much in the political decisions of the party at the
higher level but was respected for his legal weight. In the 1977
controversial elections, he was asked to contest on the party ticket which
he obediently did and was declared elected. When the elections became
too contentious, he decided to quit. However during the height of the
PNA agitation he became a member of the core team that was supposed
to find some solution for the fiasco. At a time when some members close
to Bhutto were partying ways and some were pressing for fresh elections.
Yahya Bakhtiar presented a proposal to break the stalemate. He
recommended holding fresh elections for the provincial assemblies and if
the PNA came out victorious then fresh elections to the National
Assembly should also be held. DAWN, 20th Oct. 2013.

112
that the proposal had not been approved by him: however, in the
national interest he was prepared to agree to it. PNA rejected the
proposal and said that nothing less than acceptance of all
demands was the solution to the debacle which had pushed the
country into a state of political and economic disaster. 134
The government of Pakistan People’s Party then devised
the novel idea of holding a referendum to legitimize Bhutto’s
premiership. As the opposition directed its campaign against
Bhutto, the ruling party considered it reasonable and democratic
to obtain verdict from the electorate, but there was no provision
in the constitution to support this idea. Since there was no other
party in the houses apart from the PPP, it passed the seventh
amendment to the constitution on 16th May 1977, providing for a
referendum to be held. The parliament was supposed to pass a law
dealing with practical details of the referendum, but this did not
happen because the idea was soon overtaken by other suggestions
for resolving the political crisis.135
At last, the government of PPP decided to start
negotiations with the opposition leaders. On 18th May 1977, Bhutto
visited Maulana Mufti Mehmud in Sihala. It was the place where
most opposition leaders had been confined by the government.
The two sides formed the negotiating teams to formally engage in
talks. The PPP team comprised of the following members
1. Z.A.Bhutto
2. Abdul Hafeez Pirzada
3. Kausar Niazi
From the opposition alliance, the names of the renowned
leaders were forwarded. These were the followings
1. Mufti Mehmood
2. Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan
3. Professor Ghafoor Ahmed

134Shaikh Aziz, A Leaf from History, pp. 35-65.

135 The Pakistan Election Compendium, Vol. 1, pp. 347-53.

113
 The talks continued for a month and half. At least twelfth
rounds of talks were held. The demands of the opposition were as
under
1. Fresh elections
2. Caretaker government
After the conclusion of the Eighth Round on 14 th June
1977, PPP spokesman Kausar Niazi, in press conference, said that
the two sides had agreed to hold fresh elections to the National
and Provincial Assemblies. But he did not say something about
the second demand of the opposition that had become bone of
contention. The opposition pressed for the suspension of the
present governments and vast changes in the governments to
ensure fair and free polls.136
On 1st July 1977, at the end of the Twelfth session of
negotiations, both the parties had abandoned their earlier rigid
stance and made few concessions. They agreed that
1. Elections would be held afresh under presidential rule
2. Formation of Implementation Council with equal
representation from both sides
3. Instituted safeguards to ensure that the legal structure and
administrative set up governing the elections would remain
impartial
But the PNAs main council did not approve the
agreement on next day without additional safeguards that
included constitutional cover for the Implementing Council. Once
again, the talks encountered an impass.137
The events of 3rd and 4th July 1977 were a matter of
controversy. Some sources argue that Bhutto had acceded to the
PNAs’ additional demands and that the final agreement was hours
away when the army intervened to exploit the situation. Others
contend that both parties were still far from agreement and that
martial law was a fait accomplice.

136 Ibid.,
137 The Pakistan Election Compendium, Vol. 1, pp. 347-53.

114
 Chief of Army Staff General Zia-ul-Haq138 imposed Martial
Law early on 5th July 1977, holding the constitution in abeyance.
He passed the orders to dissolve the National and Provincial
Assemblies and the governments were dismissed. Zia-ul-Haq
addressed the nation that evening and promised that:
1. Fresh elections would be held within ninety days.
2. He and his institution had no political ambitions.
3. Only purpose of takeover was to break the political
deadlock and offer political parties an opportunity to start
afresh.
For fulfilling his promises, the government of General
Zia-ul-Haq adopted the following measures for ensuring elections
in Pakistan:
1. The house of parliament and provincial assemblies
(Election) Order with supra-constitutional powers became
effective from 20th July, and provided the necessary legal
cover for the promised elections
2. The Election Commission Order promulgated on 23 July
was given effect from 5 July enabling the chief martial law
administrator to appoint a new election commissioner.139

Rift within PNA.

From August 1978 to April 1979, all the parties of PNA had
joined the government. PNA had joined the government on
specific conditions. After dismissal of the government of PPP, An
agreement had been signed between government and PNA on
May 1978, that party in opposition would be inducted in
government. It was also the condition of PNA that no serving

138 He was born in Jullundur, East Punjab on August 12, 1924. An Arain
from a lower middle class family, he was educated at St. Stephen’s College
in Delhi and joined the British Indian army in 1944. He was
commissioned into the Indian cavalry in 1945. He was appointed chief of
the army staff in 1976 by Z.A.Bhutto. He assumed the office of President
of Pakistan in 1978 but retained his position as chief of the army staff
.Shahid Javed Burki & Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven
Years of Zia-ul-Haq, pp. 184-192
139 The Pakistan Election Compendium, Vol. 1, pp. 347-53.

115
general would become the part of the cabinet. But when the
members of PNA resigned from the ministries, the generals joined
the cabinet.140 PNA was outsmarted by the regime on the issue of
elections also. Every leader was expecting elections but Zia regime
did not want. PNA took two years to adjust to the reality of ever-
evasive elections and after that it used to look for friends amongst
the PPP.141
The differences of the leaders of PNA came to surface
soon after the death of Z.A. Bhutto. The role of Asghar Khan 142 in
this regard was remarkable. Later on Jamat-i-Islami refused to
cooperate with MRD due to secular approach of PPP but most of
other parties of PNA were the part and parcel of MRD except PML
(P). The Muslim League, led by Pir Pagara, continued to support
Zia and his regime. A few political workers and a segment of the
population supported the regime of General Zia-ul-Haq either for
fear of return of the People’s Party to power or for their narrow
personal political objectives.143 It was also fact that the PNA
parties, inspite of differences with Zia regime, did not find it easy
to come to terms with the leader of PPP and the PPP leaders also
took time to overcome the shock of Bhutto’s execution. But the
political forces rose from their slumber and decided to put their
differences aside from the time being and faced the military
dictatorship by uniting themselves against Zia regime because
they thought that the real damage had come from Zia regime not
the PPP. There was no option for PPP to put the execution behind
and to make alliance with the opponents for waging a collective
struggle against General Zia-ul-Haq. The military dictator fully

140The Senate of Pakistan Debates, Official Report, Vol. II, 1988.

141 Mohammad Waseem, Pakistan Under Martial Law 1977-1985, p. 9.
142Asghar Khan was vocal and very public opponent of Field Marshal Ayub

Khan, General Yahya, Z.A.Bhutto and General Zia ulHaq. Leader of the
Tehrik-i-Istiqlal, which he founded in 1970. The Tehrik, however, has not
emerged as a strong (in terms of popular support) political party and
failed to capture a seat in the national assembly election of
1988.ShahidJavedBurki& Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven
Years of Zia-ul-Haq, pp. 184-192
143 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 645.

116
exploited the differences of the politicians and used it for his
interests. After many years, the politicians realized the situation
and decided to sit together on a table with PPP.144
After postponement of elections, General Zia-ul-Haq used to
introduce changes in the constitution of Islamic Republic of
Pakistan and imposed restrictions on the powers of the superior
judiciary. Such kind of restrictions created resentment among the
people and the politicians against the Zia regime. The military
government adopted a stance that the Supreme Court gave the
CMLA unconditional powers to amend the constitution but the
legal circles maintained that he could amend the constitution to
the extent it was needed for holding the promised elections. 145
The Provisional Constitutional Order 1981 empowered Zia
regime to establish Majlis-i-Shoora and the military regime
contacted the politicians through district administrations for
participation in the Shoora. The traditional politicians showed
their willingness to join it but most of the politicians refused to
join Shoora. Those who refused to accept the ministries in the
Shoora created a front against the regime of dictator. 146

144Ibid.,
p. 646.
145Hasan AskariRizvi, Military, State and Society in Pakistan, p. 176.
146Anees Jilani, Advance Towards Democracy: the Pakistan Experience, p.

36.

117
 MRD (6th Feb 1981)
(Movement for Restoration of Democracy)

“………………do not be frightened of this movement. It is for our

people, for our poor, for our children so that they do not live
in poverty, hunger and disease. Struggle for your parliament,
for your government, for your constitution so that the
decisions are taken for the poor people and not for the junta
and its stooges…………..” (Benazir Bhutto)

In the elections147 of 1977, PNA was major alliance against

Z.A.Bhutto. Unexpected results in the elections prepared a
ground for PNA to raise protest against the government of
Pakistan People’s Party. Most of the religious parties had joined
the alliance due to liberal out look of Bhutto government.
American role in the projection of PNA has also been highlighted
by the different writers and Bhutto himself in his book “If I am
assassinated”. With the bulk of dollars, the alliance gained
momentum and Bhutto felt the need to negotiate with the leaders
of PNA. But it was too late and the military government decided
to replace PPP government with the support of PNA. Due to the
interference of the institution of military, the negotiations could
not succeed. Gen. Muhammad Zia Ul Haq took over reigns of the
government and suspended the constitution of 1973 with the

147Election is a device for filling an office or post through choices made

by designate body of people: the electorate. Elections have different
functions in its roots, like as political recruitment, representation,
making government and influencing policy. These are bottom up
functions. While it has its to down functions which include that it build
legitimacy, shape public opinion and help to strengthen elites. Andrew
Heywood, Politics, p. 227.

118
promise of holding elections within 90 days. The PNA leaders not
only welcomed the Zia but also decided to support his policies.
Bhutto was a very strong and dynamic personality. He
had created Bhuttoism in the minds of the middle and lower
middle class through his slogans and reforms. Pakistan People’s
Party had its vote bank in all provinces of Pakistan and it was too
difficult to ignore PPP in the coming elections. It could be
predicted that PPP would again win the seats in the coming
elections which were going to be held under the supervision of
General Zia-ul-Haq. Z.A.Bhutto had become a great threat to the
leaders of PNA and General Zia. The history of Bhutto about his
rivals was not good. That’s why Zia could not give Bhutto free
hand in the elections. It was the same stance of the leaders of
PNA. Due to this fear, an alliance was established between the
military and PNA.
General Zia-ul-Haq wanted the elections without the
participation of PPP and it was the same desire of the leaders of
PNA. After the assassination of Z.A.Bhutto, the free and fair
election was the major demand of all democracy loving parties.
General Zia made two times commitments with the nation and
parties that elections would be held but he seemed reluctant. Due
to bad intentions of Zia government, rift had developed within
those parties who were supporting the military regime. Only few
parties, like Muslim League led by Pir Pagarao, stood with dictator
and the other parties made an alliance in the form of MRD with
PPP. Basically it was an alliance but BBC used to call it MRD and
this name of the alliance of political parties became popular.
Most of the pro-military political parties did not want martial law
within the country. These parties only changed the regime of
Z.A.Bhutto but did not want to give the sacrifice of the
democracy.148
Pakistan People’s Party was the only opposition party in
Pakistan after the takeover of General Zia. But it was passing

148 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 251.

119
through a critical phase due to the death of Z.A.Bhutto and the
faked cases were being registered on the workers. The political
workers were being trialed in the military courts and severe
punishments were being proposed. It was not possible for PPP to
launch a movement against military regime without the support
of the other political parties. The movement of Restoration of
Democracy revived Pakistan People’s Party and provided it a
chance to challenge the rule of dictator. PPP leadership also
realized that they had to put the execution behind and act under
the political logic and compulsion of the situation and reach for
erstwhile political opponents for waging a collective struggle
against the military dictator.149 MRD started from the Bhutto’s
home province and gained roots in the different parts of Pakistan.
Main Leadership

Sr Leader’s Name Party

No
1 Ghulam PPP leader while B.B was in exile. On her
Mustafa Jatoi return, he demanded from B.B. to hold
party elections but she refused. Due to
this, he left PPP and established his own
party National People’s Party. In 1981 and
1984, Zia had offered him premiership
but he refused. It was an effort from Zia
side to weaken the PPP. After his exist
from PPP, he repent over his refusal.
2 Mairaj QMA
Mohammad
Khan
3 Rasul Bux Awami National Party. He even became
Palejo against of PPP due to her decision of
acceptance of those politicians who had

149Burki, Shahid Javed, Pakistan Under the Military – Eleven Years of Zia
Ul Haq,p. 34.

120
 rendered in Zia government.
4 Mumtaz Bhutto PPP (Left PPP in 1985 and established
Sindh Baluch Pushtoon Front)
5 Khwaja PML (Khairuddin). He was also the
Khairuddin secretary general of MRD and was
repeatedly arrested by the government of
Zia.
6 Maulana Fazlur JUI Fazlur Rehman group)
Rehman
7 Nawabzada Pakistan Democratic Party
Nasrullah Khan
8 Sardar Sherbaz National Democratic Party
khan Mazari
9 Wali Khan Awami National Party
10 Asghar Khan Tehrik-i-Istaqlal,

Marriage of convenience
MRD was an alliance of nine political parties. Most of
those political parties150 who had launched movement against
Bhutto were the part of the Movement for Restoration of
Democracy against General Zia-ul-Haq. Muslim Fundamentalist
opposition parties like JUI, Centrist opposition Parties like
Muslim League, Nationalist Opposition parties like NAP, Leftist
political Parties like Qoumi Mahaz Azadi, Mazdour Kassan Party,
PPP. All kinds of parties had joined the alliance. Jamaat-i-Islami
had also divided on the issue of the support of Zia regime. Though
jamaat-i-Islami was not the part of the alliance but it was being
considered that it was promoting the agenda of MRD due to the

150The political scientists declare the political party – a group of people

organized for the purpose of wining government power. Political party
displays some measures of ideological cohesion. The principal
classification of political parties have distinguished between cadre and
mass or, later, catch all parties, parties of representation and parties of
integration, constitutional or main stream parties and revolutionary and
anti system ones, and left wing parties and right wing parties. Andrew
Heywood, Politics, p. 249.

121
criticism of Prof. Ghafoor and Munawaar Hasan on Zia regime.
MRD consisted of the following political parties:
1. Pakistan People’s Party,
2. Muslim League (Khairuddin),
3. Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam.
4. Pakistan Democratic Party,
5. National Democratic Party (NDP),
6. Tehrik-i-Istaqlal,
7. Quomi Mahaz Azadi.
8. Pakistan National Party,
9. Mazdor Kisan Party,
Most of the parties of MRD faced problems due to trust
deficit and later on the meetings of MRD also exposed it. Most of
these parties were willing to join the military government with a
better status but the government was not willing to do so. That’s
why, they had joined the movement.151

Manifesto
1. The Military152 officer promised the Pakistani politicians and
the public that election will be held within ninety days but
he created such circumstances in which the elections were
not being arranged. He delayed the elections process twice
(1977 & 1979) and created distrust within the pro-

151Prof. Khalid Mahmud, Pakistan’s Political scene 1984-1992, p. 57.

152Military is a institution of a very particular kind. It is distinguished due
to its monopoly over weapons and coercive power. The institution of
military has a high level of internal discipline and strict hierarchy is being
observed. A set of values and a culture separates it from those of civilian
society. The perception has also developed within society that it
embodies the national interest and so is above politics. The purpose of
military is to be an instrument of war that can be directed against other
political societies. It is also fact that the institution of military also
operates as a powerful interest group that influences defence and foreign
policy. It also helps the civilians in maintaining domestic order and
stability when civilian mechanisms are unable or unwilling to act. This is
institution is so much powerful that some times, it displaces civilian
government with a form of military rule. Andrew Heywood, Politics, pp.
361-371.

122
 government political parties also. The manifesto of MRD
was the free and fair elections in Pakistan. 153General Zia-ul-
Haq was reluctant in holding elections due to his bad
intentions. He wanted to prolong his rule in Pakistan but
except few political parties, no one was ready to give him a
long tenure of government. General Zia-ul-Haq did not
want to give the power to the elected political parties who
were not allowing him to rule over the country. General Zia
wanted to create such a circle before elections that
strengthened its rule after their victory in the elections.
When he felt that it was not possible to gain the favors of
the political parties, he decided to hold elections on non-
party basis.
2. Democracy and political parties go side by side. Political
parties are the main players of democratic system and they
handle the affairs of the government. In the dictatorship,
the system and reforms are imposed by those figures who
are not the representatives of the people. Such kind of
government is least interested in the affairs of people but it
is most interested in prolonging rule over the country.
Political activities were strictly prohibited so that no party
could challenge the dictator’s rule. Inspite of strict
measures, the democratic parties made strenuous efforts for
the restoration of democracy. In the same way, the demand
of restoration of democracy was raised by the leaders of
MRD which was not possible without free and fair elections
on party bases. General Zia was reluctant in holding
elections on party bases.
3. The third major demand was the revival of constitution of
1973. It was the first constitution in the history of Pakistan
that had been introduced and approved by the elected
government. It was a tremendous achievement of Bhutto

153 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 356.

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 government. Under the constitution of 1973, parliamentary
form of government was introduced and ZAB ran the affairs
of the state under this system which was not perhaps
acceptable to any military dictator. Even the Article 6 of the
constitution of 1973 closed the chapter of Martial Law with
the statement
“Any person who abrogates or attempt or conspires to
abrogate, subverts or attempts or conspires to subvert
the constitution by use of force or show of force or by
other unconstitutional means shall be guilty of high
treason. Any person aiding or abetting the acts
mentioned in clause 1 shall like wise be guilty of high
treason.”154
The punishment of high treason was death penalty.
Under the Article 6, General Zia-ul-Haq committed a high
treason. Under such circumstances, he could not restore the
original constitution of 1973 which was the main demand of the
leaders of MRD. He, like military officers, did not give importance
to the constitution. While addressing a press conference in
Tehran, Zia-ul-Haq said,
“What is the constitution? It is the booklet with ten or
twelve pages. I can tear the up and say that from
tomorrow we shall live under a different system. Is there
anybody to stop me? Today the people will follow
wherever I lead. All the politicians including the once
mighty Mr Bhutto will follow me with their tails
wagging.”155
General Zia-ul-Haq, first, wanted to introduce
amendments and modification in the constitution so that he
might secure his position. He had also the desire to change the
system of government from parliamentary to presidential. He also
raised the slogan of Islamization in Pakistan and under this slogan
he changed the shape of constitution to the maximum level.
4. MRD was against the newly adopted approach in foreign
policy of Pakistan. The leaders of MRD criticized the

154Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973, Art. 6.

155 Quoted in Pakistan – A Dream Gone Sour by Roedad Khan, pp. 87-88.

124
 government’s foreign policy especially the call to sever ties
to the United States. They opposed the concept of
alignment with USA and protested to establish Pakistan as a
non-aligned state.156
5. On 11 May 1983, the leaders of MRD announced 31 points
program for which the efforts would be made. Among those
points, these were the remarkable key demands
(a) Greater provincial autonomy
(b) An independent judiciary
(c) Guarantee of fundamental rights
(d) Lifting of restrictions on the press
(e) Promotion of trade unions
(f) An end to discrimination against women
(g) No discrimination on religious basis.
(h) Strict accountability of all civil and military personnel
(i) Reduction in tax burdens on workers with fixed incomes
(j) Clear demarcation between private industry and public
corporations
(k) Establishment of compulsory military training
(l) To make Pakistan a non-aligned state
(m) Questioned the heavy transfer of American weapons to
Pakistan
(n) Urged the government to pursue good relations with all the
country’s neighbors
(o) Good relations with the Third World
(p) Cordial relations with Muslim countries.157
6. The major motive of all the parties behind all demands was to
unseat General Zia-ul-Haq. PPP was considering him enemy
while the other parties had also annoyed with him due to
some other reasons. Few leaders of PNA had left General Zia
due to none of their shares in the ministries. While the leftist

156
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan At The Crosscurrent Of History, p. 183
157
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century-A Political History,
pp. 460-61.

125
 parties had annoyed with Zia-ul-Haq due to the exploitation
of religion.158
7. In 1986, MRD, headed by the workers of Pakistan People’s
Party demanded the mid-term elections but it did not achieve
its targets due to the following reasons
(a) The demand of mid-term election did not gain firm footings
within the people as the general elections were held in 1985.
(b) There was a lack of unity among the parties who had joined
MRD. Tehrik-i-Istaqlal did not support the movement and
Khan Wali Khan had gone abroad.
(c) Clashes had developed among the leaders of MRD. That’s why,
there was a leadership crisis. 159

Efforts
On 26 March 1981, the parties of MRD met at Lahore and
passed a resolution against amendments in the constitution of
1973. The leaders issued the statement that Zia-ul-Haq had
abrogated the constitution of 1973 and was therefore a traitor.
Same the statement came from Baluchistan. These meetings also
congratulated those judges who had refused to take oath.160
MRD started agitation against the Zia regime in various
cities of Pakistan. Students, doctors, actors, politicians and
lawyers participated in the agitation. The middle and lower
middle classes in Punjab showed the solidarity with PPP and tried
to achieve the results at the platform of MRD. The persons from
all sections of society joined the movement. Taxi driver,
shopkeepers, small traders were the prominent workers of MRD.
In Faisalabad, the lawyers fully agitated against Zia regime at the
platform of MRD. The prominent personalities from Faisalabad
were, Ch. Talib Hussain, Zaman Khan, Badruddin Ch., Ch. Umer
Draz, Shams Ul Islam Naz, Ahmed Saeed Awan, Fazal Hussain

158 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, pp. 143-45.

159 Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-99, p.
379.
160 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 257.

126
Rahi, Ghias uddin Janbaz. The people of Multan also strengthened
the movement like Ch. Arshad, Mukhtar Ahmed Awan. From
Lahore, Atzaz Ahsin, Mahmood Butt were the prominent
personalities.161 The students’ disturbances were started in Dargai,
Rawalpindi, Lahore, Multan and Quetta. One student was injured
and some were arrested by the police. The students of Karachi
created disturbances and also burnt the jeep of Pakistan army on
25thFebruary 1981. Lawyers also observed the day of 2nd March as a
protest day against the government. They also protested against
the miserable treatment with Yahya Bukhtair by the Quetta jail
staff and demanded the dismissal of the jail superintendent. On
19th Oct. 1983, the lawyers again organized “a protest day against
the martial law regime”. In Lahore, they tried to take out a
procession but police created hurdles through throwing stones
and bricks. A clash took place in the premises of Lahore High
Court. The role of Talat Yaqub (Lawyer) was very remarkable in
Lahore Bar Association. She used to shout at the male dominated
Lahore Bar Association, throwing off her glass bangles and waving
the Pakistani flag. She raised the slogans of democracy and
challenged the clutches of the police. In Karachi, the same case
came to surface. Few lawyers were injured and few were arrested
by police. The doctors of Rawalpindi started to join the movement
and arranged discussions on the demand of MRD on 27 Feb 1981.
Near about twenty doctors were arrested by the government. One
this action of government, the doctors all over the country
decided to go on strike and demanded the release of the arrested
doctors. They threatened that the strike would go on until their
demand was not met.162 The students also contributed in the
movements through the strikes in the institutions, especially in
universities. The students in the Frontier province were the first
to take to the streets. The protests also broke out in the

161Interview with Amina Zaman, dated 1st August 2011.

162Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, pp. 247, 249. 260.

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institutions of Multan, Sheikhupura, Bahawalpur and Quetta.163 In
Lyari, the poorest section of Karachi, PPP and MRD organized
rally and the poor people fully joined it. Busses, cars and trucks
were burnt by the people and challenged the writ of the
government. The police arrested the workers and tried to
eliminate the demonstrations. 164
The poets, writers and scholars also contributed in the
Movement for Restoration of Democracy through their writings,
speeches and poems. Rehmattullah Manjothi, Naseer Mirza, Tariq
Alam, Adal Soomro, Ahmed Faraaz were the renowned poets. In
the rallies of MRD, the poems of the various poets were very
chanted by the workers. The poetry of Manzoor Solangi were
remark
“Manban, chhapran, ghar ghar mein golioon, fouji police
chaway dharial paya golioon.”165
The workers of MRD targeted the symbols of state
authority – Jails, Police stations, Banks, Government Vehicles,
Railway Stations and Judicial Institutions. At few places, they
disrupted railway tracks also.166
In Feb. 1983, the leaders of the MRD met in Lahore under
the tight security from the government side. It was a violation of
martial law regulations. The leaders decided to observe a “Political
Prisoner’s day”. That meeting was dispersed by the police by
force.167
In August 1983, MRD led a forceful movement especially
in Sindh. The Urban areas of the provinces remained quite but the
interior of Sindh broke all expectations of the governments and
the agencies. Especially in the districts of Sukkur, Larkana,
Jacobabad, Khairpur, thatta, Dadu, Sanghar, the agitation started
with a bang and was like a volcanic eruption. After the creation of

163 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 146.

164Ibid.,
p. 292.
165H.Mujtaba, The Desert’s Legacy, p. 98.
166 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, p. 39.
167 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 257.

128
Pakistan, such kind of agitation had never been seen in the
interior of Sindh before this move of MRD. It was purely a rural
agitation. Cars and buses were stopped from travelling. Police
stations were burned. Hundreds of people lost their lives. The
Waderas of Interior Sindh put the moral, material and political
support behind the agitation. It was the first time in the history of
interior Sindh that the Waderas went against the wishes of the
establishment. Secondly they first time participated in the politics
of agitation. It was the evident that political awareness had risen
unperceived.168 Another important factor was that MRD was
organized from grass root level and pressure from below pushed
the Waderas into the movement. 169 Abdul Hamid Jatoi, President
of Pakistan National Party Sindh, says that
“The Wadera is basically ‘Buzdil’. He was pushed into
this agitation due to pressure from the people, so it is
essentially a question of survival for him.”170
But few Sindhi nationalists, like G.M.Sayid, refused to
support the objectives of the MRD. He was of the opinion that the
first objective of MRD was to save Pakistan while he was not
interested in saving Pakistan. The second objective was the
restoration of 1973 constitution which was unacceptable for him.
Third objective of the agitation was the restoration of democracy
and this objective would put the Sindhis in a minority cadre. He
even said that
“We are staying out of this agitation. It is not a popular
movement. It is only led by PPP feudals for their lust of
power. Like a Dog, the PPP is only seeking crumbs and
bones. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi joined in when he got a pat
on the back for it from some American senators he had
met.”171

168 Roedad Khan, Pakistan – A Dream Gone Sour, p. 89.

169 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, p. 41.
170Ibid, p. 46.
171 Quoted in Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years by Mushahid Hussain, p. 43

129
 It shows that the anti-Pakistan lobby in Sindh was not the
part of MRD and even they refused to accept MRD as a popular
movement.
While few regional parties in Sindh strengthened the
hands of MRD through providing vigorous support. One of them
was Sindh Awami Tehrik (SAT)172 whose workers had courted
arrest. Dadu, Tharparkar and Larkana were the districts where the
power of the Awami Tehrik existed.173
In 1983, Zia visited Sindh and during this visit, he faced resistance
in Dadu. The Sindhis compelled him to stay in the Rest House of
Dadu for hours and the forces helped him to dismantle the
pressure of the public. After that, he never visited Interior
Sindh.174
It is also said that the people of other provinces did not
show so much interest as the people of Sindh had showed. They
used to be viewed as a Sindhi movement which had been
launched for the redressed of Sindhi grievances and removal of
their sense of deprivation. Due to Sindhi tag on the movement, it
lost its national appeal.175 Ayesha Jalal has also of the opinion that
MRD failed to ignite the majority province of Punjab. The
government had exerted influence over the local politics. She has
the idea that

172 Sindh Awami Tehrik was established by Rasul Bux Paleejo in the early
70s. this organistaion emerged as a new potent factor to be reckoned
within the context of Sindhi politics. It commanded respect and
admiration amongst a broad section of Sindh. This Tehrik was against the
Sindhi Wadera and Sindhi nationalist. It declaredthem pro-Americans
and they did not desire any change in the socio-economic system. As
opposed to the Sindhi nationalist slogan of “land should be free”, the
Awami Tehrik responded with the line that “People should be free”.
Sindhi nationalists spoke of “Sindhu Desh”, while the SAT was very much
for a united federal Pakistan, although it did not hold the view that
“Pakistan is a multinational state”. Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics:
The Zia Years, pp. 47-51.
173Ibid., p. 48.
174 Azhar Sohail, General Zia Ka Gyara Saal, p. 98.
175 Roedad Khan, Pakistan – A Dream Gone Sour, p. 89.

130
 “The regime’s policies of differential patronage and
selective mobilization had won over substantial
segments of Punjab’s dominant socio-economic strata,
landlords and industrialists and, most promisingly,
emergent commercial groups.”176

It is fact that the landlords and the industrialists did not

play role in igniting the people of Punjab but the real power of
PPP has always been middle and lower middle class. The workers
and the trade unions of Punjab resented against the rule of
dictator. In the major cities of Punjab, Lahore, Faisalabad and
Multan, MRD was very successful in gathering the people. The
Punjabis faced the cases and remained in jails due to their support
of MRD.
In Baluchistan, the people did not actively participate in
the campaign of MRD because they did not have any interest in
the slogans. The restoration of democracy has never been
remained important for the people of Baluchistan due to tribal
system and less population than the other provinces of Pakistan.
Baluch declared MRD as the part of American conspiracy which
had been planned for changing status quo. But on the other hand,
Pushtoons joined MRD and even faced jails.177
Movement for Restoration of Democracy enlisted the
services of labour unions. It was an effort to active the labor class
against the autocratic rule of General Zia-ul-Haq. Due to labor
reforms of ZAB and the slogan of socialism of PPP had created
soft corner in the hearts of labor unions. 178 The Pakistan Railway
worker’s union decided to oppose to the government of General
Zia-ul-Haq and support the slogans of MRD. On 26th Oct. 1983,
factory and railway workers took out the procession in Lahore and
shouted anti-martial law slogans. In the procession, near about
ten thousand workers took part. Police tried to handle them with

176 Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, p. 106.

177 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, pp. 56-60.
178 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan At The Crosscurrent Of History, p. 183

131
iron hand and the leader of workers, Bashir Zafar, was injured.
Police tried to confine them to the railway premises. The workers
became aggressive and burnt buses, cars and petrol pumps. They
also burnt the portraits of Martial Law dictator. 179
On 8th November, 1981, General Zia-ul-Haq passed a
statement that Pakistan was not ready for democracy. MRD
condemned Zia’s statement and declared nominated federal
advisory council as undemocratic and un-Islamic. MRD
demanded the restoration of democracy in Pakistan as soon as
possible.180
For implementing 31 points programme throughout the
country, the leaders of MRD decided to hold a major protest
meeting on 14th August 1983. They announced the date of
Independence Day because Zia had the intentions to reveal a new
political system on the occasion of nation’s independence
holiday.181
In the elections of Local Bodies in 1979, few councilors got
victory that had close link with PPP. In the movement of MRD
against General Zia, these elected councilors agreed to resign from
the membership of union councils and called for General Zia’s
resignation from the post of chief of the army staff. 182
Zia was not in a position to face the music of the political
parties and he was also not in a position to win elections in a free
atmosphere. For legalizing his position, he decided to hold
referendum183. The referendum Order 1984 was passed, putting a

179 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 322.

180 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, P. 279.
181 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century-A Political History,

PP. 462.
182 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, P. 147.
183 Referendum is a vote in which the electorate can express a view on a

particular issue of public policy. It is a device of direct democracy.

Referendum is typically used not to replace representative governments
but to supplement them. It may be either advisory or binding. Like all
other things, it has also advantages along with disadvantages. Few
scholars consider it the best thing due to its check on the power of the

132
complex question to the citizens but, in essence, endorsement of
the process initiated by General Zia for Islamization in Pakistan.
The referendum was held on 19th December 1984 with a question
that:
“whether the people of Pakistan endorse the process
initiated by Gen. Muhammad Zia-Ul-Haq, the
president of Pakistan, for bringing the laws of Pakistan
in conformity with the injunctions of Islam as laid
down in the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Holy
Prophet (PBUH) and for the preservation of the
ideology of Pakistan, for the continuation and
consolidation of that process, and for the smooth and
orderly transfer of power to the elected representatives
of the people.” 184
The leaders of Movement for Restoration of Democracy
boycotted the referendum and refused to accept the results which
had been announced by the government machinery. The faked
results gave five years term to General Zia as President of
Pakistan. No doubt, people did not participate fully in the
referendum and some analysts put the turn out as low as 2
percent. Inpsite of this, Zia-ul-Haq took referendum as a vote of
confidence on him.185It was very strange that both the parties,
General Zia and MRD declared it their victories after the results of
referendum. The turnout in the election was as under
Province Turnout
Sindh 0-5 percent

elected governments because it ensures that they stay in line with public
opinion. Referendum promote political participation and helps to
promote more educated and better informed electorate. It strengthens
legitimacy by providing the public with a way of expressing their views
about specific issues. On the other hand, it also leaves political decisions
in the hands of those who have the least education and experience .
Referendum allow politicians to some extent to manipulate the political
agenda and absolve themselves of responsibility for making difficult
decisions. Andrew Heywood, Politics, P. 209.
184 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, P. 373.
185Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah, P. 86.

133
 NWFP 5-25 percent
Punjab 35-40 percent
Balochistan 10-15 percent
(Official Record of the Election Commission of Pakistan)

But according to official results, 67 percent of the

registered voters voted in the referendum. 97 percent out of 67
percent gave vote in the favor of Islamization. It was very
interesting that officials on polling stations allowed everyone to
vote and where the turn out was low, they added votes. It was very
difficult to differentiate votes cast by officials and not by voters. 186
The successful boycott of the 1984 referendum caused the
MRD to miscalculate their next step. Being confident of public
opinion, MRD boycotted the non-party based 1985 elections.187
From 14thto 16thSept 1984, the meeting of the leaders of MRD held
in Lahore and they decided to boycott any elections which were
not free, fair and in accordance with the constitution of 1973. They
also pledged to form an electoral alliance in any future elections
in which the MRD would take part and after the election to stay
together in the government. Later on, the central council of MRD
was met from 18thto 19thJanuary 1985.188 Their main demand was
that the elections should not be held under Zia regime and that
the 1973 constitution had to be restored before elections could
take place. They also demanded that martial law should be lifted
before elections and political prisoners should be released. It was
also their suggestion that elections should be held on party basis.
The leaders agreed that if these conditions were not met, they
would not accept any election under martial law. All the political
parties that had joined Movement for Restoration of Democracy
not only refused to participate in the elections which were going

186 Sartaj Aziz, Between Dreams and Realities, P. 66.

187 Nadeem Qasir, An Investigation into the Political Economy 1948-1988,
P. 122.
188 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 340.

134
to be held under the supervision of military government but also
denied to accept the results of the elections. Contrary to the
expectations of the leaders of MRD, the voters turned to the polls
in large numbers. It was remarkable that few leaders of PPP
participated in the elections and violated the party discipline. 189
But Asghar Khan has a different opinion about turn out in the
elections of 1985. He mentions the names of those districts in his
book “My Political struggle” where the turnout was very low.
Among those districts were Abbottabad, Karachi, Lahore,
Rawalpindi, Peshawar, Mardan, Quetta, Sahiwal, Faisalabad,
Vehari, Multan and Sargodha. The turnout in these areas was near
about thirty percent but the Election Commission announced that
52.9 percent votes had been casted in the National Assembly
polls.190 But Sartaj Aziz has refuted the argument of Asghar Khan
with the statement that the voter’s turnout was quite impressive.
Out of 33 million registered voters, 17.3 million or 53 percent cast
votes for National Assembly candidates and 18.5 million or 57
percent for provincial assembly candidates. 191 But later on in the
elections of 1988, most of the parties of MRD put their candidates
separately and won the seats from the different provinces of
Pakistan. But Christina Lamb has of the opinion that
“PPP later admitted that boycott was a mistake, and
when Zia-ul-Haq announced elections in 1988, Benazir
was quick to announce their participation on whatever
basis.”192
Sartaj Aziz also declares a wrong decision of PPP and
MRD to boycott the elections of 1985 because the boycott left
substantial political space for the political coalition which Zia ul
Haq was trying to build.193

189 Ayesha Jala, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, p. 106.

190 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 356.
191 Sartaj Aziz, Between Dreams and Realities, p. 69.
192Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah, p. 86.
193 Sartaj Aziz, Between Dreams and Realities, p. 64.

135
Inspite of the boycott of MRD, the pressure of the opposition was
so much on the government that they were very careful in the
selection of the candidates. It was expecting that opposition
would support anti-establishment candidates. General Fazal-e-
Haq, Governor of NWFP passed a statement in the meeting that
was organized by Zia-ul-Haq for the selection of the pro-
establishment candidates in the coming elections that,
“Do not underestimate the opposition. Despite the
boycott, they will support anti-establishment
candidates. We have to disqualify some of these
candidates otherwise the agitation will become
unbearable.”194
The female section of MRD was also very active. In
Faisalabad, Lahore, Gujranwala, female workers of MRD
distributed fruits to the workers in the jails. Amina, Ziae, Shahida
Nafis, Ameena Zaman, Nasreen, Ruksana Zahoor, Nafis Siddiqui,
Mrs Tahira Mazhar Ali Khan, Mumtaz Noorani, were the
prominent personalities. Women’s Action Forum led by Mahnaz
Rafi arranged a demonstration in Lahore on 12thFebruary 1983 and
two hundred women took part. The police used tear gas and
button charges for dispersing the women. Aitzaz Ahsan’s mother
and wife were put under house arrest in Lahore. On 24th Sept.
1983, the workers women took out a procession against the
martial law dictator in Lahore. During this procession, the police
arrested fourteen women including Asma Jilani. 195Even the
literary women also contributed in the movement against Zia
regime. Atiya Dawood wrote the poetry against the oppression of
opposition.196 Fahmida Riaz showed concern about the atrocities
of Zia regime and the military courts in her poetry. Actually Zia
government tried to reduce the social status of women through
his policies. All the organizations of women protested against

194Ibid.,P. 65.
195 Asghar Khan, My Political struggle, p. 254, 299.
196 Ian Talbot, Pakistan-A Modern History, p. 253.

136
dictator and his policies. In these organizations, APWA,
Democratic Women Association was remarkable. 197
Due to strict censorship and restrictions on the press, the
journalists organized protest meetings and rallies in the different
cities of Pakistan. They raised the voice against the brutal policies
of Martial Law regime.198
In jails, the prisoners used to boycott the jail
administration and refused to take food. They came out of their
barracks and agitated against the rule of martial law ruler and his
atrocities on political workers. A riot took place in Sukkur jail
where about a hundred political prisoners had been lodged. The
police used baton charges against them and also fired in the air
for creating fear within the prisoners.199
PPP workers who fled Pakistan after the coup had settled
in London. The city of London had also become the center of
political activities. The brothers of Benazir Bhutto were also living
there. She had also settled in London after her exile from
Pakistan. She launched a international campaign against General
Zia and exposed maltreatment with political prisoners who were
living their lives in jails. The workers of PPP launched a magazine
“Amal” in which articles were issued regarding the cruel
treatments with the prisoners. 200
On 14th August 1988, MRD organized a public meeting in
Rawalpindi against the rule of General Zia-ul-Haq. The gathering
used to chant against dictator, while the leaders also challenged
the dictator and his policies. They were informing the people that
the time of the departure of dictator had come. Malik Qasim
mentioned the departure of Zia in his speech and Tikka Khan,
General Secretary of PPP, spoke against the “Jalandhri Group”.
They also made it clear that they were not against the institution

197 Nisar Hussain (ed), Zameer Ka Qaidi, p. 127.

198 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 277.
199Ibid., p. 325.
200 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 218, 229.

137
of army but against those who were defaming the institution
through wrong policies.201
The workers of MRD who faced the atrocities of the
dictator filed their petitions in the various courts. The remarkable
were as under,
1. Affidavit of Bhai Khan of Village Ahmed Khan Brihmani,
2. Taluka; Mohammad Khan v. Abdul Sami, Petition to
Additional Sessions Judge, Dadu, P.E. No. 31 of 1986, and
Mohammad Khan v. Abdul Sami and 14 others, Court of
Civil Judge and First Class Magistrate,
3. Dadu; Abdul Moula Shah v. Province of Sind and 2 others,
Court of Senior Civil Judge,
4. Tando Mohammad Khan; The State v. Abdul Rehman
Bhatti, Sub-divisional Magistrate, Tando Mohammad Khan',
Allah Dino v. Muhammad Malook and 7 others, Civil Court
petition.202

Oppressive Policies of the government

Zia government was in trouble due to agitation in the
various cities of Pakistan. It set up a Joint Security Committee
under the chairmanship of Roedad Ahmed Khan 203. The
committee consisted of all Home Secretaries, all heads of special
branches, the Director Intelligence Bureau and the Director
General ISI. The major task of the committee was to review and
monitor the law and order situation. It was also the duty of the

201Azhar sohail, From Sindhri to Ojhri Camp, p. 147.

202 Quoted in Paula R. Newberg, Judging the state, Courts and
constitutional politics in Pakistan, p. 192
203 Roedad Khan was a civil servant of Pakistan. He joined the civil

services of Pakistan in 1949. He rendered his services on serious

important appointments, including those of Chief Secretary Sindh,
secretary ministry of Interior, Federal minister in charge of
accountability, advisor to the Prime Minister on Accountability. He also
served under five presidents directly. Roedad Khan, Pakistan – A Dream
Gone Sour.

138
Committee to anticipate events to make intelligence forecasts and
take preventive actions.204
The instructions were issued to the provincial
governments to control law and order. The same task was given to
the governors of the provinces. The governors of the provinces
were as under:
Governor’s Name Province
Lieutenant General Fazle Haq NWFP
Lieutenant General Abbasi, Sindh
Rahimuddin, Balochistan
Ghulam Jelani Punjab

The governors fully showed their loyalty and ensured the

Martial Law administration that peace would be maintained at
every cost. Restrictions were imposed on traveling of the
opposition leaders and tried to dismantle the public meetings.
About such kind of restrictions, Benazir Bhutto also mentioned in
her book “Daughter of the East” the orders of the Governor of
Punjab regarding her entry in the Punjab. It was the following
order:
“………….your entry in the Punjab as deemed as
prejudicial to public safety and maintenance of public
order as well as public interest.”205
Inspite of all efforts done by the governors, the Martial Law
administrator became disappointed from their efficiency and
replaced them with new names. From 28th to 31st December 1985,
all governors had been changed. The new names of the governors
were as under:
Governor’s Name Province
General Musa Balochistan
Ghafoor Hoti NWFP
Nawab Sajjad Qureshi Punjab

204 Roedad Khan, Pakistan – A Dream Gone Sour, p. 90.

205 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 146.

139
 Lieutenant General Jehandad Sindh

Reactionary activities were launched by the government

against the opposition leaders. The leaders of MRD were arrested
by the officers of Police on the directions of Martial Law dictator.
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, leader of Pakistan Democratic Party,
was sent to jail, Asghar Khan was on house arrest, and the main
leadership of PPP was deported. Khwaja Khairuddin, Secretary
General of the MRD was repeatedly arrested. The workers were
arrested by the police and sent to jail. General Tikka Khan was
placed under house arrest on 23rd February 1981 in Abbottabad.
Nasirullah Khan Babar, Aftab Sherpao, Samad Khan were arrested
in Peshawar on the same day. On 8 th Feburary 1985, Wali Khan,
his wife, Syed Munir Shah, Syed Mukhtiar Bacha was arrested in
Peshawar.206 In Multan, Khalilur Rehman was sentenced to one
year imprisonment. In Punjab, the jails of Lahore, Faisalabad,
Sahiwal and Multan were used for keeping the leaders of MRD.
The government kept detains the leaders for at least two to four
months. In these months, they were sent from one jail to other
jail. B.B. had been brought to Karachi jail from Sukkur. Rafi Butt
and Fazaly Bhatty were sent to Gujranwala jail from Rawalpindi.
Mian Mahmud Ali Kasuri had been shifted from Kot Lakhpat to
Sahiwal jail. Aitzaz Ahsan from Multan to Lahore and Qayyum
Pahat from Lahore to Multan. Asaf Vardag had been sent to
Bahawalpur jail from Faisalabad. Omer Kasuri and Khurshid
Kasuri were moved to Kot Lakhpat from camp jail Lahore.
Mahnaz Rafi was moved to Kot Lakhpat jail from Lahore. In
Faisalabad, few leaders of PPP were law abiding gentlemen who
went into custody of the police with grace while few went to
underground. In Faisalabad district, the workers were arrested by
Police. Ch. Umer Daraz, Syed Zulifkar Bukhari, Zaman Khan went
into the police custody and faced the jails. In those days, Major
Arif was DIG (Prison) and he was the friend of Zaman Khan (Due

206 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 249.

140
to this relation, the wife of Zaman Khan could easily manage the
breakfast, lunch and dinner in the jail for political prisoners.
(During her interview with the author, She appreciated the system
of jails of those days). Due to the fear of the government, few
leaders of MRD disappeared from the scene for time being so that
the police could not arrest them. Ch Talib Hussain, Cap. Nisar
Akbar, Ahmed Saeed Awan, Faisal Saleh Hyat, Badar ud Din, Rana
Aftab Ahmed Khan and Ch. Zaheer-ud-Din were among those
leaders who disappeared from the scene and went to
underground.207 Ghulam Mustafa Khar208 was also arrested and
sent to the central jail of Faisalabad where he remained for four
months. The directions of the home secretary regarding Khar
were very strict and orders were passed to keep him in isolation.
The agents of the special branches were deputed in the jails for
vigilance of the visitors who came to see the detainees. Inspite of
all these measures, the Divisional Administration adopted a mild
attitude towards him because the Divisional Commissioner had
been a secretary of Mustafa Khar when he was governor of
Punjab.209 In Lahore, Kaswar Gardezi, Malik Qasim, and two sons
of Mohmood Ali Qasuri were arrested by the Lahore police. Mian
Mahmood Ali Qasuri was also sent to Kot Lakhpat jail. Khurshid
and Omar Kasuir were in camp jail in Lahore. The police of Sindh
also captured the political workers. Over fifty persons had been
arrested in Karachi. While Mardan was also the city where the
workers were not safe from the atrocities of police department.
Kaneez Fatima, a labor leader was also arrested in Mardan on 23 rd

207Interviewwith Amina Zaman, dated 1st August 2011.

208 G.M.Khar had left Pakistan in Oct. 1977 by promising to return from
London in a month with documents which incriminated Bhutto. But it is
said that he plotted with the Indian authorities in Britian to overthrow
the Zia regime. For this purpose, he made frequent visits to India and
met with Indira Gandhi. Tehmina Durrani, My feudal Lord, pp. 94, 135,
139, 161.
209 Aminullah Chaudry, Political Administrators, p. 206.

141
March 1981.210 Fazil Rahu and Nazir Abbasi, MRD leaders, was
axed to death in his home village. Bashir Riaz, former editor of
Amal in London, received the threatening calls. 211
The workers were being arrested without any
investigation and their relatives were not allowed to see them in
jails. Under these circumstances, the person had not the right to
appeal to the High Court against the decisions of military courts
and Martial Law Orders. The government restricted the people to
get relief from judiciary through Ordinance in 1980. The
Ordinance was as under;
“Amended the article 199 of the constitution barring
high courts from reviewing Martial Law Orders or
challenging the judgments of military courts. Any
person could now be detained without being told the
charges against him.”212
The arrested workers faced the military courts which
were established by Zia regime. The military courts awarded
lashes and imprisonment to citizens for participation in the
protest rallies against the military regime. The most of the
workers of PPP bore the lashes and imprisonment which was
announced by military courts. The example of Hala Town can be
quoted here. In 1983, more than fifty persons were awarded lashes
and imprisonment by the military courts in the Hala town. 213
Eighteen political prisoners were about to be tried by a military
court in Rawalpindi.214
Flogging sentences were also granted to the workers by the
military courts. The sentences of flogging were displayed on the
public places so that terror and harassments might be spread in

210Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 250, 255.

211 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 297.
212 Mohammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan, p. 374.
213V.F.Ageef, Sindh Tareekh Ke Aaine mein, p. 99.
214 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 221.

142
the whole country. It was an effort to stop the movement against
Zia regime.215
Punjab government tackled the movement very carefully
and therefore it petered out sooner than expected. 216 The Chief
Minister of Punjab, Mian Nawaz Sharif217, adopted a very strict
poster towards the bureaucracy and warned them that if the
Movement became succeeded, the existing officers would be
replaced with competent officers who were waiting for their
postings. He even convened the meeting of the Commissioners
and suggested them to eliminate the movement at every cost. The
Chief Minister called the meeting of his cabinet on the issue of
MRD. The ministers and the MPAs, like Ghulam Haider Wyne,
Sardarzada Zafar Abbas from Chiniot suggested that the
movement be crushed with an iron hand. A decision was taken to
pick up all leaders of the opposition.218 The major confrontation
between MRD and the Punjab government developed on 14th
August 1985, when the police attempted to arrest the MRD’s
leaders when they were holding a public meeting in Lahore, four
people were killed in this clash. This time, The Punjab witnessed
more agitation.219
The government sent army in the rural Sindh for crushing
the campaign of MRD. 20,000 people were arrested by the military

215 Benazir Bhutto, The Way Out, p. 25.

216 Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-99, p.
379.
217Industrialist and politician from Punjab. He became Chief Minister of

Punjab in 1985 after the partyless elections. He was part of the new
political leadership cultivated by both General Zia and Junejo. He served
as the caretaker chief minister of Punjab during the period between the
dismissal of the assemblies (May 1988) and the November 1988 elections.
After the 1988 elections, he was one of the few Pakistan Muslim League
leaders to continue in power. He was a leader of the nine party Islami
Jamhoori Ittehad group established to challenge the PPP in the national
and provincial elections. Shahid Javed Burki & Craig Baxter, Pakistan
Under the Military, Eleven Years of Zia Regime, pp. 188-191.
218 Aminullah Chaudry, Political Administrators, p. 204.
219 Hamid Khan, constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 678.

143
officers and made strenuous efforts for snubbing the workers.
Severe operation was launched in the districts of Sukkur, Larkana,
Jacobabad and Khairpure. The governor Sindh admitted that in
the opening three weeks of the struggle, 1999 were arrested, 189
killed and 126 injured.220 It is said that most of military officers
who were working in the operation were Punjabis and they
misused the powers through raped with women, burned houses
and cattle stolen.221 Such kind of exaggeration cannot be accepted
because the movement was equally powerful in Punjab. The
Punjabi workers faced the jails and cases due to their participation
in MRD.
The Special Branch prepared the lists of the problem
creators of MRD and PPP. The list was designed police station
wise. These lists served as guidelines for the police officers and all
the pinpointed persons was picked up and sent to jail. These lists
were very inaccurate and imprecise. Directions were issued by the
Home secretaries to DIGs, SPs and DCs to follow the lists and
arrest the persons at every cost.222 The intelligence agents used to
hijack the houses of the workers. The telephones were being
recorded or disconnected. The telephones of the house of Malik
Haider Sultan were disconnected on 21st March 1981. The agents of
agencies ordered the linesmen not to connect the connections of
telephone.223 It has always been the policy of the dictators to use
the agencies against the opponents. On the reports of the
agencies, the actions are taken. Agencies adopted the different
ways for getting information. They engaged such kind of people
who looked like ordinary persons of the society. People could not
expect from them that they would provide any kind of
information. Secondly, the servants of the agencies visited the
houses of the political workers and sought information about

220 Ian Talbot, Pakistan-A Modern History, p. 253.

221ChristinaLamb, Waiting for Allah, p. 86.
222 Aminullah Chaudry, Political Administrators, p. 205.
223 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 255.

144
their business, their family etc. sometimes they embarrassed the
innocent people. The reports were very good if proper and lavish
treatment was given to them during their visits. Sometimes, the
information was also full of personal grievances.
The government tried to splinter the opposition through
different incentives. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was offered the Prime
Ministership. The party workers of PPP were being offered rupees
for leaving the party. Benazir Bhutto has quoted the name of
Dhoki, the son of the poor PPP leader, who was offered rupees.224
The alliance was defamed with the allegations on the
leaders of MRD that they had also a programme of sabotaging the
state through strikes, demonstration, social boycott and civil
disobedience.225 Ian Talbot also mentions the anti-state activities
of MRD especially in Sindh. General lawlessness was prevailing
over the whole province in which dacoits robbed the houses of the
people.226
Censorship and restrictions were imposed on the press
and electronic media by the government of Martial Law dictator.
The media was used against the opposition parties. Most of the
television news was telecasted against the opposition. The
statements of those opposition leaders, who had been purchased
by the government, were being telecasted. On 21st March 1981, in
the evening news, Radio Pakistan gave news about the press
conference of Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan of Azad Kashmir as
chairman of MRD for the month of March. This news conveyed
the message to the workers of MRD that all the parties of MRD
would suspend all activities. The media disclosed that A.Q.Khan
had convinced that Pakistan People’s Party was involved in
hijacking affair. On the other hand, the newspapers which were
being issued by the workers of MRD had been banned with
different allegations. The newspaper, Haider, was being issued by

224 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 143.

225 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 249.
226 Ian Talbot, Pakistan-A Modern History, p. 264.

145
Rafi Butt from Azad Kashmir. The government banned it with the
allegation that it was propagating pro-Israel and pro-Moscow
views. 227 In Sindh, those newspapers which were published in
Sindhi Language came under cloud. Such newspapers were
banned by the government. That’s why; there were fewer chances
for the scholars and thinkers to write in the newspapers. Under
these conditions, they had to publish their writings from India.
Due to Indian enmity, they were immediately declared the
traitors.228Few newspapers faced restrictions due to Zia’s personal
grievances also. Even “The Sun’, an English newspaper was banned
by Zia due to personal grievances.229
The government even tried to utilize the mosques against
the opposition. In Friday congregations, the Imam Masjids
condemned the opposition of the government and declared them
Kafir (Non-Muslims). It was the real exploitation of the slogan of
Islamization.230
The workers were tortured by the Zia regime. In the
torture cells, they were given very tough time through severe
punishments. Baldia Centre, Division 555 in Karachi (555 was
notorious, the headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency in
Karachi), Lahore Fort, Birdwood Barracks in Lahore, Mach jail and
Khalli camp were the renowned torture centers where the
supporters of MRD and PPP were kept. 231 PPP lawyer of Peshawar,
Kanwar Abbas, was tortured by the police and he had to admit in
hospital for treatment. Former Attorney General, Yahya Bukhtair
was beaten up in Quetta by the jail staff. The same case came to
surface in Faisalabad jail also. Syed Moin Shah was being kept in a
condemned prisoner’s cell without fan and light. Due to
unpleasant atmosphere and stress of the jail staff, he suffered a
heart attack on 14th May 1981 and was taken to district hospital for

227Ibid.,p. 255, 294.

228 Feroz Ahmed, Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan, p. 45.
229 Azhar Sohail, General Zia Ka Gyara Saal, p. 102.
230 Ian Talbot, Pakistan-A Modern History, p. 254.
231 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 158.

146
treatment. Sherbaz Mezari was arrested in forest rest house in
Multan district and during his arrest, he met heart attack. Haji
Yusaf Lacewala died in Karachi jail on 5th sept 1983. Imdad
Chandio was beaten in Larkana police station.232 Few even met
their death in the torture cells, like Nazir Abbasi, Hameed Baloch,
Annayat Maseh, Gul Sher Khan, Lala Asad, whose dead body was
taken from military torture cell.233
Students had also participated in the movement very
forcefully. They even launched protests in the universities and
colleges. The Zia government closed down all universities of
Pakistan for few days so that the pressure of MRD might be
maximized. The cases were registered against the students of
universities.234 Student unions were banned by the government.235
The government also restricted the activities of the
workers to their provinces and districts. Amina’s entry into Sindh
was banned. Under Martial Law Order 48, she was not allowed to
enter in Sindh. Mian Mahmud Ali Qasuri was also banned from
entering into Sindh. Ghaus Bux Bizenjo was expelled from Sindh,
Punjab and NWFP. He was confined to Balochistan. Syed Munir
Shah was externed from Punjab due to his speech at Gujranwala
Bar Association. Sherbaz Mezari was externed from Sindh for
ninety days.236
For crushing the opposition, the dictator issued different
Ordinances in different years which curtailed the efforts of anti-
Zia lobby. The remarkable Ordinances in this regard were as
under
 Martial Law Order No. 5
“Any one organizing or attending a meeting of trade
union, students union or political party without

232Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, pp. 259,260, 265.

233 Nisar Hussain (ed), Zameer Ka Qaidi, p. 9, 145.
234 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 146.
235 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, p. 113.
236 Asghar Khan, My Political struggle, p. 283.

147
 permission from the Martial Law Administrator will
receive up to ten lashes and five years’ imprisonment.”
 Martial Law Order No. 13
“Criticizing the army in speech or writing will be
punished by ten lashes and five years’ imprisonment.”
 Martial Law Order No. 16
“Seducing a member of the army from his duty to the
Chief Martial Administrator, General Zia ul-Haq, was
punishable by death.”237
 On 27th September 1982, Zia regime passed a Martial Law
Order which provided the chance to the dictator to crush the
opposition. That Order gave the power to the government to
give the sentence of death that damaged government
property or created insecurity or frightened people. This
Order was implemented from 5th July 1977. The Order could
not be challenged in a court of law. The accused was
presumed guilty unless he proves himself to be innocent.
Under the Order, the accused was to be tried by a Martial Law
court, which would deal with the case on the basis of police
evidence or opinion.238
 Ordinance, 12th August 1983
“If any employee of the government found involved in
the politics, he would be punished fourteen years.” 239
On 5th June 1984, the government withdrew its orders
against the landlords of Sindh and ordered a review of the
implementation of the 1959 and 1972 land reforms. It was time
when MRD was its height due to help of landlords of Sindh.
Through these orders, the Zia regime put pressure on the feudal
elements in the Pakistan People’s Party who were playing a

237 Benazir Bhutto, The Way Out, p. 35.

238 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 294.
239 V.F. Ageef, Sindh Tareekh Ke Aaine mein, p. 91.

148
leading role. The government used tactics to get the favors of the
landlords.240
The government made its policies as per schedule of the
MRD. Whenever and wherever, the meetings of the coalition were
announced, the government sealed off the roads of that city where
the meeting was going to be held. The activities of the leaders
were being monitored. 241
Government tried to impose new labor policy which was
stridently opposed by most workers unions. Due to the pressure
of the worker’s unions, it was not implemented despite of
repeated demands by industrialists.242
The incident of the high jacking of a plan of Pakistan
International Airline opened a new chapter of oppressive activities
against the MRD and PPP workers. In different cities, police
arrested the people and sent them to jail. In Kot Lakhpat jail, fifty
four persons were charged with criminal conspiracy and sedition
for their alleged involvement with Al-Zulfikar. All of them were
sentenced to life imprisonment along with forty others in
absentia, including Mir Murtaza and Shah Nawaz. Jehangir Badar
(Additional Secretary General of the PPP Punjab), Shaukat
Mahmood (General Secretary), Nazim Shah (Finance Secretary),
Mukhtar Awan (a former minister) and Faisal Hayat (Landowner)
were arrested by the police and tried to establish their links with
the incident.243 In Multan, the warrants were issued of the few
persons like Dr. Anwar Hussain244, Anees Advocate, Mr. Rauf. The

240 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 329.

241 Benaizr Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 146.
242 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, p. 113.
243Benaizr Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 151.
244 Dr. Anwar Hussain was born in 11 July 1947. His family settled in

Multan and he got his early education from the institutions of Multan.
He passed Matric from Muslim High School. He did master in Urdu from
Punjab University Lahore and PhD from the same institution. In 1971,
Anwar Hussain started his career as a lecturer from government college
Quetta. In 1984, he came in BZU Multan and retired from his service on
10th June 2007. After his retirement, he engaged himself in GC University

149
few workers also went underground due to the fear of arrest.
Anwar Hussain took shelter in the house of his pupil, Mehdhi
Abbasi Khan. Mohsin Naqvi also remained in that house for many
days.245 In Sindh, Lala Assad (Later on, he was shot dead by
police), the vice president of the student’s wing in Sindh, and
Naseer Baloach246 who was the representative of Pakistan People’s
Party in the gigantic Karachi steel Mill, was also arrested by the
police. Lala Assad was being sought as a leader of Al-Zulfikar.
Pervaz Ali Shah, a leading member of Sindh PPP was also arrested
at that time when he was playing cricket with his son. Qazi Sultan
Mahmood, General Secretary of the PPP in Rawalpindi city, was
arrested again and taken first to Rawalpindi jail, then Gujranwala
jail and then to the Lahore Fort. The government agencies even
did not spare the women and arrested them. Nasira Rana (her
husband was the member of MRD and the police wanted to arrest
him who was in Karachi at that time. She was arrested from
Lahore and kept in Lahore fort), Begum Arif Bhutti (her husband
had been a provincial minister as well as revenue minister for the

Faisalabad and brought changes in the Urdu department. He launched

PhD program in Urdu. He had a close liaison with then vice chancellor,
Dr Arif Ali Zaidi. On the resignation of the vice chancellor, he also
decided to leave Faisalabad. The writer contested the election of General
secretary in the elections of Academic staff Association. Dr Anwar
Hussain played the role in the success of myself and my group. He left
Faisalabad in 2009 and went to Osaka university Japan. He is the writer of
six books. Now days, he is serving as a chairman Maqdadra Qoumi Zaban,
Islamabad. Daily Express, August 17, 2011.
245Daily Express, August 17, 2011.
246 Nasser Baloach was being tried in the military court for charges for

complicity in the hijacking. It was charge which could result in a sentence

of death. After his arrest, he remained in jail for two years but the
military regime could not bring before a military court within two years.
When he was presented in the military court, it was being expected that
death penalty would be awarded to him as the time proved. The
magazine “Amal” issued the articles about Baloach’s unfair and cruel
treatment. But on 5 November, 1984, the military court, in its final
verdict, announced the death penalty for him. Nasser Baloach was
sentenced to ‘hang by the neck until dead. on 5th March, he was hanged.
Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 229.

150
Punjab. The police wanted to arrest her husband but he was not at
home at that time. That’s why police arrested and interrogated
her), Farkhanda Bukhari and Mrs Safooran became the political
prisoners and spent few days of their lives in torture cells due to
their loyalties with MRD and PPP.247
It is also said that the issue of high jacking was planned by Zia
regime for gaining multiple purposes. One, he tried to divide the
members of MRD on the issue of high jacking and secondly he put
the responsibility on the shoulders of Murtaza Bhutto. Thirdly, he
used to crush the political leaders.248
The assassination of Ch. Zahur Elahi provided the
opportunity to the government to suppress political opposition.
The warrants of the hundreds workers were issued and arrested.
Near about 103 young men were in Haripur jail alone. Electric
shocks were being given during interrogations. The workers were
also pressurized to give evidence against Ms.Bhutto. 249
The family of Z.A.Bhutto had come under fire due to two
factors; one was Bhutto-Zia rivalry and second was the key role of
PPP in MRD. B.B. was deported to London and conspiracy was
designed to punish the sons of Bhutto. During their stay in Kabul,
Zia-ul-Haq managed the mujahedeen against them. The
mujahedeen hired one of the servants of Mir Murtaza to give
poison to the both brothers but the secret could not get success
and the servant confessed to the crime. 250
Even General Zia-ul-Haq tried to high jack the movement
of MRD through inducting such personalities which would
ultimately run the movement according to the directions of the
government.251
General Zia constructed alliances between the military,
paramilitary forces, police and feudal landlords to break the MRD

247 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 158, 165.

248 Sardar Shoukat Ali, Pakistan Issues of Government And Politics, p. 91.
249 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 189.
250Ibid., p. 248.
251 Azhar Sohail, Gen Zia Ka Gyara Saal, p. 98.

151
and the PPP in Sindh. Individuals were detained for raising party
flags in their villages or for living in villages with PPP supporters.
Political demonstrations were not banned; instead, law
enforcement agencies attacked processions in progress. Entire
villages were assaulted and burned. 252

Causes of Failure
Suddenly an incident occurred that not only changed the
direction of people but also created resentment against PPP. A
plane of Pakistan International Airline was high jacked by a
terrorist organization, named Al-Zulifkar253. This organization was
working under the supervision of Bhutto’s son Ghulam Murtaza
who was the General Secretary. The kidnappers went to Kabul
with Pakistani plane and then Damascus. Murtaza Bhutto met the
hijackers in Kabul. The main demand of the hijackers was the
release of the political workers. They also gave the ultimatum to
the Pakistani government. On 10thMarch 1981, the hijackers gave
the list of fifty five prisoners whom they wanted release. The
names of Kamaal Warsi, Shabir Shar, Sohail Sangi, Jaam Saqi,
Prof. Jamaal Naqvi were also included in the list. At that time,
they were in different jails and were being trialed in military
courts. These personalities were committed communists and
wanted to fight for their cause with the Zia regime. When the
hijackers gave the list of prisoners, the government tried to take
their pictures for passport purpose because the highjackers had
also demanded to free them and sent them to Kabul. The above
mentioned names refused to give their pictures and also denied to

252Paula R. Newberg, Judging the state, Courts and constitutional politics

in Pakistan, p. 192
253 Al-Zulfikar was established by two sons of Z.A.Bhutto, basing their

operations in Libya. It was a terrorist organization. The sons of ZAB were

tried in absentia for the murder of a Pakistani diplomat and it did not
take a great deal of imagination to link them with the army plotters.
Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan At The Crosscurrent Of History, p. 189.

152
leave their country because they wanted to fight within the state.
Even Jaam Saqi locked the barrack of the jail from inside so that
the jail staff could not take his picture. They were so much brave
that they even challenged the military courts in the presence of
those military judges who were presiding over the court. In the
courts, the leaders of PPP came for giving evidence in their favor.
Among those were Benazir Bhutto, Shaikh Rashid, Miraj
Muhammad Khan, Fateh Yab Ali Khan. The leaders of the other
parties also supported them in the courts, like Wali Khan, Ghous
Baksh Bazanjo. Few prisoners met their deaths in the torture
cells.254 But Benazir Bhutto admits in her book “Daughter of the
East” that she had never met Jaam Saqi before the evidence in
court. Jaam Saqi had opposed Z.A.Bhutto during his rule. Now
B.B. commented in his book that
“Jaam Saqi had called upon a number of prominent
politicians to define the issues to determine whether
the charges against him were valid or not. I was more
than willing to discuss the illegality of Martial
Law……..”255
This incident of high jacking provided an opportunity to
the military dictator to arrest the workers of MRD. The blame was
given to the workers of PPP and they faced the jails.256 On 4th
March 1981, the hijackers released eighteen women and nine
children but all the release persons did not have any relation with
PPP. But on the other hand, the hijackers killed the son of Major
General Qazi Rehman on 5th March 1981. The death of the son of
military officer provided the chance to government to use it for its
benefit. The Pakistani media tried to establish its link with PPP.
The leadership of the party was house arrested. 257

254 Nisar Hussain (ed), Zamir Ka Qaidi, p. 5-10.

255 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 202.
256 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, pp. 356-

57
257Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 251, 251.

153
 After the incident of high jacking, the media used to
ignore the efforts of MRD and decided to highlight the incident.
The newspapers used to issue the different news. Few were
declaring that Mir Murtaza took the responsibility of the high
jacking while few newspapers were denying from such kind of
responsibility. The media also tried to establish link with PPP and
Al-Zulifkar. It was declared that Al-Zulifkar was the armed wing of
Pakistan People’s Party. The whole coverage was being given to
Al-Zulifkar, PPP and Mir Murtaza. The interviews of Mir Murtaza
were being published in different newspapers. He even denied
from any kind of links with PPP. But inspite of this, the role of
media remained very bleak during the whole movement. Media
plays important role in developing the thinking of the people. 258
The family of Z.A.Bhutto had divided on different
approaches towards Zia regime. Mir Murtaza Bhutto believed that
‘only violence can answer violence’. But B.B. disagreed from this
approach and believed that ‘violence only breads violence’. She
insisted that any permanent change must come peacefully and
politically through elections. She believed on the strength of the
people not on violence. 259There is no blinking fact that these
different approaches not only harmed the movement but also
provided the opportunity to arrest the political workers.
The second major event was the murder of Ch. Zahur
Elahi, one of the ministers in Zia’s military cabinet. On 25 th
Sept.1981, he was ambushed in Lahore and shot dead. He was the
person who had accepted Zia’s pen as a gift after General Zia
signed Z.A.Bhutto’s death warrant. Again, the name of Al-Zulfikar
was highlighted by the government and declared it the real
responsible of the murder of Zahur Elahi. Mir Murtza in his
interview to BBC took the credit of the assassination. Government

258 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, pp. 155-157.

259Ibid., p. 244.

154
used to find out the supporters of Al-Zulfikar from the workers of
PPP and MRD. In this way, the series of arrests began.260
The opposition parties showed lack of unity due to
ideological differences, mutual jealousies, and clash of leadership.
Maulana Fazlur Rehman who was arrested on 24th February 1981
passed the statement that he joined the movement and signed its
declaration in his individual capacity and not as the
representative of JUI. It was the reason that the workers of JUI
were not arrested. The leadership of Tehrik-i-Istiqlal had some
doubts about the leadership of NDP. On 2ndSept. 1981, Sardar
Shaukat Hayat moved a suggestion of the meeting of all political
parties of MRD on 11 Sept 1981 at Karachi. Asghar Khan opposed
this idea with the allegation that half of these parties had soft
corners for government. Even the parties of MRD had some
suspicions about Khawaja Khairuddin who was the president of
Qasim Muslim League. On 14th May 1981, the Nawa-i-Waqt broke
news after his release from jail that Khawaja had decided to join
Pagara-JUI alliance and left the politics of opposition. Even the
role of Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi was being taken with doubts. He was
not arrested by the government during the whole scenario. He
was also known for his pro-government leanings. He was ready to
accept General Zia as the head of state. In his meeting with
Pagara, Ch. Arshad and Maulana Noorani on 2nd March 1982, it
was decided that Zia-ul-Haq should form a national government
with himself as the head and this national government should
hold election. The leaders of MRD did not like such kind of his
meetings with pro-Zia political parties. Nasrullah Khan was very
critical about the role of Tehrik-e-Istaklal. Some prominent
personalities of TI had joined the federal council of General Zia.
Among them were Fakhruz Zaman Khan, Begum Sahiba Shakil,
Ch. Mumtaz Tarar, Qurban Ali Chauhan, Ayub Khan of Elahi and
Chakar Khan Domki. Even TI had also refused to support the 31
points programme of MRD and declared that it would only

260 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 188.

155
support four point agenda of MRD only. The workers of TI had
also divided into two groups, one group, J.A.Rahim, Mushir Pesh
Immam, Munir Shah, Shahida Jameel, Zahoor Butt, etc was
insisting on leaving the alliance and the second group, Rana
Arshad, Khurshid Kasuri, Aitzaz Ahsan, Mahnaz Rafi, Azhar
Hussain, etc was stressing on the cooperation with the parties of
MRD. The leadership of PPP was also not clear about the politics
of TI. Rao Rashid accused Asghar Khan of being in league with the
US, and the TI and Asghar Khan in believing in coming to power
through intrigue and the army’s help. Even in a public meeting of
MRD at Mochi Gate on 29th January 1986, PPP workers refused to
listen the speech of Asghar Khan and clashes had started among
the leaders of PPP and TI. Due to these differences, TI decided to
withdraw from MRD. 261 Few member parties of MRD were afraid
of Pakistan People’s Party’s electoral strength. Even the workers
of PPP were hesitating in joining the movement due to Jatoi’s
meetings with American officials and army officers. But with the
intervention of Benazir Bhutto, they decided to unite against Zia
regime.262 JUI chief objected to Benazir’s candidature for MRD
convenership on the plea that she was a woman. But on the
interference of Wali Khan, he was convinced.263
MRD suffered from the weakness as it failed to get any
support from the Muslim League, Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat-e-
Ulema-i-Pakistan.
The landlords of Sindh adopted a mild attitude towards
the Zia government due to his policies regarding land reforms.
Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and Abid Zuberi used to stress on the
negotiations with government. Abid Zuberi wrote a letter to Malik
Qasim who was the acting Secretary General of MRD. In his letter,
he stated that

261Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, pp. 250, 262, 268, 274, 280, 360.
262 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 210.
263 Prof. Khalid Mahmood, Pakistan’s Political Scene 1984-1992, p. 90.

156
 “A continuance of the movement would endanger the
feudal socio-economic order and the present social
order should maintain.”264
Ayesha Jalal has of the opinion that:
“The attraction of gaining access to state power and
patronage were far more tempting than the magnetism
of individuals and parties.”265
The government used to give rewards to the politicians
for collaboration with the state and this strategy weakened the
disciplines of the political parties. Even the workers of PPP
welcomed Zia-ul-Haq in Sindh during his first tour to Sindh after
the assassination of Z.A.Bhutto. Few councilors of PPP who had
been elected in the elections of local bodies in 1979 met General
Zia in Sindh. Even the son of Sindh PPP chief was also one of
them. Benazir Bhutto who was house arrest at that time tried to
convey message to the leadership of PPP that they should issue
the direction to the councilors that they should not meet General
Zia but all her efforts went into vain. The rewards of the
government compelled the councilors to violate the principles of
party.266
Asghar Khan comments on the failure of MRD with the
words:
“I feel that perhaps the most important reason for it
being unable to mobilize public opinion is its failure to
put up a clear alternative to Zia-ul-Haq’s regime. The
people did not accept the MRD as an alternative as
they rightly felt that MRD could not run the country in
the event of martial law ending and political power
being handed over to it. ”267
There was no proper coordination within the leaders of
MRD and PPP. Benazir Bhutto wanted to boycott the elections of
National and provincial assemblies while the other leadership of

264 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 329.

265 Ayesha Jalal, Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, p. 106.
266 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 205.
267 Asghar Khan, My Political struggle, p. 296, 304.

157
MRD wanted to contest elections. B.B also admitted in his
autobiography that:
“I did not know what to do, nor did I know what the
members of MRD in Pakistan were planning to do.”268
Later on, she was convinced that her party and the
alliance should boycott the elections. Even she recorded tape in
Urdu and Sindhi calling for the masses to boycott the elections.
Inspite of this, the few candidates who had claimed association
with Pakistan Peoples Party contested the elections. Fifty two
such kinds of candidates appeared during the polls and among
them, fifty won the elections.269
On August 14 demonstrations as announced by MRD, B.B.
did not want the demonstrations directly and only built pressure
on the government. While the leaders of MRD had planed to
launch demonstrations in the whole country. About Such kind of
difference with leadership, She has mentioned in “Daughter of the
East”,
“I was caught on the horns of dilemma. Either the
coalition between the MRD and the PPP would be
severed or I had to acquiesce. The consensus was that
we should participate in the demonstrations. I was the
only dissenting vote out of nine.”270
After the elections of 1985, Muhammad Khan Junejo
formed the federal government and the MRD adopted two track
approaches towards the Junejo government, accusing it of being
an extension of martial law, while negotiating within when
necessary.
Benazir Bhutto, after her arrival in Pakistan (10th April
1986), had become cynical about Pakistan’s politicians. Her
autocratic style in party decisions and with the party workers
annoyed those people who had struggled against Zia regime under
MRD. In the coming elections, she was eager for her party not

268 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, p. 235.

269Ibid., p. 237.
270Ibid., p. 289.

158
campaign on MRD tickets. She wanted to contest elections
without the support of MRD. She wanted to convince the leaders
of MRD that they were nothing without Pakistan People’s Party
and on the other hand she assured the party leaders that they
owed their political existence due to her. While the leaders of
MRD wanted the insurance that each component of MRD would
get a share in the spoils of victory.
On the other hand, she did not have faith on those party
leaders who were associates of her father and were secretly
hobnobbing with the generals. She had convinced that she was
the only inheritor of the charisma of Z.A.Bhutto and could easily
manage the masses and party single handedly. It was also
remarkable that petty rivalries had also developed among the PPP
leaders. 271
B.B. decided to accept those politicians who had rendered
in the government of General Zia and among them were Rana
Naeem (Defence Minister), Tariq Rahim (Member of Majlis
Shoora), Yusuf Raza Gillani (Provincial minister) 272 and Zafar Ali

271Prof.Khalid Mahmud, Pakistan’s Political Scene, p. 58.

272His father, syed AlmDar Hussain Shah, was very active in the politics
of Multan. But in the movement of PNA, the family of Gillani did not
participate and isolate itself from the politics. After the imposition of
Martial Law in 1977, it again became active and fully participated in the
elections of local bodies. The major rival family of the gillanis was
Qureshi. Both the families always tried to establish hegemony over each
other. Yousuf Raza Gillani, first time, became the chairman of District
council Multan. He and his family made efforts for the success of
referendum. He also became the member of Majlis a Shoora. In the
election of 1985, the Gillani family gained victory over its opponents. The
division within the Qureshi family played role in the victory of Gillani
family.
Saajad Hussain Qureshi, Pir Shujat Hussanian Qureshi and Riaz Qureshi
made alliance with the family of Gillani during the elections of 1985. After
the elections, Yousuf Raza Gillani became the federal minister in the
government of Muhammad Khan Junejo. After that, the differences had
developed within the Gillani family. His uncle, Hamid Raza Gillani,
became his opponent. On the other hand, Yousuf Raza did not have the
cordial relations with Nawaz Sharif due to close relationship with the

159
shah (Federal minister) prominent personalities. MRD leaders
were openly critical of her policy of accepting new comers rather
than those with whom they had suffered lashings during martial
law.273 During the movement, Benazir Bhutto compromised with
the enemies of Bhutto and PPP for twice. First, at the time of the
formation of MRD, B.B. decided to reconcile with those who had
invited the General Zia to topple the government of Z.A.Bhutto.
These were the leaders of PNA and on 6th Feb. 1981, they also
joined MRD against Zia. Second time, when the few ex-ministers
of Zia’s government decided to join PPP and B.B. welcomed them.
B.B. declared it a part of politics.274
On 3rd June 1988, Zia announced the elections in the
country. B.B. at once decided to participate in the elections
without the consultation of the leaders of MRD or the political
parties of MRD. It was distrust on the leaders of MRD that not
only weakened the alliance but also eliminated it in the elections
of 1988.275
The death of President Zia-ul-Haq in August 1988
removed the last veneer of unity. No doubt, the MRD had outlived
its purpose and was soon in disarray. It suffered its clinical death
when the parties of MRD disagreed on the issue of the
distribution of tickets for November 1988. Even some leaders of
PPP used to say it an unnatural alliance. 276

Pervaz Elahi. When Zia dismissed the government of Muhammad Khan

Janejo and dissolved the assemblies, he decided to join Pakistan People’s
Party while his uncle Hamid Raza joined National People’s Party and then
Muslim League. In the mid-term election of 1990, Yousuf Raza gillani
contested against his uncle Hamid raza but defeated him. Vakeel Anjum,
Siast Ka Faroon, pp. 201-213.
273Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah, pp. 53-54.
274 Benazir Bhutto, Daughter of the East, pp. 143-146.
275Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah, pp. 53-54.
276Khalid Mahmud Arif, Working with Zia, p. 223.

160
Impact
The PPP’s reputation was adversely affected due to plane
high jacking incident. The military leadership compelled the PPP’s
leadership to leave the country and both the women left the
country and did not return till 10th April 1986.
The stand of MRD on the amendments in the
constitution created a pro-movement circle in the judiciary. The
judges who had refused to take oath felt relief in the resolutions of
MRD against Zia’s constitution. Even, the former chief justice
Anwar-ul-Haq held the press conference and criticized the
constitutional measures of Zia-ul-Haq.277
Due to the pressure of political parties, Zia-ul-Haq
decided to hold free and fair elections but on non-party bases.
After the elections of 1985, General Zia chose Muhammad Khan
Junejo as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. He belonged to the
province of Sindh. The movement for Restoration of democracy
had got momentum in Sindh and proved that ZAB and his party
had a large number of supporters in Sindh. Junejo’s selection was
aimed at gaining support of the people of Sindh. The appointment
was also meant to win supporters from among the Pakistan
People’s Party. General Zia’s government was expecting that
Junejo would help in reducing Sindhi bitterness and dampen
PPP’s campaign against the President. But the expectation of Zia
did not fulfill.278
The agitational politics of MRD brought forth new forces
like Sindh Awami Tehrik279 on the political horizon.280

277 Asghar Khan, My Political Struggle, p. 257.

278 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan At The Crosscurrent Of History, p. 190.
279Sindh Awami Tehrik was formed by Rasul Bux Paleejo. He was an

eminent intellectual in the early 1970s. during the agitation of MRD, over
1200 activists of SAT have courted arrest including over 400 from Badin,
over 200 from Thatta, over 75 from Khairpur, 75 from Tharparkar, Dadu
and Larkana. Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, p. 48.
280 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, p. 51.

161
 The brutal military operation against the MRD workers
compelled the youngsters to seek shelter in the forests. The army
killed the people and created fear in their hearts. The soldiers
raped with women, burnt their thousand stole their cattle. There
was no one to help them; their only recourse was to flee into the
jungle, where they were branded criminals. A campaign was
started against the criminals in the jungles also. It was the effort
of Zia government to push up the PPP into taking up the
nationalist cry of their supporters so that PPP lost the support of
Punjab and if it refused to then it would lose support of Sindh and
the other provinces.281
The decision of the dictator of military operation in Sindh
for crushing the MRD movement and the so called criminals in
different jungles prepared a ground for the permanent presence of
military in Sindh. It established army cantonments in upper Sindh
and created army check posts on all the roads. Army units were
stationed in every district. Such kind of policy became the cause
of hatred against the Punjabi dominated military and the centre.
In 1983, no Sindhi was in the senior officers neither of army nor
among bureaucrats. This thing ignited the sense of deprivation
among the Sindhis and a confrontation was started between the
Sindhis and non-Sindhis.282
The poets of Sindh also felt the effects of the atrocities of
military in Sindh and delivered it in their poems. The movement
left its impact on the sindhi literature. The poem of Niaz
Hamayooni’s “Love for HomeLand” can be quoted here:
“the Makli graveyard is shedding tears
The battlefield of Miyani is crying:
Will anyone rid us of these sympathizers?
We have decided
Not to retreat
Against any impediment
We are armed with slogan of Hooshoo:
We may die but not give up Sindh

281Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah, pp. 126-127.

282Ibid., p. 84.

162
 Love for the homeland
Is our only creed.
We will pronounce it even on the gallows
None dare teach us any other lesson
O, Sindh, I swear upon Samoi
To fight those
Who hurt the hearts
Of my countrymen
Either we will die
Or the aliens will perish.
Truth will triumph
Against the falsehood of the day.283
(It has been translated from Sindhi by Anwar Pirzada)
Among the renowned poets who challenged the rule of
martial dictator, Fehmida Riaz was prominent. Even few writers
described the military operations in their short stories. The
remarkable stories are as under;
Writer’s Name Short stories
Afzal Tauseef Testimony
Badar Abro Furnace Days
Siraj The Eighth Man
Rashid Hasan Rana Faceless people (Poem)
(These are all available in H. Rahman, resistance Literature)
Sindh was the center of the all activities of MRD. Zia-ul-
Haq decided to divide the opposition on the basis of ethnicity
(MQM emerged in 1984 (Mahajirs), Punjabi-Pushtun Ittehad).
The tussle had started among the ethnic groups which divided the
people of Sindh who were busy in anti-Zia regime.284
MRD proved an instrumental in providing PPP the cover
it needed to defuse the onslaught against the party. PPP used the
movement for arousing the broadest masses for political agitation.
MRD also helped the PPP in softening the hostility of that section
of society who had viewed PPP’s come back in politics as a danger

283 H.Rehman (ed.), Resistance Literature, pp. 384-85.

284 Ian Talbot, Pakistan-A Modern History, pp. 264-65.

163
signal. PPP had become persona non grata in the politics of
Pakistan but MRD gave it a new impetus.285
The politicians compelled General Zia to withdraw the
Martial Law and restore the constitution which he did. Though it
was late but the efforts of MRD brought fruits at last.
The attitude of the leadership of PPP became the cause of
the break-up of the MRD. The break-up of MRD was causing
problems for the Pakistan People’s Party in the Peshawar and ANP
gave it a strong challenge.286 Even Benazir Bhutto entered into a
compromise with the establishment. After that she was allowed to
go out of the country in Jan. 1984. And even with the help of the
establishment, she came back on 10th April 1986.287
The role of the military courts against the opposition
deepened the feelings of nationalism in the minds of the victims.
In Sindh, most of the heads of the military courts were non-
Sindhis. It was exploited by the leaders of Sindh that the presence
of non-Sindhis in military courts was the major cause behind
tyranny and autocratic decisions. It was said that the government
had intentionally done so. It was the effort of the government that
Punjabis should kill the Sindhis.288 It could also be seen when the
cases against Jaam Saqi and his cohorts were being heard in the
military courts and in the presence of military officers in the
court, they challenged their validity and made it status obnoxious
through the allegation that these Punjabi officers could not feel
the emotions of the people of Sindh.289
During the whole movement, MRD could not develop
itself into a dynamic political force. It even could not pose any
serious challenge to the civilian successors of Martial Law regime.
Prof Khalid Mahmud has the opinion that

285Prof.Khalid Mahmud, Pakistan’s Political Scene 1984-1992, p.72, 102.

286Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah, p. 66.
287 Sardar Shoukat Ali, Pakistan Issues of Government And Politics, p. 98.
288 Benazir Bhutto, The Way Out, p. 129.
289 Nisar Hussain (ed), Zamir Ka Qaidi, pp. 20-45.

164
 “MRD had no laurels to claim and no spoils to share.”290

MRD and Senate

On 12th December 1985, Maulana Kousar Niazi moved an
Adjournment Motion regarding the politicians not permitted to
participate in a meeting at Karachi. The three adjournment
motions on the same subject No. 47, 48 and 49 had been moved
by the different members. The government banned the entry of
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Abdul Wali Khan, Ghous Bakhsh
Bazenjo, Asghar Khan and Maulana Fazal ur Rehman in Sindh. He
declared it against the norms of democracy and said that such
sanctions would disturb the condition of Law and Order that
would dismantle the efforts of the restoration of democracy in
Pakistan. Pakistan was a federation and in it there were the
different provinces not the countries, so the citizens of Pakistan
would not have to get passport for travelling from one province to
other province. The government was negating the concept of
federation through such kind of sanctions of the leaders of
political parties that would be fatal for the country. Maulana
Kousar Niazi requested that the government had announced to
lift Martial Law again and again, now it should not impose such
kind of restrictions on the political leaders. He said that it was a
matter of national importance and it must be discussed in the
House.291
On 16th December 1985, Maulana Kousar Niazi presented
the adjournment motion regarding breach of right of freedom of
movement. The government imposed restrictions on the leaders
of MRD from visiting Karachi for a period of three months. The
said ban had been imposed on Ghous Buksh Bizenjo, Abdul Wali
Khan, Aftab Ahmed Sherpao, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, Abdul
Khaliq Khan. Such restrictions had caused serious public
resentment and were detrimental to the integrity and solidarity of

290Prof. Khalid Mahmud, Pakistan’s Political Scene 1984-1992, p. 101.

291The Senate of Pakistan Debates, Official Report, Vol. IV, 1985.

165
the Federal structure of Pakistan, which it was the duty of the
Federal government to protect. The Interior Minister declared it a
provincial matter but Maulana Kousar Niazi, Ahmed Mian
Soomro and Mir Yousuf Ali Khan negated this concept and
declared it the matter of the Federal government. But Chairman
Senate ruled it out.292
The history is evident of itself that alliances are always
formed among the political parties but these alliances sometime
look very active and sometime in a very low capacity. The
meetings are organized regularly and in the meetings, the leaders
of the various parties try to prove that they are the symbol of
unity among the parties and due to their efforts; all parties have
come to one platform. Though behind every alliance, one major
party is playing key role but in the meetings, time is given to the
leaders of smaller parties to express their views. In the start of the
alliance, the leadership of the major party invests and tried to
unite the democratic parties but the leadership is not so much
aggressive. The ordinary workers of the parties are used for filling
the jails. While the major leadership is house arrested and is
confined to one province only. It is time for the alliances to start
demonstrations in various cities. Police try to stop it through
different ways. It also arrests the workers and some time the lathe
charge is also done. Due to the attitude of police or
administration, the workers are aggressive and these emotions are
exploited by the leaders through their speeches. At this time, the
leadership of the major party come at the forefront and highjack
all the movement. Those leaders who speak in the meetings are
not given free hand. The major party has already vote bank in the
population and dictator’s anti vote bank increase the popularity of
the party. The chanting slogans of the leadership boost up the
morale and sometime, the leadership does not care of the minor
parties and adopt rude attitude due to the massive support of the
people.

292The Senate of Pakistan Debates, Official Record, Vol. IV, 1985.

166
 The dictators always try to create disharmony among the
leaders of the alliance through different ways. First, the slogan of
ideology is used and the parties of right wing are attracted for
support. This factor divides the democratic forces into two
groups. Second, few parties cannot afford opposition and they
always try to remain in power. Such parties exist in the form of
various pressure groups. The dictators use such kind of groups for
strengthening their rules. Third factor, power is the weakness of
the politicians. The dictators try to trap the politicians with the
incentive of ministry in the coming government. Few politicians
change their loyalties due to incentives. Forth, the corruption of
the politicians is highlighted by the dictator and raises the slogan
of accountability. On the name of the accountability, politicians
are arrested and tortured in jails. During their stay in jail, they are
forced to change their loyalties. Few politicians, due to pressure,
decide to support the dictator and get rid of his atrocities. For
implementing all these plans, the secret agencies help the military
dictators and provide information or pros and cons of every
politician.
After that, the different cards are played for eliminating
the opposition. These cards are religion, provincialism, ethnicity,
biradrism, regionalism tec. On the bases of these cards, the
opposition is divided and the alliances cannot achieve their
desired results. Zia divided the province of Sindh in Sindhis,
Mahajirs, Pathans and drugs mafia. They used to quarrel over the
issue of Sindh. The administration was used against the Sindhis
and tried to compel PPP to raise the slogan of Jeay Sindh so that
the hatred might be developed in the province of Punjab against
PPP.
Few parties always do the politics of opposition under
every government. Such kind of parties are not in a position to
form government or win elections with thumping majorities but
their leadership consider themselves the candidate of Prime
Ministership or President of Pakistan. The people listen their
speeches and participate in their procession but do not cast vote
to their parties. That’s why; they win few seats in the elections and

167
always sit on the benches of the opposition. Such kind of parties is
the part of each alliance which is established against the existing
government. The example of TI can be given here; it was the part
of PNA against Bhutto and MRD against Zia.

168
Part Four

169
170
 ISLAMI JAMHURI ITTEHAD (IJI)

After the death of General Zia-ul-Haq in the air crash on

August 17, 1988, Ghulam Ishaq Khan (chairman of the senate)
took the charge of the country as an Acting President. After
holding the charge, he promised to hold general elections in
November 1988 and to send the military back into the barracks. 293
The promise to hold election by the care taker government
created the ray of hope among political leaders and general
masses. As the election campaign started it became clear that the
political atmosphere was fully in favor of Pakistan People’s Party.
The PPP was taken as the party of change after the return of
Benazir Bhutto in April 10, 1986 to Pakistan. During the tenure of
Zia-ul-Haq, the workers of Pakistan People’s Party faced the cases
and jails. They were also tortured and murdered. Even few of
them were exiled from Pakistan. After the return of Benazir
Bhutto, the party workers were gathering themselves under the
banner of PPP again. The announcement of the elections after the
death of Zia-ul-Haq provided them another opportunity to revive
the party and defeat those elements who had been close associate
of the dictator.294
On the other side of the scene, Pakistan Muslim League
was facing serious leadership crisis. When Zia-ul-Haq dissolved
the Junejo government on May 19, 1988, official Pakistan Muslim
League was divided into two groups. Junejo was the head of one

293 H. Haqqani, Pakistan between Military and Mosque, p. 40.

294 S. Shafqat, Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy, p. 91.

171
faction while other was pro-Zia under the leadership of Nawaz
Sharif.295
Under the leadership of Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan People’s
Party received enthusiastic public response during the election
campaign that alarmed the disintegrated Muslim League factions.
To counter increasing popularity of PPP, the establishment made
every kind of effort to keep the members of ML united and
assigned the task to the government agencies to search strong
leadership against the leadership of PPP. The agencies conducted
the interviews of different personalities. Abida Hussain and
Fakhar Imam were also interviewed but due to their Shia tilt, they
were ignored.296
The government agencies nominated Nawaz Sharif for
the leadership of Muslim League. Nawaz Sharif met with Junejo
on July 4, 1988 and discussed the issue of the unity of different
factions of the Muslim League. The leadership was serious enough
to find out the ultimate solution of this problem. Many efforts to
develop an understanding with old friends could not bear fruit.
The three chief ministers, Nawaz Sharif from Punjab, Fazl-e-Haq
from NWFP and Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali from Balochistan
called a meeting on August 26, 1988 and decided to establish a
separate political organization known as Chief Minister’s League
under the headship of Fida Muhammad (that later known as the
Fida Muslim League). Nawaz Sharif was elected as its General
Secretary.297 In anger, Junejo cancelled the membership of those
members who were enjoying the offices of chief ministers. He
even declared to contest the upcoming elections from the
platform of his own party known as Pakistan Muslim League
Junejo group. The secretary general of Pakistan Muslim League
(Fida Group), Nawaz Sharif started efforts to find new alliance.

295Ibid.,
296Interview with Abida Hussain
297The Nation, 1988.

172
Finally, PML (F) and National People’s Party agreed to establish
an electoral alliance against Pakistan People’s Party in upcoming
298
elections. After a confidential meeting between NPP leader
Ghulam Mustafa Jutoi and Nawaz Sharif, the formation of a new
alliance called Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) was declared. Later,
some other political parties National People’s Party (NPP), PML
(Fida Group), JUI Darkhwasti Group, Jamiat-ul-Mushaikh (JM)
Sahabzada Fazl-e-Haq, Markazi Jamiat-ul-Ulema Hadith Azad
Group, Nizam-e-Mustafa Group and JI also joined IJI.299 These
political parties announced an electoral alliance on 6 October
1988. The alliance fielded joint candidates against the PPP on
almost all seats. Apart from the Jamaat-e-Islami, the other
mainstream religious parties, JUI (F) and Jamiat Ulema e Pakistani
(Noorani group) stayed away from the alliance. It was decided
that member parties of the alliance would use the one election
symbol and one flag. IJI gave the following election manifesto
promising
1. Enforcement of the Islamic Law
2. Elimination of economic disparity
3. Protection of the interests of the all sections of the society
including students, workers, labourers, traders
4. Guarantee easy access to the justice
5. Protection of women rights
6. Support for the Jihad in Afghanistan300
The manifesto of the IJI gave clear reflection of the tenure
of Zia-ul-Haq. During his rule, more emphasis was being laid on
Jihad in Afghanistan. Most of the religious parties, especially
Deoband and Ahl-Hadith had linked themselves with the Jihadi
culture that was being promoted from the land of Pakistan to
Afghanistan against the intervention of Russia. Secondly, the

298 S. Younas, Syasi Ittehad aur Pakistani Siast per un Ka Asraat, p. 101.
299 Y.Razi, Elections 1988 in Pakistan, p. 82.
300 Younis, Syasi Ittehad aur Pakistani Siast per un Ka Asraat, pp. 101-104.

173
traditional slogan “Enforcement of the Islamic Law” also made
space in the manifesto of those parties who ruled over Pakistan
from 1977 to 1988 but failed to implement it. Zia-ul-Haq had
banned all student unions and trade unions. The components of
IJI had supported the decision of Zia-ul-Haq but after his death,
they were raising voice for the interests of the students and
workers. This slogan was misfit in the manifesto of IJI. Another
point of the manifesto was the protection of the rights of women.
Zia-ul-Haq made strenuous efforts to snub the women through so
called Islamization. Nawaz Sharif, the chief minister of the
Punjab, and his associates fully supported the policies of the
dictator. Now they were trying to become the champion of the
rights of women. Due to these contradictions, the people of
Pakistan did not give much importance to the manifesto of IJI.
IJI election campaign was started from Peshawar on
November 2 and ended in Lahore on November 14. Nawaz Sharif
emerged as a National leader and he visited the four provinces of
Pakistan. In Sindh, he faced resistance from the voters. But in
Punjab, he succeeded to arrange large gatherings in the major
cities. In south Punjab, he was not getting good response. Qureshi
and Gillani’s were strong enough to defeat IJI from the platform of
Pakistan People’s Party. In NWFP and Baluchistan, IJI also tried to
strengthen its roots. During the election campaign, IJI focused on
two points mainly that were related to Pakistan People’s Party
1. Z.A.Bhutto’s alleged role in the breakup of Pakistan in 1971
2. Character assassination of the PPP leadership301
The elections for the National and Provincial assemblies
were held on 17 and 18 November respectively. After ten years of
the dictator, it was the first election that was being arranged on
party basis. The voters took keen interest in the election process.
The election staff in 1988 was drawn from the judicial cadre

301Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, p. 153.

174
instead of the earlier practice of appointing officers from the
executive cadre. District and Session judges were appointed
district returning officers and additional district and session
judges, senior civil judges and civil judges were appointed
returning officers. Assistant returning officers were drawn from
among Extra-Assistant Commissioners, Tehsildars. The election
commission allotted bi-cycle symbol to IJI and Pakistan People’s
Party, an arrow. The results of the elections were as under

Political Candidate Valid Percentag MNAs

Party s votes e electe
d
Pakistan 179 7,546,561 38.25 93
People’s
Party
IJI 165 5,908,74 30.16 54
2
Independent 590 3,819,761 19.50 40
s
(Official record of the Election Commission of Pakistan

The results of the National Assembly polls showed

ascendancy of the PPP over its main rival alliance IJI. The major
set-back to PML in these elections was the defeat of its former
President Pir Sahib of Pagarao, its former Prime Minister
Mohammad Khan Junejo and its general secretary, Iqbal Ahmed
Khan. The elections severely damaged a crop of eminent political
leaders of the past including Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, IJI Secretary
General Professor Abdul Ghafoor. Many other bigwigs in the
realm of politics fell to the surprise of many, prominent among
them were Air Marshal Asghar Khan, Ghous Bakhsh Bazenjo,
Malik Qasim, Shah Ahmad Noorani, Sher Baz Khan Mazari,
Hamid Nasir Chattha, Syed Fakhar Imam and Fatehyab Ali Khan.
The PPP got seats in every provinces but the IJI could not win a

175
single seat in Sindh. On the other hand, the religious parties failed
to win a credible number of seats.302 Pakistan People’s Party won
seats in all provinces of Pakistan and proved itself the National
Party.

Provinc

MQM

JUI-D
JUI-F

BNA
ANP
PDP

NPP
PPP

PAI

Ind
IJI
e
Punjab 52 44 - 3 1 - 1 - - 12 -
Sind 31 - - - - - - 13 - 2 -
NWFP 7 8 3 - - 3 - - - 3 1
Balochis 1 2 4 - - - - - 2 2 -
tan
Tribal - - - - - - - - - 8 -
Areas
Islamaba 1 - - - - - - - - 1 -
d
Total 92 54 07 03 1 03 01 13 02 27 1
(Official Record of the election commission of Pakistan)

In Punjab, the IJI turned the table and won majority in

the provincial elections. PPP got fifty three seats against forty five
seats of IJI in the National Assembly but in the provincial
elections, the IJI got 108 seats out of 240; the PPP won 94 seats
whereas 32 were secured by the independents. On the defeat of
the PPP in the provincial elections of the Punjab, Zahid Hussain
comments that
“Apart from other factors the complacent attitude of
the provincial PPP has also been a cause for the party’s
setback in the provincial assembly elections. While
they took it easy after the victory in the National

302Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, pp.

153-54

176
 Assembly polls, the IJI got busy in whipping Punjabi
nationalism.”303
There were many causes of the victory of IJI in the
provincial elections of the Punjab. Few of them are remarkable
1. Role of intelligence agencies and state officials
2. Punjabi sentiments were raised through the pamphlet ‘Jag
Punjabi jag, teri pag nu lag gia dagh’
3. Benefited from the traditional opportunism of the Punjabi
landholding elite
4. The leadership of PPP considered Punjab as its power base
and took it for granted
5. Benazir Bhutto’s inability to tour certain areas, especially
Rawalpindi division which is the army’s traditional
catchment area, heavily cost her in turn of seats
6. There was no sustained party work of PPP taken up in the
trade unions and other institution based vote blocs304
Benazir Bhutto was too young who was leading the party
of Z.A.Bhutto. She was the eldest child of the deposed Pakistani
Prime Minister Z.A.Bhutto. Her paternal grandfather was Sir Shah
Nawaz Bhutto, a Sindhi and a key figure in Pakistan
Independence Movement. She had been the student of Harvard
University’s Radcliffe College. In June 1973, she graduated from
Harvard with a degree in Political Science; during her time in
college, she was a member of Phi Beta Kappa. She attended
Oxford University in the autumn of 1973 and graduated with an
MA Philosophy, Politics and Economics. She also remained
elected President of the prestigious Oxford Union. 305 Her family
background, the training of his father and political training in the
world renowned institutions were enough for her to prove a
successful politician in Pakistan. She had the political party where
she was going to deliver. The major task for her was the revival of

303Herald,Karachi, January 2008.

304Muhammad Waseem, Politics and State in Pakistan, p. 435.
305Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – role in Politics, p. 150

177
the political party of her father. Secondly, being a woman it was
not easy for her to enter in politics and achieve success. Tahir
Kamran considers her as confrontational leader of a resistance
movement and a crusader of the restoration of democracy. 306
While Nawaz Sharif was also young at that time but he
established a new party with the close associates of Zia-ul-Haq.
He hailes from the family that traces its roots to Shopian in the
Kashmir valley. His father migrated in 1947 to Pakistan from
Amirtsar, India. After independence, Muhammad Sharif
established a small tin shop on a bicycle which gradually turned
into what was later known as Ittefaq group. Nawaz Sharif was
educated at Saint Anthony’s high school and government college
Lahore, and received a law degree from Punjab University.
Following his education, he entered Punjab Provincial Politics,
joining the Punjab advisory district council.307 The democratic
forces were also considering him the flower of the nursery of Zia-
ul-Haq (1985-88). After the victory in the elections, PPP
established the government in the centre and IJI became the
opposition in the National Assembly and Senate. On the victory of
the PPP in the elections, K. Subrahmanyam comments that
“While the PPP under Benazir Bhutto was allowed to
participate in the elections, ISI supported the Muslim
League and discovered in Nawaz Sharif an appropriate
leader to oppose the PPP. The election itself was
conducted under army supervision. The PPP emerged
as the largest single but very much short of majority. It
was allowed to form a government under a US-
mediated deal which severely restricted the powers of
the Prime Minister and vested in the President the
power to dissolve the National Assembly and dismiss
the Prime Minister and excluded the Prime Minister’s

306Ibid., p. 152.
307Ibid., p. 179.

178
 jurisdiction on policies related to nuclear programme,
foreign policy and defence.”308
The analysis of K. Subrahmanyam has confirmed the
statement of Abida Hussain that ISI played role in making the
leadership of Muslim League.309 Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif
was strengthened by the ISI for countering the emerging
leadership of Pakistan People’s Party. It has also proved in Ashgar
Khan case that ISI distributed money among the candidates of IJI
during election campaign. Even Nawaz Sharif received money and
used it in election.

IJI as Parliamentary opposition alliance

Safdar Mehmood writes that:
“The IJI led the largest parliamentary opposition in the
National Assembly, ever put together in Pakistan. And
it emerged as a dominant force in Punjab, the real
power base of the country. The emergence of two
political parties and two young leaders raised hopes
that Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif would put
behind them the political legacy of confrontation and
make a fresh start in the politics of reconciliation. The
political mess left by the distortions in the 1973
constitution required greater understanding and spirit
of cooperation among the political leaders to develop a
new consensus.”310
As a result of the elections, Pakistan People’s Party
formed the government at centre and in Sindh. IJI formed the
government in Punjab. In NWFP, PPP and ANP coalition
government and in Balochistan PPP-IJI coalition governments
were established.311 PPP co-chairperson Benazir Bhutto was
elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. In her very first speech, she

308K. Subrahmanyam, How ISI engineers Pakistan Elections,

309Abida Hussain, Power Failure, pp. 86-110
310 Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots and Development 1947-1999,

p. 389.
311 S. Shafqat, Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy, p. 85

179
alleged the previous administration for rigging the elections. The
political observers predicted that this was not a good sign for
future political stability of the country because the need of the
hour was to avoid confrontation. Nawaz Sharif said that Mrs.
Bhutto’s allegation of rigging election in Punjab was just a
misguided act. He further explained that polls were held under
the supervision of judiciary and were appreciated abroad for its
transparency and fairness.312
The confrontation between the ruling PPP and the
parliamentary opposition of IJI has started from the very first day
at centre. In Punjab, where Nawaz Sharif was chief minister of IJI
provincial government, rivalry between central and provincial
governments was increasing day by day. PPP’s central government
was determined to secure a vote of no-confidence against Nawaz
Sharif. Punjab PPP needed thirty votes to unseat Nawaz Sharif
ministry in the province. Pakistan People’s Party promised the
post of Chief Minister to Makhdoom Altaf Ahmad of Rahim Yar
Khan if he succeeded to break away the provincial legislature
members of IJI supporting Nawaz Sharif in the favor of PPP.
Before the execution of PPP’s plan, Nawaz Sharif and Mian
Manzoor Wattoo (Punjab Assembly speaker) managed a pre-
emptive vote of confidence securing 258 votes against 152. Despite
of its failure, PPP still continued its efforts to unseat the Nawaz
provincial government. Andrew R. Wilder made observations that
“……….in the Punjab Assembly elections, however, IJI
won 108 seats compared to PPP’s 93, and was
successful in forming the provincial government. This
created a situation where the ruling party was
powerless in the country’s most powerful province.
This, in turn, led to a great deal of political acrimony
and instability which contributed to the premature

312 M. Ahmad, Pakistan Ka seyasi Ittehad, p. 85.

180
 dismissal of Benazir Bhutto’s government twenty
months later.”313
In NWFP, PPP was ruling in coalition with Awami
National Party and in Sindh it formed alliance with MQM. The
PPP’s confrontation with IJI weakened its alliances with ANP and
MQM. Khan Abdul Wali Khan, leader of ANP, constantly
condemned the Afghan policy of Benazir government and
demanded that governor of NWFP must be taken from ANP. But
the President did not take the matter seriously and refused to
appoint the governor of ANP. At last growing hostilities between
PPP and ANP culminated in the divorce of the two parties and
almost four month old alliance came to logical end. On the other
side, PPP was in trouble with MQM in Sindh. MQM demanded
the release of MQM prisoners arrested by the previous
government, the release of the provincial grant for Hyderabad
Municipal Corporation for the resettlement of Bihari (Urdu
speaking supporters of Pakistan living in Bangladesh) in Pakistan.
Further, they complained that Benazir continuously neglected the
ministers from MQM in decision making process. Ch. Shujat
Hussain, leader of opposition in National Assembly, announced
that demand of Bihari resettlement would be supported in the
next session of the National Assembly. He knew very well that it
would be fuel to fire to break PPP-MQM alliance in Sindh. At the
same time, law and order situation was deteriorated in Sindh.
More than forty people were killed and almost 150 were injured.
Under these circumstances, Army was sent to control the
situation. Benazir herself visited the affected areas. MQM leader,
Altaf Hussain, reacted aggressively and threatened to withdraw
from the alliances with PPP, if the administration was not
punished. Soon, MQM ministers resigned and it detached itself
from PPP and decided to join IJI. On the other hand, ANP had to

313
Andrew R. Wilder, The Pakistani Voter Electoral Politics and Voting
Behavior in the Punjab, p. 31.

181
face resistance from its own party members but IJI was ready to
welcome it.314
Benazir government dismissed Lieutenant Hamid Gul
from the headship of ISI and replaced him with Lieutenant
General (Rtd) Shamul Rehman Kallu. The PPP government was
feeling that ISI was secretly involved in the formation of IJI. Abida
Hussain confessed in his interview with the author that ISI played
role in establishing IJI. IJI opposed the PPP decision about the
dismissal of Hamid Gul. The appointment of the new head of ISI
also created tension between the Prime Minister and Chief of
Army Staff. The COAS wanted to appoint ISI director from the
serving generals not the retired person. (Kallu was a retired
officer).315
The government in Punjab led by Nawaz Sharif which was
already hostile, with the support of the MQM316 and ANP formed
the common front called Combined Opposition Parties and
moved a motion of no-confidence against Benazir government on
October 23, 1989. However, the motion was defeated. 317 MQM was
the regional party which was main rival of Pakistan People’s Party
in Sindh but it had its influence on the specific area of Sindh.

314 M.S. Qureshi, Political Culture of Pakistan, p. 54

315 S. Shafqat, Political System of Pakistan and Public Policy, p. 91.
316After the failure of APMSO, the few Mahajirs students launched a

campaign for creating awareness within the Mahajirs about their rights in
the Mahajir dominated areas. For this purpose, MQM was established in
18th March 1984.316 In the beginning the response was very cold but with
the passage of time, it used to become a popular organization in Karachi
and Hyderabad. In APMSO, there was only a majority of youngsters but
in MQM the aged people also joined along with the young generation.
The members of MQM were mostly from middle and lower middle class.
The leaders of MQM felt proud over this and claimed that MQM is the
party of ordinary persons not the feudal. It was their stance that if the
Sindhi, Punjabi, Sairki, Baloch, Kashmiri could form their organizations
then why not Mahajirs. It was their right to organize themselves. The
Mahajirs considered themselves the deprived class of Sindh
317 H. Yousaf, A Study of Political Study, p. 101.

182
 Later, the conflict was developed between President Ishaq
Khan and Prime Minister Benazir. President was supporting IJI
and continuously opposed the recommendations made by the
Benazir government. The conflict between the President and the
Prime Minister surfaced on the issue of the appointment of
military chiefs and Supreme Court judges. In the year of 1989,
when the chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff Committee and the
Chief of Air and Naval staff were near to retirement, there were
rumors that Benazir wanted to replace them with her favorites.
President refused to accept her proposal. The tension was
increased and the conflict between Prime Minister and the
President came to an end on August 6, 1990 when the President
dissolved the National Assembly under the article 58 (2) (B) of the
Constitution of 1973 with the following allegations318
1. Corruption was rampant.
2. Law and order situation was bleak.
3. The elected government was not working according to the
Constitution of 1973.
4. The government had failed to provide relief to the people of
Pakistan.
These were the allegations which had been leveled by the
government of Malik Ghulam Muhammad, Governor General of
Pakistan, against the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. He
dissolved the assembly with these same allegations in 1954. Once
again, same allegations were being repeated by the President of
Pakistan, Ghulam Ishaq Khan against the elected Prime Minister
and the elected assemblies. Later one, same allegations or
justifications were given by the other dictators also. It was fact
that all these allegations were baseless. The corruption was not at
vast level that the government had failed to control it. Law and
order was also not so much bleak that the elected government
should be dissolved. It was a common perception that the
agencies were themselves trying to create disorder in the different

318 K. Bahadur, Democracy in Pakistan; Crisis and Conflicts, p. 67.

183
parts of Pakistan so that the message could be conveyed that the
government had failed to control the situation. No remarkable
violation of the Constitution of 1973 had been done. The issue of
the appointment of ISI Chief, army chiefs and judges of the
Supreme Court became very crucial in the history of Pakistan
since 1988. The elected government can not survive if the decision
on this issue is taken against the wishes of the establishment.
Even the opposition is ready to launch movement against the
government and with the collaboration of establishment; it is
succeeded to say goodbye to the elected government. IJI played
the same role against the elected government of Pakistan People’s
Party. IJI also strengthened the alliance of President and the
Armed Forces which later on proved very dangerous for the
continuity of the democratic process in Pakistan. President and
the Army Chief became the center of powers and IJI accepted
them. Although Muhammad Waseem, historian, recognizes the
four center of powers, President, Army Chief, USA and Prime
Minister. But since the rule of PPP, Prime Minister could not
prove herself as a center of power. Even after the victory in the
elections, the President was reluctant to transfer power to the
winning party but with the interference of the American
government, Ghulam Ishaq Khan transferred power to the elected
Prime Minister but not in real sense. Undue interference of the
President in the policy formulation of the government of Pakistan
People’s Party weakened the post of the Prime Minister and even
he refused to accept the recommendations of the Prime Minister
on the issue of ISI Chief, Chiefs of Armed Forces and the judges of
the Supreme Court. IJI became the tool of the establishment and
emerged as a strong competitor of Pakistan People’s Party in the
elections of 1990.

184
 PAKISTAN DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE

The dissolution of the PPP government was a great shock

for its leaders. Benazir Bhutto came out of this distress within no
time. Before 1990 elections, she was not in favor of political
alliance and was believed on party politics. She had received
warmth reception at the time of her arrival after exile. But later
on, she changed her views and decided to form the alliance. She
was ready to contest election through the platform of that
alliance. During the government of PPP from 1988 to 1980, she
had failed to deliver as was being expected. Resultantly, PPP
declared an alliance known as Pakistan Democratic Alliance with
Tehrik-Nifaze-Jaffaria and Muslim League (Qasim Goup) on
September 10, 1990. The Shia sect always remained very
cooperative with Pakistan People’s Party. In this alliance, only PPP
had the roots with masses at vast level but other parties could not
be recognized as national parties. In most of the alliances, there is
only one major party and remaining components are the smaller
parties or regional parties. If more than two major parties become
the part of any alliance, the continuity of that alliance will not
possible due to the differences of the leadership. PDA was the
alliance of three parties and among them, only Pakistan People’s
Party could give resistance due to leadership of Benazir Bhutto.
Component parties decided to use the common symbol and
manifesto. The leadership of PPP was leading the alliance and
started the election campaign with great enthusiasm. She started
the visits of the major cities and arranged the political gatherings.
The response of the people was not encouraging because the
government of PPP from 1988 to 1990 had failed to deliver. The
people of Pakistan had pinned their hopes and expectations on

185
Benazir Bhutto during the elections of 1988. But after two years,
there were no expectations due to following reasons:
1. No remarkable economic plan.
2. No clear idea about how to govern.
3. Her main concern appeared to be to benefit the members of
her party who claimed to have suffered for her. She
showered political favors on her party men in the form of
government jobs and plots of land in Islamabad.
4. Her foreign policy was without any direction. Her
Afghanistan policy was totally failure.
5. Corruption at vast level defamed her in the eyes of the
workers. Her government was seriously embarrassed by her
husband.
6. She also involved herself in disputes and confrontations
with the President and military, particularly in the matters
of appointment of the military chiefs and judges of the
superior courts.
7. The law and order situation in the province of Sindh had
not been remained very pleasant.319
Inspite of this, the PPP and its alliance with other parties
were playing on solid pitch during the election campaign in 1990.
But the pre-poll rigging (unlawful interference in the democratic/
electoral process) was being expected due to the following reasons
1. Ghulam Ishaq Khan320 had dissolved the government of PPP
and he was being considered the arch rival. The differences

319Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, pp. 403-4.

320He joined NWFP civil service in 1940. He was appointed provincial
secretary of West Pakistan for irrigation development. In this capacity, he
represented the Provincial Government in the Federal Planning
Commission. In 1958, he became Member Water and Power Development
Authority. In 1966, he assumed his responsibility as Federal Finance
Secretary. He was promoted to secretary general defence during
Z.A.Bhutto tenure. General Zia appointed him advisor on finance and
later on as Federal Finance Minister. He represented his country in
various international conferences, which include UN Confernecs of

186
 of Benazir Bhutto and Ghulam Ishaq Khan had developed.
Under his supervision, free and fair elections were not
possible. In his speech to the nation following the dismissal
of the PPP government and the dissolution of the National
Assembly on August 6, 1990, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan
insisted that his action was not against any individual, any
group or any party; instead it was against unconstitutional,
unlawful and undemocratic practices. Yet by his words and
actions, both on 6 August and later, it became quite clear
that the President’s action was directed quite specifically
against the Pakistan People’s Party and not against possible
corrupt and unlawful practices in general. His actions
determined that the PPP should not return to power and
possibly disintegrate as a cohesive opposition party. The
partiality of the President was evident from the speeches
and statements.321
2. Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi became the caretaker Prime Minister.
He was dancing on the tune of the civil-military
establishment. It was being expected that he would play
role according to the wishes of the establishment. 322 He had
also been the opposition leader during the government of
PPP. He even participated in the political gatherings of the
IJI.
3. Cases were pending against Benazir Bhutto during the
electioneering and the leadership of PPP was being
pressurized and blackmailed.
4. Asif Ali Zardari was arrested on 11 October before the
elections. He was contesting the election from Karachi Lyari
seat.

Finance, IMF, OIC. In 1985, he was elected as Chairman of the Senate.

www.storyofpakistan.com/person.asp.
321Pakistan Times, October 5, 1990.
322Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, p. 159.

187
 5. The partisan use of electronic media against PPP by the
caretaker government was not conducive to free and fair
elections.323
6. Violation of election rules
7. Disruption of PDA rallies
8. Disinformation campaign launched by the caretaker
government against PPP.324
All these factors influenced the election results and the
results of the elections were as under;
Political Candidates Valid Percentage MNAs
Party votes
IJI 154 79,08,513 37.37 106
PDA 182 77,95,218 36.83 44
Haq 24 11,72,525 5.54 15
Parast
Group
JUI 54 6,22,214 2.94 6
(Official Record of the Commission of Pakistan)
But in the elections, PDA could not perform well and won
only 45 seats against 105 seats of IJI in the 1990 elections. It had
never happened in the electoral history of Pakistan that there was
a small margin of votes, but the difference in the number of seats
could be so large. The PDA refused to accept the results of the
elections. The allegation of high level rigging in the election was
leveled by the leaders of PDA. They blamed that the defeat was
pre-planned. There was the secret hand of the President Ghulam
Ishaq Khan behind it.325 PDA issued the white paper “How an
election was stolen” and alleged that elections were scientifically
and sophistically rigged. The sum and substance of the PDA’s
White paper on 1990 General Elections was that the rigging of
election was not an isolated phenomenon. Rigging was not done
by someone to simply remain in power and by others to come into

323The Muslim, October 27, 1990.

324Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 420.
325 Y. Rizvi, Elections 1990 in Pakistan, p. 87.

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power, although this was also among its several purposes. It was a
part of a large design to give a certain directions to the politics of
Pakistan – to bring back into power the forces that had pre-
empted the entry of the masses into politics and prevented them
through the imposition of martial laws and consolidation of an
exclusive and elite based power structure from assuming charge of
their destiny. According to PDA, it was a bid to restore the
position prevailing before the elections of 1988 and to destroy the
political organizations which sought political mobilization of the
common man. As a part of this plan, the political arena was
structured in a way that there was hardly any change for the PDA
to win. The PDA added that all this led to the first stage of rigging
i.e. pre-poll rigging, enough proof of which had been provided
from the events that occurred from August 6, 1990 to October 23,
1990. These events included the dissolution of the National
Assembly on August 6, 1990 by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan; his
appointing a highly partial caretaker government determined to
defeat the PPP at any cost; a one sided process of accountability
primarily launched to harass and demoralize the PDA; wholesale
transfer of officials; placing of large amounts of funds at the
disposal of the IJI candidates; the issuing of anti-PPP statements
by important state functionaries; the misuse of electronic media,
arrests and intimidation of PDA candidates and supporters. The
PDA concluded that in the October 1990 elections the
fundamental manipulation of the electoral process by the state
took place prior to the polls themselves. According to PDA, the
rigging was much more sophisticated, planned. In reply to PDA’s
White Paper326, the Election Commission of Pakistan first

326A government publishes its finding on some previous elections

conducted by its predecessor with the specific purpose of undermining its
existing support base and maligning it in order to legitimize itself in the
public eye.The white paper on the 1977 electoral mal-practices is a key
example of this kind of literature. No report was published by the PPP
government on the 1977 elections, which was marred by controversy
about rigging. Instead, it was the Zia government that published a white

189
published a booklet titled “Facts and Figures relating to the
General Elections 1990” in January, 1991. Then the ECP especially
published Third Volume of the Report on these General Elections.
Normally, the Election Commission publishes only two volumes
of the report on General Elections. The first volume of the report
encompasses main features of the various phases of General
Elections and the second volume contains statistics relating to the
elections. In third volume, especially published this time, the ECP
dealt at length with the observations made by the PDA in its
White Paper. The PDA had released to the press a summary of the
main findings of the White Paper on June 12, 1991 and the Election
Commission of Pakistan published Volume III on November 1991.
In brief, the Election Commission’s reply or explanation to the
PDA’s allegation of ‘scientific or sophisticated rigging’ was as
under:
“The authors of the white paper have asserted that attempt
at rigging the 1990 elections was ‘un-matched’. The history
of elections in Pakistan shows that whenever elections were
rigged in the past, the people rejected the results
spontaneously and out-rightly. Conversely, the nation
accepted the results of elections held in 1988 and 1990 and
the democratic institutions emerged in the country with
full participation of the elected representatives with their
party affiliations.”327
The role of the election commission in Pakistan became
very skeptical after the elections of 1990. It could not maintain its
independent role. The President and the establishment used it
against their rivals. The PDA secretary general, Main Khurshid
Mahmood Kasuri maintained that:

paper on these elections. Later, the report of the 1990 elections included
an additional volume as a rejoinder to the grave allegations of
malpractices from the People’s Democratic Alliance opposition about the
caretaker government of Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi and the Election
Commission. Similarly, the latter’s publications include such periodical
reports as compilations of the Supreme court judgements on appeals
relating to elections at the Natioanl and Provincial level. Mohammad
Waseem, Democratization in Pakistan, p. 6
327 ECP Report on 1990 General Elections (Volume III), p. 12.

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 “The National results were as bogus as general Zia’s
referendum and that they had come into being ‘because of
votes casted by angels.”328
It was alleged that the purpose behind the election was to
impose IJI government. President Ishaq had passed an order to
establish an “election cell” under the supervision of General
Rafaqat329. This election cell was set up in President’s secretariat
in Aiwan-e-Sadar in order to apprise the President with the latest
position about election for National and Provincial Assemblies.
Holding election was the function and responsibility of the
Election Commission. The working of the election cell in
President Secretariat made the role of President doubtful.330
Whole blame was being given to the President for rigging. The
leaders of PDA alleged that President fixed some special people in
the election commission to whose assignment was to make sure
the electoral defeat of PDA.331
Most of the historians have recognized the elections of
1990 rigged. Muhammad Waseem gives the following
observations about 1990 general elections:
“The 1990 election was marred by controversy about
rigging. The PDA opposition published a comprehensive
White Paper on the way the caretaker government and the
President allegedly perpetrated an electoral fraud on the
nation. Its focus lay on various forms of pre-poll rigging
such as the appointment of partisan judges and members of
the Election Commission, maligning the PPP through

328 Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A Modern History, p. 313.

329The role of general Rafaqat in election process was indicative of the
role of the President and his election cell. He had also headed a similar
election cell in the 1988 elections. It was fact that the President had not
issued any notification for the appointment of Gen. Rafqat in the election
cell. He was back in Islamabad from Saudi Arabia where he had been
working as Defence Advisor to the OIC, a post he had been given just
when the PPP government came in. The tenure of his post was for three
years but he was home earlier than expected. He was having meetings
with people close to the caretaker Prime Minister. The Nation, September
9, 1990.
330The Friday times, November 22-28, 1990.
331 M.S.Qureshi, Political Culture in Pakistan, p. 60.

191
 television, provision of development funds to the IJI
candidates and general harassment of the PDA
candidates.”332
In the Punjab, the PDA won 14 seats in the National
Assembly out of 115 seats but in the provincial assembly it won
only 13 out of 240 seats. Similarly, in NWFP, the PDA won five
seats in the National Assembly out of a total twenty six, but in the
provincial assembly it won six out of seventy five seats for which
polling was held. In Sindh, it won twenty four seats out of forty six
seats reserved for the National Assembly but in Sindh provincial
assembly, it won forty eight seats out of hundred provincial
assembly general seats.333 The election results of the provincial
assemblies were as under:

PKMAP
MQM
JUI-F

BNM
PDP

PDP

ANP

Ind
IJI
Province

Punjab 10 216 - 2 - - - 12 -
Sind 46 6 - - - 28 - 20 -
NWFP 8 29 2 - 22 - - 17 -
Balochistan 1 7 6 - - - 2 - 2
Total 65 258 08 2 22 28 02 49 2
(Official Record of the election commission of Pakistan)
In Punjab, IJI formed the government with an
overwhelming majority and elected Ghulam Haider Wyne as chief
minister. In NWFP, IJI formed the government with the coalition
of ANP. In Sindh, Jam Sadiq made a coalition with MQM and won
the support of all independent candidates. The result was that Jam
Sadiq Ali was elected chief minister without contest and PDA
members left house during election process. The PDA performed
much worse in the polls of the provincial assemblies than those of
the National Assembly. They were disappointed and blamed the
establishment for rigging in the election. Another important

332 Mohammad Waseem, The 1993 General Elections in Pakistan, pp. 40-41.
333 Y. Rizvi, Elections 1990 in Pakistan, p. 90.

192
factor played role in the defeat of the PDA was weak structural
organization at provincial and district level.334
After three years of the elections, The President of
Pakistan, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, again dismissed the elected
government and tried to relieve the elected Prime Minister of
Pakistan, Mian Muhammad Nawaz sharif due to following reasons
1. The Prime Minister wanted to amend the constitution so as
to undo the discretionary powers of the President to
dissolve the National Assembly
2. The appointments of the chiefs of the armed forces
Due to these reasons, the relationship between the
President and the Prime Minister was deteriorated and ultimately,
the government of IJI came to an end with the departure of the
President and the Prime Minister also. The Prime Minister
challenged the powers of the President and tried to curtail them
but President did not accept the interference of the Prime
Minister and dissolved his government. The appointment of the
chiefs of armed forces again created rift within two institutions of
Pakistan, Prime Minister and the President. The establishment
did not like the hegemony of the elected governments in
appointment of the chiefs of the armed forces. The leadership of
Pakistan People’s Party accepted the decision and adopted soft
corner towards the establishment. It was a time when the
leadership of PPP had come to the conclusion that the rule in
Pakistan would not be possible without the support of
establishment. So, during the election campaign in 1993 elections,
Benazir Bhutto publically used to announce that PPP would
establish cordial relations with USA and the armed forces of
Pakistan. Now PPP had taken decision to rule over the country
with the help of establishment. It was fact that the establishment
had designed and architected the political culture of Pakistan and
the two major parties, PPP and IJI had come under their
influence.

334 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 128.

193
 GRAND DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE

Pakistan People’s Party ruled over the country from 1993

to 1997. It was a good sign that the democratic process completed
its four years. In the elections of 1997, Pakistan Muslim League
(N) proved itself as a national party and got thumping majority. It
established government and Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif
became again the Prime Minister of Pakistan. As a Prime Minister,
he was more confident this time and used to run affairs with
authoritarian style. Against his authoritarian style, Grand
Democratic Alliance was formed by Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan in
September 1999 at Lahore after having detailed team work with
different political parties opposing Nawaz Sharif government. The
alliance came into being with agenda of
1. Ousting Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif;
2. Across the board accountability
3. Restoration of democracy
4. Supremacy of law
5. Protection of human rights
6. Freedom of speech
This alliance consisted of nineteen political parties but
only three of them had parliamentary representation. This
alliance was dominated by Pakistan People’s Party. 335 In the
elections, the PML (N) had got the heavy mandate but its
government had failed to deliver in a democratic style. Few
examples can be quoted here
1. It is very strange that the government of PML (N) mostly
depended on Nawaz family and the opinion of other
politicians in this party were not given due weightage.

335 H. Yousaf, A Study of Political Development 1947-99, p. 91.

194
 Nawaz Sharif also concentrated on keeping all powers in his
own hands. He did same mistake as a Prime Minister in
1997. He further personalized the system of governance by
holding open courts instead of strengthening state
institutions. He started confrontation with judiciary and
army also. His father and brother influenced his decisions.
So it can be said that it was the civilian dictatorship.
2. All the new political and military governments come into
power with the slogan of accountability. But the exercise of
accountability undertaking by the government of PML (N)
failed miserably. It only covered some foreign bank
accounts of Bhutto and Zardari family. This accountability
only remained stricted to the opposition only and the
leaders of PML (N) were not touched.
3. During the government of PML (N), the perception had
developed that only Punjab was ruling over the whole
Pakistan. The key positions like those of the President, the
Prime Minister and the Chairman of the Senate had all gone
to the Punjab. The other provinces felt that their proper
share was not being given to them.
4. The situation of law and order was also not good. Hundreds
of the people were killed in Karachi and the federal and the
provincial governments stood as helpless. The situation in
Punjab was also not very pleasant. Sectarian killings,
murders were on the rise.
5. Even the political parties were not happy with the ruling
style of the PML (N). It broke its longtime political
partnership with the Awami National Party which turned
hostile. The MQM was also not comfortable with the
government of PML (N) and its policies.
Due to the dictatorship of Sharif family, there was no
political freedom and democracy. Even the government tried to
snub the institution of judiciary. Independence of judiciary is
necessary for rule of law. For the independence of judiciary, it was

195
imperative to introduce the transparent system of the
appointment of the judges, to increase the salary package of the
judges, to fix the tenure of the judges. But it was dismal that no
such step was taken by the government and even appointed its
favorite judges without seniority. The GDA was demanding rule of
law without any discrimination. Secondly, the process of
accountability was only limited to the Bhutto and Zardari family
and the alliance protested against it and demanded the
government to start it across the board.
It is fact that in Pakistan, the political leadership can not
survive without the support of military establishment. In the
aftermath of the Kargil crisis, the military was annoyed with the
political leadership. The Prime Minister put whole responsibility
of the war on the shoulders of Army Chief. Due to strained
relations, the Prime Minister Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif took
the decision to replace Army Chief with some one of his personal
choice. On 12th October 1999, General Pervez Musharraf was in Sri
lanka on his official visit and in his absence, the Prime Minister
decided to promote Lt.Gen Zia ud Din to General and appointed
him as Chief of Army Staff. All formalities had been carried out
and the official announcement on television was on air but the
Army Crops Commander did not allow him to take over the
charge of his new position. Due to this confrontation, General
Pervez Musharraf dismissed the government of Nawaz Sharif.
Prime Minister and his team tried to divert the plane of general
Musharraf to Gulf States or India. But it was a time when the
Army had completed its task through taking over TV stations,
Prime Minister House, Governor Houses and other sensitive
places. Due to the shortage of fuel, it was not possible for the pilot
to divert the direction of the PIA plane and it returned to land at
Karachi.336 The Army also took over charge of the airports. It has
become the strategy of the Army dictators that they first take over
the media, air ports, Prime Minister House and Governor Houses.

336Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 472.

196
On 13th October 1999, Musharraf appealed to the nation of
Pakistan to remain calm and support the armed forces that was
necessary for stabilization of the country. He pledged that the
armed forces would preserve the integrity and sovereignty of the
country. On 17th October 1999, he announced that he would head
a six member national Security Council, whose other members
would be the Chief of Naval Staff, Chief of the Air Staff, a
specialist each in law, finance, foreign policy and national affairs.
He also gave the following seven point agenda;
1. Re-build of national confidence and morale
2. Strengthening of the federation by removal of inter
provincial disharmony and restoration of national cohesion
3. Revival of economy and restoration of investor’s confidence
4. Ensuring law and order and dispensing speedy justice
5. Depoliticization of state institutions
6. Devolution of power to grass root level
7. Ensuring swift and across the board accountability 337
The agenda of the dictator was impressive but it was
being expected that the democratic process had come to its end
with the end of the rule of political party, PML (N). GDA
welcomed the dismissal of its rival Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
and the imposition of martial law in the country on October 12,
1999 by Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf. But soon
they realized that the army had captured the power not to share
with anyone. The politicians of GDA now had to face more
dangerous enemy than Nawaz Sharif and appealed to all political
forces of the country to unite on a broader level. With the
changed political circumstances, the alliance decided to shake
hand with PML (N) on 26th November 2000. GDA justified their
unity on the ground that fight for the restoration of democracy
was the need of the time. Thus, alliance which was formed to oust
Nawaz Sharif now joined hands with PML (N) but not without
losing some of its old component parties. Resultantly, as a protest

337Ibid., p. 479.

197
against the induction of PML (N) to GDA, eight political parties
decided to leave the alliance. This cause a deadly blow to GDA
which was given civilized burial after a few days. 338
With the induction of PML (N), most of the component
parties of GDA regrouped themselves to form a new alliance i.e.
Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) on December 3,
2000 in Islamabad. Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan was chosen as its
President. PML (N) and PPP buried their differences and attached
themselves with ARD. Thus, the ARD brought two main
opponents on one platform against the military rule of Musharraf.
ARD demanded free and fair elections without delay and vowed to
organize masses for peaceful sustainable struggle for the
immediate restoration of democracy and the constitution; grant
maximum provincial autonomy and set up commission to
determine the wrongdoings of the past. The most prominent
among the eighteen member parties of ARD were PPP, PML (N),
MQM, ANP, PML and Jamiat Ahle Hadith. Infact, ARD presented
multi-textured umbrella under which diverse parties from across
the political spectrum were represented. On December 10, 2000,
Nawaz sharif was sent to forced exile to Saudi Arabia, which was
resentfully condemned by ARD.339 This was only verbal condemn
and no protest was launched by the alliance. Kalsoom Nawaz tried
to unite the politicians against the rule of General Pervez
Musharraf but no positive response was given by the politicians.
Even the ex-ministers of PML (N) announced to leave the party
and few of them remained silent spectators. The PML (N)
leadership from South Punjab remained committed with the party
and missed no opportunity to prove their loyalty. After the
departure of Nawaz Sharif from the country, Javed Hashmi
became the President of PML (N) and he fully tried to instigate
the people against the rule of a dictator. But it is the nation of
Pakistan who is ready to accept every new ruler. The Musharraf

338 Zaring, 2000

339 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 118.

198
government arrested the new President of PML (N) and was
tortured in army cells. Those politicians who denied to cooperate
with the regime were humiliated.
The alliance remained unbroken regardless of the ouster
of the two most important political leaders of ARD Benazir Bhutto
and Nawaz Sharif from politics by the regime. ARD determinedly
continued its demand of restoration of democracy, return of
Benazir and Nawaz Sharif to the country and return of the army
to their barracks. However, it failed to cause any serious challenge
to Musharraf regime. The following reasons were behind this
1. As some component parties were caught up in the political
trap prepared by the military regime. MQM engaged itself
with the military regime. Choudhary Pervaz Elahi and
Choudhary Shujat Hussain from Gujrat convinced their
supporters in PML (N) to establish a new party with the
name of PML (Q) and became the part of electoral process
that was being introduced by Musharraf. In this way, a new
League emerged in the politics of Pakistan under the
banner of military regime.
2. Almost all the component parties of ARD took part in the
local bodies’ elections as well as the general elections of
2002.
3. Mean while, it’s founding President Nawabzada Nasrullah
Khan died on September 27, 2003. With his death, the
alliance was deprived of a capable leader. He always did the
politics of opposition and had been remained in the part of
the major alliances. During Ayub era, he was also a part of
the alliances and had vast experience of Pakistani politics.
His death at that time was a great loss to the political
powers of Pakistan. He had the potential to motivate the
politicians.
4. ARD component parties were also least interested in its
activities. In the later years, though the alliance was alive
only through press conferences and drawing room

199
 meetings. Only conferences and drawing room politics is
not sufficient for revival of democracy. Major leadership
was not present in the country and the active workers had
been arrested. Under these circumstances, it was not
possible for the voters of PML (N) to launch street protest.
5. It is fact that the Musharraf regime thus succeeded in
handling the politicians belonging to ARD by engaging
them in political activities other than pressing and working
for the restoration of democracy in the country. The
elections of local governments and the National and
Provincial Assemblies provided the opportunity to the
people of Pakistan to express their opinion through ballot
box. ARD could not contest the elections as a strong
opposition.
Later on, the components of ARD designed APDM and decided to
challenge the rule of Musharraf and his king’s party. PTI, PPP,
PML (N), JI and PMAP were major components of the APDM. The
alliance was wary of Musharraf’s handling of the constitution and
believed that elections held under his regime would be tantamount to
legitimizing his rule for another long period. The dismissal and
restoration of the chief justice and removal of higher judiciary through
the imposition of the emergency had charged the political environment
against the President, and the opposition wanted to mount the pressure
further until he capitulated. At a meeting held on 24 November 2007,
the APDM decided to boycott the elections of 2008. The PPP under the
leadership of Benazir Bhutto decided to participate in the elections on
22 November 2008. The APDM arranged another meeting on 29
November, which included Nawaz Sharif, and reaffirmed its decision to
boycott the elections. The alliance decided to persuade the PPP to
boycott the elections but the party refused. On 9 December 2008, PML
(N) also announced that it would also contest the elections. But after
the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, PML (N) again decided to boycott
the elections but backtracked when Zardari announced that the PPP
would participate. The PMAP had a vote bank in the Pakhtun area
north of the Balochistan, and boycotted the elections following the
APDM’s decision. The PTI also followed the decision of APDM and

200
decided to boycott the elections. Due to the assassination of Benazir
Bhutto, PPP got majority in the elections of 2008 and formed the
government.

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 MUTTAHIDA MAJLISE-E-AMAL

Six religious parties formed an alliance “Muttahida

Majlise-e-Amal”. The alliance raised the expectations of those in
the Musharraf regime who believed on the theocratic concept of
state. Attempts for the unification of religious parties had been
started since 1995 when religious forces across the sectarian divide
formed the Milli Yekjehti Council (MYC) to control sectarian
violence in the country. This attempt did not prove fruitful when
JUI-F and JUI-S developed differences over the distribution of
alliance offices among the constituent parties.340 The increasing
militancy of extremist religious groups was evident during the
country wide anti-American and anti-government protests
following the US missile attack on the hideout of Osama-Bin-
Laden in August 1998. They accused that Pakistani government in
advance knew about the attack and was in conspiracy with the
Americans.341
Using the US military strikes to mobilize the domestic
support for their cause, the Islamist parties successfully
demonstrated their street power. Maulana Sami-ul-Haq, chief of
his own faction of JUI (S) said that religious madaris and jihadi
organizations were not terrorist bodies; they prepared
mujahedeen to fight for the oppressed Muslims of the world. No
action against them would be acceptable. Despite all of the
powers flowing from their financial affluence and jihadi guns,
what the Islamic parties lacked was impression of national
legitimization through the ballot box.342 When Musharraf

340 The Herald, 2000

341 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan, p. 198.
342 Samina Ahmed, The UN Holy Nexus, Newsline, dated 7th March 2011.

202
overthrew the elected government of Nawaz Sharif on 12th
October 1999, the religious parties decided to use the
circumstances for their own benefits.
On 8th May 2000, nineteen religious parties got together
in Lahore to workout a united strategy against the change in
blasphemy laws purposed by Musharraf government. On 19th May
2000, they called for a strike. On the same day, the traders also
were on strike to protest against the imposition of general sales
tax. The government felt embarrassed and helpless. The minister
for religious affairs declared that no procedural change would be
made in the blasphemy law. He further announced that no
madressah or religious seminary had been found to be involved in
terrorism and he even announced a new package of government
aid for the madaris. On May 16, Musharraf himself announced the
government’s retreat on blasphemy laws.343
However, the religious parties went ahead with a strike to
press for their remaining demands. In 2000, almost twenty nine
religious parties, led by JUI-F, formed the Islamic Muttahida
Inqalabi Mahaz (MIM) to block alleged invasion of western
culture in NWFP and Balochistan. NGOs and especially those
working on gender issues were their main targets. The MYC
campaigned against the cable tv network in NWFP. They forced
the closure of cable tv services in the Mardan and charsadda
districts. On April 08, 2001, four days Deobandi conference was
organised on Taro Jubba by JUI-F. It was estimated that about half
a million delegates attended the conference including delegates
from the madaris in Pakistan, Afghanistan and India. The most
important point of the conference was the message of Mullah
Omar.344 Chairman of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
Afrasiab Khattak said that the conference was perhaps the first
initiative towards MMA’s election campaign and it came in the

343 S.A.Zaidi, Continuity and Change: Socio Political and institutional

Dynamics in Pakistan, p. 77.
344 K. Ahmad, Political Development in Pakistan, p. 99.

203
wake of strictly enforced ban on the political activities in the
country. Finally, the religious parties united themselves in the
forum of MMA. Jamat-e-Islami leader Qazi Hussain Ahmed
claimed that the alliance was founded in the meeting of religious
parties’ heads at his Islamabad residence in June 2001.
While General Musharraf was trying to accommodate the
Islamists into his own scheme, the event of Septmeber 11, 2001,
brought him under fierce US pressure to cut ties with the Taliban
regime in Afghanistan and to stop the appeasement of jihadi
outfits inside Pakistan. General Musharraf claims that the US
government threatened with dire consequences if Pakistan dared
to defy American demand. He without delay took a U-turn from
Pakistan’s longstanding pro-Taliban Afghan policy and allowed
the use of Pakistani territory by American forces to crush the
Taliban regime and hunt down Osama Bin Laden and his Al-
Qaeda jihadi network, which were now redefined terrorists.
Pakistan provided to the US forces logistic support, intelligence
feedback, access to air space and military bases. Pakistan military
intelligence helped to identify vital targets, including Taliban
command and control center, and other important military bases
in Afghanistan.345
The attacks on Afghanistan, the immediate entry of
Pakistan into the US led international coalition against terrorism,
and the presence of the FBI and the American military on
Pakistani soil provoked a wave of anti-American sentiments in
Pakistan which swept through the country. However, anti-US
sentiments were more aggressively displayed in the province of
NWFP and Baluchistan, where people are ethnically closer to the
neighbouring Afghanistan. The religious parties, particularly the
JUI-F which had stronger influence in the Pashtun belt, took full
political advantage of the opportunity, and staged anti-American

345 Z. Hussain, Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, p. 99.

204
demonstrations and meetings.346 They denounced General
Musharraf government for compromising Pakistan’s sovereignty
by allowing the US Air Force and FBI agents to launch operations
against Afghanistan from Pakistani territory.
In the changed political scenario, the Musharraf
government remained constrained and vacillating in dealing with
this violent turn of events. However, the religious parties and
their jihadi offshoots were allowed to exploit the post 9/11 political
situation freely. The government was pre-occupied with its
maneuvers to undermine the two mainstream political parties;
Pakistan People’s Party and Pakistan Muslim League (N), which
according to their calculations could pose a real threat to
Musharraf hold on state power in the approaching elections. For
this purpose, the military regime used carrot and stick policy in
the form of constitutional amendments, disqualification orders,
ISI pressure and raiding on the residences to force members of
said parties to join a newly created King’s Party “Pakistan Muslim
League (Quaid-e-Azam). Musharraf government also favored the
religious parties by recognizing the certificates issued by the
Madaris as equal to the bachelor degree of a university. 347
The religious parties, in order to boost up their electoral
fortune, became united in a six party’s conglomerate called the
Muttahida Majlise-e-Amal or more popularly known as MMA. The
religious parties put aside their religious differences and pledged
to work together for pursuing a shared political agenda. The
constituent parties of the MMA were
1. Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl-ur-Rehman)
2. Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Sami ul Haq)
3. Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (Shah Ahmed Noorani)
4. Jamaat-e-Islami

346 G. Frederic, The Muslims of Indian Sub-Continent after 11 September

Attacks, p. 87.
347 M. Waseem, Democratization in Pakistan: A Study of 2002 Elections, p.

55.

205
 5. Jamiat Ahl-e-Hadith
6. Islami Tehreek Pakistan
They began their election campaign by exploiting anti-
American sentiments and took full advantage of the roadblocks
erected in the way of the mainstream political parties. During
election campaign, MMA attracted the electorates with the
promise of the enforcement of Sharia. The other Manifesto of
MMA was as under
1. To revive fear of God, affection to the Holy Prophet (PBUH)
and service to people with particular emphasis on
government officials and cabinet members
2. To make Pakistan a true Islamic Welfare state to ensure
justice to people and eradicate corruption
3. To protect basic human rights
4. To ensure provision of bread, clothes, shelter, education,
jobs and marriage expenses to all citizens
5. To create an independent, just and human economic
system where citizens will be provided opportunities for
halal jobs, business and investments
6. To ensure uniform and quick justice to every citizen, from
the President to layman
7. To develop a God fearing, helping, brave and protecting
police system
8. To get the entire society literate within ten years to enable
everyone to know one’s rights and responsibilities
9. To ensure compulsory and free of charge education till
matriculation and provide opportunities to meritorious
students and scholars for advance research
10. To protect rights of women guaranteed by Islam and
restoration of their honour and dignity
11. To abolish all chronic and new feudal systems with
forfeiture of illegal wealth and its distribution among poor
12. To provide lands to the peasants and farmers for their
livelihood and guarantee reasonable prices to their produce

206
 13. To protect provincial autonomy and district governments,
taking care of backward areas and classes and taking special
steps to get them at par with developed areas.
14. To get the country and people rid of the influence of
imperialistic forces and their local agents
15. To extend political, moral, diplomatic help and support to
all suppressed with particular emphasis on Kashmir’s,
Palestinians, Afghans and Chechens.
It was successful in attracting a large number of voters in
the province of NWFP and Baluchistan. In the manifesto of MMA,
there were the common and ordinary demands. The religious
parties always supported the strong centralization but now they
were demanding the provincial autonomy. The earning on the
name of Jihad is the main feature of the politics of religious
parties. In the manifesto, they tried to justify their jihadi concept
with the name of suppressed Kashmiris, Palestinians, Afghans and
Chechens. The religious parties also raised voice against the
feudal culture and showed commitment to restore the living
standard of the poor people. In the elections held on October 10,
2002 nearly 30 million Pakistani voters went to the polls to elect
representatives to the National Assembly as well as to the four
provincial assemblies. The elections marked the formal
restoration of democracy in Pakistan following three years
military rule by General Pervez Musharraf. Most of the political
pundits predicted a hung parliament on national and provincial
levels.348 But the dramatic success of a MMA in NWFP and
Baluchistan caught nearly all the political observers by surprise. It
was the first victory of the religious parties in the direct electoral
process. The election results gave new shape to the political
culture of Pakistan with the victory of the pure religious parties.
The election results were as under:

348 M. Waseem, Democratization in Pakistan: A Study of 2002 Elections, p.

55.

207
 Political General Women Non-Muslim Total
Parties Seats Seats seats
PML (Q) 92 22 4 118
PPPP 64 15 2 81
MMA 46 12 2 60
PML (N) 14 3 1 18
MQM 13 3 0 16
(Official Record of Election Commission of Pakistan)
The election results were surprising for every body in
Pakistan. In the National Assembly, MMA secured forty six seats.
Most of the seats had been won from NWFP and Baluchistan. In
the provincial elections, MMA got fifteen seats from Sindh, forty
seven seats from NWFP (it received a much high percentage of
votes in Pashtun areas of NWFP than in non-Pashtun areas),
thirteen seats in Baluchistan. 349
Election results made it clear that Pakistan would have a
hung parliament. Hence none of the party was in a position to
singly form government, so the coalition government at centre
was the need of the time. For this purpose, MMA leaders were
contacted to form MMA-PML (Q) coalition government. In this
coalition government, there were two options for the prime
ministership. The first was a conservative tribal leader Mir
Zafarullah Khan Jamali from PML (Q) and the second was
fundamentalist cleric Maulana Fazl ur Rehman of MMA. The later
did not ally with pro-military PML (Q). That’s way, he was
appointed opposition leader.

Causes of the Success of MMA

1. Domestic Factors
(a) The alliance of the religious parties was one of the reasons
responsible for the clear success of the MMA in October 10,
2002 elections350. Through a united forum, the MMA’s
component parties were able to get votes in one ballot box.

349 Hamid Khan, Constitutional and Political Development in Pakistan, pp.

91-99..
350 The NEWS, 2002

208
 Otherwise, the vote bank of the religious parties would have
been divided in different fractions, sects and parties.351
(b) The alliance fully exploited the deep anti-American
sentiments among the Pashtun who were against the
involvement of Pakistan in Afghanistan war on the side of
Western powers. The MMA has been very vocal in its
opposition to the US war in Afghanistan; its increasing
interference in Pakistan’s domestic affairs; its anti-Islam
stance and partisan stance on the Israel-Palestinian conflict.
(c) The crackdown waged by Musharraf on the Jihadi oufits
and Madaris was a matter of deep concern. The MMA
forged a unity amongst religious parties as reaction to the
crackdown against the Madaris. It instigated the masses
through speeches and sermons claiming that “Islam is in
danger”. MMA also launched a propaganda campaign in the
masses that the October elections would be a battle of Islam
and Kufir.352
(d) Before the elections, the leaders of MMA continuously
condemned the policies of General Musharraf and used it in
election campaign for its own benefits.
(e) The vacuum created by the absence of main stream
politicians and major political parties after the military take
over in the country was filled by the MMA.
(f) Over the years, general public was fed up with mainstream
political parties, like PPP and PML (N), because of their
corruption, frauds, favortism and bad governance. The
performance of the both parties from 1988 to 1999 was
notoriously poor. In the 2002 elections, they failed to take a
stand on the issues like General Musharraf’s controversial
referendum, the US attack on Afghanistan, the Legal Frame
Order, and the restoration of democracy. These weak points
undermined their position among the voters and on the
other hand, negative image of PPP and PML (N)
contributed to the uplifts of the status of the mullahs.

351
The Economist 2002
352
Fredrick, The Muslims of Indian Sub-Continent after 11 September
Attacks, p. 101.

209
 (g) It is also fact that Musharraf provided support to the MMA
due to the rivalry of PPP and PML (N). Special concessions
were made for MMA and it was given free hand to hold
rallies and processions. While PML (N) and PPP were not
allowed to hold meetings and to organize demonstrations.
Even the MMA candidates were allowed to contest elections
without valid bachelor degree and Madaris certificates were
considered equivalent to bachelor degree to contest
elections. Hundreds of the politicians of other parties were
disqualified to contest the elections for lack of bachelor
degree
(h) The mainstream politicians were either forced into exile or
their parties had been divided into groups. This division
served to divide the vote bank of the moderate and secular
political parties. It provided an opportunity to the religious
and pro-government parties to win the October 2002
elections.353

2. Foreign Factor
The destruction caused by war in Afghanistan after
September 11 incident created an impression that the war was
pashtun specific, which incited the Pashtuns against the nations
attacking Afghanistan and particularly against the governments
and the parties that supported them in the war on terror in
Afghanistan. The Pashtuns living in two provinces of Pakistan
(NWFP and Baluchistan) had deep and fraternal relations with
those suffering from US led coalition forces attacks. The anti war
and anti-government sentiments among the Pashtuns further
infuriated when the wounded and dead bodies of their Pashtuns
brethren returned to their region. The MMA showing a deep
sympathy with the Taliban and Afghans launched an anti-
government campaign that ultimately did catch the sentiments of
the Pashtuns in Pakistan.354

353
K. Ahmad, Political Development in Pakistan, p. 81.
354G. Fredrick, The Muslims of Indian Sub-Continent after 11 September
Attacks, p. 120.

210
MMA on Opposition Benches
Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman was made the leader of the
opposition in the National Assembly in a controversial election.
MMA got the post by showing the support of sixty eight
legislators, whereas the plea of ARD candidates was turned down
by speaker on the ground that the ARD parties was not a single
political entity. Makhdoom Amin Fahim was the candidate of
ARD with the support of eighty legislators. Though, MMA was
playing role as opposition in the National Assembly of Pakistan
but in real sense it had become the B team of General Musharraf
due to following reasons:
1. On the issue of 17th amendment, MMA supported General
Musharraf and his team and it was passed in December
2003 by two third majority. The amendment introduced
changes in the nine articles of 1973 constitution. The 17th
amendment retained the key Presidential powers that had
been set out in the original LFO: the power to dismiss the
Prime Minister and to dissolve the National Assembly. The
17th amendment also indemnified all the actions and laws
made by General Musharraf since October 1999 coup.
2. The establishment also provided relief to MMA and did not
highlight the issue of MMA members without valid
graduation degree. Although, the elected members of MMA
did not have the recognized graduate degree.
3. On the issue of the vote of confidence for General
Musharraf, MMA in a non participatory fashion facilitated
General Musharraf’s political machination. It abstained
from voting without opposing him. A helpless ARD kept
shouting anti Musharraf slogans throughout the
proceedings and boycotted the session.
Due to following reasons, it can be said that MMA
facilitated the rule of General Musharraf and validated his actions
through legislative process. But outwardly, it was the opposition
of General Musharraf. It shows the multi-faceted standards of the
religious political parties who always tried to expand their
influences under the umbrella of the dictators.

211
MMA in Power
MMA established government in KPK under Akram
Durani as a Chief Minister. The party was in absolute majority in
the province and it tried to implement its manifesto. The
following steps of the government of MMA were remarkable:
1. The KPK assembly passed a resolution with majority asking
the government to ban bank interest
2. And revert to Friday as a weekly holiday.
3. Implementation of the recommendations of the council of
Islamic Ideology in the province
4. No tax should be charged on weapons, houses and vehicles
5. The government set up committee to recommend the
enforcement of such Islamic punishments as stoning to
death, amputation of the limbs and death penalty for
blasphemy and consumption of the liquor.
6. On January 21, 2003, a meeting of the leading ulema was
held in Peshawar. They collectively decided to form the
council consisting of the constitutional experts and ulema
to give proposals for converting the existing laws into the
Islamic laws in KPK. They established the Nifaze-e-Shaira
Council under the chairmanship of the Mufti Ghulam-ur-
Rehman.
7. Directives had also been issued to the bureaucrats to pray
five times a day and follow Sharia laws.
8. The provincial government also ordered to curb the sale of
the music and video CDs, destruction of the posters
featuring women and advertising western products
9. Imposition of complete ban on the sale and consumption of
alcohol
10. Medical check up of women by male doctors, male coaches
for female athlete and coverage of women sports by male
journalists were prohibited.
11. The KPK assembly collectively passed the much awaited
Sharia Bill with clear majority on Jan 02, 2003. 355

355The Friday Times, 2003.

212
 Religion was being imposed upon the people of KPK
through government stick. At the national level, MMA was
providing silent support to such a dictator who had introduced
enlightened moderation. Through this concept, he introduced
western culture and stressed upon education. While in the
Province, MMA was going to implement Islamic system of Law.
Secondly, the main businesses of the Pathan community were the
transport and weapons. The government facilitated those people
who had indulged in these businesses through exemptions of
taxes. The whole mafia was working in these two areas and the
government relaxed them from tax. It was strange decision of the
government of KPK. At the national level, the President of
Pakistan was talking about the rights of the women and even he
increased their quota in different fields. Special weightage was
given to them. But in the province of KPK, the rights of the
women were being snubbed. It was also dismal that MMA did not
concentrated on education and health properly. No free package
of medicines in government hospitals was given to the people of
KPK for their treatment. In education, free education was not
introduced at any level. But it became notorious due to
victimization on the name of transfers and postings in the
educational institutions. The elected members of MMA used to
receive money from the teachers for their postings but it was
justified on the name of for party funds. Due to such kind of
actions, the masses of the both provinces turned down the
requests of the religious parties in the elections of 2008. It failed
to maintain its majority in the provincial legislatures and ANP
succeeded to attract the voters. Even the rift was created within
the components of the MMA and JIP dissociated itself from the
alliance.

213
 Part Five

214
215
 POLITICAL PARTIES

The political scientists declare the political party – a

group of people organized for the purpose of wining government
power. Political party displays some measures of ideological
cohesion. The principal classification of political parties have
distinguished between cadre and mass or, later, catch all parties,
parties of representation and parties of integration, constitutional
or main stream parties and revolutionary and anti system ones,
and left wing parties and right wing parties. 356.

Muslim League
It is the oldest political party in Pakistan. Before the
partition, it was founded in 1906. After the emergence of Pakistan,
it established its ministries in the Centre and the Provinces. There
was no challenge to it during 1947 to 1954. But it had failed to
deliver and satisfy the masses of the East and West Pakistan. Most
of its leaders were interested in capturing offices than serving the
nation. They indulged in intrigues against one another. Their
differences shattered the unity and discipline of the party. Due to
different rivals within the party, the other political parties were
formed.
The All Pakistan Muslim League was established in 1948
after the bifurcation of the All India Muslim League. In the first
year of the partition, Quaid-i-Azam was the president of the
League but in 1948, he refused to associate himself with any
political party. In 1948, the new Council of the League met and
adopted the new constitution which debared ministers from
holding any office in the Laeague organization. Chaudhuri

356 Andrew Heywood, Politics, p. 249

216
Khaliquzzman was elected the Chief Organizer of the Party.
Under his supervision, an enrolment campaign was launched. He
became the President of the Muslim League. He resigned
unceremoniously after a demonstration of refugees before his
house in Karachi. After that, Liaquat Ali Khan became the
President in October 1950 but he failed to restore the image and
prestige of the League due to following reasons
1. He was so busy in governmental business that he could not
pay attention to the affairs of the party
2. He was exposed to criticism as Prime Minister which he had
to own as the President of the League too
3. After the unification of the National Command, the
separate entity of the party came to an end and it became a
handmaid of the government
4. He encouraged factional intrigues in the provinces by
supporting his friends against their rivals who were known
for their devotion and loyalty to the organization
After assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Khawaja
Nazimuddin became the President of the League. He was least
interested in the affairs of the party. When Malik Ghulam
Muhammad, the governor general of Pakistan, dismissed Khawaja
Nazimuddin, the League did not show any reaction against the
decision but also accepted the new Prime Minister Muhammad
Ali bogra. In 1955, the constitution of the party was amended and
the ministers were debarred from becoming office bearers of the
party. Sardar Abdur Rub Nishtar was elected the President of the
League. He asserted himself as a party leader and tried to restore
the image of the party. After the death of Abdur Rub Nishtar,
Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan became President of the League. In his
tenure, the party began to gain popularity. During the period of
Ayub Khan, a convention of the Muslim League was held in
Karachi and it was attended by Ministers and pro-government
politicians. Most of the old leaguers, disqualified under EBDO,

217
stayed away from this convention and League was divided into the
Convention Muslim League and the Council Muslim League. 357

Awami League
Awami League was founded by Suharwardy in 1950. It
contested provincial election for East Pakistan Legislative
Assembly as the major party in the United Front Alliance. The
party remained in opposition in Ayub era. After the death of
Suhrawardy, Mujib-ur-Rehman came on the surface. In the
elections of 1970, he proved his worth and won the 160 out of 162
seats of the National Assembly from East Pakistan. After
thumping majority, he demanded the central government without
the participation of any other party. While the majority party of
West Pakistan, PPP, demanded its share in the government as the
largest party of West Pakistan but no compromise was made
between the both parties. The army operation added fuel to fire
and played role in the separation of East Pakistan. The
responsibility is put on the shoulders of Awami League for the
separation of East Pakistan.358

National Awami Party

It was formed in 1957. The NAP included noted Pashtun,
Baloch, Sindhi and Bengali nationalist thinkers and politicians. Its
founding members included former Muslim League member and
socialist, Mian Iftikharuddin; sindhi scholar and nationalist,
G.M.Syed; Pashtun nationalist and ideologue, Bacha Khan;
pashtun nationalist Abdul Samad Achakzai; Bengali leftist leader,
Maulana Bhashani; and Baloch nationalist, Ghaus Baksh Bizenjo.
A number of intellectuals also joined the party. The party
described itself as a socialist-democratic party working towards
achieveing democratic reforms and greater’s autonomy for the

357Safdar Mahmood, A Political Study of Pakistan, pp. 102-105.

358Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, pp.
99-100.

218
country’s non-Punjabi and non-Mohajir population. But NAP’s
membership included Punjab and Mohajir activists as well who
were once associated with the Communist party of Pakistan that
was banned in 1951. NAP was against the scheme of “One Unit”.
When Ayub Khan imposed martial law in Pakistan and banned all
political activities, most NAP leaders were arrested and put
behind bars. But they were released, when Ayub Khan lift the ban
and authored a new constitution of 1962. During this period, the
NAP raised voice for provincial autonomy and the removal of the
One Unit. It also demanded for neutral foreign policy and holding
of direct elections. The growing tension between China and
Russia splited the left into different sections. NAP also accepted
the influnce of this rivalry and it was divided into pro-China and
pro-Soviet factions. Bhashani led the faction of Pro-China and
Wali Khan was the leader of pro-Soviet faction in NAP. But inspite
of these differences, NAP remained to be a united front on the
surface, beneath the veneer its leaders had begun to disagree on
the question of supporting Ayub Khan. When Ayub Khan
contested the Presidential elections against Fatima Jinnah, the
Bhashani faction supported him and Wali Khan faction was the
supporter of Fatima Jinnah. Finally in 1967, the split in NAP
became an open secret. The pro-Soviet faction (led by Wali
Khan), suggested working to put Pakistan on a democratic path
and then move towards achieving the party’s goals of provincial
autonomy and socialism. The pro-China faction led by Bhashani
rejected democracy and labelled it as a tool of the bourgeoisie.
Bhashani advocated that the party should ally and work with
peasant groups to initiate revolutionary land reforms. 359

Krishak Sramic Party

Krishak Sramik Party was the successor of the Proja Party
established by Fazlul Haq in the 1927’s to safeguard the interests
of the proja (Peaseants). The party adopted twelve point

359DAWN, November 9, 2014.

219
programme which included release of political prisoners; Bengali
as a national language; full provincial autonomy on the basis of
Lahore Resolution; reorientation of education system. A
distinguishing factor of its programme was its religious
orientation adopted in cooperation with Nizam-i-Islam Party.360
During the second half of the 1953, the idea of forging a United
Front against the Muslim League gained ground. In December
1953, Bhashani, suhrawardy and Fazlul Haq decided to pool their
resources against the Muslim League. They issued the 21 point
programme which was later proclaimed as charter of freedom for
East Pakistan. The document summerised the Bengali grievances
and demands, i.e.
1. Making Bengali a national language
2. Nationalisation of jute
3. Land reforms
4. Declaration of twenty first feburary as an official memorial
day
5. Release of political prisoners
6. Repeal of safty acts
7. Establishment of full regional autonomy for East Pakistan
8. Leaving defence, foreign affairs and currency to the centre 361

Ganatantri Dal
It was organized in 1953 with left orientation. The party’s
foundation was laid at a convention on January 19, 1953 attended
by about 100 political workers. Haji Muhammad Danesh, a
legendary Kisan leader, was its first President and Mahmud Ali
was his general secretary (a former secretary of the Assam
students’ federation). The party manifesto attacked the Muslim
League for its vested interests and reactionary views and stressed
upon the need of social, political and economic changes in the
country. Its manifesto called for the abolition of the zamindari

360Cesar Pobre, History of Political Parties in Pakistan 1947-58, pp. 251-52.

361Rafique Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan, p. 247.

220
system, adoption of Bengali as official language, independent
foreign policy, confiscation of foreign capital, nationalisation of
the jute trade, introduction of joint electorates, quitting the
common wealth and establishing of Pakistan Bharat amity. The
Communists of East Pakistan joined this party, especially after the
banning of the Communist party in West Bengal in March 1948.
During 1948-49, it fomented several armed uprisings in East
Pakistan in pursuit of the Zhdanov line of international
communist movement. 362 By opening its door to non-Muslims, it
became the first non-communal party. The Ganatantari Dal joined
the United Front in November 1953 with a ten point minimum
programme. Under the Governor’s rule in 1954, many party
members were arrested and languished in jail until parliamentary
government was restored. It broke away from United Front in 1955
for its failure to implement the 21 point programme. In 1956,
Mahmud Ali became a minister in the East Pakistan Awami
League ministry for a year. In July 1957, at its three day council
meeting, it decided to merge with the National Awami Party.363

Pakistan People’s Party,

Pakistan People’s Party was established by Z.A.Bhutto in
1967 and participated in the elections of 1970 that were held under
the command of military ruler. The majority in West Pakistan
provided it a opportunity to form the government after the
separation of East Pakistan. From 1971 to 1977 PPP ruled over the
country with great achievements for Pakistan. General
Muhammad Zia toppled the government of ZAB and made plot
for his death. Pakistan People’s Party was in doldrums after the
death of ZAB. Nusrat Bhutto took the command of the party and
it was a time when the important leaders left the party. Inspite of
crisis, the party formed the alliance against Zia rule with the
collaboration of few other parties. The alliance formed the shape

362Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, p. 127.

363Zarina Salamat, Pakistan 1947-1958 An Historical Review, p. 120.

221
of Restoration of Democracy in 1981. There were two major
demands, holding of elections and restoration of a representative
government. With the efforts of PPP, MRD gained momentum
but could not dislodge the government. This failure created a
sense of demoralization in the party. 364

Muslim League (Khairuddin)

Muslim league was considered the major party that got
credit of the creation of Pakistan but the military dictators always
used it for prolonging their rules. Due to the support of Military
dictators, it was divided into different branches. Same situation
was developed after the imposition of Zia’s Martial Law. Though it
was united against Bhutto’s rule and even participated in the
movement of PNA but after that it was divided into two groups.
One was supporting Zia’s Martial Law under the leadership of Pir
of Pagaro while another group with the leadership of Khwaja
Khairuddin opposed any cooperation with the military regime.
PML (Khairuddin) joined MRD against Zia government and
demanded free and fair elections and the removal of Martial
Law.365

Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam
The roots of Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam sprang from Jamiat-
ul-Ulema-i-Hind. It was established in Oct. 1945 to support the
demand of Pakistan and it supported Muslim League in the
elections of 1945-46. It also helped Muslim League in wining
referendum in the NWFP and Sylhet in 1947. The Deobandi
school of thought dominated the party from its existence.
Maulana Shabir Ahmed Usmani, Maulana Ihteshamul Haq
Thanvi, Syyaid Suleman Nadvi, Mufti Mahmood, Maulana
Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi, Maulana Fazlur Rehman were the

364 Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-1999,

pp. 140-43.
365Ibid., pp. 125-26.

222
renowned leaders of the party. After the creation of Pakistan, the
party made efforts for the Islamic constitution. It participated in
the 1970 elections and won seven National Assembly seats from
the districts of Bannu, Kohat and Dera Iamail Khan of the NWFP
and Baluchistan. The remarkable thing of this election was the
defeat of Bhutto from Mufti Mehmood. It participated in the
elections of 1977 with the colliation of the parties of PNA. It was
also a part of PNA in agitation against Bhutto and after the
imposition of Martial Law; it was split into two groups. JUI (F) and
JUI (S) were the two groups. JUI (Sami ulluh Group) was
supporting Zia regime and JUI Fazlur Rehman group) was against
the imposition of Martial Law. JUI (F) joined the MRD against Zia
government and made efforts for the restoration of democracy
and the constitution of 1973. It boycotted the elections of 1985. 366

Pakistan Democratic Party

In June 1969, PDP came into existence with the merger of
four parties, Nizam-i-Islam party, Awami League (NN Group),
National Democratic Front, Justice Party. PDP joined the Zia
government after the imposition of Martial Law but it could not
run for a long time. Soon the party left the federal cabinet of Zia
regime and joined the anti-Zia political alliance in the shape of
MRD. During the agitation against dictator, Nawabzada Nasrullah
Khan was arrested and detained in jail. It is fact that he spent
most of his time in opposition. Even during the rule of ZAB, he
was very critical to PPP and he also joined PNA movement. His
electoral support was always very limited. 367

National Democratic Party (NDP)

It was founded by Sardar Sherbaz khan Mazari in 1975
after the banning of ANP. The workers of ANP joined NDP.

366 Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-1999,

pp. 157-59.
367Ibid., pp. 131-33.

223
National Democratic Party supported the concept of non-
alignment and a democratic system in Pakistan. Bhutto was
against NDP and the party also always opposed the policies of
ZAB. The leaders of NDP joined the alliance of Pakistan National
Alliance (PNA) and participated in the campaign against rigging
in the elections of 1977. But it opposed the decision of PNA in
favor of Zia regime. NDP claimed to be a true democratic party,
that’s why it opposed the rule of dictator and dissociated itself
from PNA. National Democratic Party had the two demands from
Martial Law dictator i.e. restoration of the constitution of 1973 and
free and fair elections. For the implementation of its demands, it
joined the opposition alliance MRD and made efforts for its
targets. But the differences of Sardar Sherbaz khan Mazari
andWali Khan affected the integrity of the party and it gradually
eased out of the political scene because Wali Khan had debarred
from the party and established Awami National Party. 368

Party Name Leader Year

National Maulana Abul Hamid 25 July1957
Awami Party Bhashani
NAP (Wali) Abdul Wali Khan
NAP (Bhashani) Maulana Abul Hamid
Bhashani
National Sardar Sherbaz khan Mazari 1975
Democratic
Party
Awami Wali Khan
National Party
(ANP)

Tehrik-i-Istaqlal

368Ibid., pp. 145-51.

224
 Asghar Khan was the founder of Tehrik-i-Istaqlal in 1970
and opened its offices in the major cities of Pakistan within the
party elections. Before the creation of Tehrik-i-Istaqlal, he had
laid the foundation of Justice Party on 13 March 1969. After the
downfall of Ayub Khan, it merged into Pakistan Democratic Party.
After that he felt that he had been sidelined by the leaders of PDP
and due to this, he decided to quit politics on 2 December 1969.
After the announcement of elections in 1970, he again became
active and laid the foundation of Tehrik-i-Istaqlal but it was
defeated by the candidate of PPP in the elections of 1970. During
Bhutto rule (1971-77), the party remained in opposition and even
joined PNA against Bhutto. But the imposition of Martial Law
reduced the differences between PPP and Tehrik-i-Istaqlal. Asghar
Khan refused to join Zia cabinet and even withdrew from PNA.
The party also demanded free and fair elections, withdrawal of
Martial Law and restoration of democracy. For this purpose, it
joined MRD and fully participated in the agitation against
dictator’s rule. Due to his anti-Zia stance, Asghar Khan remained
under house arrest for several years. Even the party decided to
boycott the elections of 1985 in pursuance of the decision by the
MRD.369

Pakistan National Party

Six minor parties of West Pakistan met in Lahore and
merged into a single party, under the name of Pakistan National
Party on September 9, 1956. Their common objective was the
liquidation of One Unit. The parties came to gehter were
1. Sindh Awami Mahaz
2. Sindh Hari Committee
3. Ustaman Gal of Kalat
4. The Wrore Pakhtoon
5. The Khudai Khidmatgars of NWFP

369Safdar Mahmood, Pakistan Political Roots & Development 1947-1999,

pp. 133-36.

225
 6. Azad Pakistan Party
The party’s aims and objectives and its social and
economic programme, and constitution was identical to the one
later adopted by National Awami Party. It was a non-communal
organisation. The resolutions adopted by the party concerned the
deteriorating economic situation in the country due to lack of
planning and coordination. The reactionery policy of the
government was held responsible for the feudal structure of the
country’s economy. The party undertook to implement the land
ceiling fixed by the Planning Board. 370 Abdul Hamid Jatoi was the
president of Pakistan National party, Sindh.

Mazdor Kissan Party

Following the split of the National Awami Party (NAP) at
the end of 1967, the leftist members of the NAP, many of whom
were active in a Kissan (peasant) Committee, decided to follow
the Wali Khan faction. Soon after, the leadership of the Wali Khan
faction, being landlords, decided not to allow members of the
NAP to also be members of the Kissan Committee. The leftists, led
by Afzal Bangash, then decided to leave the NAP and establish the
MKP. On 1. May 1968, at a meeting in Peshawar, the Mazdoor
Kisan Party was formed with Afzal Bangash as leader and Sher Ali
Bacha as the General Secretary. As in 1970, the MKP did not
participate in the general elections of 1977, although it had good
prospects. Instead it held the slogan of "Intikhab Naheen, Inqilab"
(Revolution, not elections) and organised mass rallies following a
relaxation of political restrictions. The aftermath of the March
1977 elections was one of frustration for the cadres of the MKP.
The government was accused by the right-wing Pakistan National
Alliance (PNA) of rigging the elections, and the country was
basically polarised between supporters and opponents of Bhutto.
The MKP, as well as the rest of the left in Pakistan, was mostly

370Zarina Salamat, Pakistan 1947-1958 An Historical Review, p. 127

226
powerless in this major crisis, crying out for civil liberties while at
the same time labelling PNA as reactionary.

Kisan Mazdoor Party

In July 1955, A.H. Sarkar announced the formation of a
West Pakistan branch of Krishak Sramik Party with headquarters
at Karachi to be known as Kisan Mazdoor Party. A central
committee of seven members was set up to enrole members. Its
twelve point programme included demands such as establishment
of parliamentary democracy; abolution of security laws; abolution
of landlordism; incentives for basic industries and introduction of
progressive labour legislation of trade; establishment of a federal
form of government with maximum autonomy for federating
units; separation of judiciary from the executive branch.371

Sindh Awami Tehrik

Sindh Awami Tehrik was established by Rasul Bux Paleejo
in the early 70s. thisorganization emerged as a new potent factor
to be reckoned within the context of Sindhi politics. It
commanded respect and admiration amongst a broad section of
Sindh. This Tehrik was against the Sindhi Wadera and Sindhi
nationalist. It declared them pro-Americans and they did not
desire any change in the socio-economic system. As opposed to
the Sindhi nationalist slogan of “land should be free”, the Awami
Tehrik responded with the line that “People should be free”.
Sindhi nationalists spoke of “Sindhu Desh”, while the SAT was
very much for a united federal Pakistan, although it did not hold
the view that “Pakistan is a multinational state”. 372

Jamat-e-Islami
The jamat-e-Islami is one of the most articulated religious
parties in Pakistan. It was originally formed in 1941 in Lahore by

371Zarina Salamat, Pakistan 1947-1958 An Historical Review, p. 119.

372 Mushahid Hussain, Pakistan’s Politics: The Zia Years, pp. 47-51.

227
Maulana Abu-al-Alla Maududi. This party is for the adoption of a
state by sharia (Islamic Law), where the head of the state would
rule with the consent of the learned Islamic religious scholars.
This variety of Islamist believes that solutions of all the problems
of Pakistan lies in the enforcement of the Islamic code, and that
Islam is more than a religion. The JI members have played an
important role in Pakistan’s politics since the independence. They
were active in the anti-Ahmadi communal disturbances of 1953.
The party also led the opposition movement against the Family
Laws Ordinance in 1961, and consistently particiaped in
opposition politics from 1955 till 1977. 373
The electoral performance of the JI had, however, been
satisfactory. In the elections of December 1970, it could manage
only four seats out of three hundred of the national assembly. In
1977, it was part of the PNA. JI denounced the idea of Islamic
Socialism introduced by Z.A.Bhutto as anti-Islamic, and Maududi
and his party campaigned against this ideology of the
government. Fazl-ur-Rehman’s father, the then head of the JUI,
Muft Mehmood, was criticised by Maulana Maududi for JUI
endorsement of the Islamic socialism of ZA.Bhutto. Maududi
vociferously opposed Bhutto and his socialism. During General
Zia-ul-Haq regime, Saudi influence grew considerably in Pakistan.
Maulana Maududi, being a close Saudi ally, became the
ideological mentor of the new regime. The JI profited from the
islamization of Zia. The Islamization process invoked by General
Zia indicated an effort to adopt doctrine practices popularised in
Pakistan by Maulana Maududi. Taking full advantage of the
opportunity, the Jamaat succeeded in wining the post of mayor of
Karachi in the two successive local body elections of 1979 and
1983. In 1985, though polls were paralyzed by the military regime,
it won seven seats. In 1988, it joined the Islami Jamhuri Ittehad
(IJI), and won six seats in the National Assembly. However, in the
1990 elections, Jamaat got only three percent of the popular votes

373 M.R. Afzal, Political Parties in Pakistan, p. 87.

228
in the National Assembly, and got four percent, three precent and
0.8 percent votes in NWFP, Punjab and Sindh provincial
assemblies, respectively.374
During the 1993 elections, the JI youth wing Islami
Jamiat-e-Tulba ran a massive campaign, but could not make any
significant mark; and in 1997, the JI boycotted the elections. The
Jamaat has always relied on political alliances and compromises
throughout its career. But even by joining alliances it was unable
to achieve its required objectives. For example, the Jamaat joined
the Pakistan Islamic front (PIF), Islami Jamoori Mahaz (IJM),
Muttahidha Deeni Mahaz (MDM) but the combined votes of
these alliances were 6.75 percent of the total votes polled. The
Jamaat only got nine seats in the elections of 1985, including both
in National and Provincial assemblies. The only productive
alliance , which has furthered the political fortunes of the Jamaat
has been the six party alliance, the MMA. Being the second largest
party included in this alliance, the JI performed well.375

Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam (Sami-ul-Haq Group)

As a president of this faction, Maulana Sami-ul-Haq
declared the association of his party with MMA. The political
history of the JUI-S begins after the emergence of JUI-S, when it
parted away with its mother party, the JUI. The popularity and
politics of the JUI (S) was also connected to a religious seminary
i.e. the Dar-ul-Elum Haqqania. A very famous and wellknown
madressah lies just at the crossing of the Indus river, at Akora
Khattak in KPK. In the last decades, it has awarded degree to the
thousands of students including famous jihadi personalities such
as Younas Khalis, head of the Mujahdin organisation Tanzeem-e-
Hizb-e-Islami Afghanistan; Jalal-ud-Din Haqqani, a jihadi leader
in Southern Afghanistan. The head of the party, Maulana Sami-ul-
Haq, was a close comrade of Mufti Mehmood. In 1985, he was

374 S. Ali, Pakistan: A Religio-Political Study, p. 65.

375 K. Bahadur, Democracy in Pakistan Crisis and Conflicts, pp. 45-88.

229
elected to the member of the National Assembly. In 1988,
Maulana Abdullah Darkhwasti parted ways with JUI over policy
issues. Later on in 1990, the Darhwasti group was renamed JUI-S,
when Fazl-ur-Rehman was appointed as a chairman as a standing
committee of foreign affairs during Benazir Bhutto’s second
tenure in office. In the elections of 1993 and 1997, the party did
not get the support of the electorates. However, the 9/11 incident
changed the whole world and it changed the environment for the
JUI-S too. It was included in the six party religious alliance of
MMA.

Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Pakistan
Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Pakistan related back to the Barelvi
sect of Sunni Islam, which is recognised for its old traditional
Islam and enthusiastically defends Sufis and other religious
practices to which Wahabbis take exception. The Barelvi follow
the school of thought founded by Maulana Ahmad Raza who was
born in Bans Barelvi of Rohilkhand Division in India. In the early
days of Pakistan, Maulana Abdul Hamid Badayuni led the party.
In the every first election in 1970, the JUP got seven seats in the
National Assembly and equal number of seats in the provincial
assembly of Sindh. However, in 1977, the party did not perform
well and blame was placed on the government that the elections
were rigged.376
In 1971, party leadership was transferred from Maulana
Qamaruddin Syalvi to another scholar Maulana Shah Ahmad
Norani. He was appointed as president and Maulana Abdus Sattar
Niazi as secretary general of JUP. Shah Ahmad Norani was an
active preacher of Islam and spent a lot of time abroad for this
purpose. These sorts of engagements in abroad created a wide gap
between him and his party workers. At the convention of the
party held in Feburary 25, 1990 at Lahore, Maulana Norani was
expelled from the party and Abdus Sattar was elected as a party

376 S. Waraiej, Mazhabi Siyasat K Tazadat, p. 56.

230
president. During the 1990s and 2000, the party received a
setback, having failed to produce results in the elections. In 2001,
the two groups Niazi and Norani emerged in a single party, with
Maulana Norani was elected as chairman of the JUP supreme
council and Maulana Sattar Niazi was elected as president of the
party. When the six party alliance the MMA was formed, Maulana
Norani was elected as president of the alliance.377

Jamiat-ahl-e-Hadith and Islami Tehreek Pakistan

Professor Sajid Mir heads the Jamiat-Ahl-e-Hadith, the
political organ of a minuscule Wahabis-influenced sect whose
members considered themselves “the people who follow the Holy
Prophet’s tradition alone and do not scribe to any of the classical
school of law. The Islami Tehreek Pakistan (ITP), the Shia
component in MMA, is headed by Sajid Naqvi, and seeks to
represent the country’s main religious community – Shias. Shias
are divided into further sub-sects, including Ismailis, Bohras etc.
378

Arab countries especially Saudi Arab support Sunni and

Ahl-e-Hadith movements to counter Iranian financing for the
Shia movements. As a result of this deep theological divide among
the religious parties and sects, the MMA alliance existed only at
leadership level while the component parties continued to
support as a competing entities. For political expediences and
gains they united at the United Forum of Action (the MMA), but
the component parties later started to consider that this was the
alliance of the two dominent parties, the JUI and JI which had the
largest number of seats in the center and provincial legislatures,
that’s why they monopolised the decision making process.379

377 Shaikh Abdul Qayyum, Maulana Fazl ur Rehman Ka Siyasi Safar, p. 91.
378 Y. Ludhianvi, Division in Umma and Straight Path, pp. 81-99.
379 Z. Hussain, Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, p. 91.

231
 POLITICIANS

H.S.Suhrawardy
Born into a prominent Bengali Muslim family,
Suhrawardy was educated at Oxford, and joined the Swaraj Party
of Chittaranjan Das upon returning to India in 1921. He became
the Mayor of Calcutta, the largest city in British India, during the
1930s, and later, as a member of the All-India Muslim League,
assumed the premiership of Bengal in the mid-1940s. Along with
Sarat Chandra Bose, Suhrawardy mooted the United Bengal
proposal, in an attempt to prevent the Partition of Bengal.
Following the independence of Pakistan in 1947, he became a
leading populist statesman of East Pakistan, leaving the Muslim
League to join the newly formed centre-left Awami League in
1952. Along with A. K. Fazlul Huq and Maulana Bhashani, he led
the pan-Bengali United Front alliance to a resounding victory in
the 1954 East Bengal elections, which witnessed a crushing defeat
of the Muslim League in East Pakistan. In 1956, the Awami League
formed an alliance with the Republican Party to lead a coalition
government in Pakistan. Suhrawardy became prime minister and
pledged to resolve the energy crises, address economic disparities
between East and West Pakistan, and strengthen the armed
forces. His initiatives included supply side economic policies,
planning nuclear power and energy and reorganizing and
reforming the Pakistani military. In foreign policy, he pioneered a
strategic partnership with the United States. Faced with pressure
from the bureaucracy and business community over his policies in
aid distribution, nationalization and opposition to the One Unit
scheme, he was forced to resign on 10 October 1957, under threat
of dismissal by President Iskandar Mirza. He was banned from
public life by the military junta of General Ayub Khan.

232
Suhrawardy died in 1963 in Beirut, Lebanon after suffering a
massive heart attack.380

Maulana Bhashani
He gained popularity among peasants and the higher status
emerging leadership of Bengali Muslims. Owing to his leaning to
the left, often dubbed "Islamic Socialism", he was nicknamed "The
Red Maulana". Maulana Bhashani is regarded as the proponent of
anti-imperialist, non-communal and left-leaning politics by his
admirers in present-day Bangladesh and beyond. In 2013 the
Awami League Government of Bangladesh reduced his presence
in school curricula. A one-time student of Deoband, and
participant of the Khilafat Movement protesting the dissolution of
the Ottoman Empire he led the Muslims of Assam in a successful
campaign during the 1947 Sylhet Referendum, through which
Sylhet chose to become part of the Pakistan national project. He
was the founder and President of the Pakistan Awami Muslim
League which later became Awami League (AL). Later however,
owing to differences with the right-leaning leaders in the AML,
such as Shahid Suhrawardy, on the issue of autonomy for East
Pakistan, he formed a new progressive party called National
Awami Party (NAP). He also differed with Suhrawardhy when he
as Prime Minister of Pakistan decided to join the US-led defence
pact CENTO and SEATO. The split among the progressive camp
into pro-Moscow and pro-Peking factions eventually led to the
breakup of NAP into two separate parties; the pro-Moscow faction
being led by Muzaffar Ahmed. After Pakistan's 1965 war with
India, he showed some support for Field Marshal Ayub Khan's
regime for its China-leaning foreign policy; but later he gave
provided leadership to a mass uprising against the regime in 1968-
69 with support from Fatima Jinnah. He played a very critical role
in the 1969 movement which eventually led to the collapse of the
Ayub regime and the release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other
co-accused in the so-called Agartala conspiracy case against
Pakistan. His decision to boycott the 1970 Pakistan general
elections due to his mistrust of the West Pakistani leaders,

380Begum Shaista Ikramullah, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy: A Biography,

pp. 41-55.

233
effectively led to the electoral sweep by erstwhile opponent
Mujibur Rahman. His efforts created a sense of fierce nationality
and a spririt of independence amongst all Bangalis of East
Pakistan.381

A.K.Fazlul Haq
He established his own political party, Krishak Sramik
Party in July 1953. He had served as MPA from 1937 to 1947 and
Chief Minister from 1937 to 1941 of Bengal. He moved the historic
Pakistan Resolution in the Lahore session of AIML. Because of his
differences with the central League leadership, he was expelled
from the party but re-joined it before the 1945-46 elections and
was elected MCA. After independence, he kept a low profile and,
in Feburary 1951, when he was planning to become active in
politics, he was appointed as advocate general of East Pakistan. In
May-June 1954, while still holding that office, he tried to oust
Nurul Amin from the Chief Ministership but failed. Due to his
failure, he resigned from the post of advocate general and
organized his political party which issued a ten point manifesto
that demanded the Bengali language and provincial autonomy.382

Fatima Jinnah
She played a perceptible role in the Pakistan Movement and
during the first twenty years of Pakistan’s independence, Jinnah’s
sister’s presence loomed large. She provided support to the
Muslim League in the provincial elections of East Pakistan
Assembly in 1954. She contested the Presidential election against
Ayub Khan in 1964. In her electoral campaign against Ayub Khan,
she vowed to undo the Basic Democracies System under which
the elections were held, with indirect elections through thousands
of Basic Democrats voting in an electoral college to choose the
President. She lost the elections but she did shake the military
regime of Ayub Khan.383

381Enamul Haq, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, p. 65.

382Rafique Afzal, Pakistan History and Politics 1947-1971, p. 126.
383Ayesha Jalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 250

234
Khan Abdul Wali Khan
Wali Khan (1917-2006) was heir to his father’s political charisma in
NWFP. He was the son of Khan Abdul ghaffar Khan. Wali Khan
joined the Congress in 1942. After Pakistan’s creation, Wali Khan’s
major contribution to history began with his actions against the
military government of Ayub Khan, especially his implementation
of the One Unit Scheme. Wali Khan was one of the key figures of
National Awami Party that was founded by Maulana Bhashani.
But the differences were developed among the both and split in
1967. On the national stage, Wali Khan was among the most
consistent and influential forces against political centralization in
Pakistan. 384

Nasrullah Khan
Nasrullah Khan (1918-2003) belonged to district Muzaffargarh in
south-western Punjab. He joined politics in late 1930s. He was
initially associated with the anti-colonial Islamist Majlis-i-Ahrar-
e-Islam, which produced many fine orators but opposed the
creation of Pakistan. Nasrullah Khan left the party before the
contesting the elections to the provincial assembly in 1946.
During the Ayub Era, he played important role in the democratic
movement launched against Ayub. The as part head of the
Pakistan Democratic Party he led the negotiations between the
opposition and Z.A.Bhutto after electoral crisis over alleged vote-
rigging in the 1977 general elections. After the demise of
Z.a.Bhutto, he along with other political leaders launched MRD
against Zia-ul-Haq. They were joined in the movement by the
once opposing Pakistan People’s Party. And again under
Nawabzada leadership, the Democratic Alliance known as the
Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy (ARD) was able to forge
a united front between PPP and PML (N) in 1999. The ARD
refused to to support the Legal Framewrok Order that gave cover

384Ibid., p. 284.

235
to General Musharraf’s appointment as President with powers to
dismiss an elected parliament.385

Z.A.Bhutto
Bhutto was born in January 1928, he was the President
and then Prime Minister of Pakistan (1971-77). He educated
himself at the university of California, Berkeley, and Oxford
University. A Sindhi landlord and lawyer, Bhutto entered national
politics as a member of two of Ayub’s cabinets in the 1960s. He
left Ayub government in 1966. He was the founder of Pakistan
People’s Party and its most prominent leader. He appointed
General Zia as chief of the Army Staff in March 1976. Zia removed
Bhutto from the office by a coup d’état on July 5, 1977. After a
lengthy trial, Zia executed Bhutto on April 4, 1979. 386

Asghar Khan
Asghar Khan served in different capacities in the
institution of armed forces including Royal Indian Military
College, Indian Military Academy at Dera Dun, Chief Flying
Officer, Ambala, C-In-C, Pakistan Air force, First Pakistan Air
Marshal, Deputy Martial Law Administrator under Ayub, PIA
Chief. Through out his career, he held core positions in the
military and civilian bureaucracy. His political fortune has seen
ups and downs since his entry into politics in November 1968, he
has largely been spared allegations of treachery to the nation,
experienced by so many of his less fortunate compatriots in
politics. He enetered politics less than a week after the beginning
of the anti-Ayub movement. He constantly talked of a national
crisis in terms of Ayub failure to deliver the goods to the nation.
He was younger than a majority of the established leaders of that

385Ayesha Jalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 290.

386Shahid Javed Burki& Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven
Years of Zia-ul-Haq, pp. 184-192

236
time. First he formed the Justice party, but soon thereafter
entered in negotiations for its merger into the PDP, despite
opposition of the party’s local convenors. Asghar Khan’s decision
to join hands with veterans of Pakistan Politics cost him heavily in
the 1970 elections. In sheer frustration, he announced his decision
to abandon politics altogether. However, Asghar Khan announced
his re-entry into politics by forming Tehrike Istiqlal. Such
fluctuations in politics indicated his lack of firmness which was
reflected in his political stance over various issues. For example,
after the emergence of Bangladesh, he first demanded its
recognition from the Bhutto government, but when the latter
recognized Bangladesh he started opposing it. 387

Yahya Bakhtiar
He was a Quetta-born lawyer. He had been in the news
since 1958 when he challenged the imposition of martial law by
Ayub Khan. He was a Muslim Leaguer but he joined the Pakistan
People’s Party in 1974 and became an active member of the party
in Balochistan. He was appointed Attorney General during the
PPP regime and continued to represent state till handling Bhutto’s
case in the Supreme Court. He did not involve himself much in
the political decisions of the party at the higher level but was
respected for his legal weight. In the 1977 controversial elections,
he was asked to contest on the party ticket which he obediently
did and was declared elected. When the elections became too
contentious, he decided to quit. However during the height of the
PNA agitation he became a member of the core team that was
supposed to find some solution for the fiasco. At a time when
some members close to Bhutto were partying ways and some were
pressing for fresh elections. Yahya Bakhtiar presented a proposal
to break the stalemate. He recommended holding fresh elections
for the provincial assemblies and if the PNA came out victorious

387Mohammad Waseem, Pakistan Under Martial Law 1977-1985, pp. 114-

118.

237
then fresh elections to the National Assembly should also be
held.388

Ghulam Mustafa Khar

He was Landlord and politician from South Punjab,
Opponent of General Zia-ul-Haq. He is known as early PPP leader
and supporter of Z.A.Bhutto. He also served as governor of Punjab
during the Z.A.Bhutto period. He left the PPP when Benazir took
charge. He joined with Jatoi in establishing the National Peoples’s
Party in 1986. He broke with Jatoi in September 1989 and joined
PPP. He was again ousted from the PPP in August 1990. He also
served as water and power minister in the caretaker
government.389

Ataullah Mengal
He led the powerful Mengal tribe. He was elected to the West
Pakistan Assembly in 1956, and the National Assembly in 1962. His
oppositional politics provoked the government to officially revoke
his title of Sardar. Mengal was imprisoned in 1963-67 for sedition.
As a member of the National Awami Party, Ataullah Mengal was
elected to the Balochistan provincial assembly in 1970 and became
the first Baloch Chief Minister of the province in 1972-73. But in
1973, he was deposed and imprisoned along with other NAP
leaders. When freed, Mengal left Pakistan in 1979 and lived in self-
imposed exile for the next twenty years. In 1985, he convened the
Sind Baloch Pukhtun Front, and on returning to Pakistan in 1996
he formed the Balochistan National Party. The party won the

388
DAWN, 20th Oct. 2013.
389ShahidJavedBurki& Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven
Years of Zia-ul-Haq, pp. 184-192

238
provincial elections in 1997 and led to his son Akhtar Mengal to
Become Chief Minister of Balochistan in 1997-98.390

Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi

He was landlord and politician from Sindh and opponent
of Zia ul Haq. He remained member of Z.A.Bhutto’s cabinet (1971-
77). He was founder and leader of the PPP in Sindh and one of the
main forces behind the creation of the Movement for the
Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in 1981. He was also one of the
uncles who broke with the PPP led by Benazir. He joined with
Khar in establishing the National People’s Party in 1986.
Appointed prime minister of the caretaker government (August
1990 to October 1990) by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan.391

Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan

He belonged to Chitral and educated in Peshawar, Aligarh
and England. He started his political career from the platform of
congress. He contested elections twice but was defeated. In 1937,
Dr Khan Sahib vacated his seat in the Central Legislative
Assembly and nominated Abdul Qaiyum, who was elected
unopposed and served as deputy leader of the Congress till 1945.
Disappointed at the provincial Congress’s decision not to send
him to the Central Assembly for a second time, he joined the
Muslim League. He was elected in 1946 and became leader of the
opposition in the provincial assembly. On 21 August 1947, he
became the Chief Minister of NWFP. In 1953, he joined the
Federal Cabinet. During Ayub Khan’s regime, he was disqualified
from taking part in politics but apologized and was allowed to

390Ayesha Jalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 331.

391
ShahidJavedBurki& Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven
Years of Zia-ul-Haq, pp. 184-192

239
resume his political career. In 1970, he was elected to the National
Assembly and later became a minister in Bhutto’s regime.392

Maulana Sami-ul-Haq
Maulana Sami ul Haq is a Pakistani religious scholar and
a politician. He is regarded as the "Father of the Taliban and has
close ties to Taliban leader Mullah Mohammed Omar. Sami ul
Haq is currently the chancellor of Darul Uloom Haqqania, a
Deobandi Islamic seminary which is the alma mater of many
prominent Taliban members. Haq serves as chairman of the Difa-
e-Pakistan Council and is the leader of his own faction of the
Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam political party, known as JUI-S. Sami ul-Haq
is also a founding member of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal the creator
of Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, a religious organisation.
He has also served as a member of the Senate of Pakistan.
He formed Mutahida Deeni Mahaz (United Religious Front), an
alliance of relatively small religio-political parties, to participate in
Pakistani general election, 2013. On 25 March 2013, he unveiled
the electoral manifesto of the front, pledging that all high offices
of the state, including the president, prime minister, chief justice
and chiefs of armed forces, will be held only by Sunni Muslim
men. It also talked of abolishing coeducation and training all
adult Muslims for jihad.393

Maulana Shah Ahmad Norani

He was elected as member of the National Assembly after
participating in general elections held in 1970 on Jamiat Ulema-e-
Pakistan’s platform. Since then, his influence on national politics
further grew and eventually becoming a Senator in 1980s. After
disassociating from politics in 1990s, he made his notable come
back after rigorously opposing and further forming a ultra–

392Ayesha Jalal, The Oxford Companion to Pakistani History, p. 279.

393Daily Nai Baat, Islamabad, 26 March 2013

240
conservative alliance to oppose the regime of President Pervez
Musharraf. Assuming the presidency of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal
(MMA), he was known to have used tough rhetoric against
Musharraf and formed a public support against Musharraf's
policies in the country.
In 2003, Noorani suffered a massive heart attack when he
was preparing to leave his residence situated in F-8/4 sector for
the Parliament House to address a press conference along with
other opposition leaders at 12 noon. His death was condoled by
country's elite political science circles, and is now buried in
Abdullah Shah Ghazi Mausoleum in Karachi.394

Maulana Abdul Sattar Niazi

Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi was a religious and political
leader of Pakistan. He was born at Isakhel in district Mianwali.
After initial education, he opted for religious education in Lahore.
He obtained his Master's degree from Islamia College,Lahore, and
was later appointed the Dean of Islamic Studies at the same
college. He remained at that position until 1947, after which he
joined active politics. Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi was an active
participant in the political struggle for the creation of Pakistan.
He was elected the President of Punjab Muslim Students
Federation in 1938. He then took the position of the President of
the Provincial (Punjab) Muslim League until the creation of
Pakistan in 1947. Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi was elected as Secretary
General of the All-Pakistan Awami Muslim League in 1950 under
the Presidency of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. He was briefly
arrested along with Abul Ala Maududi by the Pakistan Army for
purportedly inciting the Lahore riots of 1953 against the
Ahmadiyya community. He worked as the Secretary General of
the Central Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan from 1973 to 1989 and was
elected as the President of the Central Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan in
1989. He was elected member of the National Assembly of

394Dawn, 25 July 2014.

241
Pakistan twice, in 1988 and 1990. He was elected to the Senate of
Pakistan in 1994 for a six years term. Abdus Sattar Khan Niazi
never married and devoted his life to his political and religious
career.

Maulana Maududi
He was against the creation of Pakistan. In the beginning
of the struggle for the state of Pakistan, Maududi and his party
criticized other leaders of the Muslim League for wanting Pakistan
to be a state for Muslims and not as an Islamic state. After
realizing that India was going to be partitioned and Pakistan
created, he began the struggle to make Pakistan an Islamic state.
Maududi moved to Pakistan in 1947 and worked to turn it into an
Islamic state, resulting in frequent arrests and long periods of
incarceration. In 1953, he and the JI led a campaign against the
Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan resulting in the Lahore riots
of 1953 and selective declaration of martial law. He was arrested
by the military deployment headed by Lieutenant General Azam
Khan, which also included Rahimuddin Khan, and sentenced to
death on the charge of writing a propaganda pamphlet about the
Ahmadiyya issue. He turned down the opportunity to file a
petition for mercy, expressing a preference for death rather than
seeking clemency. Strong public pressure from in and outside
Pakistan, as well as, from the outside world, ultimately convinced
the government to commute his death sentence to life
imprisonment. Eventually, his sentence was annulled.Maududi
was elected Jamaat's first Ameer (president) and remained so until
1972 when he withdrew from the responsibility for reasons of
health.395

Mufti Mehmood
Maulana Mufti Mahmud was an influential cleric, veteran
member of Congress Party, and the founding member of the

395Encyclopedia of World Biography on Abul A'la Maududi

242
Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI). Born in January 1919, he was an ethnic
Marwat Pashtun and hailed from Abdul Khel. He was a militant
activist of the Indian National Congress, participating in the
Indian Independence Movement in 1940s. He opposed the idea of
independence and campaigned against the Muslim League. After
the 1970 General Elections, he became the president of Jamiat
Ulema-e-Islam founded by Moulana Shabir Ahmed Usmani. And
into a coalition with the National Awami Party and Pakistan
People’s Party. On March 1, 1972, he was elected as the Chief
Minister of NWFP (Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa). He along with his
cabinet resigned in protest at the dismissal of the NAP - JUI (F)
coalition government in Balochistan on 14 February 1973. Mufti
Mahmud played a vital role in the debate on Tehreek-e-Khatme
Nabuwwat in Pakistan. He led a team of Islamic Scholars which
worked for the declaration of Qadyanis (Ahmedis and Lahori
Groups) as non-Muslims in the Special Committee from Aug till
Sep 1974. He got influence and popularity after this issue. He
supported Afghan-Jihad against USSR. He died on 14 October
1980. He was buried in Abdul Khel, Paniala, and his home town.
His son Fazal-ur-Rahman would became a notable in the national
politics of Pakistan as well.396

Fazal-ur-Rehman
He is a Pakistani politician and cleric who leads the
conservative Assembly of Islamic Clergy. Rehman's party is
currently part of the Pakistan Muslim League (N) led national
coalition. Rehman has served previously as Leader of the
Opposition between 2002 till 2007 during which time he was the
Secretary General of United Council of Action, the social
conservative alliance which was voted to power in the western
provinces of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan in 2002.

396Abdul Hakeem Akbar, Mufti Mehmood ki ilme, Deeni aur Siyasi

Khedmaat, pp. 45-60.

243
Rehman is the son of Maulana Mufti Mahmud an influential cleric
who led the Assembly of Islamic Clergy during the 70s. Rehman
rose to national politics in 1988, has been elected to National
Assembly on multiple occasions. Rehman and his party remained
junior coalition partners of the national government 1988–1990,
1993–1996, 2008–2013 and 2013–present. A strong proponent and
supporter of Islam, Rehman's role in the government of left-
oriented PPP grew since 1996, and asserted his influential role in
regional policy relating the Jammu Kashmir and Afghanistan.
Rose to national politics in 1988, Rehman notably gathered his
support and much publicised Benazir Bhutto's political campaign
in 1993 general elections. After supporting Benazir Bhutto as
becoming the Prime Minister, Rehman considerably influenced
and assisted Benazir Bhutto to help shaping Taliban regime in
Afghanistan in 1996.

Nusrat Bhutto
She belonged to Iranian family and was the second wife of
Zulfikar Ali and mother of Benazir. She was active in the
opposition to General Zia ulHaq before and after her husband’s
execution. From December 1988 until august 1990, she served as
senior minister in her daughter’s government. She served as co-
chairperson of the PPP.

Benazir Bhutto
The daughter of Z.A.bhutto was born on 21st June 1953 in
Karachi. His family was the prominent political figure of the
Sindh. Benazir Bhutto was the eldest daughter of Z.A.Bhutto and
Nusrat Bhutto (a lady from the Kurdish-Iranian origion). Her
paternal grandfather was Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a Sindhi and a key
figure in Pakistan’s Independence Movement. She received her
early education from Lady Jennings Nursery School and then the
Convent of Jesus and Mary in Karachi. After two years of

244
schooling at the Rawalpindi Presentation Convent, she was sent to
the Jesus and Mary Convent at Murree. She passed her O level
examinations at the age of fifteen years. In April 1969, she was
admitted to Harvard University’s Radcliff College. In June 1973,
she graduated from Harvard with a degree in political science;
during her time at college, she was a member of Phi Beta Kappa.
She attended Oxford University in the autumn of 1973 and
graduated with an MA degree in Philosophy, Politics and
economics. She was also elected President of the prestigious
Oxford Union. She was the first elected woman Prime Minister of
the Muslim World in 1988 and re-elected in 1993. On 27th
December, 2007, she was assassinated in Rawalpindi.397

Nawaz Sharif
He was industrialist and politician from Punjab. He
became Chief Minister of Punjab in 1985 after the non-party
based elections. He was part of the new political leadership
cultivated by both General Zia and Junejo. He served as the
caretaker chief minister of Punjab during the period
between the dismissal of the assemblies (May 1988) and the
November 1988 elections. After the 1988 elections, he was
one of the few Pakistan Muslim League leaders to continue
in power. He was a leader of the nine party Islami Jamhoori
Ittehad group established to challenge the PPP in the
national and provincial elections.398

397Tahir Kamran, Election Commission of Pakistan – Role in Politics, pp.

150-51.
398 Shahid Javed Burki & Craig Baxter, Pakistan Under the Military, Eleven

Years of Zia Regime, pp. 188-191.

245
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RESEARCH JOURNALS
American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences,Herndon
Asian Affairs, London
Asian Defense Journal, London
Asian Profile,London
Asian Survey, California
Asian Thought and Society, New York
Ehtisab, Islamabad
J.StorOnline research journal,
Journal of Common Wealth and Comparative Politics, London
Journal of History and Culture,Islamabad
Journal of International Affairs, Colombia
Journal of Political Studies, Lahore
Journal of Social Sciences, Faisalabad
Journal of Regional Studies, Islamabad
Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Villanova
Pacific Affairs, British Colombia
Pakistan Horizon, Karachi
Punjab Journal of Politics, London
Strategic Studies, Islamabad
Third World Quarterly, London

NEWSPAPERS
Asia Week, New York, London
Daily Haider, Karachi
Daily Post, Lahore
Dawn, Delhi, Karachi
Express Tribune, Islamabad
Harold, New York
Herald, London
Newsline, London
New York Times, New York
Takbeer, (Jamaat-i-Islami) (Mansoora) (Lahore)

252
The Frontier Post, Peshawar
The Muslim, Islamabad
The Nation, Lahore
The News, Islamabad
The Pakistan Times, Lahore
The Spectator, London
The Times, London
The View Point,London
The Washington Post, Washington DC

INTERVIEWS
Interview with Abida Hussain, the MNA from District Jhang.
(12/06/2012)
Interview with Asghar Khan, Leader of Tehreek-e-Istaklal Party.
(22/01/2013)
Interview with Sh. Rasheed Ahmed, MNA from Rawalpindi.
(08/08/2013)
Interview with Makhdoom Ali Raza Shah, Ex. Chairman Zila
Council Faisalabad, Ex. MNA,
Existing MPA from T.T.Singh.(13/03/2013)
Interview with Mian Muhammad Rafique, MPA from T.T.Singh,
active opposition member in the Punjab Provincial
Assembly.(7/01/2012)

253
 IMPORTANT DATES & YEARS

1. Bhutto was born in January 1927

2. Krishak Sramik Party was the successor of the Proja Party
established by Fazlul Haq in the 1927’s to safeguard the
interests of the proja (Peaseants).
3. Fazlul Haq had served as MPA from 1937 to 1947 and
Chief Minister from 1937 to 1941 of Bengal.
4. The jamat-e-Islami is one of the most articulated religious
parties in Pakistan. It was originally formed in 1941 in
Lahore by Maulana Abu-al-Alla Maududi
5. The roots of Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Islam sprang from Jamiat-
ul-Ulema-i-Hind. It was established in Oct. 1945 to
support the demand of Pakistan
6. the Communist party of Pakistan that was banned in 1951.
7. The daughter of Z.A.bhutto was born on 21st June 1953 in
Karachi
8. Governor Rule was imposed in East Pakistan on 30 th May
1954
9. In July 1955, A.H. Sarkar announced the formation of a
West Pakistan branch of Krishak Sramik Party with
headquarters at Karachi to be known as Kisan Mazdoor
Party
10. Six minor parties of West Pakistan met in Lahore and
merged into a single party, under the name of Pakistan
National Party on September 9, 1956.

254
11. National Awami Party was formed in 1957
12. On October 4, 1962, formation of National Democratic
Front (NDF)
13. Suharwardi all of sudden died on 5th December 1963
14. The polls in respect of the National and Provincial
Assemblies elections were held on 21st March 1965 and 16th
May 1965 respectively.
15. deaths of Suhrawardy (5 December 1963) and Fazlul Haq
(27 April 1962),
16. On 30th April 1967, political parties once again joined
their hands to form another alliance called Pakistan
Democratic Movement (PDM).
17. Pakistan People’s Party was established by Z.A.Bhutto in
1967
18. Entry of Asghar Khan into politics in November 1968,
19. In June 1969, PDP came into existence with the merger of
four parties, Nizam-i-Islam party, Awami League (NN
Group), National Democratic Front, Justice Party
20. General Ayub Khan handed over the power to Army C-in-
C General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan and resigned on
March 25, 1969
21. Asghar Khan was the founder of Tehrik-i-Istaqlal in 1970
22. On March 1, 1972, he was elected as the Chief Minister of
Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
23. The political parties who were against the government of
PPP met on Feb. 28, 1973 at Rawalpindi and declared the
formation of United Democratic Front (UDF) on March
01, 1973.
24. Constitution of 1973 was approved by the National
Assembly on April 10, 1973.
25. UDF leaders decided to launch a civil disobedience
movement in August 1973.

255
 26. The opposition parties held a meeting at Lahore on
January 11, 1977 and they agreed to form a new opposition
group called Pakistan National Alliance
27. Bhutto government declared the Qadiyanis non-Muslim
on September 7, 1974 through second amendment of the
constitution of 1973
28. The first General Elections to the National Assembly
under the 1973 Constitution were held on 7th March, 1977,
while the elections to the Provincial Assemblies were
scheduled for 10th March 1977
29. Chief of Army Staff General Zia-ul-Haq imposed Martial
Law early on 5th July 1977,
30. Execution of Z.A. Bhutto on April 4, 1979.
31. The referendum was held on 19th December 1984
32. The second major event was the murder of Ch. Zahur
Elahi, one of the ministers in Zia’s military cabinet. On
25th Sept.1981, he was ambushed in Lahore and shot dead.
33. Benazir Bhutto entered into a compromise with the
establishment. After that she was allowed to go out of the
country in Jan. 1984. And even with the help of the
establishment, she came back on 10th April 1986
34. Zia-ul-Haq dissolved the Junejo government on May 29,
1988
35. the death of General Zia-ul-Haq in the air crash on
August 17,1988
36. The PPP was taken as the party of change after the return
of Benazir Bhutto in April 10, 1986 to Pakistan
37. PPP declared an alliance known as Pakistan Democratic
Alliance with Tehrik-Nifaze-Jaffaria and Muslim League
(Qasim Goup) on September 10, 1990.
38. Grand Democratic Alliance was formed by Nawabzada
Nasarullah Khan in September 1999 at Lahore
39. Alliance for Restoration of Democracy (ARD) on
December 3, 2000 in Islamabad.

256
40. On December 10,2000, Nawaz Sharif was sent to forced
exile to Saudi Arabia,
41. President Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan died on
September 27,2003.
42. Musharraf overthrew the elected government of Nawaz
Sharif on 12th October 1999,
43. In 2000, almost twenty nine religious parties, led by JUI-
F, formed the Islamic Muttahida Inqalabi Mahaz (MIM)
to block alleged invasion of western culture in NWFP and
Baluchistan.

257
 APPENDIX

258