CHAPTER VII

WOMEN IN SOCIO-RELIGIOUS LIFE

OF ORISSA
 CHAPTER VII

WOMEN IN SOCIO-RELIGIOUS LIFE OP ORISSA

Orissa has been a meeting place of various

religious faiths and sects and the soil of Orissa posse­

sses the spirit of assimilation of the same. In

particular. Buddhism merged with Hinduism when Gautam

Btoddha was accepted as one of the ten incarnations of

Lord Vishnu. However, Buddhism made considerable

progress in Orissa. In this context Nalinaksha Dutta

writes, MIn the growth and development of Buddhism, Orissa

played an important role and it was the only province of

India, except a few districts in Assam and East Pakistan,

which preserved and nurtured the religion upto the 17th

1
century A.DHowever, Buddhism was divided into three

parts, l.e.,Hinayana, Mahayana and Tantrajana, other­

wise known as Vajrayana, Kalachakrayana and sahajayana.

’ Each one differed widely from the other in religious

beliefs, practices and doctrines. Hinayana was more

ethical than philosophical, Mahayana was highly philoso­

phical and Tantrayana was meant for a small circle of

disciples busy in sadhana. To each of these three parts

of Buddhism, orissa made valuable contributions, parti­

cularly to Tantrayana.

1 Sahu, N« K., Buddhism in Orissa, (Cuttack, 1958),

Foreward•
 205

The Nagarjuni Konda inscription engraved in the

fourteenth year of the Matharfputa Virapurusadatta

testifies to the development of Hinayanik strongholds at

Tosali# Palura, Hirurnu# papila and Puphagiri in the 3rd

2
century A.D. Tosali developed into a famous centre of

Mahayana Buddhism. One Upasika Achalasthira had instru­

cted Sudhana# a favourite disciple of Manjusri# to go to

the city of Tosali or Amita Tosala where lived a wandering

3
monk named Sarvagamin. Nothing more is known about

Upasika Achalasthira.

Some scholars are of the opinion that Tantric

Buddhism originated in Orissa. It is known from Pag-Saia- Jan-

Zang that Tantric Buddhism first developed in a place

!

called uddiyana. Binayatosh Bhattacharya has identified

4
this Uddiyana with Orissa. No doubt it was a place of

great importance of Tantric Buddhism, in the 8th century

AoD. Indrabhuti was the king of uddiyana and a disciple

5 . -
of one Kambalpada and Ananga Vajra. As per Nalinaksha

2 Sahu, N.K., Op. cit., p.81.

3 Ibid.# p.82.

4 Bhattacharya, B., Sadhana Mala# I# p.XXXVTI and

his Indian Buddhist Iconography# intros p0 XXVII*

5 Bhattacharya, B., Op. cit., II, p.XIII ff and in

J. B. 0. R. S., 1928, p.341 ff.
Dutta* Aeharjya Indrafohuti who succeeded ftnanga Vajra

was the king of Sambhala* identified with Sambalpur of

Orissa* one of the two dominions into which Uddyana wan

6
divided* The other division of Uddiyana was modern

Sonepur* At that time it was ruled by Jalendra* ttfhilo

he ruled over this kingdom* xndrabhuti organised the

7
Mantrayana Buddhism v?hich was also known as Vajrayanao

Acharya Lalifca Vajra visited his kingdom0 He learnt

from him more of the Tantric sadhanas* He ifrote Jnana

Siddhi in Sanskrit with an invocation to Lord jagarmath*

a deity of Orissa* His name appears in sadhana Mala ao

8
the author of Kur ukullasadhana • He ifas also the

composer of sahaja Siddhi* His sister Laksmi Kara woo

known to have played an important role in the religious

life of Orissa*

X^riocess Laksrni Kara married the son of jaiendra*

the ruler of Xankapuri* She was a disciple of Aeharjya

indrabhuti and a famous luminary of Tantric Buddhism* She

was also regarded as one of the 84 Siddhas* in the

spiritual leadership Achsrya Indrabhuti* the great

6 Dutfca* N** '"Historical Review- Traditional Accounts

of Taranath"* HCIP, Vol* IV* The Age of the
Imperial Kanauj* 1964*pp*1-3*

7 Sastri M * H» P«* The Northern Buddhists* IoHoQoT*

p*469*
8 Gaekwards Oriental Series* Baroda* Ko«XLXV»
 207

Vajrayanist, was succeeded by his slster-cum~disciple

Laksmi Kara. She was also the author of several works.

She showed remarkable boldness in preaching her own

peculiar theories in a small but interesting work

entitled Advayasiddhi written in Sanskrit, in it she

advocated a religious principle which was a reaction

against the principle advocated by Indrabhuti in vajra~

9
yana. she is believed to have been connected with the
10
initial development and preaching of Sahajayana. Laksmi

Kara debarred yogic practices and the necessity of deeper

knowledge of the five Dhyani Buddhas or t^orshipping the

Tathagatas in her Sahajayana. Her ideology went against

all sorts of traditional and moral injunctions which

constituted the then social system. Thus she declared,

"There is no need of undergoing suffering, no fastings

and no rites, nor bathing, nor purification and other

rules of society. Nor do you need to bow down before

the images of gods which are prepared of wood* stone or

mud. But with concentration, offer worship only to your
11
body where all the gods reside (Sic)." This is how

laksmi Kara preached certain revolutionary doctrines.

Thus in the evolution of Buddhist mysticism Laksmi Kara

9 Bhattacharya, B*, Op. eit., II, intro, 60.

10 Ibid., I, p.IV.

11 Ibid., Vol. II, p.livi

 203

12
stands out as a finger post towards Sahajayana«
*
Achar jya Lilavajra was the disciple as well as

the successor of Laksmi Kara® He too was the author

of several works of which some were on sahajayana® The

famous work of Advaya siddhi was composed by her disciole

**
Advaya Vajra. This Advaya Vajra ignored the worship of

Dhyani Buddhas* Thus she took a bold step against

Vajrayana of Indrabhuti# who in his famous work Jnana

Siddhi asserts that emancipation cannot be obtained

simply by mudra# mantra and mandala unless the deeper

knowledge 6f the five Tathagatas or Dhyani Buddhas be

attained by the sadhaka and neither the learned man nor

the fool can get rid of

13 the --------
Samsara if he is devoid of

the Buddha ‘knowledge•

K» Sahu opines that the whole yogic process of

the sahaja school is found to have been based on a highly

sublime aspect of the sex# where the Sadhaka is to embrace

and sport with the female Sakti# variously called the

12 Sahu# N.K.# Op. cit*# pp.167-168.

* Lilavajra and Lilitavajra# the disciple of

Lilavajra# are two different persons
(Taranath# 191) who* lived about the 7th or
8th century.

** B. Bhattacharya is of the opinion that * Advaya

Siddhi* was composed by Laksmi Kara herself.
13 sahu, N. K.# Op. cit.# p;167.
 20S

Chandali# Dombi# Savari# Yogini# Nairatma# sahaja sundari

etc. The bliss that comes out of this sexoyogic

practice is generally divided into four stages# vis.#

14
Ananda# Paramananda# Viramananda and Sahajananda. The

final stage of Sahajananda is known as the state of Maha-

sukha (great happiness) after the attainment of which

"the senses are absorbed within, all thought .processes are

annihilated# all the seeds of existence are destroyed# it

is full of the lustre of bliss# it is like the vacant sky

15
and yet cool and sweet."

Since the ecstasy which resulted from the union of

a woman and a man was the main principle of Tantricism#

it seems that the Kapalikas and the Sahajiyas had hardly

any difference# except in the Gurus (masters) that they

16
followed. Patnagarh in western Orissa has been known

long since as the Kaunri Patna or Kumari Patna after the

seven Tantric Maidens who lived in this township and

practised esoteric rites. These maidens were known by

their assumed names such as Gauduni# Sua Teluni# Gyandei

14 Sri Kalachakra - tantra, Ms., p»57&

Hevajra-tantra# Ms.# p.27 B
Sahu# N.K.# X)p. cit.# p.140.
15 Vyakabhavanugata-tattva-Siddhi# MS (C.LoB.
No» 13124), p.89# B.
Sahu# N.K.# Op. cit.# p.140.
16 Singh Deo# J. ?.# Cultural Profile of South
Kosala# (Delhi# 1967)# p.3Z0.
 210

Maluni, Wetai Dhobani, Luhukuti Luhuruni, Sukuti Chamaruni

and Patrapihdi SaurunX. in Western Orissa there are lots

of popular tales and traditions which depict the occult

practices and Tantric activities of these maidens. Gyanadei

Maluni was very popular for her Tantric activity. In this

context there is a story which goes as followss

Vikrama Kesari was the ruler of Amaravati, located

17
in the north of Utkala. His minister was Kusalaramana

whose wife Lilavati, having no son, desired to have one.

She was able to please the goddess Vindesvari and earn the

boon of getting a son from nowhere. As directed by the

goddess Her son was to live in the world as Lilavati°s con

and in the end could return to his place by mentioning his

name, A few days after this incident a Maiupx brought a

garland for Lilavati. Goddess Vindesvari8s son was in the

garland in the form of a small snake. Lilavati was

startled-, 'when she noticed the snake in the garland. Then

the garland turned into a Manikyamala» She was very-

happy to saa this and put the Mapikvamala on her cot while

she went about her work. After some time she returned anti

found a beautiful male child on her cot instead of the

Maplkyamala. Childless Lilavati was very happy to see this

strange event and narrated the entire incident to her

17 Ray, P.» Sashisena, (Cuttack, 1953), Intro.,

p. XI.
 211

husband. Minister Kusalaramana in his old age was very

much pleased to become the father of a son and on the

18
request of his wife he named the child Ahimanikya a

King Vikram Kesari had a daughter# Sashisena#

from his queen Satyavati. Princess Sashisena was extreme­

ly beautiful and talented. Both the princess Sashisena

and Ahimanikya studied together under one Guru. While at

study one day the chalk fell down from sashisena*s hand

and rolled towards Ahimanikya. While returning the chalk

to Sashisena# Ahimanikya took an oath and proposed his

marriage with her. Though they loved each other# neither
had been able to give expression to their feelings« when

they expressed their desire to their Guru,, he secretly

performed their marriage and advised them to visit some

19
foreign country.

As advised by their Guru they left Amaravati and

went to Kamantadesa. There they lived on the bank of

Pana Sarovara (tank). Sashisena once requested her

husband to bring some betel and flowers for hero Accord­

ingly Ahimanikya went to a village where he chanced to

meet Gyanadei MalunT. Gyanadei was bowled over by his

18 Ray, P.# Op3 'cit^V11 * -

pp.3-5.
19 Ibid.,, pp* 12—13.
 212

personality and longed to get him. in course of her

conversation with him she was clever enough to worm out

of him his name and other particulars. She put a

garland round his neck, gave him a flower to smell and

with the help of a mantra she changed him in to a sheep»

The garland turned into a rope. She took the sheep into

the dark inner room of her house and tied him there with
20
the rope. Every night thereafter she put a flower on

the ear of the sheep and with the help of a mantra

changed him into a man again. All night long she enjoyed

his company, only to turn him again into a sheep before

the break of dawn.

Sashisena waited for her husband to be disappointed

at last. Then she disguised herself as a man and called

herself Sashidhara. Then Sashidhara entered Kamantadesao

Madhav Chandra was its king and Adikanda was his minister*

On her way she met a Brahmin who was kind enough to take

an interest in her. She identified herself Sashidhara,

the son of Vikram Rai of Amaravati. She requested hir to

take her to the king. The king, being pleased with her

courtly conduct, appointed her as a minister. Now, as it

happened, the city was at the time ravaged by the

depredations of a rhino that had already killed several

20 Rai, P., Op. cit., pp.33-35

 213

soldiers as wall as ordinary citizens* In their fear

people did not come out of doors after sunset® People

even started leaving the city* The king summoned his

minister Sashifihara and told him to announce in the city

that he t*ho could kill the rhino would marry the

princess* Once the rhino entered the palace and killed

horses* elephants and soldiers. All left the palace®

Sashidhara* however* was able to kill the rhino and met

the king with its head* As announced by the king* he

arranged the marriage ceremony of his daughter* princess

Chandravali with Sashidhara* The king gave many villogoo*

horses* elephants* maid servants and jewels to Sashidhara

as dowry* in the bridal night Sashidhara told princess

Chandravali that she was observing a vow* only after the

fulfilment of which she could have conjugal relatione

with her* when the king Madhav Chandra learnt about tho

vow* he ordered his minister to call Viovakarraa ( the

architect) to construct seven temples and instal therein

Siva-Parvati * He also told his minister to arrange

everything required for the fulfilment of her vow* The

money for all this was to be spent from the king * s

treasury* Accordingly the minister got one visvakornc.

from outside the kingdom® Within three months the tsruplco

were completed. Those were decorat©! lavishly and thou

Sashidhara entered the temple. A festival known 20

 214
*
Kanta^VichHeda-Jatxa was being arranged. To this festi­

val people from Kamantadesa and far off places came and

visited Sashidhara. She was at that time minutely

observing everybody so that she could find out her

husband Ahimanikya# but in this she failed. Ahimanikya

once enquired from Gyanadei Malupi as to what festival

was going on in the palace. She narrated the entire

story of Sashidhara who had been performing the l<anta-

Vich&eda Jatra for the past year, after the completion of

which she would haw relations with the princess Chandra-

vali. Ahimanikya could realise then that this Sashidhara

was none else than his wife Sashisena. So he expressed

his desire to visit the festival. With the he3p of a

mantra Gyanadei MalunX converted him to a woman and book

him there. Ahimanikya recognised Sashidhara as his x;ife

Sashisena and with the help of a piece of coal he wrote

on the walls of the -temple the details of his sufferings

at the hands of Gyanadei Malugi. He was still in the

house of Gyanadei Maiuni in the form of a black goat. He

requested Sashidhara to release him from the clutches of

Gyanadei Mai up!. In the morning, Sashidhara saw the

writing on the wall and recognised Ahimanikya’s hand­

writing. Sashidhara then informed the ministers and

A dramatic entertainment explaining the

separation from husband.
 215

nobles that he had come to the end of his vow for the
completion of which one lakh goats had to be sacrificed,,

She also wanted the black goat of Gyanadei MM uni to ba

handed over to him. But Gyanadei Malugl denied the

presence of any such goat* Then Sashidhara ordered his

people to get the goat from the dark inner room of

Gyanadei Malupi. Her people complied with this order0

Then she ordered Gyanadei to convert the black goat into

a man. she refused to do so. Sashidena threatened her

with the cutting off of'her nose and ears if she did not

comply with the order. Out of fear Gyanadei chanted a

mantra and put a flower in the ear of the goat. Immedia-

tely Ahimanikya appeared before the assembled people who

21
were astonished at the sight. Sashisena was pleased to
see her husband. This is only one episode regarding one

woman. Similar stories are there about the resto However*

all these seven maidens of Patna were known to be the

followers of .Laksmi Kara who propounded Sahajayana

22
Buddhism in Western Orissa in thev 9th century A.Do

Another Tantric# Nitei Dhovani# lived in the

kingdom of Chodaganga in the 11th century A«D« It is said

that she used to put her legs instead of firewood in the

21 Rai*P.pp. eit.# pp.44-46.

22 Sahu# N* K.# (state Editor) Gazetteers of India*
Orissa# Bolangir, Ed.# Senapati, KU# (Cuttack#
1968)# p.489.
 23
hearth while cooking rice* Sometimes she, put her child

in place of firewood in the oven, she was an expert in

Shaveri art. It is said that she came to Orissa along

24
with Chodaganga. Chodagangadeva also learnt Shaveri

art from Nitei Dhovani.

&aivac&arjya Somesvara was of the opinion that

Markandesvara was the main god among the many whereas

Nitei Dhovani believed that Lord Jagannath was the main

god in the world. The Icing of Orissa invited both the

devotees to prove who was the perceptible god and to

find out the expert devotee among the two. The king

directed his men to keep a mortar full of husk in front

i „ _
of everybody. The king first requested Saivaclarjya

Somesvara to mince the husk with the pestle and produce

rice by using his power. Somesvara touched the pestle

with his head, uttered the name of Markandesvara' and

started mincing the husk in front of all the people. He

went on chanting the name of Markandesvara while mincing

the husk and the spectators too shouted jaya Markandesvara.

Devotee Nitei Dhovani was standing there as if

not concerned in this test. Somesvara went'oh mincing

23 Parij a, G. P., Yuge Yuge Jagannath# (Cuttack,

1985), p.35. *

24 Ibid.
the husk. His hands Which moved fast in the beginning
gradually lost their quickness as time went by and he
grew tired. He was old and was perspiring. The

general mass as well as the king were dissappointed „ At

last the king politely requested Somesvara to stop

mincing the husk. Tired scmesva^f- stopped mincing,, He

25 J .
was made to sit near the mortar. The King- announced

that it was an impertinence to test the devotees who

were not interested in victories or defeats. As the God

was either one to some or many to others, similarly there

was little difference' between great devotees like some­

svara and Nitei Dhovani. It is the god who desires to

be worshipped in a particular method by a particular

devotee. The god accordingly informed the mankind and

that particular devotee became the main figure in that

period in the world* as such ^arkandesvara might be

desired to become famous as Jagannath, so the king

requested Hitei Dhovani to produce rice out of the husk.

Witei Dhovani had put on a red siAJtd. Her hair

was as white as milk. She started mincing the husk and

the spectators shouted Jaya Jagannath. She kept on

changing the pestle from the left hand to the right hand.
Her whole body was in a state of trance as though she

25 Parija, I?., Op. cit„, pp. 38**39e

had taken some intoxicating drugs. Her eyes were half-

openD She was continously mincing the husko Spectators

were anxious to see the result? they were in doubt

whether* when the great Saivacharjya Somesvara had

failed to produce rice, Hitei Dhovani would be success­

ful. So they went on watching till the very endo

Hitei Dhovani*s appearance grew fearsome0 Her

eyes were dilated and wild. Her head began to swing

from side to side vigorously. Her white hair covered

her face. Hitei Dhovani went on mincing the rice with

a roar at last. People all of a sudden noticed that she

was moving round the mortar. After sometime it was

26*
found that the husk in the mortar had turned into ricoD

There are also other instances of the role of

women in the religious life of Orissa during the period

under discussion. One such was the institution of woraen

dancers (Bevadasis) in temples. This was a pan-Indian

26 Parija, G* P., Op. cit., p.4l.

* Towards the east-west of the Markanda po&d in

Puri, Uddiyana was the main centre of Tantrismo
Seven sisters or seven mothers were worshipped
in that main centre. After Hitei Dhovani
defeated Somesvara, Maharaja Chodagangadeva03
stone image was established there as mom-witness
of the incident along with it the mortar was
also made in stone and kept there. Even now it
is there as a witness.
 219

phenomenon, which survived only in a few places of India,

27
and Orissa was one, such place. Dance and music have

been a part of the temple rituals in India* Every

important temple used to have its natamandapa (Hall for

28
dance and music) and dancing girls. Music and dance
were to be performed there to propitiate the deity. The

devadasi too played an important role during popular

29
festivals like Yatras of gods as ritual specialists*
They danced around the rathas (cars) and sang obscene

songs. One hundred and twenty devadasis used to attend

30
the Rathajatra (car festival) of Lord jagannath at Puri.

Of course the Greek historians are silent about this

institution. Similarly Kautilya in his Arthasastra has

given a vivid account of the institution of prostitutes,

but has remained silent about their connection with the

worship of gods. There is no mention about these dancing

girls in the Jatakas. The Chinese travellors in their

accounts have not mentioned it either. But it appears

27 Basham, A* L., The Wonder that was India (New Delhi,

1959), p.185.
Marglin, P. A., Wives of the God~king, (Delhi,
1985), intro, p„l7. .... '

28 E. I., XXVII, Part VII, p.324-25.

29 Sah, a. P., Life in Medieval Orissa (Varanasi,

1976), p.206.

30 Desai,D., Erotic Sculpture of India, pdOSo

 220

that during this period there existed this custom as

mentioned in the Srishti-khanda of Padmapurana and

31
Matsya pur ana. Perhaps this custom was not that

important to attract the attention of the Chinese

travellers. Moreover, the dancing girls used to sing

and dance before the Hindu gods. As such the Chinese

travellers did not come across them as they came to

India to acquire more knowledge on Buddhism. However,

in Orissa, many inscriptions mention the dedication of

dancing girls to God. The Brahmesvara temple commemo­

rative inscription of Kolavati, the mother of Udyota-

kesari, the Somavamsi ruler has referred to Kolavati

dedicating to Lord Siva some charming damsels whose

32
limbs were adorned with ornaments set with gems. As

such the earliest mention of devadasis in orissan temples

is found in Kolavati*s Brahmesvar temple inscription of

the raid-llth century A.D. so it is presumed that the

devadasi institution was established at Bhubaneswar in

Orissa in the mid-llth century A.D. An undated inscrip­

tion of Chodagangadeva refers to the performance of

dancing girls in the Kuktesvara temple at Mukhalingam in

the early 12th century A.D. These dancing girls were

31 Rai,Po0pw.cit*, p02960

32 See Chapter IV of this thesis, pp„ 118=419

' JASB, VII, pp; 559-60.
 221

mentioned as ^Devaganika11 (devadasi) . The Vadyakara

(drummer), Gayaka (singer) and the Devaganika belonged

to a single family known as "Vadakakula68 or family of

S3 —
temple priests. Another inscription of Chodagangadeva
34
refers to devadasis performing dance in a Vishnu temple

It suggests that the institution of devadasi became

35
widespread. Emperor Narasimhadeva I of Ganga dynasty

of Orissa dedicated one hundred beautiful-eyed women

36
singers to the temple at Simhaehalara in 1188 A.D. One of

the ministers of Narasimha II of the same dynasty Pandita

Dasa, arranged for playing Brahma Vina while the damsels

sang in the temple at Srikurmam. He too arranged two

flute-players to accompany ten charming and graceful

37
female singers from the dancing girl community,, Gangadevi,

the queen of Narasimha III in S. 1272 arranged for a

female choir of eighteen charming damsels in the temple

38
at simhachalam. This temple choir and orchestra were

33 Rajguru, S* N«, inscriptions of Orissa, vol.m,

Part I, (Bhubaneswar, 1960), pp.246-47.

34 Ibid., p.217;

35 Donaldson, T. E.» KamadevaAs Pleasure Garden,

Orissa,(Delhi, 1987), p.327.

36 SII, VI, 1197.

37 Ibid., 1137.

38 Ibid., 1052.
 222

composed of 8 dancers, two drummers, one vocalist

(gayani), one woman each to play conch. Kettledrum,

flageolet, drum (bheri), drum (mihvuri), Brhmamihvuri and

trumpet (sumanta kahali) and a pair of women to play

TS
brass cymbals.

Furthermore svapnesvara, the brother-in-law of

the Ganga King Rajaraja II (1170 a.D. - 1194

constructed the Meghesvara temple at Bhubaneswar during

the reign of Anangabhimadeva II (1190 to 1198 AdD.) and

presented a number of dancing girls in the service of gcd

40
Meghesvara. Verse 25 of the Meghesvara temple inscription

describes the beauty of the dancing girls in the fol lowing

wordss

“The charming (deer-eyed) damsels (engaged in the

service o£ god Meghesvara by King Svapnesvaradeva while

dancing before the deity) could captivate the whole world

by their quick sidelong glances, the movement of their

t
legs to the tune of music could make the three worlds

motionless (their attractive dance was being observed by

the entire audience'with such rapt attention that they

appeared like statues), the lightening-like halo produced

by the glittering armlets at the time of dancing would

39 SII, VI, 1050.

40 JASB, VI, pp.278-88.

JASB, LXVI-1897, pp'll, 23.
El, VI, pp0198-203.
 223

light the -Whole chamber (without any effort) like a

41
diamond lamp (ratna-dlpa)* A South Indian Inscription

of 1153 A.Di mentions the grant of land for the worship

42
of the god and the maintenance of dancing girls o The
Introduction of the institution of Devadasi attests to

further secularization of the temple rituals and practices

43
within the temple complex.

During the time of the Gajapati rulers* a Talsnga

(i.e0, Telugu) batch of dancing girls performed stance in

the Jagannath temple at Puri. An epigraph found at purl

records that Prataprudradeva issued an order in 1499 A»D,

to all batches of dancers including Telugu dancers to

dance in the Jagannath temple only to the songs, of

44
Gitagovindai

Every day the devadasis or the women ritual

specialists used to sing and dance in the temple before

the god« They were known to have dedicated their life to

the temple service with the notion that they had married

41 Rajguru, S. M.# Op. cit., Vol. Ill* Part II*

pp.332-37*
The Inscription was first edited bv Kielhorn
in El VI, pp.196-203.
Donaldson, T* E., Op.cit;, p.329.
42 SII, X, NO.707, p.370.
Sah, A. P., Op, cit., p.206.

43 Donaldson, T, S,, Op. cit., p.327»

44 JASB, LXII, p.97.

 224

the main deity so that their activities were approved as

sacred and their beauty was compared to celestials as

45
referred to by these inscriptions. 'They were known as

the “mangal a riarl18 or auspicious women who used to sing

the “mangala gltaw or auspicious songs, as the Ganga

rulers of Utkala in the 12th century A.D. considered

' .0

dancing an important and indispensable item in the daily

ritual of the lord. The devadasi used to go to the

*
Garuda stambha in the temple of Lord Jagannath accompani­

ed by the Rajguru, the preceptor of the king who had no

other ritual duties in the temple. As a sign of authority

he held a gold mounted cane in his hand; The dance was

performed before the Lord under the Rajguruss supervision.

The devadasi began her dance after saluting the Lord and

the Rajguru. Thus in the olden days the devadasi enjoyed

a respectable position in the society. Girls of respecta­

ble families joined as devadasis as it was considered an

46
honourable profession.

45 ‘ Donaldson, T,. E-, Op. cit*

*, p.329«

* in the Hindu mythology Garuda is a giant bird,

son of saint Kashyap and Vinata. He brought
nectar from heaven and- released his mother who
was working as a maid servant of Kadru, from
that day he is a great enemy of snakes o He is
the Vahana- (Vehicle) of Lord Vishnu. In ail
Vishnu temples the image of Garuda is placed on
a pillar in folding hands in front of Lord Vishnu.
46 Jena, B. B., Orissa, People, Culture and Polity,
(New Delhi, 1981), p.lll.
 225

Devadasis were also taken as ‘courtesans* or

prostitutes. They were never allowed into the inner

sanctum of the temple, presumably because of their

impurity of sex,, Thus, in that respect, two contradi­

ctory views were found* while in one case they were

called auspicious, in the other they were equated with

courtesans. Behind the pious tradition of the devadasi

an attempt was made to establish it as a form of

prostitution with an independent profession® Consequently

the system of deva-nartaki or dancer for the God in the

temple, Raja-nartaki or dancer for the king in the palace

and nagara nartaki or dancer for the city was prevalent®

However, the deva-nartaki or the devadasi was respected

and honoured more than the Raj a-nartaki and the nagara-
MMRfiMMMWHMMMBnMM •QaeaWKSaMCMManMB

nartaki.

Furthermore the services of the devadasis were not

limited to the deity only. They were used for some other

purposes too. In this context the Arab geographers of

the 10th century A*D. recorded their activity in the

following words* "There are public women known as the

women of the idol ... They sell themselves for a fixed

sum. Whenever a certain amount is collected, they deliver

it to the priests of the idol to be spent for the upkeep

47
of the temple.“a Similarly Alberuni points out that the

47 Nainer-, M. H.,
Southern India,
 226

kings made the devadasis a source of attraction for their

cities and ,!by the revenues which they derive from the
business both as fines and taxes, they want to recover

the expenses which their treasury has to incur on the

48
army," The holy influence of Ekamra tirtha made the
Vararaukhyas (chief courtesans) and paijayastrls living
' 49■ ‘

there give up Jealousy, Devadasis are to live in the

capital and temples and should treat the kings and

princess as their husbands. They should also feed the

virtuous Brahmin, well versed in Vedanta and should have

sexual enjoyment with him. All the desires of that

Brahmin should be satisfied by the woman devotee with a

50
smiling face.

Although the devadasis were the property of the

temple, in some cases, the king had control over them. A

king could enjoy a married woman with the approval of her

51
husband who presented her to the temple as a devadasi.

The society approved of such conduct of the king. King

Utkarsa, after seeing the performance of dance of a

48 Alberuni, Kitab-ul-Hind, Trans., by sa-chau under

Albernni*s India, Vol. II, (London, 1910), p.157.

49 Desai,PD., Op. cit., p.164.

Donaldson, T. E., Op. cit., p.329.
50 Matsva -purana, 70, 28-29, 44-45.
Donaldson, t7 E., Op. cit., p.329.

51 Kalhana, Raj atarangini, IV, 36.

 227
' 52
devadasi, took her as a concubine into his royal harem«

in Orissa# the Somavamsi King, Karnadeva (Circa 1100=.

1110 A.D.) fell in love with Karpurasri, a devadasi

hailing from the Buddhist monastery at Salonapura. Having

53
married her he granted her a rent-free village®

The devadasis were divided into different classes.

That depended on the mode of their procurement® Their

classes were named as datta, hruta, vlkrita, bhrutya,

bhakta, alankara and gopika. If any pious man# willingly

performed kanya-dana (gift of his daughter) to the temple

then she was known as 'datta devadSsi *. If any Kanya x;as

kidnapped and presented to the temple she was known as

•hruta devadasi'. If a kanya was sold to the temple

manager for the service of the temple she was known as

'vlkrita devadasi*. Any kanya who willingly surrendered

her life to the deity to work as a servant was known as

•bhrutya devadasi'. A willingly devoted woman surrender^

ing her life was known as 'bhakta devadasi*. If a kanya

was trained in dance and music and was after being

decorated with ornaments# presented to the temple, she

was known as 'alankara devadasi*. The devadasi who

52 Kalhana# Op. cit., VII, 855-60.

53 Raj guru, S» N., OP. cit., pp.253«59.

Donaldson, T. E., Op. cit., p.331.
 228

enjoyed a salary or rent-free land to perform music and

dance at a particular time, was known as ®gopikac ’ or

54 —
•rudraganika* * The devadasis who sang and danced in

the Jagannath temple of Puri were known as Devadasi*

MaharX etc, MaharX means Mahat nari or noble-woman.

But according to Pandit Sadasiv Rath Sharma the literary

meaning of MaharX is one who is deeply in love with the

55
Lord, As such the dance of the Mahgrls before the Lord

has remained a very important and indispensable item in

the daily seva or rituals since the time of the Gangs

rulers of Utkala in the 12th century A*D0 They were

trained according to scriptures like “Devadasi Nrutya

h **
Paddhati" of Narayana Mishra, “Nacjlunl Biddhia of
hit it __ 56
Madhu patnaik and “Niladri Nacla'11 of Mukta MaharX,
Reputed gurus or masters attached to the temples
■SvcaaealcaECIGS* ■—
and

royal courts were there who taught music and dance to

57
the devadasis and the ladies of the royal family* The

54 Mishra# P. C«# Nirxnalya# June-July Bdi# (puri

1987), pp*3-4.
55 Jena,B. B*, Op* cit., p.lll*
* Devadasi Nrutya Paddhati or principles of
Devadasi dance*
Nachuni Biddhi or Principles of dance*
*** Niladri Nacha or Dance for the Lord*
58 Jena, B« B*, Op* crt*, p*lll*

57 Rao,C» V. R., Administration and society in

Medieval Andhra^hder Later Eastern Gangas
and the Suryavamsa Gajapatis, (Nellore*1976),
p*325.
 229

Maharis were of 6 types viz.# Bhitara giunl who alone

were allowed to enter the Bada Deula or the sanctum

sanctorum, and sing during the Bada Singhara; Bahara gauni

who were not permitted to enter the innermost sanctum of

the temple and sang in the Natamandira; Nadmpl who

danced before the Lord; Patuari, Raj Angila and Gahana

58
Mahari. It is said that Prataprudradeva introduced

another seva for the Maharis via., Ekanta seva or Palanka

59 , ___ ' '
Fokheri seva. The dance of the Maharis was accompanied

by Gitagovinda of Jayadev. They performed certain

accepted leg movements such as Bhumi, Chauka, Minadandig

Bar tula, C3|era and Durmukha, the original Odissi dance

SO
expressions and movements. Nilamadhav, Bose writes that

the present form of Odissi dance owes its origin to the

61
devadasis attached to the temple of Lord Jagannath.

The devadasis or Maharis were the only ones who1 kept

this dance tradition alive through generations <= These

arts of dancing and music have passed on as a legacy

62
from mother to daughter in the homes of the devadasis.

Bhattadeva, the minister of Harivarman of East Bengal

58 Jena, B. B., Op. cit», p.lll.

59 Ibid.
69 Ibid., pp.111-112.
61 Ibid p vll 1

62 Rao, C. V. R., Op. cit., p.325.

 230

appointed one hundred dancers for the Ananta^Vasudeva

63
temple# The Maharls attached to the Jagannath teirple

were all vaishnavites • The Waharls at Bhubaneswar were

attached to Saivite temples whereas at Kakatpur and

„ 64
Jhankada the Maharis were dedicated to s&aktlc

While examining the details of legends and history

of the devadasis it is found that young girls were appoin­

ted as devadasi in the temple to entertain the deity#

Those of them who were incapable of leading a pious and

disciplined life, became the objects of lust of the

temple’s priests, the king and his relations and powerful

people of the locality. For this the young charming

devadasis were not solely responsible. There were priests

who used to deceive them in the name of dharma or

religion. Attempt was made to establish prostitution

independently behind this pious devadasi system# These

devadasis represented auspiciousness par excellence# They

were not married to any mortal man. Yet they were

considered to enjoy the married status of women. Being

married to the presiding deity they never knew widowhood.

As such they were esteemed as wpavitraw or auspicious on

63 Mishra, P. C., Op. clt., p.5.

64 Mishra, M., A Glimpse of Odissi Dance, Ed.
Das, M.N., Sidelights on History and Culture
of Orissa (Cuttack, 1977), p.785;
 231

account of their married status. They shared their

status with “Sadhavai” or women who had their husbands

living. Once they became devadasis, it was considered

that they ceased to belong to any particular castec They

were of one kind, i.e strijatl (feminine race)0 They

were classified as a group simply as devadasis® Since

they dedicated their life to the service of god, they

belonged to the category of Vaisnava renouncers who had

left caste and family behind in pursuit of devotion to

65
God. The devadasis of jagannath tenple in Puri are

closely linked with the king. They have ritual duty in

the palace as well as in the temple. The morning ritual

in the temple is called a “royal offering” which takes

place in the presence of the Rajguru who had no other

66
ritual duty in the temple.

The devadasis dedicated themselves to the temple

service before they attained puberty. The initiation

ceremony performed on such occasions was taken to bo

a form of marriage to the deity. After she attains

puberty "punaha vivaha” (re-marriage) ceremony is

performed in the groom's house. In this ceremony, the

devadasis consummate their marriage' to the deity or uo

65 Marglin, F. A., Op. cit®, pp. 17-19.

66 Ibid., p.20.
 232

67
the king or a Brahmin temple servant.

Before a devadasi was taken as a temple servant,

the ceremony of ”Sa&3hfrbandhana” (typing a doth which

comes from Jagannath) or dedication used to be performed 0

The consent of the king was required for the performance

of this ceremony. A girl was eligible to be dedicated if

she was not deaf, blind, lane or suffering from any wound

with pus or bleeding, "she must hot come from an

untouchable class. A girl to be a devadasi had to send a

petition to the king along with a fee of Rupees fifteen.

The office then requested the Puja-Panda to enquire about

her caste and to test the proficiency of the girl in

dance and music. If a girl was selected the ceremony was

performed on an auspicious day. The girl, after her bath,

was dressed like a bride. Then she was required to take

guru dlkhy^ from one of the male temple servants who

happened to be the guru of the king or the queen. The

guru whispered a mantra in her ear known as the karna-

mantra. By this initiation the body of the girl was

purified and then a dandan (sandal) paste mark was put on

her nose.

Then other devadSsis took her to the temple where

a temple servant called carceita, Karana by caste, tied

67 Marglin, F. A., Op. cit., p.67 i

 233

the saAfe in the presence of Pata Josi,Mahapafcra. Then

he gave her a garland taken from Lord Jagannath and

68
drew on her nose the sandal paste mark. a pata (silk)

saaBttwas given to her ffom the temple which she put on

and performed her ritual.

In the evening the girl was taken to the palace

to visit the king. She was taken to the king8s bed-chamber

for seja-maraiva# i.e to touch the king’s bed. She

then looked into the king’s eyes and the king into hers.

That was known as milana and from that day onwards she

considered herself as married to Lord Jagannath# wore all

the signs of a married woman and her gotra changed into

69
the gotra of Lord Jagannath. That was Wages a gotra.

After the sajfcjsTbandhana ceremony# the devadasis

could perform the morning ritual only. They could take

part in the evening siijging ritual only after the attain­

ment of puberty. When a girl attained puberty# the event

was celebrated. The entire expenditure of the puberty

feast was generally borne by one of the temple servants.

He became the first husband of the devadasi and not the

king. Since the devadasis were married to Jagannath# the

68 Marglin# F. A.# Qp. cit.# p.59.

69 Ibid.
 234

King# His 8tadya sevaka" (first servant), was considered

to be her first husband..

The devadasis do have children. After becoming a

mother# a devadasi continued her ritual duties in the

temple except for the naeBa-seva (dance ritual) which

took place daily. She was debarred from entering the

temple# i.e., deula vasanda by the king if it was establi­

shed that the father of her child belonged to a lower

caste# i.e., paniasprusya caste (from whose hand the

Brahmins do not take water) or who was not a resident of

Puri, she could have a child from a Brahmin sevaka or a

high class resident of Puri, though her child was publicly

70
known as an adopted child. if any girl was born to the

brother of a devadasi, she was adopted by the devadasi and

was to be a devadasi in turn. If the brother wanted to

* >
get his daughter married# he had to get special permission

from the king.

The devadasi used to attend auspicious ceremonies

like weddings# threads etc. in the house of the priests.

They went there to sing the mangala-glta. No one else was

permitted to sing those songs. There were only two songs#

one describing the wedding of Sri Krishna and the other

describing the wedding of Sri Rama. Sri Krishna °s

70 Marglin# F. A.# Op. cit.# p«79.

 235

wedding song was also sung in the temple on the occasion

of the wedding of Sri Krishna with Rukmini whereas

Sri Rama’s wedding song was sung in the ceremonies at the

palace of the king and during the ceremonies of the

priests. Furthermore devadasis could sing those auspicious

songs in the houses of those persons with whom they could

71
have sexual relations; They always attended the

ceremonies at least five in a group* Going alone to any-

72
body * s house was an offence punishable by the king, on

occasions other than marriages, the priests and others

gave them something in kind. On the occasion of a wedding

73
they got silk saJ&Skand silver and gold ornaments;' The

presence of the devadasis was required on the celebrations

of three royal festivals, viz., gadiriasina abhiseka or

coronation, its yearly renewal or —in..

pusyabhiseka and during
anumsnwE

D-asera or Durga puja.

They never attended the inauspicious funeral

ceremonies; The devadasi as well as the queen did not

abserve the death pollution of the king. That was because

the devadasis represented the married state par excellence.

They embodied the auspiciousness of the married state.

71 Mairglin, F» a., OP. cit., p»97*

72 Ibid.

73 Ibid.
 235

Being married to Lord Jagannath, they were not supposed

to ever become widows. However, after the kingss dearh,

the auspicious coronation ceremony, was performed in

74
which the devadasis* presence was indispensab le«

The devadasis were not allowed to cross athara-

nala or leave the bounds of the city of Purio They

could do so only when they accompanied the king.

Mahari was the local word for devadasi. So the

devadasis of the Jagannath temple of Baripada, capital

of the former kingdom of Mayurbhanj, were also called

Maharis. in southern Orissa and the northern parts of

75
Andhra Pradesh, the maharis were known as 'sani0. s. N.

Raj guru is of the opinion -that the word sani is derived

from the Sanskrit word *swaraini*, i.e., feminine form of

76
the word Swam! or lord* He further says that some

queens of the Bhaumakara dynasty of Orissa used the title

77
Goswamini. Another name for devadasi found in the

74 Marglin, F. A., Op. cit., p.77*

* Having 18 outlets Atharanala is a bridge situated

just at the entrance of Puri town.

75 Marglin, F. A., Op* cit., p.77.

76. Rajguru, S. 33., Op. cit., Vol. V,

Part It, p.3824

77 JBOHRS, ¥ol. II, Part I, p.419 ff.

 237

inscription was devagaugika. Gapika is still used to-day-

in son© cases to designate the mahari. in one inscrip­

tion of northern Orissa# the mother of a queen was given

78
the title maharima or mother mahari.

When a devadasi died, the other devadasis dressed

her like a bride with alata in her feet and vemillion

in the parting of her hair. The sons of the devadasi

carried her dead body to the cremation ground. It was

only among the devadasis that the, daughter performed the

79
funeral rites. The daughter also inherited the property

of the devadasi# though the devadasi could, out of

affection, give something to her son-. The king granted

tax free land to the devadasi. ' '

The devadasi was also the living embodiment of

Lord Jagannath's consort, Laksmi. Laksmi is worshipped

by the women every Thursday in the month of Margasira

which falls during November-December. The devadasi was

also a substitute of the queen.

Thus the devadasis played a major role in the

socio-religious activities of the temple0 They were in

the service of the temple as well as of the king. The

78 Marglin# P. A.# Op. eit., p.77.

* Alata is a red liquid substance used in the feet

by the married lady on any auspicious occasion.

79 Marglin# P.A.# Op. cit.# p.82.

 238

practice of, the institution of devadasis was popular

throughout India. It is evident from the records, of Chau

Ju, Kua# a, 13th century traveller# who estimated that in

Gujarat alone twenty thousand girls were singing# serving

80
and offering flowers to the deity. The Sadadi and Nadol
r

inscriptions of King Jajalladeva of 1090 a.d. reveal that

during festivals of particular deity even courtesans

attached to the temples of other deities used to sing ancj

81
'

dance. The king further warns that if any ascetic or

learned man or old man attempts to abolish the practice

of devadasis singing and dancing before the deities at

the time of a- festival# he should be prevented from doing

82
so by the reigning ruler.

During the Ganga period in Orissa there was a change

in the manner of worshipping the presiding deities <, K„ C.

Panigrahi is of the opinion that a presiding deity was to

live in a state as good as the king* s if not better and

was to be provided w3 th not only dancing girls but with

“musical parties# costly silk clothes, gold ornaments,

elephants# horses# cows# palanquins and above all# big

estates to supply the wherewithal for the large expenditure

80 Krishan# Y., "The Erotic sculptures of India"'#

Artibus Asiae,'XXXIV# 4(1972), p.341a
Desai# D,# Erotic Sculptures of India# p«161o
81 Donaldson# T. E«# Op# cit.# p.331.
82 El, XI# pp.27-28.
 239

83
on his dkily worship and offerings. '

Though the tradition of the devadasis had been a

renowned - one from the ancient times both in India and

abroad, in course of time it became a defamed tradition.

Social reformers titled to abolish this system from the

temples, in some cases the devadasis who often suffered

from want detached themselves from the temple rituals.

As such this ancient system in due course of time became

almost extinct*
r

Besides the devadasis there used to be the temple

84
maids called Gudisani for fanning the gods.

The dels constituted another class of women who

were attached to the royal palace* Though the tradition

of the dels was in some respects rather similar to that

of the devadasis, yet there were some basic differences.

The dels participated in all palace festivals as well

as in the royal life-cycle ceremonies; They did not marry

mortal men after their dedication to palace service. They

i >

thought that they were married to *Bhagavan* or God. Their

dedication ceremony was also known as ”tying the sa^\”

83 Panigrahi, K* C., Archaeological Remains at

Bhubaneswar# (Cuttack# 19S1)# pp.254-55.

84 Shah, A* P*# Qp• cit*,p*206«

Mukherjee, P.# History of Medieval Vaisnavism
in Orissa# (Calcutta# 1940)# p*184.
 240

which took place in front of the palace gate* The sari

in the case of the deis was a piece of doth provided
by the king. a girl who knew dancing and singing was

qualified to become a del.

Dei8s brothers and sons got married and their

daughters became de^s. If there were not enough girls

to continue the tradition of dels they bought girls from

☆
the poor families of the water-giving castes 0 The queens

happened to be the sister-in-law of the deis who observed

purdait. They were not supposed to see even the sun and

the moon. Due to the purda).: even the dels could never
I—III 'lliMlWlrfu

see the queen.

If the girl in case of the deis, attains puberty,

her marriage ceremony was performed. On an auspicious

day the family priest performed the marriage ceremony of

the del with the image of Lord jagannath 0

_ /mcL9<z
The dei sat near the of the Lord in a chariot*
A
She put on all the bridal dress and the marriage was

performed as per rules in the presence of seven ahya or

married women. After the marriage the dei first visited

the king and went to the king's bed chamber where if the

king so desired she sang. After that she could have

* In Hinduism, though there, are four varnas or classes

viz.. Brahmin, Kshetriya, Vaisya and Sudra, these
castes were further subdivided and particularly all
the castes of Sudras were not eligible to supply
water to Brahmins.
 241

relations with water carrier castes. They lived in their

own houses in the town. They never became widows and

always remained ahya.

The deis also attended the marriage ceremonies in

the houses of the priests and other important people where

they sing auspicious song. They did not accompany the

devadasis.

The deis were called to the palace on the occasion

of auspicious life-cycle ceremonies like the queen°s

pregnancy and child-birth etc. When the queen was seven

__ ***
months pregnant the sadhakhia ceremony was performed to
which the deis were called to sing auspicious songs . But

the deis were not allowed to enter the bed-chamber of the

queen. They stood outside the bed-chamber of the queen

and sang. The songs of the deis were different from those

of the devadasis.
The deis were present at the time of the queen°o

labour pain. They attended all the ceremonies after the

^ *** ****
birth of a child viz., pancfeuati , sasthi-puja, ekoisia,
*****
maslkia, anriaprasana or the first time that the child ms

* An occasion on which a pregnant woman is given her

favourite dishes to eat.
** when a child was five day old.
*** it is believed that goddess sasthi wrote the fortune
of the child on the sixth day of birth? as such
people worshipped her for the good fortune of their
child.
**** Name giving ceremony of the child on the 21st day
of its birth.
***** one month celebration of the child.
 242

given rice to eat, Karnaveda and prathama j anmadina or

85
maiden birth day ceremony. They were also required during

the marriage of the king. Their presence was required

_ **
*
during the performance of Sraddha in the palace0 They

never attended a funeral ceremony.

Their presence in the palace was required during

the three important royal festivals such as gadinasina

abhiseka or coronation, pusyabhiseka or yearly observance

of coronation and Durga- Puja. This was how the d@is

played a major role in the socio-religious life of the

king and other people.

Thus it is to be observed that women played a

remarkable role in the socio-religious life of Orissa

during the period under discussion. Sexual union was

taken as an integral part of the Vajrayanism to earn the

grace of God in Orissa which was the citadel of this cult.

The women were held in high esteem in the society.

Similarly the Debadasis who performed a part of the temple

rites and rituals and the Deis, who took part in the king's

palace rituals played significant roles in the religious

life of Orissa.

* ear-piercing ceremony of the child.

85 Marglin, F. A., Op. cit., p.145.

** Yearly ancestor worship.