of Newar Culture
Gautama V. Vajracharya
Recently, I have curated a Newar art exhibition, Nepalese Seasons: Rain and
Ritual, at the Rubin Museum of Art, New York. The exhibition is open to
public from May 6, 2016 to the end of March 2017. The exhibition and
accompanied research catalog is based on my premise that Newar art and
culture can be better understood by focusing on how they relate to geographic
location and the weather rather than through the conventional approach of
analyzing the influence of the dominant religions in the region, Hinduism and
Buddhism. The story behind the art and culture that flourished in the
Kathmandu Valley, the main center for Nepalese art, is much older than this
sectarian history, and so depending entirely on explanations based on these
religions may create more confusion than clarity. I will present here one
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example. Readers are advised to visit the exhibition and read the catalog
Nepalese Seasons: Rain and Ritual for more detail information.
According to Hindu texts of the classical period (3rd century bce – 13th
century ce), Kumāra, or Kārtikeya, is the Hindu god of war, without whose
help the gods of heaven would not have been able to defeat the invincible
demons in battle. In Indian art most of the time Kumara
is represented as a broadchested adult holding weapons. But in the
Kathmandu Valley the god is almost always represented as a small child with
a delicatelooking round body, rather than as a grownup warrior.
Fig. 1. Nepal
15th or 16th century
copper with gilding and
semi-precious stones,
Saint Louis Art Museum
William K. Bixby Trust for
Asian Art, 24:1971
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Figure 1 is a Nepalese example. It depicts a dancing Kumara. This child god
was a main attraction in a 2003 exhibition, Himalayas, An
Aesthetic Adventure in Art, presented at the Art Institute of Chicago. In the
accompanying catalog, Pratapaditya Pal aptly noticed that in representing
Kumara, the visual expressions of Nepalese and Indian artists are
dramatically different. He explains his observation in the following words:
Kumara, meaning “prince,” is the commanderinchief of the realm of
Hindu gods … The metal representation is altogether different… here
we encounter a child dancing joyously … This is a far cry from his
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role as commander … such lively and endearing representations of the
childgod appear to be invention of an unknown Newar master.
(Pratapaditya Pal, Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure (Chicago:Art
Institute of Chicago, 2003), p. 38)
More than a decade later we now understand why Newar artists, rather than a
single artist, for so many centuries represented Kumara as a child rather than
an adult warrior. For Buddhist as well as for Hindu Newars, he is a newborn
child, representing both a raindrop and a seed. This is why his birth is
celebrated exactly when the premonsoonal rain, essential for planting rice
seed, is expected. Planting rice begins only after the celebration of his birth
on the day of a Newar festival called Sithi (Sanskrit saṣṭhī), the sixth day.
Following the ageold concept that a child is a god and vice versa, the ritual
of the sixth day is performed when the child is six days old and the period of
danger for mother and child has passed.(Gautama V. Vajracharya, Frog
Hymns and Rain Babies:Monsoon Culture and the Art of Ancient South
Asia, Mumbai: Marg Foundation, 2013, pp. 175 –182.) Unfortunately none
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of the South Asia specialists who have studied the cult of Kumāra/Kārtikeya
on so many occasions have acknowledged this aspect of Newar culture. It is
perhaps because no Sanskrit literature of the classical period explains how
the birth of the child is associated with the planting time of the rainy season.
The Newar custom of worshipping Kumara as a rainchild, however, should
not be considered a local interpretation, as it is in total harmony with the pre
Hindu, preBuddhist textual descriptions found in early Vedic literature (bce
1500 – 600). According to this literature, not only are the terrestrial waters
(rivers) mother goddesses (mātaraḥ), but the celestial waters (rain clouds) are
mother goddesses too. Like the cows of the subcontinent, they ideally
conceive in autumn and after ten lunar months of gestation, at the very
beginning of monsoon, give birth to the rainchild when the vegetation turns
fresh and green (Gautama Vajracharya, Rainy Seasons: Rain and Ritual, New
York: The Rubin Museum of Art, 2016, p. 197, endnote 9) Following this
concept, even in the classical period (3rd century bce – 13th century ce) it
was believed that the cultivated land is protected either by cloud mothers
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(devamātṛikā) or river mothers (nadīmātṛikā). The word mātṛikā, mothers,
used in classical Sanskrit for the mother goddesses, is actually an
abbreviation for both devamātṛikā and nadīmātṛikā. In the Hindu legends of
Śiva and Pārvatī, Kumāra became their son, and the mother goddesses
representing celestial and terrestrial water became the wives of
Hindu gods who help the divine couple take care of Kumara.
The use of Vedic literature to interpret Newar culture needs some
explanation. More than a century ago the French scholar Sylvan Levy noticed
aspects of ancient India prevalent in the early twentiethcentury culture of the
Kathmandu Valley.( Sylvan Levi, Le Nepal, etude historique d’un royaume
hindou(3 volumes), Paris: ErnestLeroux, 1905 – 1908, vol. 1, pp. 37 – 38.12
Todd T.) This view is widely accepted, and such continuity is still discernible
today. The utilization of Vedic literature for Newar studies is, however,
unconventional. Vedic literature was composed around bce 1500 to 600,
whereas the documented history of the Kathmandu Valley, the homeland of
Newars, begins only from the second or third century. But my recent research
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indicates that aspects of the Newar culture and festivals of this isolated valley
can be traced back to a much earlier time. Vedic literature contains not only
IndoIranian but also ancient South Asian customs. The latter are clearly
discernible due to their close relation to the monsoonbased ecology of the
subcontinent and Himalayan geography.
A comparative study of such nonVedic elements recorded in Vedic literature
and the Newar culture of the Kathmandu Valley reveals that some cultural
aspects of the valley date back as early as Vedic literature, perhaps even
earlier. For instance, frog worship (Byāmjā Nakigu) at the beginning of
monsoon rain is an annual rite still prevalent among the Newars (Fig.2).
Fig. 2. Newar
Farmers Offering
Food to Frogs,
Photo: Raju Shakya
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The earliest reference to frog worship is found in the fifteenthcentury bce
Vedic text, Ṛigveda, which I have discussed in detail in a recent monograph.
(Vajracharya, Frog Hymns, pp. 2435). Another of my works, partially
related to this subject, is an article regarding ancient Newari terms.( Gautama
V. Vajracharya, “Two Ancient Newari Words” in Todd Lewis and Bruce
McCoy Owens (ed.) Sucāruvādadeśika: A Festschrift Honoring Professor
Theodore Riccardi, Kathmandu: Social Science Baha, 2014, pp.305 – 318.)
In this article I mention that the Newars always classify their cities and
villages as either an upper or lower region (thanthu or kvanthu), depending
on the direction of the flow of the nearest river. According to the Newars,
rain is actually the downward flow of the rainrivers surging out of the cloud
lake of heaven. Because on the southern slope of the Himalaya almost all the
main rivers flow from north to south, the celestial region floating above the
cloud is believed to be located in the north. In preHindu and preBuddhist
times such concepts were also prevalent in other parts of South Asia. The
authors of the Ṛigveda, like the Newars, refer to north and south as uttara
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and adhara, respectively, which literally mean higher and lower (Newari,
thanthu and kvanthu). Vedic nomenclatures such as Uttara Kuru, the Kurus
of the north, ancient people residing near the Himalaya, and uttarāyana and
dakṣiṇāyana, Sanskrit terms for the sun’s progress north and south of the
equator, respectively, are also based on this idea. The Vedic people and the
Newars firmly believed that water (both rain and river) descends from a
higher location, which they consider equivalent to the north, the direction in
which the atmospheric heaven is also located. Guided by this belief, Vedic
people, in their ritual endeavor to reach the border of heaven, traveled north
for many months from the place where the Sarasvatī River disappeared in the
Thar Desert. (Michael Witzel, “Substrate Languages in Old IndoAryan
(Ṛgvedic, Middle and Late Vedic),” Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies 5.1
(September 1999), p. 14.
http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs0501/ejvs0501article.pdf.) They
arrived at the source of the river in the Himalayas around the first day of
summer solstice, almost certainly on the day of Śrāvaṇī, the full moon of the
second month of the rainy season in the month of Śrāvaṇa, when the river
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starts flooding because of melting snow and the arrival of the monsoon.
Similar rituals are still performed in the Kathmandu Valley. Annually the
Newars participate in a journey to the Himalayan lake Gosainkunda (Newari
Sihlu) for a ritual bath on the fullmoon day of the Śrāvaṇa month. The main
subject of a wellknown horizontal scroll painting from the Philadelphia
Museum of Art depicts such a journey.
These similarities should not be interpreted as the outcome of Vedic
influence on Newar culture. The authors of the early Vedic literature,
who identified themselves as Arya (Aryan in English), were new immigrants,
unfamiliar with the phenomena of the monsoon in South Asia. When they
were in the PersoAfghanistan region, they composed the early hymns of a
text called Zen Avesta. Because the initial Avestan hymns were composed
long before they migrated to the Indian subcontinent, their authors do not
show any familiarity with the geography and ecology of South Asia.
According to the Zen Avesta, heaven is located in the south and hell in the
north. This notion is derived from the fact that agriculture is based on
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snowmelt, rather than seasonal rain, in Afghanistan and that the south is
sunnier and more fertile than the north.( J. Gonda, Aspects of Early
Viṣṇuism, Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas, 1969, p. 206; Avesta, Zoroastrian
Archives (Updated Mar. 21, 2012); http:// www.avesta.org/
vendidad/vd7sbe.htm.)
After crossing the Hindukush Mountain, the Aryans settled in the upper Indus
Valley region and gradually moved toward the Gangetic Valley. Even after
they became familiar with typical phenomena of the monsoon (such as the
croaking of the frogs) for many decades they hesitated to include the rainy
season in their reckoning system of annual seasons and continued to consider
autumn as the season that immediately follows summer, as they had in their
homeland, without an intervening rainy season, Thus in the Ṛigveda 1.181.6
– 8 monsoon rain is described as a phenomenon of the autumn rather than the
rainy season. This textual evidence clearly suggests that for some time the
Vedic people refused to give up the system of reckoning prevalent in their
earlier homeland. However, their systematic conceptualization of the
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divisions of the year did eventually change. In the Atharvaveda 19.6 and
other important Vedic texts composed one or two centuries later than the
Ṛigveda, the rainy season (varṣa), is added between summer and autumn.
Likewise, in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa 3.106, autumn is no longer mentioned
as a season for cloud and rain but as the period of the year when the
atmosphere becomes devoid of fog and cloud.
Thus we have good reason to believe that the concepts related to Himalayan
geography and monsoonal phenomena that we find in Vedic literature were
new concepts that the Vedic people learned from indigenous people residing
in the vicinity of the southern slope of the Himalaya. With these observations
I argue that Vedic statements associated with the Himalayan geography and
the monsoon rain, although more than three millenniums old at least, can be
safely used to detect the original significance of Newar culture hidden in their
rituals and seasonal festivals, Sithinakha being indeed an excellent example.
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