IN ENGLISH
INTERVIEW
RICARDO DE
QUEROL
Zygmunt Bauman has just celebrated his 90th birthday and taken two flights from his
home in the northern British city of Leeds to get to an event in Burgos, northern
Spain. He admits to being tired as we begin the interview, but he still manages to
express his ideas calmly and clearly, taking his time with each response because he
hates giving simple answers to complex questions. Since developing his theory of
liquid modernity in the late 1990s – which describes our age as one in which “all
agreements are temporary, fleeting, and valid only until further notice” – he has
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become a leading figure in the field of sociology. His work on inequality and his
critique of what he sees as the failure of politics to meet people’s expectations,
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along with a highly pessimistic view of the future of society, have been picked up by
the so-called May 15 “Indignant” movement in Spain – although he has repeatedly
highlighted its weaknesses.
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He has outlined his pessimistic world view in books such as 2014’s Does the
Richness of the Few Benefit Us All?, which argues that the world is paying a high
price for the neoliberal revolution that began in the 1980s and that wealth has not
trickled down to the rest of society. In Moral Blindness, published last year, he and
co-author Leonidas Donskis warn about the loss of community in our increasingly
individualistic world.
stupid, but inept. Action requires power, to be able to do things, and we need
politics, which is the ability to decide what needs to be done. But that marriage » Top 50
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between power and politics in the hands of the nation state has ended. Power has
been globalized, but politics is as local as before. Politics has had its hands cut off. EL PAÍS Twitter Verne In English
People no longer believe in the democratic system because it doesn’t keep its
Zygmunt Bauman: “Social media are a trap”
promises. We see this, for example, with the migration crisis: it’s a global
phenomenon, but we still act parochially. Our democratic institutions were not
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designed for dealing with situations of interdependence. The current crisis of and Melilla
democracy is a crisis of democratic institutions.
Q. You say that progress is a myth, because people no longer believe the
future will be better than the past.
Q. You have argued that the likes of 15M and the global Occupy movement
know “how to clear the way, but not how to create something solid.”
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A. People set aside their differences for a while in the public squares for a common
goal. If that goal is negative, about getting angry with someone, there is more
chance of success. In a way it could have been an explosion of solidarity, but
explosions are very powerful and short-lived.
Q. In Spain, the 15M movement has helped create new political forces.
A. Changing one party for another will not solve the problem. The problem is not that
the parties are wrong, but that they don’t control things. Spain’s problems are part of
a global problem. It’s a mistake to think you can solve things internally.
A. I think we’re still following the principles of Versailles, when the idea of each
nation’s right to self rule was established. But that’s a fiction in today’s world, when
there are no more homogeneous territories. Today, every society is just a collection
of diasporas. People join the societies to which they are loyal and pay their taxes,
but at the same time, they do not want to give up their identity. The connection
between where you live and identity has been broken. The situation in Catalonia, as
in Scotland or Lombardy, is a contradiction between tribal identity and citizenship.
They are Europeans, but they don’t want to talk to Brussels via Madrid, but via
Barcelona. The same logic is emerging in almost every country. We are still
following the same principles established at the end of World War I, but there have
been many changes in the world.
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